MEASURE DHS+ assists countries worldwide in the collection and use of data to 

monitor and evaluate population, health, and nutrition programs. Funded by the 

U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), MEASURE DHS+ is 

implemented by ORC Macro in Calverton, Maryland. 

 

The main objectives of the MEASURE DHS+ project are: 

1) to provide decisionmakers in survey countries with information useful for 

informed policy choices, 

2) to expand the international population and health database, 

3) to advance survey methodology, and 

4) to develop in participating countries the skills and resources necessary to 

conduct high-quality demographic and health surveys. 

 

Information about the MEASURE DHS+ project or the status of MEASURE 

DHS+ surveys is available on the Internet at http://www.measuredhs.com or by 

contacting: 

ORC Macro 

11785 Beltsville Drive, 

Suite 300 

Calverton, MD 20705 USA 

Telephone: 301-572-0200 

Fax: 301-572-0999 

Email: reports@macroint.com 
DHS Comparative Reports No. 2

 

Reproductive Preferences in 

Developing Countries at the 

Turn of the Century 

Charles F. Westoff 

Akinrinola Bankole 

 

April 2002

 

ORC Macro 

Calverton, Maryland USA 
Recommended citation: 

Westoff, Charles F., and Akinrinola Bankole. 2002. Reproductive Preferences in 

Developing Countries at the Turn of the Century. DHS Comparative Reports 

No. 2. Calverton, Maryland: ORC Macro.
iii

Contents

Page 

Preface .................................................................................................................. v 

Acknowledgments.................................................................................................vi 

Executive Summary .............................................................................................vii 

1 Introduction.................................................................................................. 1 

2 Ideal Number of Children and Reproductive Intentions .............................. 1 

3 Trends in Reproductive Intentions ............................................................... 3 

4 Planning of Recent Births ............................................................................ 8 

5 Wanted Fertility Rates and Total Fertility Rates........................................ 10 

6 Trends in Wanted and Unwanted Fertility ................................................. 10 

7 Men’s Reproductive Preferences ............................................................... 15 

8 Ideal Number of Children .......................................................................... 16 

9 Desire for No More Children ..................................................................... 21 

10 Planning Status of the Last Birth Among Men and Couples ..................... 23 

11 Couples’ Reproductive Preferences ........................................................... 25 

12 Couples’ Fertility Desires .......................................................................... 27 

13 Summary and Conclusions......................................................................... 29 

References............................................................................................................ 30
v

Preface 

 One of the most significant contributions of the MEASURE DHS+ program is 

the creation of an internationally comparable body of data on the demographic and health 

characteristics of populations in developing countries. The DHS Analytical Studies series 

and the DHS Comparative Reports series examine these data, focusing on specific topics. 

The principal objectives of both series are: to provide information for policy formulation 

at the international level, and to examine individual country results in an international 

context. Whereas Comparative Reports are primarily descriptive, Analytical Studies take 

a more analytical approach. 

 The Analytical Studies series comprises in-depth, focused studies on a variety of 

substantive topics. The studies are based on a variable number of data sets, depending on 

the topic under study. A range of methodologies is used, including multivariate statistical 

techniques. The topics covered are selected by MEASURE DHS+ staff in conjunction 

with the MEASURE DHS+ Scientific Advisory Committee and USAID. 

 

 It is anticipated that the Analytical Studies will enhance the understanding of 

significant issues in the fields of international population and health for analysts and 

policymakers. 

Martin Vaessen 

Project Director 
vi

Acknowledgments 

 The authors would like to thank Judie Miller at Princeton University for her 

secretarial help, especially for the preparation and frequent revision of tables and figures. 

At ORC Macro, Yonas Beka helped with numerous data processing tasks. Special thanks 

also go to Mary Mahy and Fred Arnold for reviewing the manuscript. 
vii

Executive Summary 

 This report is a review of reproductive preferences in 56 developing countries 

conducted by DHS between 1990 and 2000. Several measures of preferences are used: 

the ideal number of children, the proportion of women who want no more children, the 

planning status of recent births, and the wanted total fertility rate. For 35 countries that 

have conducted more than one survey, trends in preferences have been documented. 

And, for a subset of mostly sub-Saharan African countries, men’s reproductive attitudes 

are also described. 

In general, the number of children desired is declining in most Asian and Latin 

American countries. There is also evidence of a desire for smaller families in southern 

and eastern Africa but little change in the preference for large families is evident in 

western and middle Africa. Unwanted fertility is highest in the countries of northern 

Africa and western Asia as well as in Latin America; unwanted births are still uncommon 

in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in western and middle Africa. 

A comparison of wanted fertility rates with recent actual fertility shows a 

potential for further declines in fertility and impending replacement levels in many Asian 

and Latin American populations. 

Men’s reproductive preferences in Africa tend to be higher than those of women 

and are also higher in polygynous marriages. In every country studied, couples with the 

wife wanting to stop childbearing with husbands who want more children are more 

numerous than the opposite combination 
1

1 Introduction 

Measures of the number of children desired are now a standard part of all fertility and family 

planning surveys. Their legitimacy was questioned by several demographers in the early years of these 

surveys (Hauser, 1967; Demeny, 1988; van de Walle, 1992), but their predictive capabilities (Westoff, 

1990; Hermalin, 1979) and general programmatic utility have ensured their place in this line of research. 

The questions addressed by the various measures of reproductive preference are clearly important, 

including not only whether more children are wanted and how many are considered ideal but also the 

number of unwanted births that have occurred recently. Such information permits estimation of the 

implications of preferences for the rate of population growth with the calculation of a total wanted fertility 

rate analogous to the total fertility rate (TFR). The measurement of intentions is also integral to the 

assessment of the need for family planning services; these estimates of unmet need are the subject of 

another comparative report (Westoff, 2001). The preferred timing of the next birth is also now typically 

included in surveys, and the analysis of preferences has also been applied to the lengths of birth intervals 

(Rafalimanana and Westoff, 2001) to assess the implications of preferred intervals for the reduction of 

infant mortality as well as fertility. Another dimension of the subject is the reproductive preferences of 

men included in the men’s surveys of the past decade (Ezeh, Seroussi, and Raggers, 1996). 

One of the advantages of the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) program is the repetition 

of surveys in many countries, which permits the assessment of trends in reproductive preferences 

(Bankole and Westoff, 1995). With these data from surveys repeated over five- to ten-year intervals, we 

are able to trace the emergence of the small family norm in many countries (Permana and Westoff, 1999; 

Marquez and Westoff, 1999) and to disaggregate the decline of fertility into its wanted and unwanted 

components. 

2 Ideal Number of Children and Reproductive Intentions 

The ideal number of children and the proportion of women who want no more children are shown 

in Table 2.1 for currently married women in 56 countries based on the most recent surveys, all conducted 

in the 1990s and the year 2000. In the countries outside of sub-Saharan Africa, the lowest average ideal 

number is 2.5 children, which was observed in five countries, and the highest is 4.5 in Yemen. A more 

sensitive measure is the ideal number of children among women who already have two living children 

(including current pregnancy) since virtually all women in developing countries want at least two. The 

range of this statistic for these countries extends from a low of 2.1 in Vietnam to a high of 4.1 in Yemen. 

In sub-Saharan Africa, the range of ideal number of children is much greater, extending from a 

low of 3.3 children in South Africa (2.8 for women with two children) to a high of 8.5 and 8.2, 

respectively, in Chad. Niger is about the same with averages of 8.5 and 8.1. The overall average for the 

29 sub-Saharan countries is 5.8—higher in western and middle Africa at 6.3 and lower in southern and 

eastern Africa at 5.4. The ideal number in South Africa is much lower than the other countries in the 

region; only Kenya and Zimbabwe approach that level. 

The proportion of married women who say that they want no more children is also shown in 

Table 2.1. This is a particularly important measure because it bears directly on the population growth 

question and because it designates a segment of the population that may be at risk of having an unwanted 

birth. For all married women, this proportion ranges from a low of less than 10 percent in Niger and 

Chad to a high of 74 percent in Armenia and Brazil. In sub-Saharan Africa generally, the average is 28 

percent, while in the other regions of the developing world, it is 59 percent. 
2

Table 2.1 Ideal number of children and the percentage of women who want no more children among currently married women, 

Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2001 

 

