This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally 

complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The 

fundamental information contained within will help you 

understand the decisive cultural dimension of your assigned 

location and gain skills 

necessary for success

(Photo: A Somali Family, 

courtesy of IRIN/Moulid 

Hujale). 

The guide consists of 2 

parts: 

Part 1 introduces 

“Culture General,” the 

foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in any 

global environment. 

Part 2 presents “Culture Specific” Somalia, focusing on 

unique cultural features of Somali society and is designed to 

complement other pre-deployment training. It applies culturegeneral concepts to help increase your knowledge of your 

assigned deployment location

(Photo: Somali children at a 

primary school, courtesy of 

UNHCR/J. Ose).

For further information, visit

the Air Force Culture and 

Language Center (AFCLC) 

website at http://culture.af.mil/

or contact AFCLC’s Region 

Team at AFCLC.Region@us.af.mil. 

Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not 

be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be 

reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission 

of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the 

US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated.

ECFG Somalia

About this Guide
What is Culture?

Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes 

the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to 

adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the 

sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that 

have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, 

and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs 

and values. 

Members of a culture also 

usually assign the same 

meanings to the symbols in 

that culture. A symbol is 

when one thing – an image, 

word, object, idea, or story – 

represents another thing. 

For example, the American 

flag is a physical and visual 

symbol of a core American value – freedom. At the same time, 

the story of George Washington admitting to having chopped 

down a cherry tree is also symbolic, representing the 

importance Americans place on personal honesty and 

leadership integrity. 

Force Multiplier

The military services have learned through experience the 

importance of understanding other cultures. Unlike the 20thcentury bipolar world order that dominated US strategy for 

nearly half a century, today the US military is operating in what 

we classify as asymmetric or irregular conflict zones where the 

notion of cross-cultural interactions is on the leading edge of 

our engagement strategies. 

We have come to view the people themselves, rather than the 

political system or physical environment, as the decisive 

feature in conflict areas. Our primary objective hinges on 

influencing constructive change through peaceful means where 

possible. We achieve this endeavor by encouraging local 

PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL

GENERAL

CULTURE 
nationals to focus on developing stable political, social, and 

economic institutions that reflect their cultural beliefs and 

traditions.

Therefore, understanding the basic concepts of culture serves 

as a force multiplier. Achieving an awareness and respect of a 

society’s values and beliefs enables deploying forces to build

relationships with people from other cultures, positively 

influence their actions, and ultimately achieve mission success. 

Cultural Domains

Culture is not just represented by the beliefs we carry 

internally, but also by our behaviors and by the systems 

members of a culture create to organize their lives. These 

systems, such as political or educational institutions, help us to 

live in a manner that is appropriate to our culture and

encourages us to perpetuate that culture into the future. 

We can organize these behaviors and systems into categories 

– what the Air Force refers to as “cultural domains” – in order to 

better understand the primary values and characteristics of a 

society. A cross-culturally competent military member can use 

these domains – which include kinship, language and 

communication, and social and political systems among others

(see chart on next page) – as tools for understanding and 

adapting to any culture. For example, by understanding the 

ways different cultures define family or kinship, a deployed 

military member can more effectively interact with members of 

that culture. 

Social Behaviors Across Cultures 

While humankind shares basic behaviors, various groups enact 

or even group those 

behaviors differently across 

cultural boundaries. For 

example, all societies obtain 

food for survival, although

agrarian societies generally 

produce their own food for 

limited consumption using 

very basic techniques. 

Conversely, industrialized nations have more sophisticated 

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CULTURE 
market economies, producing foodstuffs for universal 

consumption. Likewise, all cultures value history and tradition, 

although they represent these concepts through a variety of 

unique forms of symbolism. While the dominant world religions 

share the belief in one God, their worship practices vary with

their traditional historical development. Similarly, in many kinbased cultures where familial bonds are foundational to social 

identity, it is customary for family or friends to serve as 

godparents, while for other societies this practice is nearly nonexistent.

Worldview

One of our basic human behaviors is the tendency to classify 

others as similar or different according to our cultural standard. 

As depicted in the chart 

below, we can apply the 12 

cultural domains to help us 

compare similarities and 

differences across cultures. 

We evaluate others’

behavior to determine if 

they are “people like me” or 

“people not like me.” 

Consequently, we assume 

that individuals falling into the “like me” category share our 

perspectives and values. 

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CULTURE 
This collective perspective forms our worldview – how we see 

the world and understand our place in it. Your worldview 

functions as a lens through which you see and understand the 

world. It helps you to interpret your experiences and the values 

and behaviors of other people that you encounter. Consider 

your worldview as a way of framing behavior, providing an 

accountability standard for our actions and a logical 

explanation of why we individually or collectively act in a certain 

manner. 

Cultural Belief System

An important component of a worldview is our belief system. A 

community’s belief system sets its universal standards of what 

is good and bad, defines right and wrong behavior, and assigns 

a value of meaningful or meaningless. Our beliefs form the 

fundamental values we hold to be true – regardless of whether 

there is physical evidence to support these ideas. Beliefs are a 

central facet of human culture. They are shared views about 

world order and how the universe was physically and socially 

constructed. 

While all people have beliefs, their specific components tend to 

vary depending upon respective world views. What people 

classify as good or bad, right or wrong depends on our deeplyheld beliefs we started developing early in life that have help 

shape our characters. Likewise, 

these values are ingrained in our 

personalities and shape our 

behavior patterns and our selfidentities. Because cultural beliefs 

are intensely held, they are 

difficult, though not impossible, to 

change. 

Core Beliefs

Core beliefs shape and influence 

certain behaviors and also serve 

to rationalize those behaviors. 

Therefore, knowledge of individual

or group beliefs can be useful in 

comprehending or making sense of their activities. We will use 

the iceberg model for classifying culture to illustrate two levels 

of meaning, as depicted. Beliefs and values, portrayed by the 

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CULTURE 
deeper and greater level of the submerged iceberg, are seldom 

visible, but are indicated / hinted at / referenced by our 

behaviors and symbols (top level). It is important to recognize, 

though, that the parts of culture that are not visible (under the 

waterline) are informing and shaping what is being made 

visible (above the waterline). 

In many cases, different worldviews may present behaviors 

that are contrary to our own beliefs, particularly in many 

regions where US forces deploy. Your ability to suspend 

judgment in order to understand another perspective is 

essential to establishing relationships with your host-nation

counterparts. The ability to withhold your opinion and strive to 

understand a culture from a member of that culture’s 

perspective is known as cultural relativism. It often involves 

taking an alternate perspective when interpreting others’ 

behaviors and is critical to your ability to achieve mission 

success. 

As you travel throughout the African Continent, you will 

encounter cultural patterns of meaning that are common

among most African countries. What follows is a general 

description of 12 cultural domains which are used to frame 

those commonalities. 

1. History and Myth 

History and myth are related concepts. History is a record of 

the past that is based on verifiable facts and events. Myth can 

act as a type of historical record, 

although it is usually a story which 

members of a culture use to explain 

community origins or important events 

that are not verifiable or which occurred 

prior to written language. 

Africa has a history that spans the

entire existence of humankind. In 

ancient times prior to the emergence of 

written languages, history and wisdom 

were preserved across generations and 

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CULTURE 

CULTURAL DOMAINS
ethnic boundaries through oral folk legends or myths. Most 

early human evolution began as hunting and gathering cultures 

in East and South Africa, with countries such as Ethiopia, 

Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa renowned for their early 

human sites. In the last several millennia, the development of 

agriculture and pastoralism (animal herding) replaced hunting 

and gathering lifestyles (Photo: Kutubiyya Mosque courtesy of 

CultureGrams, ProQuest, 2013).

Ancient civilizations evolved in all corners of Africa, inspired in 

part by peoples from the Middle East bringing trade, beliefs, 

customs, language, and on occasion, colonization. Far from 

being isolated empires, the African civilizations were intimately 

connected by commerce and marriage throughout various 

regions of the continent, and when confronted by outsiders, 

managed to adapt to their influences. Eventually, Arab traders 

introduced Islam to Africa and also instituted the TransSaharan African slave trade that lasted from the 7th to 19th 

Centuries. 

The “golden age” of European exploration, which lasted from 

the 18th to mid-20th century, prompted the wholesale 

exploitation of Africans resources – first human assets through 

slavery, followed by natural resources such as minerals, 

precious gems and 

metals, and wildlife, 

thereby diminishing most 

of what was traditional 

and African. 

The introduction of the 

European Trans-Atlantic 

Slave Trade altered the 

slave trade through both 

the sheer number of 

Africans enslaved and through the cementing of a racist 

ideology of Black inferiority to legitimize the institution of 

slavery. Slavery decimated the African continent for over 400 

years through the forced relocation of an estimated 25 to 30 

million Africans worldwide. This figure does not include those 

Africans who died aboard ships or during capture. While 

abolition of the slave trade dissolved the institution of slavery, it 

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CULTURE 
did not end the European presence on the African continent 

nor did it drastically alter their attitudes towards Africans.

Starting in the mid-19th century, European colonialism served 

to redefine African ethnic relations on a large scale; however,

as African societies began to resist colonial rule and seek their

independence, widespread ethnic conflict and genocide

occurred. Sustained westernization and globalization continue

to shape the continent through poverty, disease, and social 

reform. A history still to be recorded, Africa’s future identity 

faces many challenges in critical areas such as environmental 

change, ethnic strife, women’s health and security, and 

education. 

2. Political and Social Relations 

Political relations are the ways in which members of a 

community organize leadership, power, and authority. Social 

relations are all of the ways in which individuals are linked to 

others in their community. 

Traditional African political 

organizations in the form of 

bands, tribes, and 

chiefdoms have existed for 

several millennia and 

continue to influence 

contemporary African 

governments. Uncommon 

in modern society, bands 

are limited to hunting and gathering economies, such as the

!Kung of the southern African Kalahari Desert and foragers of 

central African forests. 

Tribes are still represented today across the African political 

landscape, although the use of the word “tribe” is sometimes 

misinterpreted due to its western notion of “primitiveness” and 

oftentimes substituted with the term “ethnic group.” Lacking 

centralized authority, tribes are organized around segmented 

descent groups or in some cases age groups. 

Everyday governance is discharged through councils of 

respected elders and sanctioned through ritual and other 

means. East African pastoralist groups such as the Maasai, 

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CULTURE 
along with some West African tribes and the Berbers in North 

Africa, represent this type of organization. 

Chiefdoms or kingdoms are ruled by kings or queens from a 

royal clan and generally incorporate millions of subjects. 

Kingdoms such as the Zulu or Swazi in southern Africa 

developed through conquest, while others like Ghana’s 

Ashante developed through an association of related traditional 

states. However, colonialism eventually diluted the power and 

reach of these empires, 

whose leaders were often 

retained as indirect rulers 

or figureheads. 

Today, all three of these 

political organizations still 

exist, although in the 

confines of modern African 

nation-states created by 

colonial powers who had little regard or understanding of 

African cultures. This juxtaposition of modernity with tradition 

has caused severe conflict throughout the continent. 

Challenged to construct their respective “national” identities, 

regional leaders attempt to do so by diluting the traditionally 

cohesive power of ancestry. These national ruling elites, who 

derive their power from wealth and commerce rather than tribal 

affiliation, feel threatened by loyalty to these traditional 

organizations, labeling their rule as “tribalism.” 

This “class versus descent” scrimmage for power has resulted 

in conflicts across the continent and a dramatic divergence of 

interests. As a means to overcome these and other issues on 

the continent, a 53-nation federation, the African Union (AU), 

was formed in 2002. AU’s charter is to promote “greater unity 

and solidarity between African countries and peoples” by 

building partnerships in all segments of “civil society.”

3. Religion and Spirituality 

Religion is a cultural belief system that provides meaning to 

members of a community. Religious and spiritual beliefs help 

preserve the social order by defining proper behavior. They 

also create social unity by defining shared identity, offer 

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CULTURE 
individuals peace of mind, and explain the causes of events in 

a society. Prior to the arrival of Islam and Christianity, the 

African continent consisted of orally transmitted indigenous

religious practices. As in many societies, African indigenous 

beliefs influenced diet, subsistence patterns, family structures, 

marriage practices, and healing and burial processes. In 

essence, Africans constructed their worldview through their 

indigenous religions. 

Today, the African continent

is primarily either Muslim or 

Christian. Other faiths such 

as Judaism and Hinduism 

exist as pockets in different

regions of the continent, 

primarily in urban areas. The 

historical trajectories of 

Islamic and Christian 

expansion in Africa offer intriguing commonalities in how 

Africans across the continent initially reacted to the introduction 

of each of those religions. For example, it is common 

throughout the continent to find a blending of many elements of 

indigenous religious practices with local Islam and Christianity

(Photo courtesy of Wikimedia). 

Consequently, many African native religions share similarities 

with religions such as Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in their 

understanding of God as the creator 

and ruler of all life, although He is 

considered untouchable by humans. 

However, unlike Christianity and 

Islam, many African indigenous 

religions believe that God is not 

directly involved in people's lives. To 

them there is a spirit world 

populated with former good and bad 

human beings. The good spirits 

intercede with God on behalf of their 

living families to whom they then 

relay God's will through dreams and acquired possessions. 

The bad spirits work to bring misfortune through sickness, 

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CULTURE 
death, or natural disasters to those who behave 

inappropriately. 

Many indigenous African religions revere "nature" spirits living 

in the sky, water, and forests. These impersonal spirits help 

protect people from harm and provide them with life’s essential 

ingredients such as water, sun, and wildlife. This belief system 

is commonly referred to as animism.

Just as spirits mediate relations between God and humans,

religious specialists act as mediators between spirits and 

humans to provide protection from harm. 

4. Family and Kinship 

The domain of family and kinship refers to groups of people 

related through blood ties, marriage, or through strong 

emotional bonds that influence them to treat each other like 

family members (often called “fictive kin”). The traditional 

African family with respect to marriage, family structure, and 

descent is a much 

different arrangement

than is found in most 

American families. 

Likewise, there are 

several components of 

the traditional African 

family that are common 

to all African cultures. 

First, perhaps the most 

difficult feature to 

reconcile to Americans 

is that of polygyny – the practice of a husband having more 

than one wife. A benefit of this arrangement is that it promotes

societal alliances through marriage, procreation, and family 

wealth through female labor. 

Second, due to polygyny, the family in most African cultures 

has historically consisted of an expanded set of kin or relatives 

that extends well beyond the American notion of a nuclear 

family. This arrangement created a family environment where 

children considered all siblings as “brothers and sisters” and all 

of the wives/mothers as “mother.” 

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CULTURE 
Third, the extended African family traces descent through 

either the male or female side of the family, a practice which 

differs considerably from the American family. Patrilineal 

descent (through the male side of the family) is the more 

common approach and usually features polygyny. The

matrilineal (through the female bloodline) marriage pattern is 

more uncommon and almost always features monogamy – it is 

rare to encounter a wife having more than one husband. 

Lastly, it is common for two or more blood lines (lineages) to 

share a common ancestor and collectively form a clan, which is 

the largest social unit. Clans do not have formal leaders or 

organizational structures. Membership is transferred from 

father to child and cuts across ethnic and social boundaries. 

The dramatic social changes in Africa during and after 

colonialism in the last 4 decades have obviously affected the 

traditional family, and variations on these 3 features can be 

found across the continent.

5. Sex and Gender 

Sex refers to the biological/reproductive differences between 

males and females, while gender is a more flexible concept 

that refers to a culture’s categorizing of masculine and feminine 

behaviors, symbols, and social roles. Gender roles in Africa 

follow no single model nor is there a generalized concept of 

sex and common standard of sexual behavior. 

Prehistorically, gender role differentiation in Africa’s hunting 

and gathering cultures was based on a division of labor 

featuring different, yet complementary, sets of responsibilities 

for males and females, adults and children. Females gathered 

over half the caloric 

needs from natural 

vegetation, while also 

reproducing and raising 

offspring. Males were 

primarily hunters but also 

assisted with gathering. 

These gender patterns 

continued as agricultural 

practices advanced. 

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CULTURE 
Females shared in farming while continuing to provide for the 

family’s subsistence, and males produced the cash crops. 

Pastoralists like the Maasai of Kenya traditionally have featured 

males involved in cattle-raising and females in food production. 

The 19th-century European colonial period introduced a cash 

economy into Africa, with female labor used to produce the 

cash crops. By inserting male authority over females, colonial 

administrators disrupted the distinct yet complementary 

male/female relationship that had been traditionally African. 

More recently, western influence across the continent has 

dramatically altered the traditional gender roles. Educational 

and professional opportunities for females, along with 

increased family migrations to urban areas, have radically

altered traditional male and female gender roles. 

Likewise, the number of singles parents and even child- or 

other relative-led families has increased with the predominance 

of HIV/AIDS-related deaths and warfare, further altering 

traditional gender responsibilities. Additionally, ethnic conflicts 

involving abuse of women are prevalent in many unstable 

countries, and while the rubric of traditional African gender 

generally remains, the forces of change are gradually ripping it 

away.

6. Language and Communication 

Language is a system for sharing information symbolically, 

whereby words are used to represent ideas. Communication is 

defined as the cultural 

practice of sharing 

meaning in interaction, 

both verbally and nonverbally. America is 

predominantly a 

monolingual society, 

where traditionally, 

fluency in a second 

language has been 

considered a luxury 

rather than a necessity. 

Conversely, national survival for many societies in Africa 

required them throughout their existence to adopt multilingual 

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CULTURE 
practices, if for no other reason than to preserve their native 

heritage. 

You may find it challenging to comprehend the scope of 

Africa’s linguistic diversity. There are over 2,000 African 

languages (many spoken-only) from 6 major language families, 

and perhaps 100 of these languages are used to communicate 

among the more dominant ethnic groups such as Berber, 

Swahili, Yoruba, and others. 

Official languages of African nation-states are few, yet the 

linguistic diversity expressed across the continent (Nigeria has 

250 languages) has prompted an awareness of the value of 

Africa’s linguistic traditions. While most areas of the continent 

speak the adopted language of their colonial past – such as 

French and Portuguese 

in West Africa, French 

and Arabic in Morocco,

and English in Kenya 

and South Africa – the 

majority of people also 

speak one or more 

traditional “indigenous” 

languages of their and 

other ethnic groups. As

African independence spread throughout the continent, ethnic 

groups continued to depend on their indigenous identifiers, 

such as language, to celebrate their “release” from colonial rule

and to preserve a sense of indigenous identity. 

While communication styles tend to vary by ethnic or social 

groups, Africans generally are friendly and outgoing people 

although they tend to communicate with reserve to avoid 

confrontation. As in most kin-based societies, Africans believe 

that saving face or protecting one’s honor and dignity are of 

utmost importance; therefore, they avoid public criticism and 

controversial topics at all costs – even to the extent of 

withholding their honest opinion or modifying the truth. 

Africans admire and even expect extended greetings and small 

talk, and to attempt to rush or avoid social graces is considered 

disrespectful. Similarly, Africans avoid direct eye contact when 

communicating with new acquaintances and people of status, 

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CULTURE 
particularly elders. They also are fond of non-verbal gestures, 

and it is common throughout African societies for members of 

the same gender to hold hands or touch while conversing.

7. Learning and Knowledge 

All cultures require that the older generation transmit important 

information to the younger generation. This information can be 

strictly factual (for example, how to fulfill subsistence and 

health requirements) and culturally traditional (the beliefs, 

behaviors, and symbols that have meaning to the community). 

This knowledge transfer may occur through structured, 

formalized systems such as 

schools or through informal

learning by watching adults or 

peers. 

The contemporary African 

educational system hardly 

resembles the traditional precolonial structure, whereby 

community elders were primarily responsible for preparing 

youth for adulthood. Their instruction included fundamentals of 

ethnic ritual and ceremony, along with customary protocol for 

their distinctive gender roles. A rite-of-passage commemorating 

their successful journey from childhood to adulthood served as 

a form of graduation.

European colonialism brought a more structured, formal 

educational system that catered to a small group of African 

elite who demonstrated potential to administer expanding 

colonial territories. Following independence, many African 

nations adopted the European system because they believed it 

would prepare them to be more competitive in intra-continental 

and global marketplaces, thereby enhancing their quality of life. 

However, progress in developing and maintaining reliable 

educational institutions has been slow for a variety of reasons. 

Since most Africans live in rural environments, they continue to 

rely heavily on child labor for family survival, resulting in 

decreased school enrollments or early withdrawals. Likewise, 

widespread HIV/AIDS epidemics, ethnic conflict, teacher and 

resource deficits, and inaccessibility to remote rural areas also 

hamper progress. According to 2005 statistics, only half of the 

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CULTURE 
continent’s children were enrolled in primary school, leaving 

over 40 million African children without any schooling at all. 

8. Time and Space 

In every society, people occupy space and time in ways that 

are not directly linked to physical survival. In low-context 

western cultures, people tend to be preoccupied with strict time 

management, devoting less effort to relationship-building. 

Conversely, most African cultures are traditionally high-context 

societies, whereby people center their activities on socializing 

and establishing close associations, having little regard for the 

passage-of-time. 

Only after establishing trust and honor will your typical African 

counterpart agreeably proceed with business. In his worldview, 

time is a precious commodity used to establish relationships 

and form alliances. Any 

attempt to accelerate the 

tempo at the expense of 

social pleasantries will 

likely result in deadlock. 

To an African, close 

physical proximity between 

individuals encourages 

cooperative trust, and for 

centuries they have 

viewed human linkage as 

a core element to survival. This closeness is best represented 

in a traditional African village where strong kinship connections

are evidenced by a display of close interpersonal relations 

among family members. 

While conventional African concepts of time and space remain 

intact, throughout the continent western influence and 

globalization have stepped up the pace of African living, mostly 

in urban areas. Consequently, rural-to-urban migrations have 

reshaped traditional social and subsistence patterns. 

9. Aesthetics and Recreation 

Every culture has its own forms of creative expression that are 

guided by aesthetic principles of imagination, beauty, skill and 

style. Prior to 19th-century European colonization of Africa, 

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recreation served a vital subsistence role, whereby adolescents 

and adults alike participated in intellectually stimulating 

leisurely activities that concurrently served to develop essential 

hunting and pastoral skills.

Games of chance and skill were important to early childhood 

development, providing social outlets within and outside their 

community. Featuring 

wrestling, jumping and 

running; traditional African 

sport was steeped in 

religious ritual. 

Along with colonialism 

came the introduction to 

Africa of western sports 

such as soccer, cricket, 

rugby and track and field. This emphasis on western sport 

continued to thrive with African independence and 

globalization, as seen in sporting events such as the Olympics 

and the World Cup. 