Mean ideal number 

of children1

Percentage who want 

no more children2

Number of children3

Country 

Survey 

date 

All married 

women 

Women with 

2 children 

All married 

women 2 3 4 

SOUTH/SOUTHEAST/ 

CENTRAL ASIA 

Bangladesh 1999-00 2.5 2.3 58.9 66.0 83.0 90.9 

Cambodia 2000 3.9 3.3 36.8 28.3 44.1 51.5 

India4 1998-99 2.7 2.3 63.6 72.3 84.2 86.4 

Indonesia 1997 2.9 2.7 49.6 51.5 70.5 80.6 

Kazakhstan 1999 3.0 2.7 58.2 64.7 75.8 79.9 

Kyrgyz Republic 1997 3.9 3.5 46.9 33.4 49.5 74.2 

Nepal 1996 2.9 2.6 58.7 59.4 75.6 86.7 

Pakistan 1990-91 4.1 3.6 39.9 16.6 35.8 51.5 

Philippines 1998 3.5 3.0 61.9 53.2 74.6 84.8 

Turkmenistan 2000 3.7 3.1 55.0 43.1 64.5 86.0 

Uzbekistan 1996 3.8 3.2 51.5 37.1 60.0 80.2 

Vietnam 1997 2.5 2.1 72.8 86.6 93.7 95.5 

NORTHERN AFRICA/ 

WESTERN ASIA 

Armenia 2000 2.8 2.7 74.4 77.9 93.0 95.5 

Egypt 2000 2.9 2.5 65.4 59.3 82.5 89.7 

Jordan 1997 4.2 3.9 51.2 22.8 42.1 59.6 

Morocco 1995 3.6 3.1 53.4 35.6 58.2 71.8 

Turkey 1998 2.5 2.3 66.3 78.7 88.0 87.8 

Yemen 1997 4.5 4.1 49.3 25.4 42.5 52.5 

LATIN AMERICA/CARIBBEAN 

Bolivia 1998 2.8 2.5 71.3 65.8 82.7 88.5 

Brazil 1996 2.5 2.3 74.4 84.1 94.3 93.2 

Colombia 2000 2.5 2.3 69.6 75.8 90.1 93.8 

Dominican Republic 1999 3.2 2.9 60.9 49.4 86.5 92.8 

Guatemala 1999 3.7 3.0 58.4 54.0 72.8 73.9 

Haiti 2000 3.3 3.0 56.9 53.0 77.3 78.9 

Nicaragua 1998 3.0 2.6 65.8 62.4 80.3 89.0 

Paraguay 1990 4.4 3.5 43.6 33.8 52.2 58.2 

Peru 2000 2.6 2.5 67.3 67.0 83.5 90.8 

WESTERN/MIDDLE 

AFRICA 

Benin 1996 5.8 5.5 23.0 5.3 14.5 25.1 

Burkina Faso 1999 5.9 5.6 19.6 7.0 10.9 19.8 

Cameroon 1998 6.5 6.2 19.6 5.1 9.8 22.1 

Central African Republic 1994 6.7 6.2 12.3 2.9 9.8 11.8 

Chad 1996-97 8.5 8.2 10.0 1.5 5.4 9.9 

Côte d’Ivoire 1994 6.0 5.4 21.6 7.2 11.8 20.8 

Gabon 2000 5.4 4.9 23.1 12.3 17.3 28.3 

Ghana 1998 4.6 4.1 35.0 16.1 36.1 53.2 

Guinea 1999 5.9 5.3 20.9 5.9 12.8 24.9 

Mali 2001 6.5 6.0 21.5 7.4 9.6 23.3 

Mauritania 2000-01 6.8 6.0 19.0 11.3 15.0 22.3 

Niger 1998 8.5 8.1 9.6 3.0 4.7 8.4 

Nigeria 1999 6.7 6.2 19.6 5.1 11.0 22.6 

Senegal 1997 5.7 5.5 23.0 5.0 9.1 19.6 

Togo 1998 4.9 4.5 28.6 11.7 22.0 37.4 

SOUTHERN/EASTERN AFRICA 

Comoros 1996 5.7 5.0 32.5 11.8 15.7 34.5 

Eritrea 1995 6.6 5.9 18.1 7.3 9.3 17.9 

Ethiopia 2000 5.8 5.5 32.0 17.8 25.6 39.0 

Kenya 1998 4.1 3.4 53.3 33.9 51.8 72.2 

Madagascar 1997 5.7 4.8 38.1 24.5 36.2 48.3 

Malawi 2000 5.3 4.5 42.3 28.2 43.2 58.9 

Mozambique 1997 6.2 6.0 16.9 6.7 14.7 19.9 

Namibia 1992 5.7 4.2 33.5 34.6 35.3 38.7 

Rwanda 2000 5.0 4.6 33.8 12.5 24.1 45.5 

South Africa 1998 3.3 2.8 61.5 62.3 74.2 82.0 

Tanzania 1999 5.7 4.9 28.7 12.7 23.5 47.0 

Uganda 2000-01 5.1 4.4 38.4 15.8 29.0 44.0 

Zambia 1996 5.7 5.0 28.5 12.1 23.2 30.6 

Zimbabwe 1999 4.3 3.7 40.9 30.3 45.0 64.3 

1

 Excludes non-numeric responses 

2

 Women who are sterilized (or whose husbands are sterilized) are regarded as wanting no more children. 3

 Includes current pregnancy 

4 Ideal number of children is based on ever-married women. 
3

The percentage of women who want no more children has one limitation in this comparative 

context. Women in different populations have different numbers of children that will influence their 

attitude toward the future. To eliminate this compositional bias, the percentage who want no more 

children is also shown for three family size categories separately: those with two, three, or four children. 

Populations in which the majority of women at parity two want no more children are well on their way to 

replacement-level fertility and the small family norm. The highest value is for Vietnam, where 87 percent 

of women with two children intend to remain at that family size (Table 2.1). Other countries with high 

proportions in this category are Brazil, 84 percent; Turkey, 79 percent; Armenia, 78 percent; Colombia, 

76 percent; and India 72 percent. If we focus on the intentions of women with three children, the 

percentage who want no more children is high, with the exception of Cambodia (44 percent) and Pakistan 

(36 percent) and Jordan and Yemen (both 42 percent).1

 At parity four, the percentage wanting no more 

children is higher, mostly in the 80 and 90 percent range with the same exceptions noted above. Paraguay 

is an outlier with only 58 percent of women with four children wanting no more, which is 30 percent 

lower than all of the other Latin American countries in Table 2.1. As with Pakistan, it should be noted 

that the survey in Paraguay was conducted in 1990 and this statistic has undoubtedly changed since then. 

The picture in the countries of sub-Saharan Africa is dramatically different (Table 2.1). Less than 

20 percent of women with two children in the 15 western and middle African countries want to stop 

having children, and in 11 of these countries the proportion is less than 10 percent. Even in the threechildren category, the proportion is above 20 percent in only two of the 15 countries (Ghana and Togo). 

Although the proportions increase somewhat at parity four in the western and middle African countries, 

Ghana is the only country in which more than 50 percent of women with four children want no more 

children. 

The pattern in southern and eastern Africa is different, although even at parity four, only four of 

the 14 countries show more than 50 percent of women who want to cease childbearing (Table 2.1). South 

Africa is almost unique with 82 percent of women at parity four reporting that they want no more 

children. Even at parity two, the majority of South African women want to stop childbearing. Kenya and 

Zimbabwe are the next highest in the parity four group. Eritrea and Mozambique are at the low end of the 

scale in this region, with only 18 and 20 percent of parity four women reporting that they want no more 

children. 

3 Trends in Reproductive Intentions 

The changes over recent years in whether women want no more children are depicted in Figure 

3.1. For the Asian and Latin American countries, the trends are shown for women with two and three 

children; for the sub-Saharan countries, the three-and four-child parities are selected. It is important to 

keep in mind that these patterns are observed at relatively short intervals, which means that one should 

not expect much change in basic attitudes toward reproduction. Indeed, the proportions who want no 

more children are fairly stable in many of the countries, but there are also some pronounced increases 

evident in these intentions. In Bangladesh and India, there are significant increases in the proportions of 

women with two children who wish to stop at two. Sharp increases are also apparent in Morocco and 

Yemen. In Brazil, the proportion of those with two children who want no more changed from 69 to 

84 percent over ten years. Dramatic increases for both parity two and parity three women are evident for 

Guatemala and Haiti. 

 

1

The survey data for Pakistan are more than ten years old; a more recent survey (2000-01) indicates that this 

proportion has increased to 41 percent (NIPS, 2001).
4

Figure 3.1 Trends in the percentage of currently married women who

want no more children, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1986-2000

ASIA AND NORTHERN AFRICA

Bangladesh

58 64 66

83 80 81

0

20

40

60

80

100

1993-94 1996-97 1999-00

Kazakhstan

65 66

77 76

0

20

40

60

80

100

1995 1999

India

60 72

84 77

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992-93 1998-99

Indonesia

43 51 51 51

70 73 71 67

0

20

40

60

80

100

1987 1991 1994 1997

Philippines

49 53

75 75

0

20

40

60

80

100

1993 1998

Egypt

52 59 60 59

80 81 82

76

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988-89 1992-93 1995-96 2000

Morocco

36 26 29

58 52

40

0

20

40

60

80

100

1987 1992 1995

Turkey

81 79

90 88

0

20

40

60

80

100

1993 1998

Yemen

18 25

42

26

0

20

40

60

80

100

Jordan

23 24

38 42

0

20

40

60

80

100

1990 1997

Note: Percentages include sterilized 

women. Number of children includes 

current pregnancy.

Two children

Three children
5

Figure 3.1—Continued

LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN

Bolivia

68 69 66

83 83 80

0

20

40

60

80

100

1989 1994 1998

Dominican Republic

56 58 57 49

87 86 86 82

0

20

40

60

80

100

1986 1991 1996 1999

Brazil

69 84

86 94

0

20

40

60

80

100

1986 1996

Colombia

76 71 62 69

88 90 85 86

0

20

40

60

80

100

1986 1990 1995 2000

Guatemala

54 35 44

73 65

52

0

20

40

60

80

100

1987 1995 1999

Haiti

46 53

66

77

0

20

40

60

80

100

1994-95 2000

Two children

Three children

Peru

68 73 68 67

83 77 85 84

0

20

40

60

80

100

1986 1991-92 1996 2000

Note: Percentages include sterilized 

women. Number of children includes 

current pregnancy.
6

There are only a few countries in western and middle Africa that show substantial increases in the 

proportions wanting to stop having children at parity three or four—the case of Ghana is particularly 

striking with the proportion wanting no more children (at parity four) rising from 25 to 53 percent 

between 1988 and 1998. Togo also shows a strong trend; Nigeria and Guinea show more moderate 

increases. 