Leaders such as Nelson Mandela skillfully employed sport to 

promote a unified South African nation. Importing the 

predominantly “white” game of rugby, Mandela used it to fuse a 

racially divided country following his election in 1992. This 

event is the theme of the motion picture “Invictus,” exemplifying 

how sport can serve to create national identities and overcome 

ethnic division. His efforts 

have inspired many other 

African nations to follow 

suit.

Likewise, East African 

countries such as Kenya 

and Ethiopia have 

produced the world’s 

dominant male and 

female distance runners, 

and South Africa, Cameroon and Nigeria emerged as strong 

contenders in the 2010 World Cup. African nations are now 

competing in leagues such as the International Basketball 

Association (FIBA) World Championships, and there is also a 

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CULTURE 
growing number of African basketball players on US college 

campuses and in the National Basketball Association (NBA). 

10. Sustenance and Health 

Societies have different methods of transforming natural 

resources into food. These methods can shape residence 

patterns, family structures and economics. Theories of disease 

and healing practices exist in all cultures and serve as adaptive 

responses to disease and illness. 

Despite having only 11% of the global population, Africa is a 

victim of many of the world’s debilitating health disorders. 

According to the World 

Health Organization, 60% of 

the global HIV/AIDS cases 

and 90% of malarial 

diseases occur in Africa. 

These and other medical 

conditions are attributed 

primarily to viral infection and 

widespread poverty caused 

by extreme climatic 

conditions and civil unrest, coupled with inadequate 

preventative measures. While extensive drought generates 

widespread famine, civil disturbances generate millions of 

displaced persons. Likewise, with only 58% of the SubSaharan African population having access to safe drinking 

water, water-born bacterial diseases 

such as cholera and schistosomiasis

are common.

Many people in Africa lack access to 

western medicine, and as a result 

depend on traditional health 

practices to combat disease. In 

addition, some traditional beliefs run 

counter to western medical practice

and perhaps discourage individuals 

from utilizing those services even 

when they are available. This 

problem is further intensified by lack of federal regulatory 

healthcare management. 

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While modern healthcare procedures are more common in 

urban areas, many rural people rely on traditional practitioners 

who use a variety of plants and herbs to treat patients. 

Similarly, many families have their own secret remedies. While 

in some cases traditional medicine proves effective with fewer 

side effects than modern drugs, traditional practices do not 

adequately treat many of the more serious conditions. 

On a positive note, western influence has stimulated some 

progress in combating Africa’s health crisis. More resources 

are devoted to achieving basic human security by assessing

disease symptoms early and with scientific accuracy. 

11. Economics and Resources 

This domain refers to beliefs regarding appropriate ways for a 

society to produce, distribute, and consume goods and 

services. Traditionally having an agrarian-based economy, 

Africa today remains predominantly agricultural, featuring less 

industrialization than 

most other parts of the 

world. Post-colonial 

adversities such as civil 

war, disease, poverty, 

and unstable 

dictatorships posed 

unusual hardship on

several young African 

nations; however, 

Africa currently stands 

at the cross-roads of economic development with many nations 

becoming some of fastest growing regions in the world. 

Colonialism institutionalized the exploitation of Africa’s mineral 

resources, resulting in today’s oil industry dominating the 

economic market in several coastal regions. A surge in global 

oil prices; a growing African middle class; and reduction in civil 

wars, foreign aid, and inflation collectively promise a more 

positive outlook for the future.

Countries such as Botswana, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and 

South Africa are economically the wealthiest on the continent, 

with regions such as East Africa showing signs of economic 

stability. Despite the economic upswing, much of sub-Saharan 

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Africa’s future economic prosperity is held hostage by 

devastating diseases such as AIDS, particularly in areas of 

southern Africa, and the growing effects of climate change and 

man-made environmental degradation throughout the 

subcontinent. 

12. Technology and Material 

Societies use technology to transform their physical world, and 

culture heavily influences the development and use of 

technology. Africa lags far behind most of the world in 

manufacturing capacity and output. Even the more 

economically-developed nations such as South Africa are 

competitively weak when compared to non-African 

industrialized nations. During the 1970s and 1980s, Africa 

experienced some growth in raw exports although this increase 

did little to boost long-term manufacturing capacity. 

Today, Africa is experiencing an actual decline in 

manufacturing capacity due primarily to a lull in the global 

economy, along with other indigenous issues such as 

environmental stress, poor physical and organizational 

infrastructure, and a 

shortage of skilled 

personnel. Likewise, 

African manufacturing 

capacity is no match 

against global powers 

such as China and 

significant Southeast 

Asian markets. 

International aid from 

both governmental and non-governmental organizations has 

helped African nations establish preliminary economic 

footholds. For example, many of them have dedicated 

industrial developmental zones to attract foreign investment 

and increase export-related manufacturing capacity, although 

Africa is far removed from having a significant role in the global 

marketplace in the foreseeable future. 

Now that we have introduced general concepts that

characterize African society at large, we will now focus on 

specific features of Somali society. 

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CULTURE 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Overview 

Somalia is continental Africa’s easternmost country, where 

shared ethnicity and religion have historically united otherwise 

autonomous Somali clans. Nevertheless, for much of their 

history, the Somali people have lived divided among distinct 

sultanates, colonial powers, and separate countries. After a 

brief period of democracy in the 1960s, Somalia endured 

military despotic rule until 1991. Since then, it has suffered 

from civil war, famine, and terrorism. While conflict currently 

continues, Somalia has shown signs of improvement with a 

peaceful transfer of power to a new central government in early 

2017.

Early History 

Somalia shares the Horn 

of Africa peninsula with 

Djibouti, Eritrea, and 

Ethiopia. As the source 

of some of the oldest 

and most complete early 

human remains ever 

found, the region is

sometimes referred to as the cradle of humankind. For 

example, the oldest known hominid skeletons, “Lucy” (3.2 

million years old) and “Ardi” (4.4 million year old), were found 

about 200 mi from Somalia in the Afar Region of Ethiopia. The 

earliest records (dating around 9000 BC) of human activity in 

the region of present-day Somalia are cave paintings depicting 

cows, giraffes, and domesticated dogs (pictured) in Laas Geel

near Hargeisa in northwestern Somalia. 

Punt: First mentioned in written records around 2450 BC, Punt 

was a region that for centuries traded with ancient Egypt. While

historians still debate the precise location of Punt, it probably 

extended from a base in northern Ethiopia to coastal territories 

PART 2 – CULTURE SPECIFIC

1. HISTORY AND MYTH
HISTORY &

MYTH

in present-day Somalia. Early records portray the region’s

residents as similar in appearance to Egyptians, who described

Punt as Ta netjer

(God’s Land), likely due 

to its sources of myrrh 

and frankincense resins 

(pictured) used by the 

Egyptians for religious 

practices. 

In the 5th century BC, 

Greek historian 

Herodotus described the 

residents to the south of Egypt (whom he called Ethiopians but 

likely included Somalis) as peoples who primarily consumed 

meat and milk. Most regional residents were nomadic 

pastoralists who raised sheep, goats, and cattle for sustenance 

and trade. Other coastal residents traded myrrh, frankincense, 

ivory, gold, animal pelts, and other goods for products from 

Egypt, Arabia, Persia, and East Africa.

Samaal: Some Somalis trace their ancestry to a mythical 

forefather named Samaal (see p. 14 of Political and Social 

Relations), whose descendants lived as herders on the plains 

of northern Kenya. Based on this premise, some historians 

believe early Somalis likely migrated north and east from 

Kenya and Ethiopia to present-day Somalia in search of new 

pastures and water. Some Somalis remained near the southern 

Jubba and Shebelle rivers, where they farmed crops and raised 

livestock. Others continued north to the mountains near the 

Gulf of Aden and subsisted as nomadic pastoralists. By the 1st 

century AD, the Somalis likely occupied much of the eastern 

regions of the Horn of Africa.

Coastal Trading Ports: Around the same time, Axum 

emerged as a thriving trade-based empire along the Red Sea 

coast of present-day Eritrea and northern Ethiopia. Meanwhile, 

other trading ports developed along the Gulf of Aden, such as

Zeila (Saylac) in present-day northwestern Somalia, which

specialized in the trade of coffee and slaves. In the 6th century, 

Arab, Persian, and East African traders began settling along 

the Somali coast. By the 7th century, Zeila became a regional, 
HISTORY &

MYTH

commercial hub as it and other Somali ports along the Gulf of 

Aden grew increasingly wealthy. 

The Arrival of Arabs and Origins of Somali Clans 

While early converts from the Arabian Peninsula likely 

introduced Islam to the region even before Muhammad’s death 

in 632 AD (see p. 2 of Religion and Spirituality), few Somalis 

adopted the religion until Muslim Arab sheikhs (tribal leaders) 

arrived centuries later. One such tribal leader, Sheikh Darod alJabarti of the Arab Banu Hashim tribe, fled Arabia for the 

Somali coast around the 10th century. There, he married the

Somali Dir clan chief’s daughter and started the Darod clan,

still one of Somalia’s largest and most influential clans today 

(see p. 14 of Political and Social Relations). Around 2 centuries 

later, Sheikh Isaaq, a leader of the same Arab tribe, arrived in 

the region and married a Somali woman from Maydh. Their 

union marked the origin of another large and powerful clan, the 

Isaaq (see p. 14 of Political and Social Relations).

The Rise of Islamic Sultanates: Meanwhile, increasing Arab 

immigration to the northern Somali coast facilitated the rapid 

spread and adoption of Islam among local Somalis. Likely due 

to rapid population growth, some residents migrated south and 

west, establishing small sultanates (Islamic kingdoms). Most 

prominent was the Ifat Sultanate, with its capital in Zeila, 

founded in 1285 by members of the Arab Walashma dynasty. 

As a small, trade-based sultanate initially aligned with the 

Christian kingdoms of the Ethiopian highlands, Ifat became 

moderately prosperous

(Photo: 19th-century 

engraving of Zeila). 

By the 14th century, 

animosity characterized 

the relations between 

the Christian highland 

Ethiopians and Muslim 

lowland Somalis. 

Conflicts between the Muslim sultanates and Christian kingdom 

of Abyssinia (in present-day northern Ethiopia) became more

frequent. In 1415, Abyssinian King Yeshaq I sacked Zeila, 

burning its mosques and killing Ifat’s Sultan Sa’ad ad-Din. The 
HISTORY &

MYTH

remaining Walashma royal family fled across the Gulf of Aden

to present-day Yemen. To mark his victory, Yeshaq I 

commissioned a celebration hymn that included the first written 

reference to the “Somali” people. 

Within 5 years, the Walashmas returned to the Horn of Africa, 

establishing the Adal Sultanate near present-day Dakkar, 

Ethiopia. Around

1430, the Adal 

leaders, who were 

the sons of the 

murdered Ifat Sultan 

Sa’ad ad-Din, 

defeated Yeshaq I in 

battle, forced him to 

retreat, and burned

Christian churches

and settlements in revenge for their father’s death. Adal 

subsequently became a powerful sultanate, capturing most of 

the Ethiopian Abyssinian Empire by 1535 (Pictured: 15thcentury painting of a battle between Adal and Abyssinia).

Gradually, the Adal Sultanate declined as the Ajuran Sultanate 

grew powerful from its base along the present-day southcentral Somali coast. A thriving mercantile hub at its peak in 

the 16th century, Ajuran controlled much of the region, while 

trading with merchants from lands as distant as China and

Portugal. Ajuran became well-known for its castles, mosques,

limestone wells, and taxation system. 

Portugal Attacks the Somali Coast

As Europe’s predominant sea power at the time, Portugal 

sought a foothold in East Africa to expand its regional 

commercial interests. In 1499, famed Portuguese explorer 

Vasco da Gama sailed by the Ajuran-controlled city of

Mogadishu (Somalia’s present-day capital), noting its 

impressive palaces and mosques. The Portuguese returned 

around 1540 to support the Christian Ethiopians in their

continuing battles against Adal and Ajuran for control of the 

region. By 1543, the Ethiopians and Portuguese had defeated

Adal but were unable to overcome the Ajuran defenses in

Mogadishu.
HISTORY &

MYTH

The Ottomans Join the Ajurans: Meanwhile, the powerful 

Islamic Ottoman Empire based in present-day Istanbul, Turkey 

also sought to gain control of Indian Ocean trade routes. As 

Portuguese attacks on Somali ports continued, the Ajurans 

allied with the Ottomans, attacking Portuguese settlements in 

southeastern Africa in 1585. With the support of the Ottomans,

Ajuran successfully withstood Portuguese attacks from the sea 

and ongoing Ethiopian incursions from the west.

In the 17th century, the Ajuran Sultanate faced additional 

challenges. First, thousands of Ethiopians began migrating

east, likely due to violence, drought, and population pressures. 

The Ajurans engaged and successfully suppressed the 

migrants in fierce battles, thereby protecting their land. Then, 

internal revolts flared as residents 

objected to high taxes. While neither 

the Portuguese nor the Ethiopians 

could defeat the Ajurans, the 

combined stresses of these events 

caused the Ajuran Sultanate to 

decline (Pictured: 16th-century 

Turkish painting of the Ottomans 

defending their trade routes in the 

Gulf of Aden).

The Rise of New Sultanates

As the Ajuran Sultanate declined, 

other sultanates gained influence, 

such as the Geledi in the south, the 

Warsangali in the north, and the Majeerteen and Hobyo in the 

north-central region. These sultanates all prospered from a 

combination of trade and agriculture, extending their influence 

by requiring weaker groups to pay annual tribute. Nevertheless, 

most Somalis gave allegiance only to their own clans and 

extended family.

As Portugal’s power declined in the 18th century, the Somali 

sultanates were able to increase their share of maritime trade. 

For example, the Geledi moved southward into the Swahili 

Coast of present-day Kenya, while the Majeerteen in the northcentral region developed a relatively modern state with a 

centralized bureaucracy and a professional army.
HISTORY &

MYTH

These developments did not go unnoticed or unanswered. 

From its seat on the islands of Zanzibar in present-day 

Tanzania, the Omani Sultanate contested the Somalis’ 

southern territorial claims. Throughout the 19th century, the 

Omanis and Somalis vied for control of these coastal regions, 

swapping influence and tribute. In the North, the Ottomans still 

exerted some control, demanding annual payments from local 

Somali leaders. Meanwhile, several European powers also 

sought territory and access to trade in the region. 

European Colonization

In 1884, 13 major European powers and the US assembled to 

regulate colonization and trade in Africa. The subsequent

“Scramble for Africa” eliminated or overrode most existing 

forms of government, dividing nearly the entire continent 

among 7 European countries. Most lands traditionally occupied 

by Somalis fell under the jurisdiction of Britain, France, and 

Italy. Of note, France established a 

colony in northwestern Somali 

lands from 1896-1977. Afterwards,

this so-called French Territory of 

the Afars and the Issas won its 

independence as present-day 

Djibouti. 

British Somaliland: The British 

negotiated treaties with the 

Warsangali and other northern 

sultanates to establish the British 

Somaliland Protectorate. Britain’s 

primary interest in the region was to 

establish a stable supply base to support its ship-fueling station 

in Aden, Yemen, just across the Gulf of Aden. At first, Britain 

kept a presence only along the coast, primarily exporting 

livestock and meat to Aden. British colonial rule was indirect, 

overseen by its colonial government in India, and it initially had 

little effect on Somali residents (Photo: Warsangali Sultan 

Mohamoud Ali Shire). 

Italian Somalia: In 1889, the Italians negotiated treaties with 

the Geledi, Hobyo, Majeerteen, and other north-central and 

southern sultanates to establish Italian Somalia. Though wary 
HISTORY &

MYTH

of each other’s 

intentions, the 

Majeerteen and 

Hobyo agreed to 

cede some land 

and wealth to the

Italians in 

exchange for protection, arms, and some internal 

administrative autonomy (Photo: Hobyo Sultanate Cavalry). 

In 1905, the Italian government implemented a comprehensive 

plan intended to enhance Italian prestige, encourage Italian 

settlement in the region, and offer “civilization” to the Somalis. 

As part of this plan, Italy invested in a significant administrative 

infrastructure to promote political and economic development, 

resulting in the establishment of large banana and sugarcane 

plantations. 

The Ethiopians in Ogaden

Meanwhile, in the late 1880s, Ethiopian forces occupied an arid 

inland region known as Ogaden that was largely inhabited by 

Somali nomads. Ethiopian raids in Ogaden were frequent and 

brutal, killing Somalis and much of their livestock. In 1896, 

Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II signed treaties with Italy, Britain, 

and France granting Ethiopia control over Ogaden and other 

nearby territories. Despite these agreements, Ethiopians’ 

attacks on Somalis in Ogaden continued. 

The ‘Mad Mullah’ Fights Back: In response to Somali

suffering in Ogaden, Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, a leader of 

the Salihiyah tariqa, a Sufi Muslim Order (see p. 5 of Religion 

and Spirituality), began to organize a Somali resistance. 

Because the British refused to provide arms to his cause, 

Hassan also targeted them in his declaration of war. Hassan’s 

exceptional oratorical and poetic skills (see p. 4 of Aesthetics 

and Recreation) won him thousands of followers, who united as 

an army known as the Dervishes (Sufi guides). In 1899, 

Hassan established the Dervish State on land claimed by 

Ethiopia, Britain, Italy, and several Somali sultans. 

While the British initially dismissed Hassan as a fanatical “Mad 

Mullah,” his movement became a 20-year war of resistance 

that led to the deaths of an estimated 1/3 of British Somaliland
HISTORY &

MYTH

residents and nearly destroyed the region’s economy. The 

Dervish uprising continued until 1920, when Britain’s Royal Air 

Force returned from World War I (WWI) to lead a 5th and final 

expedition against Hassan, destroying the Dervish State capital 

in Taleh, a northern inland city. Hassan then fled to Ogaden

where he died of natural causes a few months later, ending the 

Dervish resistance. Nevertheless, Hassan remains a hero for 

many Somalis, who consider him a 

champion of the Somali people 

against foreign colonizers (Photo: 

Statue of Hassan in Mogadishu 

before it was destroyed).

British Somaliland Languishes

While focusing most of its efforts in 

Somalia on the Ogaden conflict, the 

British failed to introduce 

comprehensive economic or political 

development to British Somaliland. 

Moreover, the lack of arable land 

combined with the predominance of 

nomadic herding provided few money-making opportunities for 

Britain. As a result, British Somaliland was of relatively little 

importance as a colony except for its strategic location at the 

entrance to the Red Sea and across from Yemen. For years, 

the British focused solely on utilizing British Somaliland to 

provide livestock exports to Aden. 

Italian Somalia Thrives

By contrast, Italian Somalia had some irrigable riverine land

that was more conducive to agriculture. Before the 1920s, Italy 

focused most of its economic development efforts on coastal 

projects. In late 1922, Benito Mussolini became Italy’s Prime 

Minister (PM), and by 1925, had consolidated a fascist 

dictatorship. That year, Britain ceded to Italy some territory in

the northeastern part of British Kenya inhabited by Somalis as 

a reward for Italy’s support of Britain in WWI.

Under Mussolini, Italy expanded development efforts in Italian 

Somalia, investing in farms, light manufacturing, schools, and 

hospitals. Investment in transport infrastructure, such as the 

Mogadishu port, a new airport, roads, and a railway, was 
HISTORY &

MYTH

particularly significant. By 1930, about 22,000 Italians lived in 

the colony, comprising 2% of the total population. Meanwhile, 

Italy exiled the Hobyo and Majeerteen sultans to reduce local 

autonomy and tighten Italian control.

Italian East Africa

In 1935, a border dispute prompted Italy to invade Ethiopia

from its colonies in Somalia and Eritrea. In the subsequent 8-

month war, Italian, Somali, and Eritrean troops used modern 

weapons and tactics to defeat the Ethiopians. In May 1936, 

Ethiopian Emperor Selassie fled to Britain. Italy then divided 

Ethiopia into 4 new governorates that joined its Somali and 

Eritrean holdings as Italian East Africa.

From 1936-41, Italy invested heavily in the region. As a result, 

Italian Somalia had one of colonial Africa’s highest standards of 

living. The colonists built additional hospitals, schools, and road 

infrastructure, such as the Imperial Road from Mogadishu to 

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In 1940, about 50,000 Italian colonists 

lived in Somalia. Of these Italians, around 20,000 lived in 

Mogadishu, where they 

comprised nearly 40% 

of the local population

(Pictured: Mogadishu 

city center in 1936). 

World War II (WWII)

Italy joined Germany 

and Japan against the 

Allies (Great Britain,

France, the US, and others) during WWII. In August 1940, Italy 

invaded British Somaliland, forcing the British to evacuate, 

although the occupation was brief. In March 1941, Britain 

attacked the Italians in Somalia, swiftly capturing all of Italian 

East Africa and restoring Ethiopian Emperor Selassie to his 

throne. While some Italian troops continued to fight as part of a 

guerilla movement, they eventually ceased all resistance by the 

fall of 1943. The British then dissolved Italian East Africa, 

uniting former Italian Somalia, British Somaliland, and Ogaden

under a military administration.

At war’s end in 1945, Britain began to modestly invest in former 

British Somaliland, building clinics and wells, improving farming
HISTORY &

MYTH

practices, opening schools, and developing a court system that 

combined British, Islamic, and Somali law. Britain also devoted 

some resources to former Italian Somalia, improving primary 

schools, working conditions, and allowing Somalis to work in 

the emerging civil service. 

Somali Independence Movements

Beginning in the 1930s, Somalis across the region developed a 

sense of nationalism. A common Somali identity emerged in 

nationalist poetry and art (see p. 4-6 of Aesthetics and 

Recreation), while new political organizations formed. For 

example, in 1935 the Somali National Society, later the Somali 

National League (SNL), organized in the North under the more 

tolerant British colonizers. After Italy’s defeat, the Somali Youth 

Club, later the Somali Youth League (SYL), formed in 1943 in 

the South. After WWII, both organizations sought more rights 

for Somalis, the 

unification of all 

Somali regions, and a 

path to independence. 

Meanwhile, Ogaden, 

like the 2 former 

Somali colonies, was 

still under British 

military rule. Seeking

to gain favor in Ethiopia, the US and the Union of Soviet 

Socialist Republics (USSR – Russia today) successfully 

pressured Britain to return Ogaden to Ethiopia in 1948. In 

response, Somalis across the region held massive protests

(Photo: Herders near Danan, Ogaden, in present-day Ethiopia). 

Trust Territory of Somalia: In 1949, the newly-formed United 

Nations (UN) stepped in. It designated former Italian Somalia a 

trust territory to be controlled by Italy for 10 years, with 

independence ensured by 1960. Further, the UN required Italy 

to help the trust territory prepare for independence by 

developing political institutions, expanding education, 

improving the economy, and providing Somalis with additional

freedoms. Despite initial tensions between the SYL and the 

Italian administration, the situation in the trust territory

improved. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

In the 1956 elections, the SYL won 43 of 70 seats in the new 

legislative assembly, as Abdullahi Issa (pictured) became PM.