Figure 3.1—Continued

WESTERN AND MIDDLE AFRICA

Burkina Faso

12 11

20 22

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992-93 1998-99

Côte d'Ivoire

12 14

24 21

0

20

40

60

80

100

1994 1999

Cameroon

7 10

22 12

0

20

40

60

80

100

1991 1998

Ghana

31 36 14

53 48

25

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988 1993 1998

Mali

10 11 15

22 19 23

0

20

40

60

80

100

1987 1995-96 2001

Niger

6 5

8 8

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1998

Senegal

11 9 9

19 17 20

0

20

40

60

80

100

1986 1992-93 1997

Togo

14 22

37

27

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988 1998

Nigeria

9 11

23 17

0

20

40

60

80

100

1990 1999

Three children

Four children

Guinea

10 13

25 17

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1999

Note: Percentages include sterilized 

women. Number of children includes 

current pregnancy.
7

Such trends are clearer and in some cases dramatic in southern and eastern Africa. Significant 

increases in the desire to stop childbearing at three or four children are evident in Kenya, Malawi, 

Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. In Malawi, for example, the proportion who wish to stop at 

three children increased from 18 percent in 1992 to 43 percent in 2000, while those wanting to stop at 

four children increased from 34 to 59 percent. No change is apparent in Rwanda, and some suggestion of 

an opposite trend appears in Madagascar. The norm of family limitation has clearly taken hold in many 

of the countries of this region even though it is still at much higher levels of fertility than in other parts of 

the world. 

Figure 3.1—Continued

SOUTHERN AND EASTERN AFRICA

Kenya

47 52 33

72 65

49

0

20

40

60

80

100

1989 1993 1998

Rwanda

24 25

45 45

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 2000

Madagascar

40 36

52 48

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1997

Malawi

43

18

59

34

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 2000

Tanzania

22 23 12

47

34 25

0

20

40

60

80

100

1991-92 1996 1999

Uganda

9 25 29

18

37 44

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988-89 1995 2000-01

Zimbabwe

45 31 20

64

51

32

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988-89 1994 1999

Three children

Four children

Zambia

10 23

24 31

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1996

Note: Percentages include sterilized 

women. Number of children includes 

current pregnancy.

Figure 3.1—Continued

SOUTHERN AND EASTERN AFRICA

Kenya

47 52 33

72 65

49

0

20

40

60

80

100

1989 1993 1998

Rwanda

24 25

45 45

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 2000

Madagascar

40 36

52 48

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1997

Malawi

43

18

59

34

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 2000

Tanzania

22 23 12

47

34 25

0

20

40

60

80

100

1991-92 1996 1999

Uganda

9 25 29

18

37 44

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988-89 1995 2000-01

Zimbabwe

45 31 20

64

51

32

0

20

40

60

80

100

1988-89 1994 1999

Three children

Four children

Zambia

10 23

24 31

0

20

40

60

80

100

1992 1996

Note: Percentages include sterilized 

women. Number of children includes 

current pregnancy.
8

4 Planning of Recent Births 

A question on whether recent births were wanted at the time of conception, at a later time, or not 

at all is routinely included in the DHS questionnaire for births occurring during the three or five years 

preceding the interview. The planning status of these births is classified into intended, mistimed, and 

unwanted births. Particular attention is focused on unwanted births because of their implications for the 

family and for the rate of population growth. The reliability of the responses to the question has been 

evaluated for Morocco with the benefit of a longitudinal design that permitted repeating the question to 

the same women about the same births three years later (Bankole and Westoff, 1998). Rationalization of 

births initially reported as unwanted as wanted was clearly involved; the implication is that the level of 

unwanted fertility is underestimated and that this effect is associated with the duration of recall. 

Aside from the issue of reliability, the level of unwanted births is a combination of preferences 

for limiting childbearing and the prevalence and effectiveness of birth control in the population. For 

example, the percentage of unwanted births in Chad is less than 1 percent, the lowest among the 56 

countries in Table 3.1. The proportion of women using a modern method of contraception in that country 

is only 1.2 percent, and women in Chad have the highest ideal number of children, 8.5, and along with 

Niger, Chad has the lowest proportion of women who want no more children (10 percent). In contrast, 

Armenian women report 25 percent of their recent births as unwanted. In that population, although the 

total contraceptive prevalence rate is more than 60 percent, the use of traditional methods (mostly 

withdrawal) accounts for nearly two-thirds of all use and there is a high rate of induced abortion. 

Armenian women report 2.8 children as the ideal number, and 74 percent want no more children. Bolivia 

and Peru are similar with women relying heavily on traditional methods and nearly one-third of their 

births reported as unwanted. 

The proportion of births reported as unwanted is low in the south/southeast and central Asian 

countries included in this review, with the exceptions of Cambodia, the Philippines, and Nepal. 

Unwanted births reach their highest levels in northern Africa and western Asia and, with the exception of 

Paraguay (the survey was in 1990), they are high in the Latin America/Caribbean region, where mistimed 

births are also more common. On average, only 55 percent of all births in this region are reported by their 

mother as having been wanted at the time they occurred. 

The planning status of births in sub-Saharan Africa differs in western and middle Africa from that 

in the southern and eastern regions. The proportion of unwanted births is less than 10 percent in the 15 

western and middle African countries; Ghana shows the highest proportion (9 percent). In contrast, 10 of 

the 14 countries in southern and eastern Africa show that more than 10 percent of births were unwanted, 

with Malawi the highest at 22 percent. 

The widely varying levels of unwanted fertility in different parts of the world suggest that 

increases in unwanted fertility are an integral part of the fertility transition. As smaller families become 

more normative and contraception becomes more prevalent, the risk of having an unwanted pregnancy 

increases. In some countries, abortion may also increase in the period before effective methods of 

contraception become widespread. 
9

Table 3.1 Percent distribution of births in the past five years by planning status and wanted and total fertility cases for the 

preceding three years, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2001 

Planning status at conception 

Country 

Survey 

date 

Wanted 

then 

Wanted 

later 

Wanted 

no more 

children Total1

Total 

wanted 

fertility 

rate 

Total 

fertility 

rate 

SOUTH/SOUTHEAST/ 

CENTRAL ASIA 

Bangladesh 1999-00 66.9 19.3 13.5 100.0 2.2 3.3 

Cambodia 2000 66.7 8.9 23.5 100.0 3.1 4.0 

India 1998-99 78.4 11.9 9.4 100.0 2.1 2.9 

Indonesia 1997 83.0 8.7 8.3 100.0 2.4 2.8 

Kazakhstan 1999 82.4 8.3 8.9 100.0 1.9 2.0 

Kyrgyz Republic 1997 86.4 7.6 5.4 100.0 3.1 3.4 

Nepal 1996 61.9 19.2 18.1 100.0 2.9 4.6 

Pakistan 1990-91 76.4 8.4 13.0 100.0 4.3 4.9 

Philippines 1998 54.2 26.9 18.2 100.0 2.7 3.7 

Turkmenistan 2000 94.3 2.2 1.2 100.0 2.7 2.9 

Uzbekistan 1996 94.7 2.4 1.9 100.0 3.1 3.3 

Vietnam 1997 73.3 14.9 11.9 100.0 1.9 2.3 

NORTHERN AFRICA/ 

WESTERN ASIA 

Armenia 2000 62.0 12.9 24.9 100.0 1.5 1.7 

Egypt 2000 81.5 5.0 13.4 100.0 2.9 3.5 

Jordan 1997 62.7 20.4 16.9 100.0 2.9 4.4 

Morocco 1995 73.2 12.5 14.1 100.0 2.2 3.3 

Turkey 1998 69.2 11.2 18.8 100.0 1.9 2.6 

Yemen 1997 54.6 23.0 21.8 100.0 4.6 6.5 

LATIN AMERICA/CARIBBEAN 

Bolivia 1998 47.6 20.2 31.7 100.0 2.5 4.2 

Brazil 1996 50.6 26.1 22.3 100.0 1.8 2.5 

Colombia 2000 47.6 29.2 23.1 100.0 1.8 2.6 

Dominican Republic 1999 53.3 32.4 13.8 100.0 2.0 2.6 

Guatemala 1999 69.7 18.0 11.8 100.0 4.1 5.0 

Haiti 2000 43.9 26.0 29.8 100.0 2.7 4.7 

Nicaragua 1998 65.6 15.9 17.3 100.0 2.5 3.6 

Paraguay 1990 76.1 16.9 6.7 100.0 4.0 4.7 

Peru 2000 43.8 25.3 30.7 100.0 1.8 2.8 

WESTERN/MIDDLE AFRICA 

Benin 1996 73.6 19.3 5.7 100.0 5.0 6.0 

Burkina Faso 1999 78.8 17.5 3.0 100.0 5.7 6.4 

Cameroon 1998 70.9 20.4 6.1 100.0 4.3 4.8 

Central African Republic 1994 75.7 16.0 7.0 100.0 4.7 5.1 

Chad 1996-97 90.0 7.9 0.9 100.0 6.1 6.4 

Côte d’Ivoire 1994 65.0 20.1 7.9 100.0 4.4 5.3 

Gabon 2000 54.9 37.6 6.8 100.0 3.5 4.3 

Ghana 1998 62.9 27.5 8.9 100.0 3.6 4.4 

Guinea 1999 79.9 13.5 3.9 100.0 5.0 5.5 

Mali 2001 79.2 16.6 3.2 100.0 6.1 6.8 

Mauritania 2000-01 71.2 22.1 6.3 100.0 4.3 4.7 

Niger 1998 86.7 11.0 1.0 100.0 7.2 7.5 

Nigeria 1999 77.8 15.8 3.1 100.0 4.8 5.2 

Senegal 1997 64.1 27.2 6.8 100.0 4.6 5.7 

Togo 1998 57.1 33.3 8.1 100.0 4.2 5.2 

SOUTHERN/EASTERN AFRICA 

Comoros 1996 42.5 41.3 14.4 100.0 3.7 4.6 

Eritrea 1995 80.8 13.5 4.9 100.0 5.7 6.1 

Ethiopia 2000 63.0 19.6 17.3 100.0 4.9 5.9 

Kenya 1998 51.4 37.2 11.1 100.0 3.5 4.7 

Madagascar 1997 73.5 13.8 12.0 100.0 5.2 6.0 

Malawi 2000 59.6 18.3 21.7 100.0 5.2 6.3 

Mozambique 1997 74.2 20.1 3.7 100.0 4.7 5.2 

Namibia 1992 65.0 21.4 12.3 100.0 4.8 5.4 

Rwanda 2000 64.3 22.8 12.5 100.0 4.7 5.8 

South Africa 1998 45.7 35.5 17.3 100.0 2.3 2.0 

Tanzania 1999 77.5 11.4 11.0 100.0 4.8 5.6 

Uganda 2000-01 60.3 24.8 14.6 100.0 5.3 6.8 

Zambia 1996 62.7 29.2 6.5 100.0 5.2 6.1 

Zimbabwe 1999 62.4 30.2 7.2 100.0 3.4 4.0 

1

 Includes missing data 
10

5 Wanted Fertility Rates and Total Fertility Rates 

The preceding discussion of unwanted fertility focused on the planning status of recent births. 

From a demographic perspective, the question of interest is what would fertility rates be in the absence of 

unwanted births? The standard measure utilized by DHS is the rate devised by Lightbourne for the World 

Fertility Survey (Lightbourne, 1987). Designated the total wanted fertility rate (TWFR), the measure is 

calculated in the same way as the conventional total fertility rate except that the births in the numerator 

exclude those exceeding the desired or ideal number of births at the time of the survey. The TWFR and 

the TFR are shown for each country in the last two columns of Table 3.1. 

The actual TFRs calculated for the several years before each of these surveys show that only two 

of the 56 countries have reached replacement level—Kazakhstan (2.0) and Armenia (1.7). From a 

comparison of the values of the TFRs and TWFRs, it appears that the decline in fertility is still in process. 

Many of the countries show TWFRs that if realized, would indeed reduce their fertility to levels around or 

below replacement. India and Bangladesh are important examples. Other countries that would realize 

replacement-level fertility or lower include Vietnam, Morocco, Turkey, Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican 

Republic, and Peru. The gap between the two rates is greatest in Peru, with a current TFR of 2.8 and a 

TWFR of 1.8. 

With an average TFR of 5.5, the picture in sub-Saharan Africa is very different. With the 

exception of South Africa, no country in the region has come close to replacement level even in the 

theoretical sense of what fertility would be if women’s preferences prevailed (the TWFR in South Africa 

is 2.3 and the TFR is 2.9). On average, the observed TFR for all 29 sub-Saharan countries (5.5) would 

decline to 4.7 if women had the number of births they preferred. The average gap between actual and 

desired fertility in western and middle Africa is greatest in Gabon, Ghana, Senegal, and Togo, where the 

TWFR is close to 20 percent lower than the TFR. In southern and eastern Africa, Kenya shows the 

greatest gap, with a 25 percent drop required to reach the desired level of 3.5. Other countries with gaps 

of 20 percent or more are Comoros, South Africa, and Uganda. Further declines in fertility in these 

countries are very likely to continue if not accelerate. 

 

6 Trends in Wanted and Unwanted Fertility 

The declines of fertility in these countries can be analyzed in terms of changes in the number of 

children desired and changes in the control of fertility and the reduction of unwanted births (Figure 6.1 

and Table 6.1. Figure 6.1 shows the trends in total fertility, subdivided according to wanted and 

unwanted fertility. In Table 6.1, a more precise decomposition of these changes is presented. If we look 

first at the countries in Asia and northern Africa, we see that most, but not all, of the recent declines in 

fertility can be attributed to the reduction of wanted births. In Latin America and the Caribbean, the 

declines in fertility have been more equally divided between wanted and unwanted births. 

In sub-Saharan Africa, most declines in the TFR, many of which are very small, are due to 

declines in wanted births. Two exceptions are Kenya, where a decline of two births per woman between 

1989 and 1998 is equally divided between the two components, and Rwanda, where a moderate decline in 

the TFR from 6.3 to 5.8 was due to a decline of 0.9 over eight years in unwanted births, accompanied by 

an increase of 0.5 in the wanted births (Table 6.1). This country, of course, experienced massive 

upheavals beginning with the genocidal events in 1994. The whole family planning program was 

dismantled, not to mention other effects. In several of the sub-Saharan African countries, there have been 

slight increases in the unwanted component accompanied by declines in wanted fertility—a pattern that 

might characterize the early stages of the transition when the motivation to control fertility precedes the 

availability of methods. This pattern is also evident in Haiti and in Yemen. 
11

Bangladesh

2.2

2.1

2.1 3.4

3.3

3.3

02468

1999-00

1996-97

1993-94

Egypt

2.9

2.6

2.7

3.6 4.7

3.9

3.6

3.5

02468

2000

1995-96

1992-93

1988-89

India

2.1

2.6 3.4

2.9

02468

1998-99

1992-93

Jordan

2.9

3.9 5.6

4.4

02468

1997

1990

Kazakhstan

1.9

2.3 2.5

2.0

02468

1999

1995

Morocco

2.2

2.7

3.3 4.6

4.0

3.3

02468

1995

1992

1987

Philippines

2.7

2.9 4.1

3.7

02468

1998

1993

Indonesia

2.4

2.4

2.5

2.5 3.1

3.0

2.9

2.8

02468

1997

1994

1991

1987

Turkey

1.9

1.8 2.7

2.6

02468

1998

1993

Yemen

4.6

6.0

7.7

6.5

02468

1997

1991-92

Figure 6.1 Trends in wanted, unwanted, and total fertility rates, 

Demographic and Health Surveys, 1986-2000

ASIA AND NORTHERN AFRICA

Wanted Unwanted Total
12

Brazil

1.8

2.3

2.5

3.4

02468

1996

1986

Dominican Republic

2.0

2.5

2.6

2.6 3.7

3.3

3.2

2.6

02468

1999

1996

1991

1986

Haiti

2.7

3.0 4.8

4.7

02468

2000

1994-95

Colombia

1.8

2.2

2.1

2.1 3.2

2.8

3.0

2.6

02468

2000

1995

1990

1986

Guatemala

4.1

4.0

4.4 5.5

5.1

5.0

02468

1999

1995

1987

Wanted Unwanted Total

Bolivia

2.5

2.7

2.7 5.0

4.8

4.2

02468

1998

1994

1989

Peru

1.8

2.2

2.0

2.3 4.1

3.5

3.5

2.8

02468

2000

1996

1991-92

1986

Figure 6.1—Continued

LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN

Brazil

1.8

2.3

2.5

3.4

02468

1996

1986

Dominican Republic

2.0

2.5

2.6

2.6 3.7

3.3

3.2

2.6

02468

1999

1996

1991

1986

Haiti

2.7

3.0 4.8

4.7

02468

2000

1994-95

Colombia

1.8

2.2

2.1

2.1 3.2

2.8

3.0

2.6

02468

2000

1995

1990

1986

Guatemala

4.1

4.0

4.4 5.5

5.1

5.0

02468

1999

1995

1987

Wanted Unwanted Total

Bolivia

2.5

2.7

2.7 5.0

4.8

4.2

02468

1998

1994

1989

Peru

1.8

2.2

2.0

2.3 4.1

3.5

3.5

2.8

02468

2000

1996

1991-92

1986

Figure 6.1—Continued

LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN
13

Burkina Faso

5.7

5.8 6.5

6.4

02468

1998-99

1993

Cameroon

4.3

5.2 5.8

4.8

02468

1998

1991

Ghana

3.6

4.2

5.3 6.4

5.2

4.4

02468

1998

1993

1988

Côte d'Ivoire

4.5

4.4 5.3

5.2

02468

1999

1994

Nigeria

4.8

5.8 6.0

5.2

02468

1999

1990

Niger

7.2

7.1 7.4

7.5

02468

1998

1992

Togo

4.2

5.0 6.4

5.2

02468

1998

1988

Mali

6.1

6.0

6.6 7.1

6.7

6.8

02468

2001

1995-96

1987

Senegal

4.6

5.1

5.5 6.4

6.0

5.7

02468

1997

1992-93

1986

Wanted Unwanted Total

Guinea

5.0

5.1 5.7

5.5

02468

1999

1992

Figure 6.1—Continued

WESTERN AND MIDDLE AFRICA
14

Kenya

3.5

3.4

4.5 6.7

5.4

4.7

02468

1998

1993

1989

Madagascar

5.2

5.2 6.1

6.0

02468

1997

1992

Malawi

5.2

5.7 6.7

6.3

02468

2000

1992

Rwanda

4.7

4.2 6.2

5.8

02468

2000

1992

Zambia

5.2

5.4 6.5

6.1

02468

1996

1992

Uganda

5.3

5.6

6.4 7.4

6.9

6.8

02468

2000-01

1995

1988-89

Zimbabwe

3.4

3.5

4.4 5.4

4.3

4.0

02468

1999

1994

1988-89

Tanzania

4.8

5.1

5.6 6.2

5.8

5.6

02468

1999

1996

1991-92

Figure 6.1—Continued

SOUTHERN AND EASTERN AFRICA

Wanted Unwanted Total
15

Table 6.1 Declines in the total fertility rate and declines in wanted and 

unwanted components of fertility, Demographic and Health Surveys, 

1986-2001 

 Decline 

Years 

between 

surveys Country 

Total 

fertility 

Wanted 

fertility 

Unwanted 

fertility 

 ASIA AND NORTHERN AFRICA 

6 Bangladesh 0.1 + 0.1 0.2 

6 India 0.5 0.5 0.0 

10 Indonesia 0.3 0.1 0.2 

4 Kazakhstan 0.5 0.4 0.1 

5 Philippines 0.4 0.2 0.2 

11 Egypt 1.2 0.7 0.5 

7 Jordan 1.2 1.0 0.2 

8 Morocco 1.3 1.1 0.2 

5 Turkey 0.1 + 0.1 0.2 

5 Yemen 1.2 1.4 + 0.3 

 