While Italy continued to conduct 

all foreign relations and retained 

veto power over all political 

decisions, the assembly took 

charge of domestic affairs. In 

1958, the Issa government gave 

women the right to vote and 

sought to promote a Somali 

national identity. Unsure of their 

future status in the trust territory, 

most Italian colonists returned to 

Italy. By 1960, exports had 

tripled, primary and secondary 

school enrollment doubled, and 

political institutions developed primarily through a Territorial 

Council, which gave some Somalis governing experience.

British Somaliland Lags Behind: Meanwhile, the UN had 

made no similar ruling regarding British Somaliland. Despite 

some investments, political and economic development in 

British Somaliland stagnated. In 1954, Britain ceded certain 

lands to Ethiopia. Although Ethiopia had traditionally claimed

these areas, many Somali residents protested, increasing their 

demands for independence. In 1956, Britain responded by

implementing a legislative council with native representation. 

The Somali Republic

As the UN’s 1960 deadline for independence in the trust 

territory drew near, Somalis in both protectorates increasingly 

called for unification. In the 1959 trust territory legislative 

elections, the SYL repressed rival groups to win 83 of the 90 

legislative seats. Then, in the 1960 British Somaliland 

elections, the SNL and United Somali Party (USP) together 

won 32 of 33 seats. In April 1960, representatives from both

regions met in Mogadishu to discuss unification. Given British 

Somaliland’s relative underdevelopment, the trust territory had 

the advantage in the negotiations, successfully requiring the 

planned new country to adopt its capital, currency, and flag. 

Following Britain’s approval, the 2 territories united as the 

independent Somali Republic on July 1, 1960. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

The legislature appointed Aden Abdullah Osman Daar as the 

republic’s first President. Daar then appointed Abdirashid Ali 

Shermarke as its first PM, who subsequently formed a coalition 

government composed of the SYL, the SNL, and the USP. In 

1961, Somalis ratified Daar’s presidential appointment in a 

national referendum, yet there was discord between the 2 

regions. Many residents of the former British Somaliland region 

to the north rejected Daar, while just a minority of northerners 

voted to ratify the constitution. The measure passed only on 

the support of southerners. 

Greater Somalia: Political disagreement was compounded by 

other differences. Despite union, the 2 regions retained their

separate economic, administrative, education, legal, monetary, 

and taxation systems. 

Further, while nearly all 

residents spoke Somali, 

the regions used 2 

different languages, Italian 

and English, for official 

purposes (see p. 2 of 

Learning and Knowledge

and p. 1 of Language and 

Communication).

Nevertheless, residents in 

the 2 regions had some 

common ground. Islam, 

for one, was a strong unifying force (see p. 6-8 of Religion and 

Spirituality). Second, the 1962 rise of the Somali National 

Congress (SNC) party served to improve North-South relations. 

Finally, residents in both regions shared the desire to unite

Somalis across the Horn of Africa, including those living in 

Kenya, Ethiopia, and present-day Djibouti as “Greater Somalia”

(Map: The estimated extent of Somali populations in the region

in pink). 

While Somalia made no claim to territory in these countries, it 

advocated for the right of self-determination of Somalis in those 

areas, including brief support for a Somali secessionist uprising 

in northern Kenya. Somalia received little international support 

in this proposal. As colonizers of Kenya and Djibouti, Britain 
HISTORY &

MYTH

and France rejected this proposition for their territories along 

with Ethiopia. Somalia received aid from other countries, 

particularly American police training and Soviet military training 

and support used to conduct guerilla warfare in the Somalimajority regions of Kenya and Ethiopia. Following a brief 

military conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia in 1963, other 

African leaders also rejected the idea of an expanded Greater 

Somalia. 

In 1967, former PM Shermarke won the presidential election, 

primarily due to his strong support for the idea of Greater 

Somalia. Nevertheless, he appointed a PM who was more 

concerned with economic and social development than Somali 

integration. In 1968, Somalia and Ethiopia agreed to establish 

air and telecommunications links as relations between the 2 

countries improved. Further, some Somali nomads returned to 

their traditional herding areas in the Ethiopian-held territory of

Ogaden. 

Shermarke Assassinated: In the 

1969 parliamentary elections, 

President Shermarke’s SYL won 109 

of 123 seats. In coalition with the 

SNC, the SYL effectively controlled 

120 seats, meaning there were few 

checks on its power. Many educated 

Somalis, particularly members of the 

military and police, condemned 

electoral fraud, widespread 

corruption, and nepotism. In late 

1969, Shermarke was assassinated 

by a bodyguard, likely for personal reasons. Disapproving of 

the PM’s choice of a presidential replacement, Army Major 

General Mohammed Siad Barre (pictured) and other army 

officers took power in a bloodless military coup.

The Barre Dictatorship

The coup leaders created a Supreme Revolutionary Council 

(SRC) with Barre as its President. The SRC arrested 

government officials, banned political parties, and suspended 

the constitution with the stated goal of freeing Somalia from 

corruption, misrule, and clan-based favoritism in politics.
HISTORY &

MYTH

Barre’s government proclaimed adherence to “scientific 

socialism,” an administrative system loosely based on the 

Qur’an (see p. 2, 4 of Religion and Spirituality) and Marxism. 

Besides nationalizing major companies, the SRC took control 

of the media. Further, it forcibly relocated unemployed youth 

and about 140,000 pastoral nomads into farming or fishing 

communities, claiming that such a move would erase clan 

allegiances (see p. 14-16 of Political and Social Relations) and 

encourage Somali nationalism. To further unite Somalis, the 

government adopted a Latin script for the largely spoken

Somali language in 1972, also naming Somali as the country’s 

official language for all 

administrative and 

government purposes 

(see p. 1-2 of Language 

and Communication). 

Although Barre 

proclaimed a war against 

clan politics, he favored 

certain clans. 

Consequently, Somalis commonly referred to his government 

as “MOD,” an acronym for the Barre family’s 3 clans, all part of 

the larger Darod clan family (see p. 14 of Political and Social 

Relations). As the self-proclaimed Guulwaadde (Victorious 

Leader), Barre cultivated his image as a messianic ruler, 

demanding all buildings display his picture. In 1976, Barre 

founded the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP)

under Soviet guidance. He used the army and National 

Security Service (NSS) – trained by the brutal security services 

of the USSR, East Germany, and Romania – as tools for 

internal surveillance and repression. Meanwhile, Barre and his 

inner MOD circle continued to make all political decisions

(Photo: A painting of Barre above smaller Barre posters on a 

wall in Mogadishu). 

The Ogaden War: To garner additional support for the regime

and retake territory traditionally occupied by Somalis, Barre 

took advantage of a Marxist revolution in Ethiopia and invaded 

Ethiopian-held Ogaden in mid-1977. The Somalis enjoyed 

quick victories, occupying about 90% of the territory by 

October. While the USSR had supplied Somalia with arms and 
HISTORY &

MYTH

guidance for years, it quickly denounced the invasion, instead 

supporting the Ethiopian Marxist rebels with arms, advisors, 

and thousands of Cuban and Yemeni soldiers. With this 

massive Soviet support, the war’s momentum changed. Somali 

troops suffered heavy casualties and were forced to withdraw. 

Fearing reprisal under Ethiopian rule, some 650,000 Somali 

and Ethiopian Oromo refugees fled Ogaden for Somalia. While 

some Somalis remained in Ogaden to engage the Ethiopians in

guerilla warfare, they were almost entirely defeated by 1981. 

Meanwhile, the US began providing Somalia with limited arms 

in exchange for its use of the former Soviet base in Berbera. 

Opposition Mounts

To deflect pressure following the Ogaden defeat, Barre called 

for elections in late 1979 for a “people’s parliament.” In reality, 

the people achieved no real representation, since all the

candidates were SRSP members. In 1980, Barre tightened his 

grip on power, dismissing his Vice Presidents and alienating 

some of Somalia’s largest clans. Denied access to power by 

the Barre regime,

members of the Isaaq 

clan (see p. 14 of 

Political and Social 

Relations) received 

support from the 

Ethiopians in 1982 for

guerrilla attacks against 

the Barre government. 

In response, the US 

increased its military aid to Barre to counter these attacks. 

Nevertheless, Barre largely used the American resources

against his Somali enemies. As violence and repression

increased, a devastating drought intensified residents’ 

discontent and misery. Further, refugees from the Ogaden War 

placed a significant strain on resources (Photo: Somali troops 

march near Berbera in 1983). 

Opposition to Barre was strongest in northern Somalia. In 

1988, fighting was especially intense in the northern cities of

Burao and Hargeisa. Barre’s Duub Cas (Red Berets) special 

forces led a campaign of terror, massacring tens of thousands 

of civilians and members of opposition groups, primarily from 
HISTORY &

MYTH

the Isaaq, Majeerteen, and Hawiye clans. At the same time, 

food scarcity and inflation provoked fears of famine.

The End of the Barre Regime and the Start of Civil War

By 1990, Barre had lost much of his Somali support base and 

was largely confined to his stronghold in Mogadishu. After 

about 2 months of violent conflict that destroyed much of the 

city, Barre fled in a tank to the southern city of Baidoa in early 

1991, ending more than 21 years of violent and despotic rule. 

Enroute, his forces killed civilians and pillaged farms, 

contributing to a famine ravaging the entire country. With Barre 

on the run, the Hawiye-dominated United Somali Congress 

(USC) claimed to control Mogadishu, forming a provisional 

government and proposing peace talks. Nevertheless, 

infighting and opposition from other clans prevented progress 

and resulted in anarchy.

Meanwhile, the Isaaq-dominated Somali National Movement 

(SNM) refused to negotiate with the USC and secured control 

of most of former British Somaliland. In May 1991, the SNM 

declared the region the independent Republic of Somaliland.

Since then, autonomous Somaliland has been relatively stable 

and somewhat prosperous, although its government has not 

received formal recognition from any other country (Photo: 

Somaliland license 

plate). 

Finally, after more than 

a year of fighting, 

opposition groups 

forced Barre to retreat 

to Kenya in spring 

1992. By mid-1992, some 2 million Somalis had fled to 

neighboring Somaliland or abroad, primarily to Kenya and 

Ethiopia, in order to avoid the persistent violence and famine. 

Thousands more were displaced internally. Local warlords took 

advantage of the lack of a central government and the 

prevalence of US and Soviet weapons to loot most cities. In 

many rural areas, local clan leaders filled the governance void.

Operation Restore Hope: As Somalia plunged into civil war

and suffered a famine that claimed some 250,000 lives, the UN 

sought to provide humanitarian assistance and broker a 
HISTORY &

MYTH

ceasefire through its first Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM I), 

established in April 1992. By December, UNOSOM I had failed 

to halt the violence, and the US offered to lead a Unified Task 

Force (UNITAF) known as “Operation Restore Hope” to bring 

peace to Somalia. With UN approval, UNITAF called for US 

Marines and international forces to use “all necessary means”

to restore stability and democratic institutions in Somalia. 

In the first 3 months of its mandate, UNITAF deployed around 

37,000 troops to Somalia. Despite achieving peace in some 

areas, widespread violence continued. The UN then transferred 

the UNITAF mandate to UNOSOM II, which took full control of 

the operation in May 1993 with mixed success. In October 

1993, US troops engaged Somali fighters in the Battle of 

Mogadishu, resulting in 18 American deaths (see “Black Hawk 

Down” below). After footage of the horrific aftermath was 

publicly released, US President Clinton ordered US troops to 

evacuate. In March 1994, US troops left Somalia, followed by 

the UN’s withdrawal and the unsuccessful end of UNOSOM II 

just 1 year later (Photo: Former US President George Bush Sr. 

visits American forces in 

Somalia in early 1993). 

Civil War Continues

Following the UN 

withdrawal, Somalia 

remained fractured as

competing clans and 

warlords jostled for 

power. In 1998, 

primarily Darod leaders of the northeastern Puntland region 

declared autonomy from central and southern Somalia. Unlike 

the independence-minded leaders of Somaliland, those in 

Puntland still intended to reunite with Somalia someday.

Meanwhile, conflict continued. During the late 1990s and early 

2000s, more than 10 peace conferences were held to end the 

hostilities, without success. Following a 2002 conference in 

Kenya, a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was 

organized, and in 2004, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed was elected

President. The TFG received no recognition from autonomous 

Somaliland or from clan leaders based in Mogadishu, primarily 
Black Hawk Down

Inspired by the 1999 non-fiction best-seller Black 

Hawk Down: A Story of Modern War, the 2001 BritishAmerican film version depicts the Battle of Mogadishu. 

Despite the film’s popularity at the box office, 

American, Somali, and international film critics point 

out several problems with the film, particularly its 

inaccurate depiction of Somali language and culture. 

Further, the film features no Somali actors, and

American, Malaysian, and Pakistani soldiers who 

participated in the raid disputed the accuracy of some

scenes. Nevertheless, Black Hawk Down won 2 

Oscars in 2002 among other awards.

HISTORY &

MYTH

because Ahmed was not Hawiye. Further, it was initially based 

in Kenya due to continued insecurity in Somalia. In February 

2006, the TFG met for the first time in Somalia in Baidoa, an

inland city considered safer than Mogadishu. Meanwhile, piracy 

off the Somali coast added to the instability and insecurity. 

Somali Pirates: With no central government to provide 

regulation, foreign fishing vessels sought to exploit Somalia’s 

rich coastal waters. Some Somalis turned to piracy when

overfishing and toxic waste from foreign ships began to 

threaten the livelihoods of Somali fishing communities. As the 

potential for financial gain became apparent, some warlords 

used piracy as a source of income through the late 2000s. By

2011, piracy off the Somali coast cost the global shipping 

industry over $5 billion per year. By 2012, international policing 

actions and improved shipping practices led to a sharp 

decrease in the number of incidents. 

The Islamic Courts Union: Beginning in the 1990s, several

sharia (Islamic) courts (see p. 5 of Political and Social 

Relations) banded together as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) 

to offer a justice system along with security, health, and 

education services. In mid-2006, the ICU formed a militia and

took control of Mogadishu. Backed by Eritrea and other foreign 

entities, the ICU occupied almost all of southern Somalia over

subsequent months. In December, the TFG and Ethiopian 
HISTORY &

MYTH

troops, concerned about ICU links to terrorist groups, entered 

and quickly retook Mogadishu. 

African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM): In early 2007, 

the African Union (AU) conducted a UN-backed peacekeeping 

mission known as AMISOM (see p. 7, 9, 10-12 of Political and 

Social Relations) in Somalia to promote peace and support 

reconciliation efforts between the various factions vying for 

power. With UN support, AMISOM helped achieve stability in 

key areas throughout 2007.

The Advent of Al-Shabaab: Meanwhile, the ICU had 

splintered in late 2006. Among the emerging factions was the

militant Islamist group al-Shabaab (The Youth) (see p. 12 of 

Political and Social Relations). In 2008, al-Shabaab 

strengthened its relationship with the terror group al-Qaeda,

and attacked Ethiopian, UN, and TFG troops in Somalia.

Security conditions deteriorated as al-Shabaab and other

opposition Islamist groups collectively regained Mogadishu and 

most of southern Somalia.

Coalition Government: In mid-2008, the TFG and moderate 

ICU members met in Djibouti. As part of the resulting powersharing agreement, President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed resigned 

in December 2008, and Ethiopian troops withdrew. In January 

2009, the transitional parliament elected Sharif Sheikh Ahmed,

a moderate Islamist, as President and extended its own 

legislative mandate for 2 

more years. 

In 2009, the coalition 

government and its allies 

began a counteroffensive to 

retake areas in southern 

Somalia. Aided by infighting 

in al-Shabaab, the effort 

was largely successful. In 

2011, in response to al-Shabaab attacks in Kenya, a joint 

Somali-Kenyan military operation entered conflict zones in 

southern Somalia, eventually forcing al-Shabaab out of key 

urban strongholds such as Kismayo, in 2012 (Photo: AlShabaab members lay down their arms and give themselves 

up to AMISOM in 2012). 
HISTORY &

MYTH

The Federal Republic of Somalia

In August 2012, the TFG mandate expired. Under a provisional 

constitution, the parliament appointed Hassan Sheikh 

Mohamud President of the Federal Government of Somalia 

(FGS – see p. 5 of Political and Social Relations), the first 

relatively stable political administration in central and southern 

Somalia since the fall of the Barre regime in 1991.

Contemporary Somalia

Since 2012, Somalia has continued to confront severe security 

and governance challenges. While the FGS has maintained 

and even increased its control in some areas of the country, alShabaab and other terror groups remain a threat, particularly in 

rural areas. In 2015-16, al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for 

bombings in Kenya, Mogadishu, and other parts of Somalia, 

often targeting politicians (see p. 10-12 of Political and Social 

Relations). Moreover, many Somalis continue to live in abject 

poverty and are subject to violence, disease, and food scarcity.

In 2017, a severe drought exacerbated the fragile geopolitical 

situation, threatening the lives of millions of Somalis.

Yet, some experts no longer classify Somalia as a failed state, 

but rather a fragile one. Since 2013, Somalia has attempted to 

repair its broken physical 

infrastructure and destroyed cities, 

establishing a post office and working 

traffic signals for the first time since 

1991. In 2014, Somalia, the AU, and 

the US military began Operation 

Indian Ocean designed to target alShabaab in the southern countryside. 

Before ending in 2015, the operation 

removed key members of the militant 

group, significantly weakening its 

presence in the region. In early 2017, 

legislators chosen by clan leaders 

elected dual US-Somali citizen Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo 

(pictured) as President (see p. 4-6 of Political and Social 

Relations). While the election was marred by claims of 

corruption and foreign intervention, initial reactions among 

Somalis reflect widespread popular support and optimism for 

the future. 
HISTORY &

MYTH

Myth Overview

In contrast to history, which is supposed to be an objective 

record of the past based on verifiable facts, myths embody a 

culture’s values and often explain the origins of humans and 

the natural world. Myths are important because they provide a 

sense of unique heritage and identity. Somalia has a rich and 

diverse tradition of myths and folklore that are still well-known. 

The Lion’s Share

A popular Somali myth explores the misuse of power. 

According to the myth, a group of hyenas, foxes, vultures, and 

a lion together hunted and killed a large camel. The animals 

then gathered beneath an acacia tree to divide the kill. When 

the hyena tried to share the meat evenly, the lion gouged out 

the hyena’s eye and asked the fox to divide the spoils. The fox

made the division, giving a huge helping of meat to the lion. 

The lion then took his disproportionate share to his den, leaving 

the other animals to divide the remaining small portion. 

Exhausted from their hunting efforts and still hungry, the 

predators sadly chanted “Qayb libaax garano, gar iyo daw 

ma aha!!” or “The lion’s share is not fair!” Although Somalis 

occasionally use this phrase in a positive way to underscore

when someone has done 

more than expected, it 

typically means that 

someone has taken more 

than their fair share 

(Photo: An African lion). 

Somalis and Serpents

Some Somalis claim to

have ancient and deep

connections with serpents. One myth suggests that when the 

first Somali was born, a snake was at his side. Another Somali 

myth describes a serpent that lived for 300 years, ate 3 other 

snakes, and then became a majestic jeweled serpent crowned 

with a torch-like gem. According to the myth, when this snake 

attacks, it lunges 3 times. If the snake fails to kill its prey, it kills 

itself. The myth further states that if a Somali meets this

magical serpent, he must throw a shield on the gem to block its 

blinding light before quickly killing the snake to recover the 

sparkling prize.
Official Name

Federal Republic of Somalia

Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka 

Soomaaliya (Somali)

جمھوریة الصومال 

(Arabic (الفیدرالیة

Political Borders

Djibouti: 40 mi

Ethiopia: 1019 mi

Kenya: 425 mi

Coastline: 1880 mi

Capital

Mogadishu

Demographics

People movements during years of conflict (see “Security 

Issues” below) have complicated verifiying accurate estimates 

of Somalia’s population. However, recent survey data indicates 

that Somalia’s population was over 12.4 million people in 2014. 

Despite suffering high mortality and low life expectancy (see p. 

4 of Sustenance and Health), Somalia’s population is growing 

at 1.9% per year, in part due to high birth rates (see p. 5 of Sex 

and Gender). Of note, over 60% of the population is under age 

24, and about another 60% of residents live in rural areas as 

nomadic herders. The capital city of Mogadishu and 

Somaliland’s Hargeisa are 

the 2 most populous cities.

Flag

The Somali flag consists of a 

white, 5-pointed star 

centered on a light blue 

background. Adopted in 

1954, the Somali flag’s blue 

field was associated with the

blue hue of the United Nations (UN) flag. Today, the blue field 

is more commonly associated with the sky and Indian Ocean. 

2. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
The star’s white color symbolizes peace and prosperity, while 

its 5 points denote regions in the Horn of Africa inhabited by 

the Somali people, including the 2 former British and Italian 

Somali colonies (see p. 6-11 of History and Myth), Djibouti, 

Ethiopia, and Kenya. 

Geography

Situated on the Horn of Africa, Somalia is the easternmost 

country on continental Africa. It borders the Gulf of Aden to the 

north, the Indian Ocean to the east, Kenya to the southwest, 

Ethiopia to the west, and Djibouti to the northwest. Of note, part 

of Somalia’s western border with Ethiopia is disputed (see 

“Foreign Relations” below). Somalia’s total land area is about 

242,216 sq mi, making it slightly smaller than Texas. Somalia’s 

capital city of Mogadishu is located just north of the Equator, 

which passes through 

Somalia’s south.

A thin strip of 

semiarid plains and 

plateaus known as

the Guban (“burned 

from lack of water”) 

stretches along the 

Gulf of Aden coast in 

the North. Beyond the 

Guban, the towering 

Ogo and Karkaar 

Mountains extend from the Ethiopian border to Somalia’s 

easternmost tip. Here, Somalia’s highest peak, Shimber Berris, 

reaches 7,874 ft. Somalia’s interior is characterized by the hot 

and arid Haud Plain and Ogo Plateau, consisting of grazing 

rangelands interspersed with deep valleys where water flows 

occasionally following heavy rains. The central plateaus

gradually descend toward the Indian Ocean, where coastal 

lowlands and beaches with steep, unstable dunes dominate the 

terrain. Somalia’s only permanent rivers, the Shebelle and 

Jubba (pictured), are located in the South, flowing west-east 

from the Ethiopian highlands to the Indian Ocean. A strip of 

fertile, flat land lies along the basins of the 2 rivers, constituting 

Somalia’s major agricultural area. A savanna covered by thick 

thorn bush lies south of the Jubba River. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Climate

Somalia’s 4 seasons differentiate by amount of rainfall. The 

year begins with an extremely dry season from January-March 

(Jilal), followed by heavy rains from April-June (Gu), a mild dry 

season running from June-September (Hagaa), and light rains 

occurring October-December (Dair). Total rainfall varies

annually, though the 

South commonly receives 

more precipitation than 

the north. 