LATIN AMERICA AND 

CARIBBEAN 

9 Bolivia 0.8 0.2 0.6 

10 Brazil 0.9 0.5 0.4 

14 Colombia 0.6 0.3 0.3 

13 Dominican Republic 1.1 0.6 0.5 

12 Guatemala 0.5 0.3 0.2 

6 Haiti 0.1 0.3 + 0.2 

14 Peru 1.3 0.5 0.8 

 

WESTERN AND MIDDLE 

AFRICA 

6 Burkina Faso 0.1 0.1 0.0 

7 Cameroon 1.0 0.9 0.1 

5 Côte d’Ivoire 0.1 + 0.1 0.2 

10 Ghana 2.0 1.7 0.3 

7 Guinea 0.2 0.1 0.1 

6 Mali + 0.1 + 0.1 0.0 

6 Niger + 0.1 + 0.1 0.0 

9 Nigeria 0.8 1.0 + 0.2 

11 Senegal 0.7 0.9 + 0.2 

10 Togo 1.2 0.8 0.4 

 

SOUTHERN AND EASTERN 

AFRICA 

9 Kenya 2.0 1.0 1.0 

5 Madagascar 0.1 0.0 0.1 

8 Malawi 0.4 0.5 + 0.1 

8 Rwanda 0.4 + 0.5 0.9 

7 Tanzania 0.6 0.8 + 0.2 

11 Uganda 0.6 1.1 + 0.5 

5 Zambia 0.4 0.2 0.2 

10 Zimbabwe 1.4 1.0 0.4 

7 Men’s Reproductive Preferences 

Reproductive decisionmaking normally involves at least two people—a woman and a man. It is 

therefore important to consider the fertility motivations and desires of both men and women to gain a 

clear understanding of the levels as well as the trends of fertility in a given population. Whereas much is 

known about the fertility desires and behavior of women, much less is known about the preferences and 

behavior of men. However, in many developing countries, men play significant and often dominant roles 

in fertility decisionmaking and behavior (Bankole, 1995; Casterline et al., 1997). Moreover, the fertility 

motivations and behavior of men may be different from those of women (Bankole, 1992; Ezeh et al., 

1996). In this section, we document the fertility preferences of men mostly in countries of sub-Saharan 

Africa and a few countries from other regions, mainly in Latin America and the Caribbean. The selection 

of the countries was determined solely by availability of male data. 
16

8 Ideal Number of Children 

The number of children that men want varies widely between countries and between regions of 

the developing world (Table 8.1). In sub-Saharan Africa, the average number of children desired among 

married men ranges from 4.3 in Kenya and Rwanda to 15.1 in Chad. With the exception of Kenya, 

Rwanda, and Zimbabwe, the mean ideal number of children exceeds five children in the sub-Saharan 

countries included in this analysis. As in Chad, the estimate is higher than ten children in Niger. In 

contrast, fertility desires are considerably lower in the countries included in this study from other regions. 

In fact, in none of them is the mean ideal number of children as high as the lowest number found in subSaharan Africa; in these countries, the mean ideal number of children varies relatively little, ranging from 

2.4 in Bangladesh to 4.2 in Pakistan.2

Table 8.1 Mean ideal number of children among currently married men, by number of children, level of education, and type of 

marriage, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000 

 Level of education Type of marriage 

Country 

Survey 

date 

All 

married 

men 

Men 

with 2 

children 

No 

education Primary Secondary+ 

Monogamous Polygynous 

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 8.5 7.3 10.8 6.5 4.6 7.3 11.1 

Burkina Faso 1999 7.9 5.8 8.5 6.5 4.2 6.8 10.6 

Cameroon 1998 8.7 7.5 13.7 8.7 6.6 7.7 14.0 

Central African Republic 1994 9.0 8.0 10.8 9.5 7.0 8.6 12.3 

Chad 1996-97 15.1 13.9 17.3 13.2 8.5 13.6 19.9 

Comoros 1996 6.4 5.5 7.0 6.5 5.1 6.1 7.9 

Côte d’Ivoire 1994 6.9 6.1 8.1 6.2 5.1 6.3 9.5 

Ethiopia 2000 7.7 6.2 8.2 7.2 4.6 6.9 15.6 

Ghana 1998 5.2 4.4 8.4 5.3 4.4 4.7 8.4 

Guinea 1999 8.5 6.7 9.6 7.0 5.7 7.3 10.8 

Kenya 1998 4.3 3.6 6.9 4.5 3.8 4.1 6.1 

Mali 1995-96 9.2 8.3 10.0 8.0 5.7 8.3 11.9 

Mozambique 1997 8.1 6.8 8.3 8.5 5.3 7.6 10.7 

Niger 1998 12.3 11.5 13.3 9.6 7.4 11.5 15.3 

Nigeria 1999 9.3 8.4 13.1 8.4 7.2 8.7 11.3 

Rwanda 1992 4.3 4.0 4.5 4.2 4.0 4.1 5.7 

Senegal 1997 9.4 6.6 11.1 7.6 5.4 8.1 12.9 

Tanzania 1999 6.3 5.0 9.1 5.9 4.6 6.1 8.8 

Togo 1998 6.0 4.9 8.1 5.7 4.6 5.4 8.0 

Uganda 1995 6.3 5.4 6.8 6.5 5.2 6.0 7.6 

Zambia 1996 6.6 5.1 7.5 7.3 5.7 6.4 9.0 

Zimbabwe 1999 4.5 3.5 6.7 5.5 3.8 4.3 7.2 

 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 2.4 2.3 2.6 2.4 2.3 u u 

Bolivia 1998 3.2 2.8 3.8 3.3 3.2 u u 

Brazil 1996 2.9 2.5 3.9 3.0 2.6 u u 

Dominican Republic 1996 3.8 3.7 4.2 3.8 3.5 3.7 4.1 

Haiti 1994-95 3.6 3.7 3.7 3.8 3.0 u u 

Kazakhstan 1999 3.4 3.2 u 3.8 3.3 u u 

Nicaragua 1998 3.4 2.8 3.9 3.5 3.0 3.4 3.0 

Pakistan 1990-91 4.2 4.2 4.4 4.7 3.8 4.2 4.5 

Peru 1996 2.8 2.5 3.6 3.2 2.6 u u 

Turkey 1998 2.7 2.4 4.7 2.7 2.6 u u 

Note: Mean ideal number of children is calculated based on men who gave numeric responses. 

u = Unknown (not available) 

 

2 It should be borne in mind that the survey in Pakistan took place about ten years ago and that this statistic is likely 

to have declined. The next highest mean ideal number of children among men is in the Dominican Republic (3.8). 

 
17

 The negative association between education and fertility preferences among women is wellestablished (Bankole and Westoff, 1995). This relationship is evident in all countries included in this 

report. The mean ideal number of children among men also declines with education. The educational 

difference in fertility preference is greater in sub-Saharan Africa than in the other regions. For example, 

the mean ideal number of children falls from at least ten among men with no education to less than seven 

among men with secondary or higher education in Benin, Cameroon, Mali, and Senegal. In the countries 

of other regions included in this study, the largest difference in the mean ideal number of children by 

education is found in Turkey where the estimate ranges from 4.7 among men with no education to 2.6 

among men with secondary or higher education. 

 

 Men in polygynous unions are expected to prefer a greater number of children than their 

counterparts in monogamous unions since high fertility is believed to be one of the strong motivations for 

having more than one wife. Table 8.1 supports this assertion. In all of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa 

included here, polygynous men desire more children than monogamous men. The average difference 

between men in the two types of marriage ranges from 8.7 children in Ethiopia to 1.6 children in Rwanda 

and Uganda. 

 

 In virtually all countries of sub-Saharan Africa for which data are available, the mean ideal 

number of children surpasses the mean actual number of children reported by fathers (Table 8.1 and Table 

8.2, respectively). In 13 of 19 comparisons, the mean number of children fathered by men lags behind the 

ideal number of children by more than one child. The reverse is the case for countries in the other regions. 

In all of the nine comparisons in other regions, men on average have had more children than they consider 

ideal. This difference exceeds one child in Bangladesh. In many of these countries, the observed 

difference holds at all levels of education. The difference in the pattern of relationship between ideal and 

actual number of children in sub-Saharan Africa compared with the other regions is because demand for 

children is greater in the former (characteristic of countries in the early stage of fertility transition) than 

the latter (where many countries are already near the end of the transition) (Bongaarts, 1992). Since 

meeting this demand is often subject to constraints such as the need to space births and the possibility of 

pregnancy wastage, infertility, and child mortality, it is easier for the actual fertility to lag behind the ideal 

in a situation where the latter is very high. 

 The number of children desired by married men tends to decline over time. This pattern is evident 

in eight of the nine countries for which data are available (Figure 8.1). The only exception is Burkina 

Faso. The reduction in the mean ideal number of children reported by married men between the earlier 

and later surveys in these countries is particularly large in Tanzania, Senegal, Kenya, Ghana and 

Cameroon. 

 

The difference in the number of children that women and men consider ideal varies greatly across 

regions (Figure 8.2). In all sub-Saharan countries except Rwanda, men want more children on average 

than women. This is particularly the case in some western and middle African countries such as Benin, 

Chad, Mali, Niger, and Senegal, where the difference between the mean ideal number of children for men 

and women ranges from 2.4 in Mali to 6.6 in Chad. The countries where the difference is not substantial 

include Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, and Zimbabwe. Outside of Africa, women and men report similar ideal 

numbers of children. In virtually all of these countries, the difference between the ideal number of 

children reported by women and men is less than one child on average. 
18

Table 8.2 Mean number of children fathered by currently married men, by level of 

education, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000 

 Level of education 

All married

Country 

Survey 

date men 

No 

education Primary Secondary+ 

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 6.8 7.6 6.4 4.5 

Burkina Faso 1999 5.9 6.2 4.8 3.7 

Cameroon 1998 4.6 6.5 4.2 3.8 

Central African Republic 1994 4.8 5.5 4.9 4.2 

Chad 1996-97 5.8 6.0 5.7 4.6 

Comoros 1996 5.9 7.2 4.6 3.5 

Côte d’Ivoire 1994 u u u u 

Ethiopia 2000 5.1 5.9 4.1 3.0 

Ghana 1998 4.1 5.5 4.2 3.7 

Guinea 1999 5.5 6.1 4.6 4.3 

Kenya 1998 4.5 6.2 4.9 3.9 

Mali 1995-96 5.7 6.2 4.6 4.2 

Mozambique 1997 4.8 4.8 4.9 4.0 

Niger 1998 6.1 6.6 4.5 3.8 

Nigeria 1999 5.9 7.4 5.8 4.5 

Rwanda 1992 u u u u 

Senegal 1997 u u u u 

Tanzania 1991-92 5.3 6.8 4.8 5.1 

Togo 1998 5.5 7.0 5.3 4.1 

Uganda 1995 5.1 4.9 5.2 4.8 

Zambia 1996 4.8 5.0 5.2 4.5 

Zimbabwe 1999 3.5 6.4 4.6 2.7 

 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 3.5 3.7 3.8 2.9 

Bolivia 1998 4.1 6.0 5.2 3.3 

Brazil 1996 3.1 5.1 3.5 2.2 

Dominican Republic 1996 4.0 5.5 4.5 2.5 

Haiti 1994-95 4.4 5.2 4.6 2.5 

Kazakhstan 1999 2.6 u 2.9 2.4 

Nicaragua 1998 4.0 5.3 4.2 3.0 

Pakistan 1990-91 u u u u 

Peru 1996 3.5 5.1 5.0 2.8 

Turkey 1998 3.1 7.0 3.5 2.1 

u = Unknown (not available) 
19

4.5

4.9

6.3

7.4

9.4

10.4

12.3

12.6

4.3

4.1

4.8

4.3

5.3

7.6

8.7

11.2

7.9

7.8

2.4

2.5

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

1999

Zimbabwe 1994

1999

Tanzania 1991

1997

Senegal 1993

1998

Niger 1992

1998

1993

Kenya 1989

1998

1993

Ghana 1988

1998

Cameroon 1991

1999

Burkina Faso 1993

1997

Bangladesh 1993

Ideal number children

Figure 8.1 Trends in mean ideal number of children 

among currently married men, Demographic and 

Health Surveys, 1988-1999
20

Figure 8.2 Mean number of children considered ideal by women 

and men, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000

5.8

5.9

6.5

6.7

8.5

6

4.6

5.9

6.5

8.5

6.7

5.7

4.9

8.5

7.9

8.7

9

15.1

6.9

5.2

8.5

9.2

12.3

9.3

9.4

6

Benin 1996

Burkina Faso 1999

Cameroon 1998

Central African Rep. 1994

Chad 1996-97

Côte d'Ivoire 1994

Ghana 1998

Guinea 1999

Mali 1995-96

Niger 1998

Nigeria 1999

Senegal 1997

Togo 1998

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Ideal number of children

WESTERN AND MIDDLE AFRICA

5.7

5.8

4.1

6.2

5

5.7

5.1

5.7

4.3

6.4

7.7

4.3

8.1

4.3

6.3

6.3

6.6

4.5

Comoros 1996

Ethiopia 2000

Kenya 1998

Mozambique 1997

Rwanda 1992

Tanzania 1999

Uganda 1995

Zambia 1996

Zimbabwe 1999

23456789

Ideal number of children

Women Men

EASTERN AFRICA

Note: Based on numeric responses of currently married women and men
21

Figure 8.2—Continued

2.5

2.8

2.5

3.2

3.4

3

3

4.1

2.7

2.5

2.4

3.2

2.9

3.8

3.6

3.4

3.4

4.2

2.8

2.7

Bangladesh 1996-97

Bolivia 1998

Brazil 1996

Dominican Republic 1996

Haiti 1994-95

Kazakhstan 1999

Nicaragua 1998

Pakistan 1990-91

Peru 1996

Turkey 1998

2345

Ideal number of children

Women Men

OTHER REGIONS

Note: Based on numeric responses of currently married women and men

9 Desire for No More Children 

 The proportion of women of childbearing age who want no more children is an important 

predictor of fertility levels and trends. At both the individual and aggregate level, this measure has been 

found to be a robust determinant of future fertility (Bankole and Westoff, 1998; Bongaarts, 1992; 

Westoff, 1990). In this section, we examine the proportion of men who want to stop having children 

(Table 9.1). The results indicate that the desire to stop childbearing is dramatically different among 

countries and regions of the developing world. The proportion who want no more children ranges from 3 

percent in Chad to 71 percent in Brazil. As with the ideal number of children, the difference across 

regions is substantial. In sub-Saharan Africa, this proportion is lowest in Chad and highest in Kenya (46 

percent). With the exception of Comoros, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe, the proportion is less than 30 

percent in the region. On the other hand, the desire to limit fertility is well established in many of the 

countries of other regions included in this report. The proportion is greater than 50 percent in all but two 

(Haiti and Pakistan) of the ten countries. This proportion reaches 70 percent in Bolivia and Brazil. 

 The proportion of married men who want no more children varies by type of union and the 

number of living children. In some of the countries (e.g., Cameroon, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Zambia, the 

Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Pakistan) men in monogamous unions are more likely to want no 

more children than men in polygynous unions. The reverse is the case in some other countries, 

particularly Comoros, Ghana, Senegal, Togo, and Uganda, while there is no appreciable difference in the 

remaining countries. As would be expected, the proportion of men who want no more children increases 

as the number of living children increases. For example, in Kenya, it is 21 percent, 39 percent, and 62 

percent, respectively, among men with two, three, and four living children. In Ghana, Kenya, and 

Zimbabwe half of the men with four children want to stop having children. In regions other than subSaharan Africa, this proportion exceeds 60 percent in every country except Pakistan. 
22

 In six of the nine countries (Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ghana, Niger, Senegal, and Tanzania), 

there is evidence of an increase in the proportion of men who want no more children (Figure 9.1). The 

three countries with no observable upward trend are Bangladesh, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. 

In most of the countries considered here, women are more likely to want to stop childbearing than 

men (Tables 2.1 and 9.1). The pattern is similar to the gender difference in the ideal number of children 

discussed above. Whereas the difference is negligible in some of the countries, it is fairly substantial in 

others. For example, the difference is more than 5 percentage points in 14 of the 29 countries included in 

the analysis and is at least 10 percentage points in Chad, Guinea, Haiti, Mali, Senegal, and Uganda. 