Temperatures across the 

country remain high 

throughout the year but

are generally cooler along 

the southern coasts and

at higher elevations. In the South, the hottest temperatures 

average 86°F and occur between December-March, while 

northern temperatures peak July-August, often reaching 100°F. 

Somalia’s coastal regions experience a hot and humid climate, 

while the interior is typically hot and dry (Photo: Somali terrain). 

Natural Hazards

Somalia is vulnerable to several types of natural hazards, 

particularly droughts and floods. Caused by a lack of significant 

rainfall, periodic droughts may last several years and intensify

food shortages, epidemics, and large-scale humanitarian 

crises. Over the last 15 years, Somalia has suffered multiple 

droughts, most notably one ending in 2009 that lasted for 5 

years, followed by a massive one in 2011 which caused over 

250,000 deaths. As of 2017, Somalia is again experiencing a 

severe drought, first triggered in 2015 when both rainy seasons 

yielded little or no rain. This drought has caused widespread 

crop failure and the deaths of livestock. Damage from the 

drought is currently spreading, as over 1/2 of the nation is in 

need of emergency food assistance. 

Droughts often end with flash floods from rare but heavy 

downpours, typically originating in the Ethiopian highlands. In 

2013, villages along the Shebelle River were evacuated after 

damaging floods overwhelmed the basin. Somalia also 

experiences periodic cyclones (tropical storms characterized by 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
strong, spiraling winds), the latest occurring in the northern 

region of Puntland in 2013 that left over 300 people dead. 

Environmental Issues

Recurrent drought and a general lack of surface water leads to 

shortages in drinking water, desertification, and soil erosion. In 

addition, overgrazing and the cutting of trees for farming, 

timber, and fuel intensifies desertification and further strains 

fresh water supplies. Notably, only about 32% of the population 

has access to safe drinking water and only 24% to modern 

sanitation facilities. 

Along the coasts, 

overfishing and rampant 

pollution from foreign

ships dumping toxic 

waste threaten marine 

biodiversity (Photo: 

Somali coastline near 

Mogadishu). 

Government

Somalia is a federal republic with a parliamentary government. 

The country divides into 18 regions (gobolka), some further 

subdividing into smaller administrative units. As of 2017, 

Somalia’s provisional constitution, first drafted in early 2012 by 

an interim government (see p. 20 of History and Myth), has yet 

to be ratified in a public referendum. Since declaring

independence from Somalia in 1991 (see p. 16 of History and 

Myth), the northern Republic of Somaliland maintains its own 

system of government, headed by an elected President and 

Parliament, though it is not recognized internationally. 

Executive Branch

Executive power is vested in the President, who is directly 

elected by members of the Parliament to serve unlimited 4-year 

terms. The President serves as head-of-state and oversees the 

country’s day-to-day affairs together with a Cabinet of Ministers

and the Prime Minister (PM). Appointed to the position by the 

President, the PM serves as head-of-government. Both the 

current President, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo (also known as 

Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed), and the PM, Hassan Ali 

Khaire, assumed office in February 2017. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Legislative Branch

Somalia’s legislature is a 2-chamber Parliament composed of a 

54-seat Upper House (UH) and 275-seat House of the People 

(HoP). In both the 2012 and 2016 elections, internal instability, 

terrorist threats, and failure to ratify a new constitution forced 

organizers to scrap plans for direct elections. Instead, clan

elders and prominent regional figures appointed all Parliament

members. Legislative members serve 4-year terms (Photo: 

Former US President 

Barack Obama and First 

Lady Michelle Obama 

pose with former Somali 

President Mohamud and 

his wife Mrs. Qamar Ali 

Omar). 

Judicial Branch

Somalia’s judiciary is a 

mixed system of civil, sharia (Islamic), and customary law. 

Although no national system exists, local sharia courts oversee 

criminal and personal matters, while in some areas, civil courts 

handle administrative, commercial, and civil disputes. Across 

the country, xeer (traditional clan-based law) adjudicates family 

and inter-clan disputes. Although different clans have distinct 

interpretations of xeer, in all cases xeer begti (clan elders) 

serve as mediators to settle disputes. Opposing parties usually

send representatives to speak on their behalf, and disputed 

facts must be verified by witnesses. Using local customs, 

historical precedent, and sharia, the judges make judgments by 

consensus to decide on punishments and compensation. 

Political Climate

President Farmajo and PM Khaire preside over Somalia’s first 

relatively stable central government since the collapse of the 

Barre regime in 1991 (see p. 16 of History and Myth). The 

Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) first formed in 2012, 

when a transitional government peacefully handed over control

to the new administration (see p. 20 of History and Myth). In a 

positive sign of democratic progress, the FGS oversaw indirect 

elections in 2016-17 that brought a new Parliament, Farmajo, 

and Khaire to power, while also maintaining control over the 

historically splintered country. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Upon assuming office in early 2017, President Farmajo 

promised to improve governance mechanisms, suppress 

Somalia’s widespread corruption, and address famine and 

other humanitarian crises plaguing the nation. A dual USSomali citizen, Farmajo also vowed to curb the ongoing internal 

violence that has crippled Somalia for nearly 26 years (see 

“Security Issues” below). Of note, some observers suggest that 

Farmajo appointed PM Khaire, a political newcomer, in part to 

balance Somalia’s clan relations: Farmajo is member of the 

Darod clan while Khaire 

is a member of the 

Hawiye clan (see p. 3, 

14, 16-18 of History and 

Myth) (Photo: Former US 

Secretary of State Kerry 

greets former Somali 

President Mohamud). 

Despite this progress, 

the FGS’s influence 

remains limited. Decades of instability have destroyed 

Somalia’s economy and infrastructure, fracturing the country 

into geopolitical pockets ruled by various clans, rival warlords, 

and Islamist insurgents. In addition, rural dwellers who live as 

nomadic herders generally reject centralized authority, instead 

relying on traditional, localized clan-based governance. In 

addition, the northern Somaliland region rejects FGS authority

since it is an autonomous state (see p. 16 of History and Myth). 

Other regional states, like northern Puntland, operate largely 

independently of the federal government in Mogadishu.

Amid this fractured environment, Somalis in general remain 

hopeful that the FGS will lead Somalia toward stability and 

peace. Despite this recent surge in public optimism, prevalent

corruption threatens democratic progress. For example, 

allegations of intimidation, violence, and corruption tainted the 

2017 Presidential election, as rival candidates accused one 

another of bribing Parliament members for votes. 

Consequently, while many Somalis are optimistic, others worry 

that rampant corruption and ongoing internal conflict will 

continue to undermine Somalia’s democratic, economic, and 

social progress. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Defense

Following the collapse of the Barre regime in 1991, defense 

and police forces dissolved. Combined international efforts by 

the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM – see p. 19 of 

History and Myth and “The AU” below), the European Union

(EU), and private security companies eventually created the 

Somali National Army (SNA), a small ground force consisting of 

up to 11,000 active-duty troops. Small navy and air branches

with a combined force of 450 active-duty troops provide limited 

support to the SNA. Somalia relies heavily on international 

support to supplement 

its military operations, 

primarily dedicated to 

peacekeeping and 

counter-terrorism efforts. 

Somalia receives most

military aid from 

AMISOM, notably forces 

and equipment from 

Burundi, Djibouti, 

Ethiopia, Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Uganda. Together, these 

countries contribute 21,524 active duty personnel comprised of

22 infantry battalions. In coming years, the EU plans to boost 

the SNA’s numbers by integrating various clan-based militias 

into its ranks. Notably, both Somaliland and Puntland have 

developed their own armies, coast guards, and police forces 

from clan militias (Photo: Ugandan forces perform a breaching 

exercise in preparation for an AMISOM mission in Somalia). 

Army: The Somali National Army has up to 11,000 active-duty 

troops, though actual numbers remain unknown. It consists of a

command division and 6 light maneuver brigades and units. 

Navy: The Somali National Navy has about 350 active-duty 

troops. Although the Navy does not currently have any 

equipment, the international community and the EU have

expressed interest in investing in the Somali Navy and Coast 

Guard in the future. 

Air Force: The smallest of the branches, the Somali National 

Air Force has about 100 active-duty troops. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
POLITICAL & 

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RELATIONS
Foreign Relations 

In the early years of the Barre regime, Somalia ideologically 

and economically aligned with the Soviet Union (see p. 14-15

of History and Myth). Then, in the late 1970s the government

began to cultivate relations with the US and other Western 

nations. After the Barre government collapsed and Somalia 

became engulfed 

in civil war in 

1991, maintaining

internal stability

became the 

nation’s primary 

focus. Since then,

Somalia has 

relied on political, 

military, and 

humanitarian assistance from its allies and global organizations

to meet its internal needs. For nearly 3 decades, the US, the 

UN, the African Union (AU), and various humanitarian agencies 

have worked together to strengthen Somalia’s democratic 

institutions, improve stability and security, and deliver basic 

services to the Somali people (Photo: Somalis attend a book 

fair in Mogadishu).

Today, Somalia’s relatively new central government continues 

to focus primarily on improving internal conditions, while 

beginning to build friendly relations with neighboring and 

regional countries. For example, it participates in organizations

that promote regional security and contributes to international 

efforts against regional Islamist militant groups. 

The AU: Somalia participates in the AU, an organization that 

fosters political and social cooperation among its 55 member 

nations. Further, the AU encourages regional economic 

development and addresses common security concerns. Active 

since 2007, AMISOM has been a vital actor in maintaining 

Somalia’s security. Today, AMISOM helps protect the fragile 

FGS, fighting alongside Somali troops in the ongoing war 

against Islamist terrorist groups that wish to topple the central 

government (see “Security Issues” below). 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Relations with Kenya: While Kenya-Somali relations have 

improved since the Barre era, Somalia’s ongoing internal 

conflicts often spill over its borders into Kenya, creating

bilateral tension. As a result, Kenya views Somalia’s instability 

as closely linked to its own internal security and actively 

engages in Somali affairs. For example, Kenya provides 

Somalia assistance to reduce the presence of al-Shabaab (see 

“Al-Shabaab” below) and to develop Somali economic, political, 

and social institutions. Kenyan military forces have been 

present in Somalia since 2011 and today are prominent in

AMISOM operations. In fact, nearly 20% of Kenya’s armed 

forces are currently deployed in Somalia (Photo: Somali and 

Kenyan students attend

school along the 

Somalia-Kenya border). 

Significantly, repeated 

al-Shabaab attacks in 

Kenya have killed 

hundreds of civilians, 

soldiers, and police over 

the last 4 years, notably

2 notoriously brutal 

attacks on a shopping mall and a university that left over 200 

dead. Recently, there has been an upsurge in al-Shabaab 

attacks on Kenyan government infrastructure, police, and 

security forces, particularly along the extended and porous 

border with Somalia. Amid this violence, Kenya has vowed to 

expand its military presence in Somalia, promising to invest $1 

billion toward military operations there over the next several 

years. 

Relations with Ethiopia: Although Somalia and Ethiopia have 

had historically tense relations (see p. 3-5, 7-8, 13-15 of History 

and Myth), both nations have worked to restore peace in the 

region since the fall of the Barre regime. Like Kenya and other 

regional nations, Ethiopia contributes troops to AMISOM, while

housing thousands of Somali refugees in temporary camps. 

The Somalia-Ethiopia border historically has been a source of

conflict. Arbitrarily demarcated by colonial powers in the 1960s,

the border divides land traditionally occupied by Somalis. As of 

2017, portions of the border remain disputed. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Relations with the US: The US and Somalia first established 

political and military ties in 1960 following Somalia’s

independence (see p. 11-13 of History and Myth). While 

diplomatic relations became strained during the Barre era (see 

p. 13-16 of History and Myth), Somalia turned to the US for 

economic and military support following the war with Ethiopia in 

the 1970s (see p. 14-15 of History and Myth). During 

subsequent decades, the US engaged in Somali affairs on 

several occasions, taking part in various military and 

humanitarian assistance operations. Since 2006, the US has 

provided Somalia $1.5 billion in humanitarian assistance and 

an additional $240 million since 2011 to support the 

development of civil 

society (Photo: 

Former US Secretary 

of State Kerry meets 

with members of 

Somali civil society

organizations).

In 2013, the US 

formally recognized 

Somalia’s central 

government, and today continues to actively support Somalia’s 

democratic development. In addition to promoting political and 

economic stability, the US is working to curtail the spread and 

influence of radical and extremist groups and alleviate 

Somalia’s ongoing humanitarian crisis. In late 2015, the US 

reopened its US Mission to Somalia after a 25-year diplomatic 

absence, although it was forced to locate the embassy 

temporarily in Nairobi, Kenya due to ongoing internal instability. 

Nevertheless, its opening publicly demonstrates US support for 

the Somali central government and officially establishes 

bilateral diplomatic ties between the 2 nations. 

Security Issues

Somalia’s security environment is dominated by internal 

instability, primarily caused by destabilizing terrorist activities of

extremist groups. In addition, a large-scale humanitarian crisis 

resulting from years of conflict, poor governance, recurrent 

drought, and damaging floods worsens already fragile security 

conditions. Somalia heavily relies on military and economic aid 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
from AMISOM, the US, and other international allies to 

adequately address security concerns. 

Al-Shabaab: Al-Shabaab is a militant, Somalia-based Islamist 

group that first emerged in 2006 (see p. 19 of History and 

Myth). By 2011, it had gained control of most of south-central 

Somalia. Although AMISOM and Somali troops successfully 

drove al-Shabaab from Mogadishu in 2011-12, the armed 

group continued to control large swaths of Somali territory 

through 2014. Subsequently, AMISOM operations finally forced 

it from important urban strongholds, drastically reducing the 

group’s size and influence (Photo: Residents of a Somali 

refugee camp assist

children in a medical 

clinic). 

Although weakened, alShabaab remains active in 

Somalia where it regularly 

conducts terror attacks,

the latest occurring in

Mogadishu in 2017 and 

resulting in dozens of 

deaths. Looking to topple the central government, al-Shabaab 

fighters often target populated areas, high-profile politicians, 

and prominent landmarks. In February 2017, al-Shabaab 

publicly denounced newly-elected President Farmajo, 

threatening more violence in protest of the central government. 

In addition to domestic terrorism, al-Shabaab has 

demonstrated the ability to operate across borders, 

occasionally mounting attacks in neighboring Kenya (see 

“Foreign Relations” above) and Uganda, 2 countries that 

regularly detail troops to AMISOM. 

Ongoing instability and dire humanitarian conditions have left 

Somalia’s population vulnerable to recruitment by al-Shabaab. 

Children are often the most susceptible, kidnapped from their 

families or lured into al-Shabaab by promises of education and 

employment. In 2016, UN experts estimated children comprise

over 1/2 of al-Shabaab’s force, fighting on the frontlines, 

transporting explosives, working as spies, and performing

domestic chores. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Other Armed Groups: In addition to al-Shabaab, other 

extremist groups with smaller followings operate within 

Somalia. While these groups all oppose Somalia’s Westernstyle democracy, they differ substantially in their interpretations 

of Islam and in their visions of Somalia’s political future. 

Notably, in 2015, some members of al-Shabaab left to pledge

allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS, also 

known as Daesh, ISIL, and IS), a notoriously brutal militant 

Islamist group currently controlling territory in Iraq and Syria.

Today, Somali ISIS fighters operate primarily in Somalia’s 

northern regions. 

Somali refugees: Protracted internal conflict, environmental 

degradation, famine, and widespread poverty have forced 

millions of Somalis to flee their homes over the last 3 decades. 

Today, Somalia is the world’s 3rd-highest source country for 

refugees, after Afghanistan and Syria. As of 2016, 1.1 million 

Somalis remain internally displaced, while Kenya, Ethiopia, 

Yemen, Egypt, 

Djibouti, and Uganda 

host 1.1 million more

in temporary camps. 

A major source of 

regional tension, 

refugee camps strain 

the host nations’ 

financial resources, 

are often plagued

with violence and 

vulnerable to 

outbreaks of disease (Photo: A USAID representative meets 

with Somali refugees in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya). 

The largest concentration of refugees is in Kenya, where the 

Dadaab refugee camp is home to more than 300,000 Somalis. 

In 2016 Kenya announced plans to eventually close the

Dadaab camp, prompting thousands of refugees to return to 

Somalia. This flow of returning refugees has exacerbated 

already dire humanitarian and security conditions in receiving 

communities in Somalia. Likewise, ongoing violence 

compounds the crisis and continues to hamper international 

efforts to aid the displaced populations. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Ethnic Groups

The Somali government has not conducted a public census of

ethnic group membership for decades. Consequently, expert 

estimates of the ethnic makeup of the population vary widely. 

Generally, observers agree that between 85-95% of Somalia’s 

population are ethnic Somalis. 

Somalis: Numbering about 15-20 million in their traditional 

homeland across the Horn of Africa (see p. 12 of History and 

Myth), Somalis constitute one of Africa’s largest ethnic groups. 

Today, Somalis inhabit a broad area encompassing Somalia 

and parts of Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Kenya. Somalis trace their 

roots to a Hamitic people native to the region who mixed with 

Arabs around a thousand years ago, forming the Somali 

ethnicity (see p. 3 of History and Myth). Somalis divide into 5 

clan families, hundreds of clans, and even more sub-clans. 

While 4 of the Somali clan families trace their origins to a 

common ancestor named Samaal, the 5th clan claims descent

from his brother, Saab. Most Somalis are traditionally nomadic 

pastoralists, although 

some have moved to 

urban areas. 

The 4 dominant clans that 

trace their lineage to 

ancestor Samaal are the 

Hawiye, Isaaq, Darod, and 

Dir. Comprising around 

75% of the total 

population, members of 

this clan family subsist as

nomadic sheep, goat, and camel herders distributed across 

Somalia. In recent years, a growing number of Samaal have 

become sedentary farmers. The Hawiye clan of central and 

southern Somalia likely comprises the largest share of the 

Samaal clan family and is probably Somalia’s largest clan 

group. The Isaaq also account for a large share of the Samaal 

and are located primarily in Somaliland. Another large clan 

group, the Darod, are located throughout Somalia and 

comprise the dominant group in Puntland. Lastly, the Dir of 

central and coastal Somalia make up the smallest share of the 

Samaal clan (Photo: A Somali mother with her children).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
The 5th Somali clan family, the Rahanweyn, claims descent 

from Samaal’s brother Saab and consists of about 20% of 

Somalia’s population. Members are primarily settled farmers 

and pastoralists in the southern riverine regions. 

Bantus: The Bantus of southern coastal Somalia came to the 

region in 2 waves. The first wave from western and central 

Africa possibly pre-dated the arrival of the Somali people. A 

second wave from eastern Africa occurred in the 18th-19th 

centuries, when Bantus were forcibly brought to the region as 

slaves to Somali sultans. Experts believe 600,000-900,000 

Bantus live in Somalia today, primarily as small farmers on the 

coast or along Somalia’s rivers. While some early Bantu

residents integrated with Somalis, most former slaves 

remained separate, often facing discrimination for their distinct 

appearance, occupations, and language (see p. 2 of Language 

and Communication). Since 2003, thousands of Bantus from 

Somalia have resettled as 

refugees across the US 

(Photo: Bantu farmers 

near Kismayo). 

Other Groups: Other 

notable groups include the 

Benadiri and Rerhamar, 

historically urban coastal 

traders, and the Bajuni, 

fishermen and seafarers 

from the southern Bajuni 

islands. The Eyre are traditionally subsistence farmers, potters, 

or hunters and gatherers from the southern inland Buur Heybe

region. Some Arabs, Indians, and Pakistanis live in urban 

areas as traders or shopkeepers. A few Italians live near urban 

areas, often as businessmen or teachers. Finally, many of 

Somalia’s aid workers and missionaries are European or North 

American.

Social Relations

Kinship is the governing principle of Somali social relations. 

Somalis trace their identity first to their household and family, 

then to a clan, and finally to a clan group that typically has a 

geographical home. 

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Clans and kinship groups tend to supersede all other societal 

divisions in Somalia. As a result, family and clan connections 

are significant in most political and economic activities. In a 

clan, the chief typically derives his authority from the power and 

connections of his extended family. Instead of issuing decrees 

or laws, elder clan chiefs traditionally use the inclusive, 

traditional xeer legal system (see “Judicial Branch” above) 

which empowers elder community members to collectively 

mediate disputes. Of note, succession within the clan does not 

always pass from a generation to the next. Instead, it often 

passes laterally to a brother, nephew, uncle, or cousin. 

The Rahanweyn clan family follows a caste system that defines

social status primarily by occupation. Laborers, servants, or 

other workers in low-skilled and low-paying jobs such as

metalworkers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, hunters, and 

circumcisers occupy the lower castes and typically have lower 

social status. In some cases, the caste system supersedes 

social status afforded by clan affiliation, even among nonRahanweyn. For example, members of the Gaboye, Tumal, 

Yibir, and Galgala – small clan groups within the Samaal clan 

family, which does not typically subscribe to the same caste 

system – often perform jobs associated with lower castes. As a 

result, they may have a lower social status than clan members 

with occupations associated with higher castes such as 

pastoralists and farmers, even though they are members of the 

same clan family

(Photo: Somali men 

walk past banana trees 

in Afgoye).

In addition to clan and 

caste divisions, Somali 

society further divides 

along rural-urban, 

male-female, rich-poor, 

and generational lines.

Urban dwellers, males, and wealthier Somalis typically enjoy 

greater access to educational and economic opportunities and 

hold greater prestige. Some generational divisions also exist: 

elders garner more respect and take part in most decisionmaking (see p. 5 of Language and Communication).

POLITICAL & 

SOCIAL 

RELATIONS
Overview 

According to US government estimates, about 99% of Somalis 

are Sunni Muslim. The remainder includes Christians, Shi’a 

Muslims, followers of traditional beliefs and practices, and

those who claim no religious affiliation. Somalia’s 2012 

provisional constitution recognizes Islam as the state religion, 

prohibits the propagation of any other religion, and stipulates 

sharia (Islamic law) as the country’s legal foundation

(Illustration: Drawing 

of the Mosque of 

Abdul Aziz and the 

Mnara tower of 

Mogadishu in 1882).

Somalia’s relatively 

new and weak 

central government

(see p. 4-6 of 

Political and Social 

Relations) struggles

to uphold the 

constitution across the entire country but is able to do so only 

in the capital city of Mogadishu and surrounding areas. 

Meanwhile, the northern territories of Somaliland and Puntland 

follow separate constitutions (see p. 16-17 of History and 

Myth), which also establish Islam as the state religion, prohibits 

Muslims from converting to other religions, and enforces sharia

law. Other areas of the country are controlled by various 

warlords, clans, and Islamist militant groups who govern 

through other means (see p. 11-13 of Political and Social 

Relations). 

Some communities mediate and arbitrate through a 

combination of xeer (traditional and customary law – see p. 5

of Political and Social Relations) alongside sharia law. The 

enforcement of laws and customs varies widely throughout the 

country, affecting the state of religious freedom to differing 

degrees.

3. RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Traditional Beliefs

Early inhabitants of present-day Somalia had a rich spiritual 

life, consisting of a variety of traditional religious beliefs and 

practices. Some groups practiced animism, the belief that the 

spirit of life or consciousness resides in all objects, both 

animate and inanimate. Others worshipped multiple deities, 

notably an all-powerful sky god known as Waaq who ruled over 

a realm of numerous bush and animal spirits such as insects, 

scorpions, snakes and others. 

Today, particularly in rural areas, traditional beliefs continue to

influence Somali household rituals and public celebrations such 

as ceremonies marking birth and death, rites of passage, and 

seasonal events. In addition, Muslim Somalis customarily 

incorporate particular elements of traditional religion into their 

Islamic devotional practices. For example, members of 

nomadic communities claiming a Muslim identity often consult 

spiritual advisors (see “Religion Today” below) who sometimes

integrate elements of pre-Islamic beliefs into their teachings

and activities. 

Islam

Origins of Islam

Muhammad, who 

Muslims consider 

God’s final 

Prophet, was 

born in Mecca in 

570 in what is 

today Saudi

Arabia. Muslims 

believe that while Muhammad was meditating in the desert, the 

Archangel Gabriel visited him over a 23-year period, revealing 

the Qur’an, or “Holy Book,” to guide their everyday lives and 

shape their values (Photo: Late 7th-century Arabian Qur’an).

Meaning of Islam

Islam is a way of life to its adherents. The term Islam literally 

means submission to the will of God, and a Muslim is “a person 

who submits to God.”

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Muslim Sects

Islam is divided into 2 sects: Sunni and Shi’a. Sunnis are 

distinguished by their belief that the leader (Caliph) of the 

Muslim community (Ummah) should be elected. Conversely, 

Shi’a Muslims believe the religious leader should be a direct 

descendant of the Prophet Muhammad.

Five Pillars of Islam 

There are 5 basic principles of the Islamic faith. 

• Profession of Faith (Shahada): “There is no god but God, 

and Muhammad is His Messenger.” 

• Prayer (Salat): Pray 5 times a day while facing the Ka’aba in 

Mecca, Saudi Arabia. The Ka’aba (pictured) is considered 

the center of the Muslim 

world and a unifying focal 

point for Islamic worship. 

• Charity (Zakat): Donate 

a percentage of one’s 

income to the poor or 

needy. 

• Fasting (Sawm): 

Abstain from food, drink, 

and sexual relations from sunrise to sunset during the holy 

month of Ramadan.

• Pilgrimage to Mecca (The Hajj): Perform the pilgrimage to 

Mecca, Saudi Arabia once in a lifetime. 

Shared Perspectives

Many Islamic tenets parallel those of Judaism and Christianity. 

In fact, Muslims consider Christians and Jews “people of the 

Book,” referring to biblical scriptures, because they also believe 

in 1 God. 

Abraham: All 3 faiths trace their lineage to Abraham, known as 

Ibrahim in Islam. However, Christians and Jews trace their 

descent to Abraham, his wife Sarah, and their son Isaac; while 

Muslims trace theirs to Abraham and his Egyptian concubine, 

Hagar, and their son Ishmael.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Scriptures: Much of the content of the Qur’an is similar to 

teachings and stories found in the Christian Bible’s Old and 

New Testaments, and Muslims view Islam as a completion of 

previous revelations to Jewish and Christian prophets. 

However, Muslims believe Jews and Christians altered God’s 

word and that Muhammad received the true revelation of God. 

Jesus: The 3 religions differ significantly in their understanding 

of the role of Jesus. While Christians consider him the divine 

Messiah who fulfills Jewish Scriptures, Jews are still waiting for 

the Messiah to come. Muslims recognize Jesus as a prophet 

but do not acknowledge his divinity or the Christian Trinity. 

View of Death: Muslims believe that God determines the time 

of death and birth. While people grieve the loss of family 

members or friends, they do not view death as a negative 

event, as Muslims believe that a person who lived a good life 

goes on to live in Heaven 

(Photo: Former US 

President Barack Obama 

listens to a Somali 

woman during a meeting 

with African leaders at 

the White House).

Concept of Jihad

The concept of jihad, or 

inner striving, is a fundamental element within Islam. 

Traditionally, it is the principled and moral pursuit of God’s 

command to lead a virtuous life. It should not be confused with 

the publicized violence often associated with jihad. Most 

Muslims are strongly opposed to terrorism and consider it

contrary to Islamic beliefs. 

Ramadan

Observed during the 9th month of the Islamic lunar calendar 

(see p. 2 of Time and Space), Ramadan is a month-long time 

for inner reflection, self-control, and focus on God. During this 

time, Muslims who are physically able fast from dawn to 

sunset. Many Muslims believe that denying their hunger helps

them to learn self-control, appreciate the difficulties of the poor, 

and gain spiritual renewal – by fasting, a Muslim learns to 

appreciate the good in life. Somali Muslims typically break their 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
daily fast at sunset with a meal known as iftar. Ramadan 

includes several holidays:

• Lailat al-Qadr: This “Night of Power” marks Muhammad’s 

receipt of the first verses of the Qur’an.

• Eid al-Fitr: This “Festival of Fast-Breaking” celebrates 

Ramadan’s end.

Another important holiday is celebrated when the Hajj ends, 

about 70 days following the end of Ramadan.

• Eid al-Adha: This “Festival of Sacrifice” commemorates 

Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son, Ishmael (or Isaac, 

according to Christians), as proof of his loyalty to God.

Sufi Tradition: Characterized by mysticism and ritualistic 

prayer, the Sufi tradition of Islam has a rich history in Somalia. 

The first Sufi movements emerged in the Middle East in the 

13th century, when charismatic religious leaders sought to 

complement Qur’anic study with direct religious experience 

through prayer and contemplation. Followers of these leaders 

formed brotherhoods to promote 

their versions of Islam, eventually 

bringing them to Somalia in the 

15th century (Photo: The Mosque 

of Islamic Solidarity in 

Mogadishu). 

Historically, Sufi communities 

served as safe havens for the 

persecuted, particularly freed 

slaves (see p. 15 of Political and 

Social Relations) in the 1920s 

and ethnic Somalis fleeing unrest 

in Ethiopia in the 1970s. Today, 

these religious communities are 

centers of learning and worship, 

while Sufi shrines and tombs serve as places of pilgrimage.

Somalia’s Sufi followers adhere primarily to 1 of 3 sects: 

Qadiriya, Ahmediya, or Saalixiya. Of note, fundamentalist 

Islamist groups intermittently carry out attacks on Sufi religious 

sites, destroying mosques and tombs of Sufi scholars.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
The Arrival of Islam in Somalia

Islam likely first arrived in Somalia in the 7th century, when 

early followers of the Prophet Muhammad arrived on the Horn 

of Africa after fleeing religious persecution in Arabia. By the 

10th century, Islam began to spread along Somalia’s coasts as 

Arab traders settled permanently in the region (see p. 3 of 

History and Myth). Over subsequent 

centuries, several Arab tribal 

leaders migrated to Somalia and 

married into Somali families, 

founding some of Somalia’s 

numerous clans (see p. 3 of History 

and Myth). By the 13th century, all 

major Somali clans had adopted 

Islam (Photo: 14th-century Somali 

tablet with Arabic inscriptions). 

Over the next several centuries, 

Arabs and Somali clans formed 

various sultanates (Islamic 

kingdoms) and fought a series of 

religious wars against neighboring Christian kingdoms (see p. 

3-5 of History and Myth). By the 16th century, powerful 

sultanates had secured control over much of the region, 

solidifying Islam as the dominant religion. During this time, 

Mogadishu and other coastal cities became thriving centers of 

Islamic tradition and 

culture. Notably, some of 

Mogadishu’s mosques 

are among the oldest in 

East Africa (Photo: A 

Somali woman dressed 

in colorful patriotic

clothing). 

Over the following 200 

years, the Somali sultanates successfully repelled repeated 

attacks from the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia and its 

European Christian ally, Portugal (see p. 5 of History and 

Myth). They further reinforced the Islamic identity of the Somali 

people and facilitated Islam’s spread along the Horn of Africa 

through the 20th century. 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Islam under Barre

When Barre assumed control of Somalia in 1969 (see p. 13 of 

History and Myth), he declared it a socialist Islamic state and 

named Sunni Islam as the nation’s official religion. Looking to 

abolish clan divisions, the Barre regime limited the application 

of certain traditional practices, particularly elements of sharia

and the use of the xeer system of mediation and decisionmaking (see p. 5 of Political and Social Relations). The regime 

also placed all Islamic mosques under state control while 

dismantling non-Sunni religious groups and executing, exiling, 

and imprisoning religious leaders, most notably in 1975.

Religion Today

Religion permeates daily life in Somalia. Most cities and 

villages feature mosques that serve as important community 

and learning centers in addition to their primary role as places 

of worship. Generally, Somalis experience strong social 

pressure to observe Sunni Muslim rituals. Conversion from 

Islam to other religions is both socially unacceptable and 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY

Folk Beliefs in Contemporary Society

Somalis tend to incorporate elements of traditional 

religion into their Islamic beliefs and practices. For 

example, some Somalis believe clan elders have the 

ability to extend duco (blessings) and cast inkaar

(curses). In addition, some Somalis engage in a daily 

ritual of incense lighting that not only sends prayers 

to Allah but also protects the home from evil saar

(spirits). Some Somalis also believe that saar can 

possess an individual, causing sickness, fits, or 

madness. To prevent such possession, some

Somalis wear protective charms and amulets. Some 

nomadic communities rely on wadaddo (traveling 

religious specialists) to lead prayers, bless livestock, 

resolve disputes, and perform marriages, among 

other services. Wadaddo derive their teachings from 

a combination of Islamic beliefs and traditional 

concepts of astronomy, psychology, and medicine. 
prohibited by law. Non-Muslims often refrain from openly 

practicing their religion, fearing harassment or violence. As of 

2015, Somalia had no public places of worship for followers of 

non-Muslim religions. 

Islam

Most Somali Muslims adhere to the Shafi’i school of Sunni 

Islam, a generally tolerant school of thought. A very small 

percentage of Somali Muslims hold fundamentalist beliefs

known as Wahhabism or Salafism and popular in Saudi Arabia. 

These fundamentalist beliefs first took root in Somalia as a 

grassroots movement in the latter half of the 20th century. 

Children learn Qur’anic verses from an early age and receive

Islamic instruction in school (see p. 5 of Learning and 

Knowledge). Some Somali adults memorize the Qur’an in its 

entirety (Photo: A 

Somali woman 

wearing traditional 

clothing receives 

teacher’s training in 

Mogadishu).

Islam and Politics

Chronic conflict, 

recurrent drought, and 

widespread poverty have facilitated the emergence of 

fundamentalist Islamist groups actively seeking new 

supporters. With Somalia’s central government unable to fully 

control the volatile environment, Somalis are somewhat

vulnerable to acts of violence and intimidation by various 

armed groups. Somalia’s most prominent terrorist group, alShabaab (see p. 12 of Political and Social Relations), regularly 

harasses and kills Somalis suspected of converting from Islam 

to other religions and those who do not adhere to al-Shabaab’s 

interpretation of Islamic law. In recent years, al-Shabaab has 

killed scores of civilians, government officials, Somali police 

and military personnel, and international peacekeeping troops. 

Meanwhile, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a (ASWJ), a Sufi militia 

opposed to al-Shabaab’s strict interpretations of Islam, 

occasionally engages in armed conflict with al-Shabaab. In 

addition to countering the spread of al-Shabaab’s Islamist 

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
teachings, ASWJ seeks to unite and protect Somalia’s Sufi 

Muslim orders. 

Christianity 

Christianity first reached Somalia in the late 19th century, 

shortly after the British, Italians, and French took control of the 

region (see p. 6 of History and Myth). Somalis generally 

opposed colonialism and the efforts of early Christian 

missionaries. Of note, a significant aspect of Islamic religious 

leader Mohamed Abdullah Hassan’s 20-year rebellion in the 

early 20th century was resistance to European cultural 

influence and colonization. A member of a Sufi Muslim order, 

Hassan united his followers under their common Islamic faith, 

culture, and language and is an important figure still today for 

many Somalis (see p. 7-8 of History and Myth). 

Despite this resistance, missionaries were eventually able to 

cultivate a small Christian following in Italian Somalia, where 

Italian missions opened schools and offered medical services. 

Meanwhile, ongoing and violent 

opposition in British Somaliland 

generally prevented Christianity’s 

spread. Over the latter half of the 

20th century, Christianity 

gradually retreated from Somalia. 

In 1990, bomb blasts destroyed 

Somalia’s only Catholic cathedral

in Mogadishu (pictured). 

Today, Somalia is home to a 

small community of Christians

who largely refrain from openly 

practicing their religion. Notably

in 2015, Somalia’s central 

government temporarily banned 

the celebration of Christian 

holidays, claiming their 

celebration threatened the Muslim faith. Government officials 

later explained that the ban was meant to prevent Christian 

Somalis from being targeted by radical Islamist groups and not 

intended it to be discriminatory. Nevertheless, the incident 

sparked international criticism.

RELIGION & 

SPIRITUALITY
Overview

Family is the center of Somali life, whereby kinship ties across 

the extended family and clan often serve as a mutual support 

network. While there are some differences between urban and 

rural communities, Somalis typically celebrate common rituals 

to mark important personal milestones. 

Residence

Somalia’s long-term civil conflict (see p. 16-20 of History and 

Myth) destroyed much of the country’s electrical grid. 

Consequently, residents of both urban and rural communities

often lack access, and even where electricity is available, it is 

often very expensive. For example, in Mogadishu rates are 

currently around 10 times the US average. Further, some

residents in both rural and urban areas lack access to 

adequate sanitation services and drinking water.

Urban: Somalis who fled the violence are returning to 

Mogadishu in large numbers, fueling a construction boom. 

Overall, about 39% of Somalis live in urban areas, where

wealthier residents construct homes with tile roofs and 

courtyards surrounded by stone walls. In coastal communities, 

Arab-style white-washed homes constructed of stone or brick 

and covered with plaster are common. Such homes typically 

feature roof-top areas where families socialize, hang laundry, 

or sleep during 

summer months. 

Another common 

urban home is the

baraka, constructed 

of cement and topped 

with a corrugated 

metal roof. Some

urban homes are

surrounded by walls 

topped with broken 

glass for security. Interiors often feature brightly-painted walls 

and rug-covered floors (Photo: New homes in Mogadishu).

4. FAMILY AND KINSHIP

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Rural: About 61% of Somalis live in rural areas, where home

designs vary depending on lifestyle. Aqal are domed, singleroom huts favored by nomads. Made from hides, cloth, 

branches, or tin, aqal are easy to dismantle, transport, and 

reassemble. The dwelling is usually sparsely decorated and 

divides into a gole or 

living area, along with 

cooking and sleeping 

areas. A bed made of 

wooden stakes and 

animal hides is often 

the only furniture. 

Another rural 

structure is an arissh, 

a more permanent,

rectangular hut with a tin or thatched roof. It also typically

consists of one room with a sparsely decorated interior. 

Somalis living in refugee camps typically live in temporary 

structures (Photo: A temporary shelter in Somaliland). 

Family Structure

The nuclear family (2 parents and their children) forms the 

basic unit of Somali society (see p. 15-16 of Political and Social 

Relations). Traditionally, an elder man is the head of household 

and ultimately responsible for the safety and financial support 

of the family. Women customarily perform housework and care 

for children, although today some women also work outside the 

home (see p. 1-2 of Sex and Gender).

Beyond the nuclear family, individuals also rely on their 

extended family, who often live in close proximity. Extended

family members typically pool resources to help individual 

members during sickness or accident. Somalis living abroad 

often provide substantial financial support to extended family 

members who remain in-country (see p. 3, 5 of Economics and 

Resources).

Of note, while scholars of Somali culture use the terms “clans” 

and “tribes” to describe the social structure, foreign nationals 

should avoid asking Somalis which “clan” or “tribe” they belong

to. Over the past few decades, clan divisions have contributed 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
to civil conflicts, and referencing those divisions may cause 

anger or discomfort (see p. 5-6 of Language and 

Communication). 

Polygyny: This practice of a man having multiple wives 

simultaneously is legal in Somalia. According to Islamic law, a 

man may marry up to 4 wives if he can support them equally.

While exact statistics are unavailable, polygyny is more 

common in rural areas. In some clan groups (see p. 14-16 of 

Political and Social Relations), the practice is relatively 

common, with some men having at least 2 wives and the 

wealthy ones often 

having 4. 

Children

Children are 

particularly valued 

in Somali society. 

Childcare is usually

a communal task 

shared among the 

women of an 

extended family. Beginning at a young age, children typically 

help their families with household tasks. For example, mothers 

usually start preparing their daughters to run a household when 

they are between the ages of 7-9. Sons and daughters typically

live with their parents until marriage (Photo: Somali children). 

Birth: Several activities and ceremonies surrounding childbirth 

reflect a high level of community involvement and support for 

new mothers. Before birth, family members and women in the 

community hold a baby shower for the expectant mother. 

Women generally give birth at home with the help of a midwife.

Following a birth, the newborn’s grandmother and other female 

relatives help care for the mother and child. The mother 

remains indoors for 40 days after birth, a custom known as 

afatanbah. Female relatives provide nourishing foods such as 

soups, porridges, and teas. Between 7-40 days following the 

birth, Somali families hold a naming ceremony, a large social 

gathering where a goat or sheep is slaughtered for a feast 

enjoyed by the family and members of the larger community. 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Circumcision: Both males and females commonly undergo 

circumcision, a rite of passage symbolizing acceptance into the 

Somali community. While boys are circumcised sometime 

between birth and age 5, girls usually undergo the procedure

between the ages of 4-11 (see p. 4 of Sex and Gender).

Marriage

Marriage in Somalia is a bond between both individuals and 

their families. In some cases, marriages among the same clan 

group are preferred while in other areas, clans promote 

marriage between rival groups to strengthen relationships and 

reduce potential conflicts. Traditionally, a marriage was an 

arranged union decided by the families of the bride and groom. 

This practice continues in many rural areas and some urban 

communities today, although some Somalis choose their own 

spouse based on mutual attraction. Of note, dating in the 

Western sense is uncommon in Somalia, and interaction 

between unmarried men and women is restricted to public 

places and large social gatherings.

In arranged marriages, the bride is usually much younger than 

the groom. Somalia’s provisional constitution does not specify 

a minimum legal age for marriage, 

though it does require the free consent 

of both parties. Observers note that 

Somali brides can be as young as 15, 

and studies show that 45% of women 

are married before the age of 18. By 

contrast, men tend to marry after

establishing themselves financially. 

Engagement: To initiate the

engagement, the 2 families meet and

become acquainted. If both parties 

decide to proceed, they then seek 

approval from the appropriate clan

elders on both sides. Next, the groom’s family presents the 

bride’s family with sooroyo, a sum of money representing the 

groom’s commitment to marriage and distributed to all 

assembled family members. Afterward, the families celebrate

the engagement with food and singing (Photo: Somali wedding 

basket). 

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Bridewealth: Somali men traditionally pay mahr, or a so-called 

bridewealth, to the bride on the wedding night. A legal 

requirement for Islamic marriages, the mahr may consist of 

gold, land, cash, or livestock, and is often reserved by the bride 

for use in case of divorce. 

Weddings: Weddings in Somalia are celebratory affairs that 

can last up to 7 days. First, couples sign the nikah (wedding 

contract) in the presence of an Islamic cleric to officially seal 

the marriage. The wedding celebration often occurs directly 

after the ceremony. Whether in an aqal or arissh in a rural 

community or a hotel in a city, friends and family gather to

enjoy special foods while young, unmarried men and women 

perform traditional dances (see p. 4 of Aesthetics and 

Recreation). At some weddings, a lyricist may compose a 

poem in honor of the newlyweds (see p. 5 of Aesthetics and 

Recreation). 

Divorce: While exact statistics are unavailable, divorce is not 

uncommon in Somalia. In fact, it is relatively straightforward for 

a Somali man to achieve divorce, though Somali women rarely

initiate the process due to significant hurdles (see p. 2 of Sex 

and Gender). If the couple has children, they can remain with 

either parent. 

Death

In line with Islamic 

tradition, Somalis

bury their loved 

ones as soon as 

possible after 

death, usually 

within 24 hours. 

Family members 

wash the 

deceased’s body, apply adar, a traditional perfume, and then 

wrap it in a white shroud. Men transport the deceased to a 

mosque, where a religious leader offers prayers. Relatives then 

transport the deceased for burial in a cemetery or within a 

family compound. Following the ceremony, mourners gather at 

the family home to honor and pray for the deceased (Photo:

Men in a mosque in Mogadishu.)

KINSHIP

FAMILY &
Overview

Somali society is traditionally patriarchal, meaning men hold 

most power, authority, and social prestige. Although the law 

grants women equal rights and stresses the importance of 

female political participation, patriarchal traditions continue to 

prevail. Violence against females remains a significant problem 

in many areas of the 

country.

Gender Roles and Work

Traditionally, Somali 

communities exhibited a

clear division of labor. 

Women typically 

managed the household 

and performed domestic 

work such as fetching water and firewood, cooking, and caring 

for children and livestock. Meanwhile, as the heads of the 

household, men were responsible for providing for and 

protecting the family. Traditional male duties also included 

herding camels and serving on clan councils (see p. 5 of 

Political and Social Relations and “Gender and the Law” below) 

(Photo: Women collect water in Qoryooley).

Notably, years of conflict 

and instability (see p. 16-

20 of History and Myth) 

altered this traditional 

labor arrangement. As 

men were recruited to 

fight or were killed in the 

conflict, women became 

heads of household and 

increasingly began to 

work outside the home. Consequently, many women today 

operate small businesses, such as selling clothes, household 

items, food, or qat, a mild stimulant (see p. 6-7 of Sustenance 

and Health) (Photo: Somali women sell tea in the central town 

of Buur-Hakba).

5. SEX AND GENDER

SEX &

GENDER
Some men, particularly those unable to find employment due to 

disability or qat addiction, are completely dependent on their 

wives’ income, a major shift in traditional gender roles 

Labor Force: In 2014, about 37% of women worked outside 

the home, a significantly lower rate than in neighboring Ethiopia 

(78%) and Kenya (62%), as well as the US (56%). Even those 

women who own small businesses and have modest financial 

stability face barriers such as a lack of access to capital (see p. 