Table 9.1 Percentage of currently married men who want no more children by type of marriage and 

number of living children, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000 

 Type of marriage 

 Number of living children 

Country 

Survey 

date 

All married 

men Monogamous Polygynous 2 3 4 

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 19.5 20.0 18.4 7.4 8.6 21.0 

Burkina Faso 1999 10.6 10.6 10.3 2.8 6.3 10.5 

Cameroon 1998 12.9 13.8 8.9 6.0 9.4 17.5 

Central African Rep. 1994 11.1 11.5 8.1 4.2 3.4 9.4 

Chad 1996-97 2.9 3.0 2.4 1.0 1.4 1.4 

Comoros 1996 30.9 30.3 33.8 7.0 25.0 25.6 

Ethiopia 2000 25.2 26.3 14.2 9.4 17.8 22.5 

Ghana 1998 32.4 31.3 39.3 17.4 34.3 51.1 

Guinea 1999 7.9 7.4 9.0 2.5 6.6 6.3 

Kenya 1998 45.5 45.5 45.5 21.1 39.3 61.6 

Mali 1995-96 7.3 7.4 7.1 3.2 4.6 7.1 

Mozambique 1997 12.7 13.5 8.8 2.1 7.5 15.0 

Niger 1998 4.2 4.3 3.8 2.8 2.6 4.4 

Nigeria 1999 18.8 18.7 19.0 4.8 11.1 21.2 

Senegal 1997 8.9 7.5 11.6 1.2 5.8 8.2 

Tanzania 1991-92 16.4 16.1 18.2 9.5 5.9 12.5 

Togo 1998 26.3 24.7 31.2 13.9 15.0 27.1 

Uganda 1995 22.8 21.4 30.6 8.3 8.3 23.0 

Zambia 1996 21.2 21.9 13.7 7.4 10.1 18.6 

Zimbabwe 1999 34.1 34.1 33.9 28.8 38.9 50.2 

 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 58.2 u u 63.9 87.0 86.9 

Bolivia 1998 70.4 u u 60.9 78.4 81.7 

Brazil 1996 71.1 u u 77.8 87.3 91.3 

Dominican Republic 1996 61.4 62.0 53.2 50.1 67.4 80.7 

Haiti 1994-95 42.0 u u 24.2 48.5 63.3 

Kazakhstan 1999 58.8 u u 70.0 61.0 66.5 

Nicaragua 1998 57.1 57.5 52.1 46.9 63.9 71.2 

Pakistan 1990-91 32.8 33.2 24.2 16.7 23.7 31.2 

Peru 1996 67.9 u u 64.4 87.0 88.5 

Turkey 1998 66.3 u u 78.8 86.4 90.1 

Note: Women who are sterilized (or whose husbands are sterilized) are regarded as wanting no more 

children. 

u = Unknown (not available) 
23

Figure 9.1 Trends in percentage of currently married 

men who want no more children, Demographic and 

Health Surveys, 1988-1999

35.0

35.5

21.4

16.6

19.2

15.2

4.4

2.0

46.5

43.8

48.6

33.2

31.8

19.2

13.3

9.8

10.9

9.5

60.2

61.1

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

1999

Zimbabwe 1994

1996

Tanzania 1991

1997

Senegal 1993

1998

Niger 1992

1998

1993

Kenya 1989

1998

1993

Ghana 1988

1998

Cameroon 1991

1999

Burkina Faso 1993

1997

Bangladesh 1993

Percent 

10 Planning Status of the Last Birth Among Men and Couples 

In DHS surveys, men were asked to recall their fertility intention before the birth of their last 

child.3

 In most of the 22 countries for which data are available, the overwhelming majority of men 

reported that the child was wanted at the time of the birth (Table 10.1). That proportion ranges from 51 

percent in Peru to 96 percent in Mali and Guinea and is at least two-thirds in 20 of the 22 countries. In 

general, unintended fertility (the sum of births wanted later and those unwanted) is lower in sub-Saharan 

Africa than in other regions. This proportion is less than 20 percent in 11 of the 15 sub-Saharan countries 

but in only two of the seven countries (the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua) outside of sub-Saharan 

Africa. The proportion of unwanted births is particularly high in Bolivia and Peru. The difference 

between sub-Saharan Africa and the other regions can be explained partly by the relationship between the 

ideal and actual number of children discussed in the previous section. Men in regions other than subSaharan Africa are more likely to have realized their desired number of children than men in sub-Saharan 

Africa. 

 Most couples in monogamous unions reported their last birth as wanted (Table 10.2), averaging 

90 percent in the sub-Saharan countries and 73 percent in the other regions. The consensus of spouses 

 

3

 In some countries, this is defined as the last birth in the last five years, while it is the last birth in the last three 

years in others. 
24

that the last birth was wanted was lowest in Peru (53 percent) and Bolivia (58 percent). Disagreement 

between husbands and wives almost invariably takes the form of the husband reporting the birth as 

wanted and the wife saying that it was unwanted. 

Table 10.1 Percent distribution of last births by planning status among currently 

married men, Demographic and Health Surveys 1994-1999 

 Planning status at conception 

 

Country 

Survey 

date 

Wanted 

then 

Wanted 

later 

Wanted 

no more 

children Total 

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 91.0 6.0 3.0 100.0 

Cameroon 1998 94.4 4.7 1.0 100.0 

Central African Republic 1994 88.1 9.8 2.2 100.0 

Chad 1996-97 93.6 5.8 0.6 100.0 

Comoros 1996 72.2 20.3 7.5 100.0 

Ghana 1998 71.9 20.6 7.5 100.0 

Guinea 1999 95.7 3.1 1.3 100.0 

Kenya 1998 79.9 12.0 8.1 100.0 

Mali 1995-96 96.3 2.7 0.9 100.0 

Mozambique 1997 80.2 16.2 3.7 100.0 

Niger 1998 94.9 4.8 0.4 100.0 

Nigeria 1999 86.5 10.4 3.1 100.0 

Togo 1998 80.6 15.2 4.2 100.0 

Zambia 1996 85.1 11.6 3.3 100.0 

Zimbabwe 1994 76.8 15.7 7.5 100.0 

 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 72.5 16.3 11.2 100.0 

Bolivia 1998 60.5 14.9 24.5 100.0 

Brazil 1996 70.1 19.1 10.8 100.0 

Dominican Republic 1996 80.2 14.7 5.2 100.0 

Nicaragua 1998 83.8 11.9 4.4 100.0 

Peru 1996 50.8 15.4 33.8 100.0 

Turkey 1998 79.3 7.7 13.1 100.0 
25

Table 10.2 Percent distribution of monogamous couples by planning status of 

their last birth, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1994-2000 

 Only 

 

Neithe r husban

d 

 wanted wanted

Country 

Survey

date 

Both 

wante

d 

child child child 

Only 

wife 

wante

d 

child Total 

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 91.9 0.9 5.2 2.0 100.0 

Burkina Faso 1999 89.2 0.1 1.4 0.4 100.0 

Cameroon 1998 93.8 0.5 5.2 0.5 100.0 

Central African Republic 1994 90.1 0.8 7.4 1.7 100.0 

Chad 1996-97 98.6 0.0 1.1 0.3 100.0 

Comoros 1996 77.6 3.5 15.4 3.5 100.0 

Ethiopia 2000 78.9 4.4 13.3 3.4 100.0 

Ghana 1998 88.3 2.9 4.5 4.3 100.0 

Guinea 1999 96.3 0.2 2.5 1.0 100.0 

Kenya 1998 82.5 2.1 10.3 5.1 100.0 

Mozambique 1997 94.7 0.2 2.5 2.6 100.0 

Niger 1998 98.6 0.0 0.8 0.6 100.0 

Nigeria 1999 96.0 0.0 2.0 2.0 100.0 

Togo 1998 90.7 0.7 5.7 3.0 100.0 

Zambia 1996 88.3 0.6 8.5 2.7 100.0 

 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 80.7 4.5 8.5 6.3 100.0 

Bolivia 1998 58.4 14.3 18.5 8.9 100.0 

Brazil 1996 70.9 4.2 18.6 6.3 100.0 

Dominican Republic 1996 83.7 1.0 11.7 3.6 100.0 

Nicaragua 1998 80.5 1.4 15.5 2.6 100.0 

Peru 1996 53.4 19.1 16.4 11.1 100.0 

Turkey 1998 82.1 0.0 11.3 6.5 100.0 

 11 Couples’ Reproductive Preferences 

 Wives and husbands frequently have different reproductive preferences. The literature suggests 

that men tend to be more pronatalist than women (Bankole, 1995; Bankole and Singh, 1998). In this 

section, we examine the reported ideal number of children and fertility desires of married couples. The 

patterns observed in all but four of the 31 countries for which data are available indicate that the mean 

ideal number of children is higher for husbands than for wives (Table 11.1). However, this is much more 

evident in sub-Saharan Africa than in the other regions. The difference between the average number of 

children desired by husbands and wives in sub-Saharan Africa ranges from 0 in Rwanda to 7.3 in Chad. 

The difference is more than one child on average in 13 of the 21 sub-Saharan countries as noted earlier in 

the comparison of men and women in general. In western and middle Africa, the average difference is 

much greater (3.3) than in southern and eastern Africa (0.9). On the other hand, in countries from other 

regions included in this analysis, the difference between the mean ideal number of children for husbands 

and wives is negligible in all countries (0 to 0.5). 

 Polygyny has a major influence on husbands’ and wives’ ideal number of children in sub-Saharan 

Africa. The proportion of polygynous marriages in that region ranges from 10 percent in Ghana and 

Zambia to almost 50 percent in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and Senegal (see last column of Table 

11.1). Husbands in polygynous marriages report an ideal number of children that is about five children 

greater than the number reported by their wives. In contrast, husbands in monogamous marriages want an 

average of only 1.4 children more than their wives. The difference in reproductive preferences between 

the two types of marriage is due to polygynous husbands wanting substantially more children than their 

wives. 
Table 11.1 Mean ideal number of children for husbands and wives, by type of marriage, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000 