3 of Economics and Resources) and insecure living conditions 

(see p. 11-13 of Political and Social Relations).

Gender and the Law

While the 2012 provisional constitution guarantees women 

equal rights to men, sharia (Islamic law) and xeer (a local, 

clan-based legal system – see p. 5 of Political and Social 

Relations) significantly limit their legal rights. Within the xeer

system, women are considered legal dependents of a male 

guardian and are subsequently entitled to less compensation 

than men. For example, women are entitled to just 1/2 of their 

brother’s portion of an 

inheritance. In practice, 

most women receive no 

inheritance at all: only 

about 15-20% receive a 

portion of the money 

owed to them. Further, 

traditional customs 

require compensation 

in the case of murder, 

yet the unlawful death of a female requires only 1/2 the amount 

owed to the family of a male. Under sharia, men can divorce 

women with relative ease, but women may petition for divorce 

only in extreme circumstances like abuse or cruelty (Photo: 

Somali men and women perform during a Human Rights Day 

event in Mogadishu).

Gender and Politics

While earlier constitutional drafts reserved 30% of Parliament 

seats for women, the 2012 provisional constitution discarded 

this requirement. Instead, the document simply requires that 

women hold elected and appointed positions across the 3 

SEX &

GENDER
branches of government. In the 2016 election, women won 

24% of Parliament seats, a significant increase from the 14% of 

seats women held in the previous Parliament. This rate is lower 

than in neighboring Ethiopia, where 39% of legislators are 

women, yet higher than the 19% rate in the US. 

Nevertheless, women still face significant barriers to political 

participation. For one, female politicians regularly receive death 

threats from extremist groups who object to their activities. 

Further, women are frequently barred from assuming 

leadership positions within their clans, which traditionally favor 

male candidates. Consequently, they often lack representation 

in certain political processes, such as the 2017 presidential 

election, where clan leaders played a pivotal role (see p. 5-6 of 

Political and Social Relations).

Gender Based Violence (GBV) 

Lack of security in Somalia places some females at risk for 

rape and assault, particularly from armed members of the 

Somali National Army, Somali police force, and the al-Shabaab 

extremist group (see p. 12 of Political and Social Relations). 

While accurate 

national statistics are 

unavailable, the 

United Nations (UN)

reports widespread 

sexual violence in 

Somalia. Women 

living in displaced 

persons camps are 

especially vulnerable 

to attack because 

they lack access to traditional protection and arbitration 

mechanisms. In 2012, the UN estimated that the victims of

30% of rapes occurring in Mogadishu’s camps were girls under 

the age of 18 (Photo: A woman walking in Mogadishu).

Few female victims report attacks because of fear of retaliation, 

the failure of authorities to investigate instances, and the social 

stigma associated with sexual violence. If victims do come 

forward, indictment and prosecution of perpetrators is rare. Of 

note, Somali communities traditionally settle accusations of 

SEX &

GENDER
rape through the xeer system (see p. 5 of Political and Social 

Relations). Clan elders presiding over the arbitration process 

sometimes force the victim to marry her assailant.

A recent case suggests public sentiment toward GBV in 

Somalia may be changing. In January 2017, outrage was 

immediate when a video circulated on public media showing 5 

teenage boys raping 2 teenage girls. Within weeks, the 5 teens 

were prosecuted and convicted, sentenced to fines, jail time, 

and public lashings.

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM): Also known as female 

genital cutting and female circumcision, FGM is a procedure

whereby a woman’s sex organ is modified in a way that 

reduces her ability to experience sexual pleasure. Although the 

international community 

condemns FGM, the 

practice is widespread 

in Somalia. Proponents 

believe FGM purifies 

women, while 

discouraging them from 

premarital sex and 

infidelity. In addition, 

some Somalis consider 

FGM a religious obligation, while others believe uncircumcized 

girls are unlikely to find a husband. Although exact figures are 

unavailable, most sources estimate that as many as 98% of 

Somali girls are circumcised between the ages of 5-14. Of 

note, some communities practice infibulation, an extreme 

version of FGM whereby the genitalia are cut and sewn, 

typically causing severe health problems (Photo: Somali girls).

There has been some local opposition to FGM in recent years. 

The 2012 provisional constitution bans FGM, comparing it to 

torture. In March 2016, former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid 

Ali Sharmarke signed an online petition proposing Somalia’s 

Parliament pass a bill outlawing FGM, with no action thus far.

Forced Marriage

Historically, some families forced their daughters into unwanted 

marriages, especially if the marriage would increase family or 

clan prestige. Recently, the practice of forced marriage has 

SEX &

GENDER
increased, especially in areas controlled by al-Shabaab (see p. 

19-20 of History and Myth), whose members occasionally even 

abduct young brides. 

Sex and Procreation

Somalis traditionally 

view sexual intimacy 

as a private matter 

appropriate only 

within marriage. 

Physical contact 

between members of 

the opposite sex is 

considered inappropriate though not illegal (Photo: Members of 

the Somali Police Force receive training).

Within marriage, Somalis welcome children, particularly for 

their labor in fulfilling agricultural work. Because they extend 

the family lineage, boys are often preferred. Somalia’s birthrate 

is high. At 6.5 children per woman, Somalia’s birthrate is higher 

than in neighboring Ethiopia (4.4) and Kenya (4.3), and 

significantly higher than the US rate of 1.9. Abortion is legal 

only in the case of risk of death to the mother. 

Homosexuality

Somali society in general reflects intolerance of homosexuality. 

The 1962 Penal Code establishes homosexuality as a crime 

punishable with 3 years 

of imprisonment, 

though this law is not 

uniformly enforced 

today. Further, Somali 

law neither recognizes 

same-sex marriage nor 

does it protect LGBT 

members against 

discrimination or 

harassment. Of note, in 

areas controlled by the 

extremist group al-Shabaab (see p. 12 of Political and Social 

Relations), homosexuality is sometimes punishable by death

(Photo: An AMISOM police offer talks with Somali women).

SEX &

GENDER
Language Overview

The 2012 provisional constitution names Somali the official 

language of Somalia, with Arabic a “second language.” Spoken 

by over 16 million people in the Horn of Africa, the Somali 

language is an important component of the identity shared by 

Somali people across the region. Swahili is also prominent in 

some areas (Photo: 

Somali children 

wearing shirts with 

writing in Somali and 

English).

Somali was an 

unwritten language 

for much of its early 

history. Around the 

13th century, Muslim 

scholars introduced 

Arabic to the region in order to promote the teachings of the 

Qur’an (see p. 2, 4 of Religion and Spirituality). Some 

wadaddo (local Muslim scholars and traveling religious leaders 

– see p. 7 of Religion and Spirituality and p. 1 of Learning and 

Knowledge) adopted the Arabic script for Somali. 

Later, a 19th-century Somali Muslim scholar developed a new

way of writing Somali, heavily based on the Arabic script but 

incorporating new features. This so-called wadaad writing was 

a notable departure from standard Arabic. By the mid-20th

century, there were some 10 different writing systems for 

Somali, almost all based on Arabic but limited primarily to 

religious purposes. 

Following independence (see p. 11 of History and Myth), 

Somali nationalists endeavored to bridge the differences 

between North and South by promoting the Somali language to 

replace these regions’ respective reliance on English and 

Italian as administrative languages (see p. 12 of History and 

Myth). Despite the prevalence of Arabic, reformers in 1972 

deemed the Arabic script unsuitable for Somali’s unique vowel 

6. LANGUAGE AND COMMUNICATION

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
sounds. Instead, they modified the Latin alphabet for a new 

standardized writing system. Within a year, the national daily 

newspaper was published exclusively in Somali, and by the 

late 1970s, Somali was the primary language of instruction at 

all school levels (see p. 2 of Learning and Knowledge). 

Somali

A member of the Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language 

family, Somali is related to Afar and Oromo, languages spoken 

primarily in neighboring Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Kenya. 

Over centuries of contact between Somali and Arabic speakers

(see p. 3-6 of History and Myth), some Arabic words were 

incorporated into the Somali language. Under colonial rule (see 

p. 6-11 of History and Myth), some English and Italian words 

were added to the Somali vocabulary. 

Somali dialects divide into 3 major groups. Coastal or Benaadir 

Somali is spoken along the coast south of Mogadishu. Found

mainly in inland regions between the Jubba and Shebelle 

rivers, Central Somali includes a variety known as Maay used

by about 1.75 million members of the Rahanweyn clan family 

(see p. 15 of Political and Social Relations). The 3rd dialect, 

called Northern Somali, is the basis of Common or Standard 

Somali, spoken in much of the rest of the country and in 

regions of Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Kenya. Standard Somali is 

used in international broadcasting, written communication, and 

education. Of note, Standard Somali and Maay speakers tend 

to have difficulty understanding each other. Additional Somali 

varieties having

smaller numbers of 

speakers include 

Garre, Dabarre, Jiddu, 

and Tunni.

Other Languages

Some Bantus of 

southern coastal 

Somalia (see p. 15 of 

Political and Social 

Relations) speak a Swahili dialect such as Bajuni and Mwini, or 

the Bantu language Mushungulu (Photo: Bantu people in 

Somalia working in their fields).

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Arabic

Arabic is also a member of the Afro-Asiatic language family but 

belongs to the Semitic branch. As the language of Islam,

Arabic is Somalia’s primary language of religious devotion (see 

p. 2, 4 of Religion and Spirituality) and plays a key role in 

Somali society. Used across the Arab world for formal 

discussions, education, and the media, Modern Standard 

Arabic (MSA) is a language of instruction in schools, especially 

at the secondary level (see p. 4 of Learning and Knowledge). 

Over 2 million Somalis speak Arabic, primarily residents of the 

North and coastal towns. Somalia’s large diaspora community 

has facilitated an increased uptake of both Arabic and English.

English

As Somalia’s main technical language, English provides 

loanwords to Somali and is taught in secondary school (see p. 

4 of Learning and Knowledge). 

Communication Overview

Communicating effectively in Somalia requires not only 

knowledge of the language but also the ability to use the 

language to interact effectively. This broad notion of 

competence includes paralanguage (rate of speech, volume, 

intonation), nonverbal communication (personal space, touch, 

gestures), and interaction management (conversation initiation, 

turn-taking, and termination). When used properly, these forms 

of communication help to ensure that statements are 

interpreted as the 

speaker intends

(Photo: Former US 

President Obama and 

Former Somali 

President Hassan 

Sheikh Mohamud

meet in 2013). 

Communication 

Style

Somalis take pride in their long oral literary tradition (see p. 4-5 

of Aesthetics and Recreation). Somalis typically value 

language abilities, historically judging the capability of a suitor, 

warrior, and political or religious leader at least in part by the 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
individual’s verbal talents. Even everyday talk may include 

“flowery” language, such as metaphorical and indirect speech, 

proverbs, and lines of verse. Somalis normally choose their 

words carefully, expecting their conversation partner to pay 

close attention. To demonstrate their serious consideration of 

another’s words, Somalis tend to repeat the word kow, similar 

to the response, “uh-huh.”

Somalis prefer indirect speech and tend to avoid blunt requests 

and direct refusals. They sometime introduce topics indirectly 

to determine their conversation partner’s general attitude about 

the subject. If the response is positive, then the Somali will 

make his request. If it is not, then he is likely to drop the topic, 

thereby avoiding the embarrassment of refusal of his request.

Greetings 

Somali greetings may vary according to region, context, and 

the relationship between speakers. In informal situations, 

Somalis may exchange a simple Nabad (Peace). Otherwise, 

Somalis typically greet with Salaam Aleikum (Peace be upon 

you), with a response from all present of Wa Aleikum asSalaam (And 

upon you be 

peace).

Following this 

verbal exchange, 

members of the 

same gender 

usually shake 

hands. While 

men often touch 

their hands to 

their hearts 

following the handshake, women may kiss their partner’s hand. 

Greetings between Somalis of the opposite sex are often

nonphysical. Men tend to greet women only verbally or with a 

nod. When interacting with Somalis of the opposite sex, foreign 

nationals should wait for their conversation partners to initiate 

the greeting (Photo: An African Union representative shakes 

hands with a Somali ministry official). 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Forms of Address

Somalis use different forms of address depending on the 

nature of the relationship. Younger Somalis typically address 

elders respectfully,

using such titles as 

eedo (ma’am) for 

older women and

adeer (similar to 

“sir”) for older men. 

Of note, the Somali 

language has no 

equivalents for Mr. 

and Mrs. (Photo: 

Former US

Secretary of State John Kerry shakes hands with Ahmed 

Madobe, the interim Juba Administration President in 2015). 

Names

Somalis tend to have at least 3 names: a given or first name, 

their father’s first name, and their paternal grandfather’s first 

name. Some Somalis have additional names indicating other

forms of kinship or clan identity (see p. 14-16 of Political and 

Social Relations). Somali women retain their names upon 

marriage.

Names are generally of Somali or Arabic origin. Common 

Somali male names include Awaale, Waabberi, and Guleed, 

while Awa, Amro, and Ubax are common female names. Some 

names incorporate prefixes or suffixes, such as abd- (servant 

of) and ina- (child of). Further, many Somalis are identified by 

naanays (nicknames). Some naanays are used publicly to 

address an individual, such as “tall Ahmed.” Others are used to 

identify a specific person when he is absent, such as “Omar 

with only 2 cows.”

Conversational Topics 

Following initial greetings, Somalis typically exchange inquiries 

regarding health and family, often using humor to keep 

conversation light. Common conversation topics include family, 

work, clothing, food, and reasons for visiting Somalia. Foreign 

nationals should avoid discussing Islam, polygyny (see p. 3 of 

Family and Kinship), female circumcision (see p. 4 of Sex and 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Gender), Somali’s civil war, clan relations, and clan affiliation

(see p. 2-4 of Family and Kinship). Of note, Somali men do not 

inquire about another 

man’s female family 

members, and neither 

should foreign

nationals. Somalis are

typically appreciative 

when foreign nationals 

attempt to speak just a 

few words in a local 

language (Photo: 

Community organizers 

lead a discussion at a refugee camp).

Gestures

Somalis tend to be highly expressive, using eye and hand 

movements to augment their words. Somalis signify “no” in 

several ways, such as by shaking the right forefinger from left 

to right and raising the eyebrows while tilting the head back. To 

indicate “come here,” Somalis extend the right hand, opening

and closing it. Holding the right hand palm down and away 

from the body means “go away,” while moving the right hand 

up and down with the 

palm facing down 

means “be quiet.” 

Somalis consider it 

rude to show soles of 

shoes or feet or walk 

in front of a praying 

person. Of note, the 

American “A-OK” and 

thumbs-up gestures 

are offensive to some Somalis (Photo: Bank employees speak 

to customers in Mogadishu).

Language Training Resources

Please view the Air Force Culture and Language Center 

website at http://culture.af.mil for language training resources.

Click on the Resources tab on the upper toolbar then 

Language Resources. 

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Useful Words and Phrases

English Somali

Hi / Hello (general greeting)

Iska warran / Nabad / assalaam 

‘alaikum

Good morning subaH wanagsin

Good afternoon galab wanagsin

Good night Habeen wanaagsan

My name is ____ maga'eygu waa ____.

What is your name? adeegoo maga'aa?

Pleased to meet you.

waan koo faraHsan-ahaay 

eenaan koo barto.

How are you? iskaa waran?

Fine. waa la fee'an yahey.

Thank you Mahadsanid.

How’s the family? rerka ka waran?

And you? Adiguna?

Yes / No Haa./ Ma

Excuse me. Raalli iga ahow.

Good-bye. Nabadeey

Where are you from? Xagee ayaad ka timid?

I’m from ___. ___ waxaan ka imid.

Do you speak English? Ingriis miyaad ku hadashaa?

I don’t understand. Maan fahmin.

I don't know Ma aqaan

Sorry. Waan ka xumahay

Please. Fadlan.

Where’s the toilet? Muqusha aawey?

Good luck! Guul ayaan kuu rajaynayaa!

Speak more slowly. Tartiib u hadal.

Stop! Joogso!

Help! I caawi!

COMMUNICATION

LANGUAGE &
Literacy

• Total population over age 15 who can read and write: 37.8% 

• Male: 49.7%

• Female: 25.8% (2006 estimate)

Early Education

Before the introduction of formal education, the region’s 

residents informally transmitted values, skills, and knowledge 

to younger generations, primarily through various oral traditions 

(see p. 4 of Aesthetics and Recreation). Today, some Somali 

children still learn clan history, Islamic principles, and practical 

skills through oral poetry and proverbs.

With the spread of Islam beginning in the 7th century (see p. 3

of History and Myth), religious leaders opened schools where 

scholars taught scripture and Islamic law to young men. By 

1300, Zeila (see p. 3-4 of History and Myth) and Mogadishu 

served as centers of Islamic learning. Over the centuries, 

traveling religious specialists known as wadaddo (see p. 7 of 

Religion and Spirituality and p. 1 of Language and 

Communication) also taught children to read and write in 

Arabic, the language of 

the Qur’an (see p. 2, 4 of 

Religion and Spirituality) 

(Photo: A school girl in 

Mogadishu).

Colonial Education

Around the turn of the 

20th century, the territory 

of present-day Somalia 

was under the control of European colonists (see p. 6-7 of 

History and Myth). The British invested few resources into their 

northern colony, opening a school in 1897 to provide math and 

Arabic-language instruction to 240 Somali boys. By the 1940s, 

just 7 schools served 400 boys in British Somaliland.

Even though the Italians invested significantly more than the 

British, they initially provided few education opportunities to 

Somalis, reserving most schools for the children of Italian 

7. LEARNING AND KNOWLEDGE

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
colonists. Yet by 1934, schools in Italian Somalia provided 

education up to the 7th grade to some 1,000 Somalis. 

Following World War II, Italy expanded educational 

opportunities for Somalis as part of the United Nations 

requirement that Italy prepare the colony for independence 

(see p. 10 of History and Myth). 

Education Following Independence

Following independence in 1960, the 2 former colonies initially 

retained their separate education systems (see p. 12 of History 

and Myth). For the most part, educational offerings were 

unevenly distributed, with entire regions lacking schools. In 

1962, around 18,000 Somalis were enrolled in primary school 

in former Italian Somalia, while just 4,300 attended such 

schools in former British Somaliland. Secondary school 

opportunities were even more limited, with just 300 upper 

secondary students in the entirety of Somalia that year.

Educational development progressed slowly in the 1960s, then 

sharply increased in the 1970s. New facilities at all levels 

opened or expanded. Originally founded as an Italian colonial 

institute in 1954, the Somali National University (SNU) in 

Mogadishu obtained university status in 1969. In subsequent 

years, it grew substantially, producing many of the country’s 

civil servants and offering programs of study in law, economics, 

agriculture, education, 

and medicine (Photo: 

Construction of a 

vocational school in 

Mogadishu in 2013).

In 1972, the government 

adopted a new 

standardized alphabet 

for the largely unwritten 

Somali language (see p. 

1-2 of Language and Communication). A literacy campaign 

launched in 1974 successfully trained some 400,000 adults

within 2 years, raising the overall literacy rate from 5% to 20%. 

By 1980, enough educational materials had been produced to 

make Somali the language of instruction at all grade levels.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Education under Barre: Improvement eventually slowed then 

reversed under the brutal Barre regime (see p. 13-16 of History 

and Myth). To finance his military spending, Barre siphoned 

funds from education and other domestic programs. By the late 

1980s, under 3% of Somalia’s national budget went to 

education. As many administrators and teachers left their jobs 

for better-paid opportunities, hundreds of schools closed. 

Between 1982-1990, the number of students enrolled in 

primary schools declined from 271,000 to 150,000. 

Education and the Civil War

When civil war broke out in 1991 (see p. 16 of History and 

Myth), formal education 

collapsed. Rival factions 

targeted and destroyed 

schools, technical training 

centers, and university 

facilities, as some 80% of 

the educated elite fled the 

country. Even though a 

few educational 

institutions reopened, 

usually with the aid of Islamic charities, the violence devastated 

the educational prospects of an entire generation (Photo: 

International peacekeeping troops visit a school in Kismayo).

Current Education System

Somalia’s long-term lack of a functioning educational system is 

apparent today: in 2014, researchers estimated that 68% of 

Somalis aged 15-24 had had no formal schooling at all and 

only 5% had completed primary school. Enrollment rates 

remain some of the world’s lowest. A 2015 study found that 

only 30% of all school-age children attend school. 

School attendance rates also reflect gender and geographic 

disparities. Girls attend school at significantly lower rates than 

boys, primarily due to a lack of separate bathrooms for girls, 

safety fears, and social norms that favor the education of boys 

over girls. Children in rural communities also attend school at 

much lower rates: in 2015, just 18% of rural children attended 

school. Finally, extreme poverty prevents some parents from 

paying mandatory school fees and buying supplies. For these 

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
and other reasons, some children start school at a later age 

than usual, or their schooling is interrupted. For example, in the 

autonomous regions of Somaliland and Puntland (see p. 16-17

of History and Myth), a 

significant number of 

teenagers attend primary 

school (Photo: A primary 

school class in Mogadishu).

Somaliland introduced free 

primary education in 2011, 

creating a 12% increase in 

1st-grade enrollment. 

However, a shortage of qualified teachers plus lack of funds to 

pay teachers’ salaries meant schools were unable to 

accommodate all enrolled students. Similarly, Somalia’s 2012 

provisional constitution (see p. 4 of Political and Social 

Relations) calls for free education through the primary level, 

although this provision remains unfulfilled. Overall, schools 

throughout Somalia continue to lack basic resources, adequate 

facilities, and qualified teachers.

The school year begins in October and ends in June. While 

Somali is the language of instruction in most primary schools, 

some secondary schools also use Arabic or English for

instruction. (Photo: A civil affairs officer of the African Union 

Mission in Somalia visits a Mogadishu school).

Primary: Primary school 

consists of 6 grades starting 

at age 6. There is no 

standard curriculum across 

Somalia, but common 

subjects include math, 

Somali, English, reading, 

and writing.

Secondary: Secondary school divides into 2 years at the lower 

level and 4 years at the upper level. There are 2 types of 

secondary school, vocational and general. Vocational school 

typically focuses on industrial, agricultural, or business topics. 

As in primary school, there is no standardized or consistent

general curriculum, common subjects include Somali, Islamic 

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
studies, English, math, science, social studies, geography, and 

history.

Post-Secondary: Following secondary school graduation, 

some students pursue post-secondary studies. When the 

government collapsed in 

1991 (see p. 16 of 

History and Myth), SNU 

was Somalia’s only 

university. Despite 

intermittent violence, 

various charities, 

religious and educational 

organizations, and 

Somali expatriates have 

opened dozens more since 2002 (Photo: Students outside 

SNU, which reopened in 2014, some 23 years after closing due 

to civil conflict).

Today, Somalia is home to some 50 universities and other 

post-secondary institutions supporting over 50,000 students. 

The most prominent institutions include Mogadishu University, 

the University of Hargeisa, and the University of Somalia, 

which together serve some 25% of all post-secondary students. 

Overall, these institutions face severe 

resource challenges: only a minority 

of institutions possesses library or 

laboratory facilities (Photo: Somali 

graduates from SIMAD University in 

Mogadishu celebrate).

Religious Education

By law, all public and private schools 

must provide Islamic religious 

instruction, except for those owned 

by non-Muslims. National and 

international Islamic aid agencies 

fund and operate most private 

schools focusing on religion. In rural 

areas, local communities maintain traditional Qur’anic schools 

called dugsis that serve as the first, and sometimes only, 

educational institution children attend.

KNOWLEDGE

LEARNING &
Overview

Somalis consider honor, respect, and consensus fundamental 

to building strong personal and professional relationships. 

While public displays of affection are common between 

Somalis of the same sex, 

social touching between 

unrelated Somalis of the 

opposite sex is 

considered inappropriate.

Time and Work

Somalia’s workweek runs 

from Saturday-Thursday, 

with normal business 

hours typically from 8:00am-2:00pm. During Ramadan (see p. 

4-5 of Religion and Spirituality), the workday is often shorter. 

While some shops are open from 8:00am-1:00pm and 4:00pm7:00pm, others are open all day. Suuqyada (open-air markets) 

are held daily or weekly every Friday or Saturday. In 2012, the 

first bank re-opened since civil war began in 1991 (see p. 16 of 

History and Myth). Today, banks typically open SaturdayThursday from 8:00am-3:00pm or 4:00pm. In 2013, the Somali 

Postal Service reopened, though only to receive packages from 

abroad. Somaliland, Puntland, and some parts of Mogadishu 

feature newly-opened shopping centers. By contrast, shopping 

options in south-central Somalia are largely limited to informal 

businesses with irregular hours (Photo: Market in Mogadishu).

Working Conditions: The legal workweek is 48 hours with up 

to 12 hours of overtime. Herding, farming, and informal sector

jobs typically have longer and irregular hours (see p. 3 of 

Economics and Resources). While Somali labor laws provide 

protection of workers, the government lacks enforcement 

capacity. As a result, forced labor, child labor, and other 

abuses regularly occur. Formal and public sector employees 

receive paid public holidays and 15 days of annual paid leave.

Of note, widespread consumption of qat (see p. 6-7 of 

Sustenance and Health), typically starting in the early 

afternoon, reduces urban working hours and incomes.

8. TIME AND SPACE

SPACE

TIME &
Somali Solar Calendar: To track the weather and seasons, 

Somalis use a calendar similar to the Western (Gregorian) 

solar calendar, with 365 days divided into 12 months. Unlike 

the Western version, the Somali solar calendar designates 

Somali New Year in the month of Karan, on or around July 20. 

Lunar Calendar: Somalis use the Hijri (Islamic) calendar to 

track Muslim holidays. Since it is based on lunar phases, dates 

fall 11 days earlier each year in relation to the solar calendar. 

The Islamic calendar’s 12 months each have 30 days or fewer. 

Days begin at sunset on what the Western calendar would 

show as the previous day. For example, each new week begins 

at sunset on Saturday, and the Muslim holy day of Friday 

begins on Thursday evening.

Time Zone: Somalia observes East Africa Time (EAT), which 

is 3 hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time (GMT) and 8 hours 

ahead of Eastern Standard Time (EST). Somalia does not 

observe daylight savings time.

National Holidays

These holidays occur according to the solar calendar: 

• January 1: New Year’s Day

• May 1: Labor Day

• June 26: Somaliland Independence Day

• July 1: Republic Day

• July (variable): Dabshid (Somali New Year)

These holidays occur on variable dates according 

to the lunar calendar:

• Mawlid al-Nabi: Birth of Prophet Muhammad

• Miraaj Nabi: The Ascension of Muhammad

• Eid al-Fitr: End of Ramadan

• Eid al-Adha: Festival of Sacrifice

• Ashura: Day of Remembrance

SPACE

TIME &
Time and Business

Business moves much slower in Somalia than in the US.

Somalis prefer to build trust and develop personal relations 

before doing business, particularly with foreign nationals, which 

requires extra time and communication. While Somalis 

appreciate punctuality in business, arriving late to a meeting is 

usually acceptable given prior notification. Some business 

discussions occur during scheduled office meetings, although 

informal meetings in other 

locations or during meals 

are also common. 

When meeting for the first 

time, Somalis greet and 

shake hands (see p. 4 of 

Language and 

Communication). They

tend to begin meetings by 

sharing tea or coffee and engaging in light conversation (see p. 

5-6 of Language and Communication). Appreciative of good 

verbal skills (see p. 3-4 of Language and Communication), 

Somalis tend to use poetic and humorous speech to help 

establish rapport and prefer to use indirect communication to 

gauge a business partner’s intentions. Willingness to reach a 

consensus is considered key to successful business (Photo: 

Former US Secretary of State Kerry meets with former

President Mohamud and other representatives in Somalia). 

Somalis consider formality, respect, and deference to authority

essential in the hierarchical Somali workplace. Although senior 

officials or upper management tend to run meetings and make 

most decisions, consensus requires consultative and informal 

discussions among all those involved. Generally, Somalis 

admire strong and decisive, yet fair and flexible leaders who 

emphasize honor and respect in business relations. Managers 

generally deliver feedback and criticism in private in order to 

avoid conflict and embarrassment.

Personal Space

As in most societies, the use of personal space depends on the 

nature of the relationship. Somalis tend to maintain an arm’s

length or more when conversing with strangers or members of 

SPACE

TIME &
the opposite sex and stand closer to family and friends. Friends 

of the same sex often maintain very little personal space when 

interacting.

Touch: Close friends and relatives commonly touch one 

another during conversation. Friends of the same sex may hold 

hands in public, signaling their deep platonic friendship. 

Unrelated Somalis of the opposite sex usually do not touch,

even during greetings (see p. 5 of Sex and Gender and p. 4 of 

Language and Communication).

Somalis use only the right hand when eating, gesturing, 

passing and accepting items, and shaking hands because 

traditionally the left hand is used for personal hygiene and 

considered unclean. Foreign nationals should adhere to this 

custom to avoid offense. 

Eye Contact

Direct eye contact is common during conversation to convey 

interest, respect, and transparency among Somalis with similar 

social statuses. Nonetheless, men typically avoid extended eye 

contact when interacting with unrelated women. Somalis tend 

to do the same with elders and superiors as a sign of respect. 

Photographs 

Mosques, military or government offices, airports, and similar 

places may prohibit photography. Foreign nationals should 

always acquire a Somali’s 

permission before taking 

his photo. 

Driving

In addition to sharing the

road with pedestrians and 

domesic animals, some 

Somalis have aggressive 

driving habits, such as moving into oncoming lanes to pass. In 

2015, Somalia’s rate of traffic-related deaths was 25.4 per 

100,000 people, more than double the US rate of 10.6. Traffic 

enforcement suffers from corruption, such as officials accepting

bribes instead of issuing fines (Photo: Trucks transport 

passengers on a road near Baidoa). 

SPACE

TIME &
Overview

Somali dress, recreation, music, and arts reflect the country’s 

Islamic heritage, rural traditions, and the political upheavals of 

the last century (see p. 7-20 of History and Myth). Somalis are 

particularly proud of their oral traditions, referring to their country 

as a “nation of poets.” 

Dress and Appearance

While Somalis in rural areas typically wear traditional dress on a 

daily basis, urban dwellers prefer a broader variety of styles.

Traditional: Prior to the 19th century, Somalis tended to wear 

clothing made from leather or domestic cotton. Following an

influx of cheap merikani (American) cotton in the 1800s, dress

patterns changed, 

resulting in the 

“traditional clothing” 

worn today. 

Similar to an Indian 

sari, the traditional 

women’s guntiino 

consists of several 

yards of brightly 

colored cloth knotted at 

the shoulder and wrapped around the chest and waist so that 

the edge of the dress nearly reaches the ground. Customarily, a 

fold along the back serves as a hood (Photo: Somali women in 

Puntland).

A traditional men’s attire is fashioned from 2 sheets of white 

cotton, sometimes decorated with embroidery or lace. The 

wearer typically wraps a sheet around the waist so that it falls 

slightly above the ankle, while draping or carrying the other

sheet over the shoulder to cover the torso and head. Some men 

combine a colorful sarong or wrap-around skirt called a 

macaawii with a shirt. Others prefer the khamiis, an anklelength garment similar to a robe or tunic, like the thobe worn in 

the Arabian Peninsula. Whatever the outfit, Somali men usually

add a snug cap called a benadiry kufia or kufi. 

9. AESTHETICS AND RECREATION

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Modern: Male city residents often prefer non-traditional attire, 

such as shirts and trousers (pictured). A few Somali women in 

urban areas wear Western clothing, but most prefer the

Djiboutian dirac. Introduced to Somalia in the 1970s, the dirac

is a long, flowing, colorful gown often worn with a gorgorad

(embroidered underskirt) and a garbasaar (light shawl). Another 

style also common in 

other countries in the 

region is the toob, a long 

wrap-around cloth that 

reveals only the face. 

Since civil conflict began

in 1991 (see p. 16 of 

History and Myth), some 

women dress more

conservatively, especially

in extremist-controlled areas (see p. 11-13 of Political and Social 

Relations). To avoid rebuke or attack by extremists who object 

to certain clothing, some women no longer wear the dirac or 

similar styles outside the home, instead covering with loosefitting attire like the jilbab, a long, dress-like cloak, and a shash

(head-scarf). 

Recreation and Leisure

Somalis spend much of their leisure time with friends and family, 

although men and women tend to socialize separately. Women 

often socialize at the local market or gather in the home to cook 

and make handicrafts. By contrast, Somali men tend to gather

at coffeehouses or tea shops to visit and exchange news. 

Popular community recreational activities include storytelling

and poetry recitation (see “Oral Poetry” below). Some Somalis 

living near the coast go to the beach to swim and sight-see. 

Celebrations: Somalis observe a variety of Islamic holidays 

(see p. 4-5 of Religion and Spirituality) and other special 

occasions. They celebrate the 3 days of Eid al-Fitr at the end of 

Ramadan (see p. 4 of Religion and Spirituality) by dressing in

their finest clothing, feasting, exchanging gifts, and decorating

the streets with colored lights. Some Somalis hold local 

celebrations to honor clan ancestors (see p. 14-16 of Political 

and Social Relations). 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Communities in the South traditionally perform roobdoon, a 

collective rainmaking ritual that includes public readings from the 

Qur’an, animal sacrifices, and giving alms to the poor. Other 

festivals celebrate seasonal events, often rooted in ancient, preIslamic rituals. For example, Somalis celebrate the beginning of 

their solar year in July (see p. 2 of Time and Space) with

Dabshid, the “Festival of Fire,” during which they light bonfires, 

throw burning sticks in 

the air, and dance. 

Sports and Games

Soccer: Soccer, or 

“football,” is Somalia’s 

most popular sport. In 

addition to watching

European matches, 

Somalis enjoy 

following their own 

professional league. The Somalia national men’s soccer team, 

nicknamed the Ocean Stars, has never qualified for an 

international tournament (Photo: Somali boy plays soccer with 

Ugandan soldiers). 

Other Sports: Other popular sports include basketball, 

volleyball, swimming, and table tennis. Few traditional sports are 

played today with the exception of the rugby-like go’oso. 

Although Somalia has not medaled in any Olympics, Somaliaborn athlete Mo Farah has won 4 gold medals in track and field 

for Great Britain (Photo: 

Somalia’s national soccer 

team trains in 

Mogadishu’s Banadir

stadium in 2015).

Games: Somalis of all 

ages enjoy board games

like shah, a strategy 

game in which players try 

to place 3 figures in a row on a board with 24 points. Players 

often draw the board in the sand then use pebbles or bottle caps

as game pieces. Other popular board games include dominoes 

and chess. 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Literature and Theater

Oral Poetry: Somalis are internationally renowned for their 

complex and richly metaphorical poems and proverbs, which 

have been used traditionally to pass on history, teach morals 

and values, express feelings, convey news and information, and 

influence public debates. Maanso (poetry recitation) is widely 

respected and is a part of many special occasions and 

community gatherings. 

Different types of

poetry vary by

structural complexity, 

length, and meter. The

most technically 

complex is the gabay, 

a long poem 

traditionally composed 

by men and explores a 

serious topic. By contrast, the buraanbur typically is composed 

by women and typically focuses on women’s views on childrearing and marital relations. Prominent historical Somali poets 

include Elmi Boodhari, whose early 20th-century love poems

heavily influenced the development of modern Somali music, 

and Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, the “Mad Mullah” (see p. 7 of 

History and Myth), whose poems rallied a Somali army against 

Ethiopia and British colonists in the early 20th century (Photo: 

Somali women perform on Human Rights Day).

Today, scholars seek to preserve Somalia’s oral poetic traditions

by collecting poems from hafadiyaal, (memorizers). The most 

prominent living Somali poet is Mohamed Ibrahim Warsame, 

also known as Hadrawi. Imprisoned for composing poetry critical 

of the Barre regime (see p. 13-16 of History and Myth), Hadrawi 

has been called the “Somali Shakespeare.” 

Written Literature: For centuries, Somalis wrote religious texts 

in Arabic (see p. 1 of Language and Communication), notably 

poems and ballads dedicated to Sufi saints (see p. 5 of Religion 

and Spirituality). Following the creation of the Somali script (see 

p. 1-2 of Language and Communication), Somalis’ oral stories 

were recorded for the first time (see “Myth” p. 21 of History and 

Myth), while new short stories and novels were produced. 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Somalia-born expatriate Nuruddin Farah is the country’s most 

recognized novelist, winning several prestigious international 

prizes.

Theater: Although storytelling is an ancient tradition in Somalia, 

modern theater did not gain popularity until the mid-20th century. 

Today, touring theater troupes are popular, particularly in small 

towns. Modern Somali plays are typically performed in poetic 

style, combining drama, song, and comedy to entertain entire 

communities. Plays often teach moral lessons or explore 

important social issues.

Dance and Music

Traditional: Somalis traditionally perform a range of folkloric 

dances to celebrate weddings, holidays, and other special 

occasions, such as the season’s first rainfall. Dancers 

performing formalized steps are typically acompanied by 

rhythmic clapping and stomping, but the fundamental part of 

Somali traditional dance is the accompanying song. Talented 

lead singers motivate the dancers, often improvising appropriate 

lyrics. Of note, the traditional dances of Somalia’s Bantu 

residents (see p. 15 of Political and Social Relations) are 

typically more informal and physically expressive, with the focus 

on the dancer’s movements rather than the singer and song

lyrics (Photo: 

Somalis perform a 

traditional dance in 

Puntland).

Purely instrumental 

traditional songs are 

rare. Instead, a 

composer typically 

writes midho

(lyrical verses) first, then develops the lahan (melody) to fit the 

words. There are different songs for specific occasions and 

moods. For example, some songs are war chants, while others 

are flirtatious melodies most commonly performed at weddings. 

Some other songs focus on emotions such as bravery, pride, 

and vengefulness. Of note, the different types of Somali poetry 

also have their own distinctive melodies and are sometimes 

accompanied by music, drums, or clapping. 

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Singers are also often accompanied by instruments such as 

portable drums, reed flutes, and the kaban or oud (lute). In the 

South, performances may 

include the seese (similar 

to a violin), the shareero

(lyre), and drums like the 

nasaro. Of note, some 

Islamist extremist groups 

(see p. 19-20 of History 

and Myth) consider

traditional music and 

dance disrespectful. In 

2008, extremists whipped some 32 Somalis for participating in a 

mixed-gender traditional dance (Photo: A Somali music group 

sings in Mogadishu). 

Modern: After World War II, Abdillahi Qarshe, “the father of 

Somali music,” drew upon traditional melodies and poetry to 

pioneer the new balwo and heello music genres. In subsequent 

decades, artists fused traditional styles with jazz, reggae, and

Indian and Arabic music to create Somali funk. Since conflict 

flared in the early 1990s (see p. 16 of History and Myth), some 

musicians fled the country. Popular among youth today are

Somali diaspora artists, such as Lafoole and Aar Maanta, or 

Western musicians. 

Arts and Handicrafts

Somalia’s traditional arts 

and handicrafts include 

woodcarvings, woven 

textiles, leatherwork, and 

metalwork. Many of these 

crafts are used in 

everyday life. For 

example, expert woodcarvers craft walking sticks, camel bells, 

and lecterns for holding the Qur’an (see p. 2 of Religion and 

Spirituality), while women typically weave mats used for sitting 

or praying. Because certain Islamic teachings (see p. 4 of 

Religion and Spirituality) prohibit the lifelike depiction of humans 

and animals, handicrafts and artistic pieces typically feature

plants, flowers, calligraphy, or geometric patterns (Photo: A 

Somali tailor at work).

AESTHETICS &

RECREATION
Sustenance Overview

Somali cuisine typically reflects an austere nomadic lifestyle, 

although in coastal urban areas other African, Arabic, Indian, 

and European influences are more common. Somali dishes 

primarily incorporate seasonally available, local ingredients.

Dining Customs

When food is accessible, Somalis 

consume 3 meals and a variety of 

snacks daily. Generally, they prefer 

to socialize and share food in the 

afternoons or evenings. In urban 

areas, guests typically arrive in the 

late afternoon, when temperatures 

are cooler and the day’s work is 

finished. Rural residents tend to visit 

even later, often arriving late in the 

evening. 

Upon arriving at a Somali home, 

guests announce their presence then wait outside the family 

compound to be invited in. Hosts serve their guests light 

refreshments and tea laden with spices, sugar, and milk. 

Female family members usually prepare all meals, typically 

greet and serve guests, but do not dine with them. Guests and 

male family members usually eat first, followed by women and 

children (Photo: A Bantu woman tends to her fields in 

Kismayo).

While some families use Western-style tables and chairs, most 

Somalis dine while sitting on floor mats. Before and after a 

meal, diners customarily wash their hands in a bowl of water, 

perfumed with aromatic oils on special occasions. Somalis 

typically share food from a large, centrally-placed dish, taking

food from the portion directly in front of them. Diners scoop 

food with the thumb, forefinger, and middle finger of their right 

hand (see p. 4 of Time and Space), refraining from touching 

their lips with their fingers. Somalis consider it rude to lick 

fingers while eating or to overeat. 

10. SUSTENANCE AND HEALTH

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Diet

Somali cuisine reflects Somalia’s geographic diversity and 

history of foreign contact (see p. 1-11 of History and Myth). For 

example, elements of southern fare resemble Italian cuisine, 

while British, Arab, and Indian influences permeate northern 

Somali dishes. In addition, Somali traditions of herding and 

farming shape eating habits. For example, the diet of nomadic 

herding communities consists primarily of various dairy 

products and camel, goat, and sheep meat and is consequently 

high in protein. Members of such communities occasionally 

supplement their diet by trading and selling animal products for 

grains, seasonal fruits, and vegetables. 

Meanwhile, Somali farmers thrive on the staples they grow. 

Agrarian Somali women spend several hours per day preparing 

bread and porridge from corn, wheat, and other cereals. 

Wealthier residents and urban-dwellers also enjoy imported 

pasta dishes. Fish is an 

important dietary 

component of Somalis 

living along the coast. 

Vegetables are relatively 

rare, although fruits 

including bananas, 

papaya, mangoes, 

limes, and grapefruit are 

popular when in season. 

Somali dishes are often fragrantly spiced with cinnamon, 

nutmeg, clove, cardamom, cumin, ginger, and black pepper 

(Photo: Somali fishermen with their catch).

Of note, observant Muslims (see p. 7-8 of Religion and 

Spirituality) consume neither pork nor alcohol. In addition, they 

follow particular rules of animal slaughter and meat preparation 

to ensure that food is halal, allowed by Islamic law. 

Meals and Popular Dishes

For breakfast, Somalis often consume a type of pancake made 

from flour or millet. Lunch and dinner typically consist of 

cooked beans, rice, or millet served with milk, yogurt, and ghee

(clarified butter). Dinner is the lightest meal of the day. 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Popular dishes include fahfah or kalaankal (hearty meat 

stew); suqaar (vegetable and meat stew); shariiryo (puffy 

balls of fried mutton fat); baasto (pasta, often served with a 

thick, spicy tomato sauce); and manistroni (vegetable soup). 

Bread accompanies most dishes and comes in numerous 

varieties, such as injera or lahooh (a large, thin sorghum 

pancake); sabaayad (a pan-fried, flat, and thick variety); 

muufo (a flat, oven-baked, round bread made from sorghum or 

cornmeal); and roodhi or rooti (bread loaves baked in a woodfire oven). For dessert, Somalis enjoy a wide array of 

ma’ma’aan (pastries) and cakes (Photo: Somalis receive 

meals at a food aid 

distribution center 

in Mogadishu). 

Eating Out

While the average 

Somali cannot 

afford to eat out, 

wealthier Somalis 

may dine in 

restaurants and 

cafes. Located 

primarily in urban areas, restaurants offer both traditional 

Somali and international cuisine. Of note, groups of Somali 

men may gather at tea shops and casual eateries to converse 

for several hours, although Somali women rarely do (see p. 2

of Aesthetics and Recreation). Markets and small vendors in 

urban areas sell a variety of street foods, such as bread, 

porridge, fresh juice, and sweets such as sesame balls, milk 

caramels, and halwad, a sweet meat pastry. 

Beverages 

Somalis enjoy tea throughout the day, often drinking multiple 

cups in one sitting. Tea usually is spiced with ginger, cloves, 

cardamom and other spices, infused with fruits, or served with 

milk and sugar. Somalis also consume coffee and freshly 

squeezed juices, such as papaya, mango, and grapefruit. 

Although observant Muslims do not consume alcohol, some 

urban restaurants serve wine, beer, and locally produced rum. 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Health Overview

Years of conflict and instability (see p. 15-20 of History and 

Myth) severely damaged Somalia’s healthcare system and

negatively impacted 

Somalis’ overall 

health. With 732 

deaths per 100,000 

live births, Somalia’s 

maternal mortality rate 

is the world’s 3rd 

highest, behind South 

Sudan and Chad. 

Similarly, at 96 deaths 

per 1,000 live births, 

infant mortality (the proportion of infants who die before age 1) 

is also the world’s 3rd highest, behind Afghanistan and Mali. 