All couples Monogamous couples Polygynous couple

 Husband Wife Difference Husband Wife Difference Husband Wife DiCountry 

Survey 

date (1) (2) (1) – (2) (1) (2) (1) – (2) (1) (2) (

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 10.1 5.8 4.3 7.5 5.7 1.8 13.0 5.9 Burkina Faso 1999 8.8 5.9 2.9 6.9 5.7 1.2 11.1 6.0 Cameroon 1998 9.8 6.8 3.0 8.0 6.5 1.5 15.6 7.7 Central African Republic 1994 9.5 6.9 2.6 8.6 6.7 1.9 12.7 7.5 Chad 1996-97 16.0 8.7 7.3 13.5 8.7 4.8 21.0 8.8 Comoros 1996 6.4 5.5 0.9 6.0 5.6 0.4 8.1 5.3 Côte d’Ivoire 1994 7.3 6.2 1.1 6.3 6.0 0.3 9.9 6.5 Ethiopia 2000 7.7 5.8 1.9 6.9 5.6 1.3 15.3 7.4 Ghana 1998 5.8 4.8 1.0 5.0 4.7 0.3 9.8 5.4 Guinea 1999 9.5 6.0 3.5 7.6 5.7 1.9 11.5 6.3 Kenya 1998 4.5 4.1 0.4 4.2 4.0 0.2 6.6 4.8 Mozambique 1997 8.4 6.1 2.3 7.8 6.1 1.7 10.3 6.2 Niger 1998 13.0 8.5 4.5 11.7 8.4 3.3 15.6 8.6 Nigeria 1999 10.1 6.8 3.3 8.9 6.5 2.4 12.6 7.3 Rwanda 1992 4.3 4.4 -0.1 4.1 4.4 -0.3 5.7 4.5 Senegal 1997 10.0 5.7 4.3 8.0 5.6 2.4 13.1 5.9 Tanzania 1999 6.5 5.6 0.9 6.2 5.5 0.7 8.6 6.0 Togo 1998 6.7 5.0 1.7 5.5 4.9 0.6 8.8 5.3 Uganda 1995 6.3 5.7 0.6 6.1 5.7 0.4 7.5 5.8 Zambia 1996 6.6 5.6 1.0 6.3 5.5 0.8 9.3 6.6 Zimbabwe 1999 4.9 4.1 0.8 4.4 4.1 0.3 8.2 4.4 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 2.4 2.5 -0.1 u u u u u Bolivia 1998 3.2 2.8 0.4 u u u u u Brazil 1996 2.9 2.6 0.3 u u u u u Dominican Republic 1996 3.8 3.4 0.4 3.7 3.4 0.3 4.1 3.1 Haiti 1994-95 3.7 3.7 0.0 u u u u u Kazakhstan 1999 3.4 2.9 0.5 u u u u u Nicaragua 1998 3.4 3.1 0.3 3.4 3.1 0.3 3.0 2.8 Pakistan 1990-91 4.2 4.2 0.0 4.2 4.2 0.0 4.5 5.1 Peru 1996 2.8 2.6 0.2 u u u u u Turkey 1998 2.7 2.5 0.2 u u u u u 

u = Unknown (not available) 

26
27

12 Couples’ Fertility Desires 

 There are substantial differences in the fertility desires of married couples across countries and 

regions (Table 12.1). In sub-Saharan Africa, with the exception of Kenya and Zimbabwe, the majority of 

couples want more children. This proportion ranges from 39 percent in Kenya to 90 percent in Niger and 

exceeds two-thirds in 10 of the 18 sub-Saharan countries examined. On the other hand, the proportion of 

couples who want more children is much lower in the countries of the other regions included in this analysis. 

It is lowest in Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru and highest in Pakistan (50 percent). 

 The proportion of couples in which both spouses want to stop having children ranges from 1 percent 

in Chad and Niger to 69 percent in Brazil. Consistent with the pattern of the ideal number of children among 

couples, husbands are more likely than wives to want more children. In every country, couples in which the 

wife wants to stop childbearing while the husband wants more children are more numerous than the opposite 

combination. 

 

 Spouses in polygynous unions are typically less likely to agree to want no more children than those 

in monogamous unions in most of the countries for which data are available (Table 12.1). When spouses 

disagree, the husband is less likely to want no more children than the wife in both types of union. However, 

in some of the countries, the difference between the proportion of couples in which the husband wants no 

more children and the proportion in which the wife wants no more children is greater in polygynous unions 

than in monogamous unions. 

 Disagreement between marital partners about future fertility is substantial in some countries. With 

the exception of Niger, the proportion of couples in which one spouse wants more children and the other 

does not is greater than 10 percent in the countries included in this analysis. In 13 of the 28 countries, this 

proportion exceeds 20 percent. Disagreement is greater between partners in polygynous unions than those in 

monogamous unions in most of the countries. 
Table 12.1 Percent distribution of fertility desires of couples by type of marriage, Demographic and Health Surveys, 1990-2000

All couples Monogamous couples Polyg

 Only Only Only  husband wife husband Only  Both Both want wants wants Both Both want wants wife wants Both Both w want more no more no more no more want more no more no more no more want more no m

Country 

Survey 

date children children children children children children children children children child

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 

Benin 1996 71.5 11.1 6.0 11.4 72.7 12.9 5.9 8.5 70.1 9.1 Burkina Faso 1999 79.0 5.3 4.0 11.8 80.1 7.0 3.2 9.8 77.9 3.6 Cameroon 1998 77.1 6.6 5.5 10.8 75.7 8.0 6.0 10.3 80.7 3.1 Central African Republic 1994 81.6 4.8 4.0 9.7 81.5 5.5 3.5 9.5 81.8 2.2 Chad 1996-97 88.7 1.2 1.4 8.7 89.9 1.6 1.5 7.1 86.7 0.6 Comoros 1996 53.9 21.9 11.6 12.6 55.0 21.9 11.2 12.0 49.2 22.0 Ethiopia 2000 59.3 16.8 7.9 16.1 58.7 17.2 8.1 16.0 65.2 12.6 Ghana 1998 58.4 25.2 7.3 9.0 57.6 25.9 7.6 9.0 62.6 21.6 Guinea 1999 77.5 3.6 4.1 14.8 80.6 3.4 4.1 12.0 74.3 3.8 Kenya 1998 39.1 37.2 6.5 17.2 38.6 38.6 5.7 17.1 43.0 26.6 Mozambique 1997 76.0 8.7 4.1 11.3 76.6 9.6 4.3 9.6 74.0 5.7 Niger 1998 89.8 1.3 2.6 6.4 90.6 1.6 2.4 5.4 88.4 0.7 Nigeria 1999 73.7 9.8 7.0 9.5 74.1 11.0 6.7 8.2 73.0 7.6 Senegal 1997 70.1 5.8 2.9 21.1 73.8 5.6 2.7 18.0 65.8 6.1 Togo 1998 63.9 15.9 8.3 11.9 65.9 16.3 7.5 10.3 60.8 15.2 Uganda 1995 60.6 15.0 7.6 16.7 61.7 15.2 6.6 16.6 56.0 14.1 Zambia 1996 66.7 16.2 4.1 13.0 65.9 17.2 4.1 12.7 73.8 6.9 Zimbabwe 1999 49.9 23.0 10.4 16.7 50.0 24.7 8.7 16.7 49.4 10.7 

OTHER REGIONS 

Bangladesh 1996-97 32.0 53.5 6.6 7.9 u u u u u u Bolivia 1998 19.3 60.2 8.3 12.3 u u u u u u Brazil 1996 18.7 69.2 3.8 8.4 u u u u u u Dominican Republic 1996 27.7 57.5 4.6 10.3 27.5 58.5 4.3 9.8 30.5 43.3 Haiti 1994-95 31.8 38.6 8.2 21.5 u u u u u u Kazakhstan 1999 29.4 50.3 7.7 12.6 u u u u u u Nicaragua 1998 26.2 49.3 7.2 17.2 25.9 50.0 7.1 17.0 30.9 39.5 Pakistan 1990-91 49.7 26.8 7.1 16.4 48.8 27.3 7.2 16.7 69.3 15.0 Peru 1996 19.0 60.3 9.3 11.3 u u u u u u Turkey 1998 23.5 60.5 6.8 9.1 u u u u u u 

u = Unknown (not available) 

28
29

13 Summary and Conclusions 

This report reviews the reproductive attitudes of women and men in as many as 56 countries of 

the developing world in the last decade of the twentieth century. The focus is on the average number of 

children considered ideal, the proportion who want no more children, and the proportion of wanted and 

unwanted births. The DHS program has now conducted repeat surveys in many of these countries, which 

permits analysis of trends in reproductive preferences. 

 One of the most striking and persistent contrasts is between these attitudes in sub-Saharan Africa 

and other regions of the developing world, which mirrors the well-known differences in the comparative 

pace of the fertility transition. However, there is considerable diversity in each region, which reflects 

differences in social and economic development. It is clear that preferences for fewer children generally 

distinguish southern and eastern Africa from western and middle Africa. Significant increases in the 

desire to stop having children are evident in Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, 

as well as in South Africa, which shows the highest proportion of women who want no more children and 

the lowest ideal number of children (3.3). 

 Continuing declines in the number of children desired are evident in other regions of the 

developing world and are reflected in declines in actual fertility. Dramatic declines in both wanted and 

unwanted fertility over short periods of time are documented for Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican 

Republic, and Peru. In both Guatemala and Haiti, there are also indications of declines in the number of 

children desired but little evidence in Haiti that fertility itself has yet been affected. In general in Latin 

America, the fertility decline features reductions in both the wanted and unwanted components, while in 

Asia the recent declines, for example, in India, seem mainly concentrated in the number of children 

wanted. Similar changes have occurred in Jordan, Morocco, and Yemen. 

The inclusion of men in the DHS program, mainly in the sub-Saharan countries, has provided the 

opportunity to compare men’s and women’s attitudes toward family size, as well as those of husbands and 

wives. Men clearly prefer more children than women do, especially in western and middle Africa, 

although in eight of nine countries in which trends can be assessed, the number desired is also declining 

among men. The association of polygyny in Africa with reproductive attitudes reveals that men in such 

marriages are much more likely to prefer high fertility. In the few countries in Asia and Latin America 

where surveys of men have been conducted, men in general also tend to prefer more children than 

women, but the differences are smaller. 
30

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