Moreover, in 2016 life expectancy at birth was 52 years, lower 

than the Sub-Saharan African average of 59 and significantly 

lower than the global average of 72. Finally, about 73% of 

Somalis live below the poverty line, with persistent famine 

affecting about 1/2 the population (see “Drought and Famine” 

below) (Photo: Children in line to receive meals in an aid center 

in Mogadishu).

Generally, medical facilities are outdated, underfunded, and 

understaffed. For example, in 2014, Somalia had just 2.9

physicians per 100,000 people, well below the World Health 

Organization’s recommendation of 20 physicians per 100,000 

people and significantly below the US rate of 254. In addition, 

trained medical professionals attended just 9% of births in 

2007. 

Traditional Medicine

Traditional medicine consists of the knowledge, practices, and 

skills derived from a native population’s beliefs, experiences, 

and theories. Traditional Somali medicine relies on herbal 

remedies and folk traditions to identify and treat illness. Often, 

traditional healers are clan elders or religious figures (see p. 5-

9 of Religion and Spirituality) who incorporate a spiritual 

component into their treatments to help cleanse the body of 

illness, ward off spirits that bring sickness, and restore physical 

and mental wholeness. 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
One popular treatment is fire burning, a procedure whereby a 

stick from a specific type of tree is heated and applied to the 

skin to cure a range of illnesses such as hepatitis, malnutrition, 

and pneumonia. Notably, Somali traditional healers recognized

that mosquitos spread malaria before Western medicine was 

able to scientifically prove it. 

Modern Healthcare System

Since 1991, ongoing civil war has destroyed much of Somalia’s 

healthcare infrastructure. Today, persistent conflict prevents 

the new central government (see p. 4-6 of Political and Social 

Relations) from addressing the damage or the medical needs 

of the Somali population. Some urban areas have a few 

functioning hospitals and clinics, but most are typically 

dilapidated and 

severely understaffed

(Photo: Somali doctors 

perform an operation 

at a Mogadishu 

hospital).

Quality of care 

diminishes even 

further in rural areas, 

where clinics lack 

adequate resources and medical expertise to treat serious 

illnesses. In addition, regional insecurity often prevents rural 

residents from traveling to urban areas to seek medical 

attention. Consequently, Somalis in both urban and rural areas 

usually rely on traditional healers and folk remedies for most 

medical concerns.

The Somali government is seeking measures to improve 

Somalia’s healthcare environment. In 2016, the government 

collaborated with the United Nations (UN) to conduct a survey 

of public health facilities across the nation to learn how to 

improve the current infrastructure. In addition, international aid 

organizations provide modern medical services to needy

populations, but ongoing violence and terrorist activity (see p. 

11-13 of Political and Social Relations) often force them to 

suspend operations, limiting their impact. 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Health Challenges

Communicable and infectious diseases, malnutrition, and 

maternal and prenatal conditions are the leading causes of 

illness and death in Somalia, accounting for about 69% of all 

deaths in 2012. The most prevalent communicable diseases 

include lower respiratory infections, bacterial diarrhea, 

measles, hepatitis, tuberculosis, and meningitis. Notably, the 

lack of clean water and sanitation contributes to the spread of 

bacterial and communicable diseases. In 2011, about 70% of 

urban but just 9% of rural dwellers had access to clean drinking 

water, while 52% of 

urban and 6% of rural 

residents had access 

to sanitation services 

(Photo: A boy 

suffering from malaria 

in a Mogadishu 

hospital). 

Meanwhile, scarce 

prenatal, maternal, 

and child health services result in high rates of maternal and 

infant mortality. Significantly, 1 of every 12 women dies from 

pregnancy complications, while infants and young children are 

vulnerable to pneumonia, diarrhea, and health issues 

stemming from a lack of medical care during birth. In 2009, 

about 25% of Somali children under age 5 were underweight, 

the world’s 9th highest rate of child malnutrition. While more 

recent statistics are unavailable, experts believe this rate likely 

has increased over the past several years as a result of 

ongoing conflict, drought, and famine. 

Non-communicable diseases such as cancer and chronic 

respiratory, heart, and digestive diseases accounted for about 

1/5 of all deaths in 2012. Preventable “external causes” such 

as car accidents, suicides, and deaths from conflict resulted in

12% of all deaths. 

Chewing Qat: Some Somali men regularly chew fresh leaves 

of qat (also known as qaad or khat), a green, leafy plant grown 

in the region. Although qat does not cause serious physical 

dependence and leads to fewer long-term health problems than 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
some other drugs, it contributes to a variety of negative health 

outcomes. For example, while qat (pictured) initially causes 

mild euphoria, the high eventually fades into depression, which 

can induce psychosis in susceptible 

people. In addition, nearly all qat

users experience decreased appetite, 

which promotes malnutrition and 

insomnia. Other negative side effects 

include tooth decay, gastrointestinal 

orders, and cardiovascular problems. 

Few Somali women indulge in qat. 

Drought and Famine: A severe 

drought has affected the region since 

2011, endangering more than 20 

million lives in what some experts are 

calling the most catastrophic 

humanitarian disaster of the 21st century. Caused by a severe

shortage of rainfall, the drought has depleted Somalia’s already 

limited fresh water supplies, destroyed crops, and killed 

livestock, leaving several Somalis without access to food or 

water. As of 2017, about 250,000 Somalis, including 133,000 

children under age 5, have died from famine. Some 6 million 

more suffer from food and water shortages, including 330,000 

acutely malnourished children. Somalis displaced by the 

drought live in crowded, 

temporary camps 

vulnerable to outbreaks 

of cholera, dengue 

fever, malaria, and 

typhoid fever (Photo: A 

Somali man watches 

over a herd of goats in a 

market in Mogadishu).

Significantly, chronic

conflict prevents international humanitarian groups from 

reaching many of Somalia’s affected areas. While relief 

organizations freely operate within areas controlled by the 

Somali central government, they are blocked from aiding 

populations in territories controlled by al-Shabaab and other 

Islamist militants (see p. 12 of Political and Social Relations). 

SUSTENANCE

& HEALTH
Overview

For centuries, most Somalis subsisted as nomadic sheep, goat, 

and cattle herders. Others settled near rivers as small farmers 

or along the coast as fishers or traders. While some sultanates 

arose to become wealthy centers of trade between the 13th19th centuries (see p. 3-6 of History and Myth), most Somalis 

remained nomadic pastoralists, subsisting primarily on milk and 

meat from their livestock. 

Under British colonial rule from 1884-1940, the coastal areas of

British Somaliland (present-day Somaliland) grew by exporting 

livestock to Yemen. Most 

inland Somalis continued 

traditional nomadic 

pastoralism with little 

disruption until war nearly 

destroyed the economy 

between 1899-1920 (see 

p. 7-8 of History and 

Myth). Meanwhile, the

colony of Italian Somalia

(1889-1936) was affected less by the war. Italy invested heavily 

in the fertile region between the Jubba and Shebelle rivers in 

southern Somalia, building irrigation systems, roads, and ports 

primarily around Mogadishu to serve large export-oriented 

banana plantations (Photo: Mogadishu fishing harbor).

Few Somalis sought wage work on Italian farms, although 

some Bantus (see p. 15 of 

Political and Social 

Relations) worked the 

irrigated farms in 

exchange for personal 

gardens on the land. Most 

Somalis benefitted little

from colonization, except 

for a few farmers and 

some civil service employees (Photo: Bantu farmers working in 

fields near Kismayo). 

11. ECONOMICS AND RESOURCES

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Following World War II, Britain somewhat augmented its 

investments in the North. In the South, Italy heavily subsidized 

farm exports (primarily cotton and bananas), which by 1957, 

comprised about 59% of all exports, surpassing livestock in 

value. Even after Somalia achieved independence in 1960, 

Italian and British subsidies comprised over 30% of Somalia’s 

budget. Between 1960-69, Somalia became self-sufficient in 

sugar production. Exports of bananas and livestock increased, 

allowing Somalia to 

invest in roads and 

irrigation, improving 

upon the colonial 

infrastructure.

After his 1969 military 

coup, President Barre 

implemented a system 

of “scientific socialism” 

(see p. 14 of History 

and Myth). In addition to some beneficial infrastructure 

investments, Barre nationalized all major companies and 

forcibly relocated thousands of youth and pastoral nomads into 

farming or fishing collectives. With aid from the Union of Soviet 

Socialist Republics (Russia today), Somalia also built new 

factories and organized state-run cooperatives. From 1969-75, 

output grew, but a subsequent drought and war led to severe 

declines in production (Photo: A Somali man holds money he 

earned selling goats in Mogadishu).

In the early 1980s, assistance from the International Monetary 

Fund helped Somalia control growing inflation and increase

agricultural output. Nevertheless, another drought combined 

with social unrest caused renewed economic decline. During 

the 1980s, per capita GDP decreased by about 2% per year, 

and by 1989, livestock exports again became increasingly 

important, accounting for about 80% of all export earnings. By 

the end of the Barre regime in 1991, the economy had 

collapsed. While inflation was rampant, wages were stagnant

as widespread drought and violence forced millions of Somalis 

to leave their homes or nomadic lifestyles for camps within

Somalia and adjacent countries (see p. 13 of Political and 

Social Relations).

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
By 1992, Western countries supplied increasing levels of food 

and economic aid to Somalia as it plunged into civil war (see p. 

16 of History and Myth). After years of such aid, Somalia owed 

billions in debt yet had no accountable central government to 

pay it back. With no protection or regulation from a functioning 

government, Somalis sought to make a living however 

possible. Rival factions looted factories and farms. While some 

Somalis returned to herding or farming, others entered the 

informal economy, working odd jobs or as street vendors. 

Others emigrated, survived on food aid, or depended on

remittances (money sent from Somalis living abroad). 

Thousands of Somalis 

died from starvation 

and violence (Photo: 

A woman selling 

shoes at a market 

near Mogadishu). 

Throughout the 1st 

decade of then 21st

century, the security 

and economic 

situations in Somalia improved only intermittently. With most 

factories closed or abandoned, livestock exports and 

remittances provided most of Somalia’s foreign currency. After 

the establishment of a new central government in 2012, the 

economy began to grow amidst improved security conditions. 

Since then, the economy has grown just under 4%-per-year as

some private businesses and a new telecommunications sector 

have begun operations. Foreign investment rose from $107 

million in 2012 to $516 million in 2015. Nevertheless, Somalia 

remains one of the world’s poorest countries. Around 43% of 

Somalis live on less than $1 per day and 73% on less than $2.

In 2017, economic growth is expected to slow to 2.7% due to

widespread drought (see p. 7 of Sustenance and Health). 

Somalia remains highly dependent on foreign aid and 

remittances, which respectively account for the equivalent of 

about 20% and 25% of GDP. Other problems abound. 

Corruption remains a pervasive issue. Government revenues 

account for only about 3% of GDP; just 6% of women and 10% 

of men have bank accounts; and while about 2/3 of youth aged 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
14-29 are unemployed, almost 1/2 of children aged 5-14 work. 

Although Somalis face these and other economic challenges,

the current stable government (see p. 20 of History and Myth) 

and improved security are expected to provide an initial base 

for economic growth in the future. 

Agriculture

Agriculture is the largest component of the Somali economy, 

accounting for around 60% of GDP and 66% of the labor force 

in 2013. This sector includes livestock, farming, fishing, and 

forestry.

Livestock: Nearly 70% 

of Somalia’s land area is 

dedicated to herding.

Accounting for about

50% of all export 

earnings, livestock is the 

most significant 

domestic component of 

the Somali economy. In 2014, Somalia exported about $400 

million worth of sheep, goats, cattle, and camels primarily to

countries on the Arabian Peninsula and Egypt. While Somalia 

suffers periodic bans on livestock exports due to diseased 

animals, recent investments in livestock inspection and quality 

control stations at major ports have reduced the number of 

incidents (Photo: A rancher herds cows near Kismayo). 

Farming: Only about 2% of Somalia’s land area is suitable for 

cultivation. Farming in Somalia is primarily for subsistence 

using traditional techniques, with some farmers residing along

riverbeds employing irrigation. Somalia has a few large exportoriented plantations that use modern agro-industrial 

techniques. Major crops include bananas, sorghum, rice, corn,

sugarcane, cotton, sesame, mangoes, peanuts, and beans.

Fishing: In 2014, about 1% of Somalis thrived as fishermen

who harvested around 40,000 tons of tuna, lobster, shark, 

herring, mackerel, sardines, and other species. By contrast, 

foreign vessels caught about 132,000 tons in Somali waters 

that year. Illegal fishing and overfishing by non-Somalis has

flourished in recent years, prompting some Somalis to turn to 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
piracy in retaliation for what they see as the destruction of 

coastal fishing waters and the livelihoods of coastal residents

(see p. 18 of History and 

Myth) (Photo: A Somali 

fisherman holding a 

lobster).

Forestry: In 2015, about 

10% of Somalia’s land area 

was forested. Somalis clear

trees for farming and

harvest them to make 

charcoal, boats, homes, furniture, and other products that 

comprise about 5% of GDP. Somalia loses about 1% of its 

forests per year to the production of charcoal, making it one of 

the world’s largest per-capita charcoal consumers. Somalis 

primarily use acacia trees for timber and building, while 

collecting the valuable resins from myrrh and frankincense 

trees for export. 

Services

Accounting for about 33% of GDP and 30% of employment, 

services is the 2nd-largest sector consisting of 

communications, transportation, public administration, retail 

trade, lodging, and money 

transfers.

Xawaalad: Money transfer 

services called xawaalad

(transfer) developed in 

Somalia due to the lack of 

formal banking services 

during the initial years of 

war. In this system, a global 

network of agents moves money primarily from abroad to 

Somalia for a 3-7% commission. Xawaalad typically involves

over $1.3 billion in remittances per year. In recent years, 

criminal groups’ use of xawaalad and the return of formal 

banking services have threatened the growth of this system

(Photo: A money changer counts banknotes in Mogadishu). 

Tourism: Due to violence and insecurity, Somalia currently has 

no tourism industry beyond small private tours. Most foreign 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
governments, including the US, warn their citizens against any 

form of travel to Somalia. Nevertheless, Somalia’s tourism 

industry has notable potential with over 1,800 mi of coastline, 

diverse geography, safari animals, and various historical sites.

Industry

The industrial sector accounts for about 7% of GDP and just 

4% of the labor force. Light industries, the processing of 

agricultural products, and construction dominate the sector.

Manufacturing: Somalia primarily manufactures light industrial 

products such as textiles, refined sugar, packaging, leather, 

soap, boats, bottled beverages, and food products. In recent 

years, light industry has thrived in Hargeisa and Mogadishu, 

which are both home to Coca-Cola bottling facilities. 

Manufacturing accounts for about 5% of GDP.

Construction: Since 2012, the construction sector has helped 

boost Somalia’s economic recovery. Large cities with improved 

security, such as Mogadishu and Hargeisa, have benefited 

most. Construction’s contribution to GDP and employment is 

difficult to assess since

some construction 

projects are conducted 

informally (Photo: A 

Somali man walking 

down a Mogadishu 

street with a 

wheelbarrow).

Mining: Somalia has 

deposits of uranium, tin, 

iron, gold, coal, gemstones, and other minerals. While these

reserves are believed to be sizeable since Somalia has a 

similar geological composition as its mineral-rich neighbors,

civil war has prevented any significant exploration efforts. 

Oil and Gas: Somalia also likely has substantial reserves of oil 

and natural gas. With improving security conditions, Somalia 

expects to open a round of offshore oil exploration licensing in 

late 2017. While in its early stages of development, the oil and 

gas industry has the potential to transform Somalia’s economy.

Of note, Somalia has taken legal action against Kenya to verify 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
their disputed sea border, largely due to suspected oil reserves 

in the area. 

Currency 

Somalia’s currency is the Somali shilling (Sh.So.), issued in 7 

banknote values (5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500, 1,000) and 4 coin 

values (1, 5, 10, 25). A Somali shilling subdivides into 100 

senti (cents), issued in 4 coin values (1, 5, 20, 50). With 

fluctuations in exchange rates, $1 has been worth between 

Sh.So.550-Sh.So.700 since early 2015. Few businesses 

accept credit cards, and smaller vendors, in particular, accept 

only cash in small denominations. Of note, Somaliland has a 

separate currency, the Somaliland shilling (Sl.Sh). Although 

most countries do not officially accept the Somaliland currency

for exchange, $1 was worth around Sl.Sh. 6,000 in 2015. Of 

note, some Somali 

vendors accept the US 

dollar as legal tender

(Photo: Sh.So.1,000

banknotes). 

Foreign Trade

Totaling $819 million in 

2014, Somalia’s 

exports primarily 

consisted of livestock, bananas, hides, fish, charcoal, and 

scrap metal sold to the United Arab Emirates (46%), Yemen 

(20%), and Oman (16%). In the same year, Somalia imported 

$3.5 billion of vehicles and parts, chemical products, petroleum 

products, foodstuffs, construction materials, and qat (see p. 6-7 

of Sustenance and Health) from Djibouti (19%), India (17%), 

China (12%), Oman (9%), Kenya (6%), and Pakistan (4%).

Foreign Aid

Somalia has been a recipient of foreign aid since the colonial 

era (see p. 6-11 of History and Myth). It receives just over $1 

billion per year from various countries and multilateral aid 

agencies, accounting for the equivalent of about 20% of GDP. 

In 2016, the US provided $113 million (down from $250 million 

in 2014) to Somalia, primarily in the form of humanitarian 

assistance. Other significant donors include the United 

Kingdom, Turkey, Sweden, Norway, and Japan. 

ECONOMICS & 

RESOURCES
Overview

Somalia’s ongoing civil war and instability have caused some of 

Africa’s most underdeveloped physical infrastructure. Although 

a budding telecommunications network offers mobile phone 

coverage, few Somalis have ever used the Internet. The 

government and militant Islamist groups arbitrarily limit free 

speech and press. 

Transportation

The most common form of 

transportation in Somalia is 

walking. Since few Somalis 

can afford privately-owned 

vehicles, most local trips are 

made via minivans or on 

truck beds designed to carry 

large groups of people. Some Somalis travel by donkey or 

camel, particularly in rural areas. Mogadishu, Hargeisa, and a

few other urban areas offer public transportation via buses, 

minibuses, trucks, and taxis, which often share the road with 

pedestrians and domesticated animals. For inter-town travel, 

Somalis tend to rely on buses, trucks, or boats. Although few 

Somalis can afford air travel, flying is typically the most efficient 

form of transportation for long domestic trips (Photo: A Somali 

man on a donkey cart in Kismayo). 

Since some stability returned to Somalia in 2012 (see p. 20 of 

History and Myth), the government, international organizations, 

and foreign countries have begun investing in Somali transport

networks. For example, Turkey has invested heavily in the new 

airport in Mogadishu, while China has signed agreements for 

investment in roads and other infrastructure projects.

Roadways: In 2015, Somalia had about 13,800 mi of roads. 

About 12% of Somali roadways are paved, mostly major

highways and those in urban areas. Most rural and secondary 

roads are not. During the rainy season, few unpaved roads are 

passable. Sections of some roads have been damaged during 

the civil war and remain in a state of disrepair. 

12. TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Railways: Somalia has lacked a railway system since Britain 

destroyed the Italian-built Mogadishu-Villabruzzi Railway during 

World War II (see p. 9 of History and Myth). Although Ethiopian 

officials have suggested building a railway link from Ethiopia to 

Somaliland, there are currently no plans to do so. 

Ports and Waterways: Mogadishu and Kismayo are major 

Somali ports on the Indian Ocean. Berbera is the primary port 

on the Gulf of Aden. Smaller, minor ports typically used for 

fishing dot the Somali coast. Although boats may travel on some 

rivers during the rainy season, Somalia lacks inland waterways 

that are navigable yearround (Photo: Mogadishu 

port). 

Airways: Somalia has 61 

airports, though just 6 with 

paved runways. After the 

Mogadishu International 

Airport was damaged in the

civil war, Emirati and Turkish firms began renovations in late 

2010. The new Aden Adde International Airport services 

domestic routes and flights to the United Arab Emirates, Tukey, 

and Kenya. In 2015, Somali-owned Daallo Airlines and Jubba 

Airways merged to form African Airways Alliance (AAA). Along

with Air Somalia, Turkish Airlines, and regional carriers, AAA

provides services to domestic and international destinations.

Energy 

Somalia has recently pursued exploration of its potentially 

extensive reserves of oil and natural gas (see p. 6-7 of 

Economics and Resources), but still has to rely on imports 

satisfy its oil and gas needs. Somalia also has great potential for 

onshore wind and solar energy production, although renewable 

energy sources are entirely undeveloped. In 2012, less than 1/3 

of Somalis had access to electricity, which is often prohibitively 

expensive. On average, Somalis pay 5 times more than 

Kenyans and 10 times more than Americans for electricity. Most 

rural areas are not connected to the electric grid, while power 

outages in connected areas are frequent. To meet their energy 

needs, most Somalis burn wood, although some wealthy 

Somalis use private generators. 

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL
Media

While relative stability in Somaliland and Puntland (see p. 16-17

of History and Myth) allow for some freedom of the press and 

speech, journalists across Somalia have been threatened, 

censored, detained, and killed for their activities, often with 

impunity. As violence against the media is unpredictable, some

journalists have been pressured to self-censor or suspend their 

publications entirely.

Print Media: The Somali press includes local and regional 

periodicals published primarily in Somali, Arabic, or English.

Some newspapers cater to particular clans (see p. 15-17 of 

Political and Social Relations). Popular daily newspapers 

include Xog Ogaal and Xog Doon in Mogadishu and Ogaal 

Newspaper and Jamhuuriya in Hargeisa. The Puntland Post and

Somaliland Times are popular English-language weeklies. 

Radio and TV: Somalia has both public and private radio and 

TV broadcasters. Somalis consume more content through radio 

than any other outlet. While the governments in Somaliland and 

Puntland maintain particularly tight control of radio and TV 

broadcasts, stations 

throughout the country 

broadcast a variety of 

programs in Somali, Arabic, 

English, and other 

languages.

Telecommunications

Somalia has some of the 

world’s lowest telecommunication penetration rates, with less 

than 1 landline and about 55 mobile phone subscriptions per 100 

people. Nevertheless, due in part to high competition among 

mobile service providers, Somalia has some of the cheapest 

mobile phone services in Africa (Photo: A Somali man at an 

Internet café in Mogadishu). 

Internet: Somalia also has one of the world’s lowest rates of 

Internet use, with less than 2% of Somalis using the Internet in 

2016. Until the 2014 launch of fiber optic cables, Somalis could 

only access the Internet via dial-up or satellite connections. 

While militant Islamist groups block Internet services in some 

areas, the government typically does not restrict access.

TECHNOLOGY

& MATERIAL