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THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: FROM

‘‘PRE–GENOCIDE’’ TO GENOCIDE?

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, 

GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND 

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

MAY 1, 2014

Serial No. 113–180

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or

http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/

(II)

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman 

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey 

ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida 

DANA ROHRABACHER, California 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

JOE WILSON, South Carolina 

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas 

TED POE, Texas 

MATT SALMON, Arizona 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina 

ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois 

MO BROOKS, Alabama 

TOM COTTON, Arkansas 

PAUL COOK, California 

GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania 

STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas 

RON DESANTIS, Florida 

DOUG COLLINS, Georgia 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

TED S. YOHO, Florida 

LUKE MESSER, Indiana 

ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York 

ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American 

Samoa 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York 

ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey 

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia 

THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida 

BRIAN HIGGINS, New York 

KAREN BASS, California 

WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

ALAN GRAYSON, Florida 

JUAN VARGAS, California 

BRADLEY S. SCHNEIDER, Illinois 

JOSEPH P. KENNEDY III, Massachusetts 

AMI BERA, California 

ALAN S. LOWENTHAL, California 

GRACE MENG, New York 

LOIS FRANKEL, Florida 

TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii 

JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas

AMY PORTER, Chief of Staff THOMAS SHEEHY, Staff Director

JASON STEINBAUM, Democratic Staff Director 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman 

TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania 

RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas 

STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas 

MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina 

KAREN BASS, California 

DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island 

AMI BERA, California 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

Page

WITNESSES 

The Honorable Robert P. Jackson, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. Department of State ............................................ 7

The Honorable Anne Richard, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, 

Refugees and Migration, U.S. Department of State .......................................... 17

Mr. Scott Campbell, regional director for Central Africa, Catholic Relief Services ......................................................................................................................... 33

Ms. Madeline Rose, policy & advocacy advisor, Mercy Corps .............................. 42

Mr. Kasper Agger, field researcher, Enough Project ............................................ 52

The Honorable Robin Renee Sanders, chief executive officer, FEEEDS Advocacy Initiative ....................................................................................................... 59

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

The Honorable Robert P. Jackson: Prepared statement ....................................... 11

The Honorable Anne Richard: Prepared statement .............................................. 20

Mr. Scott Campbell: Prepared statement .............................................................. 37

Ms. Madeline Rose: Prepared statement ............................................................... 45

Mr. Kasper Agger: Prepared statement ................................................................. 54

The Honorable Robin Renee Sanders: Prepared statement ................................. 62

APPENDIX 

Hearing notice .......................................................................................................... 82

Hearing minutes ...................................................................................................... 83

The Honorable Robin Renee Sanders: Revised and extended statement ............ 84

Written responses from the the Honorable Anne Richard to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey, and chairman, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations ........................................................................................ 87

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THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: FROM 

‘‘PRE–GENOCIDE’’ TO GENOCIDE? 

THURSDAY, MAY 1, 2014

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH, GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS, AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS,

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

Washington, DC. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 o’clock a.m., in 

room 2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher H. 

Smith (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. 

Mr. SMITH. The subcommittee will come to order and thank you 

for being here and good morning to everyone. Our hearing addresses an extremely critical topic this morning, the worsening crisis in 

the Central African Republic where untold lives hang in the balance and the window for action is narrowing each and every day. 

This is not the first hearing that we have had on the Central African Republic. It follows up on a hearing that we held last November, and of course many of us, like our distinguished witnesses, 

have been in ongoing and numerous meetings with bishops, imams, 

humanitarian NGOs, diplomats, and interested parties. 

I would note that at our November hearing, Acting Assistant 

Secretary Robert Jackson who will again testify today said that the 

CAR was in a pre-genocide stage. Since that time that Mr. Jackson 

spoke to us, the situation appears to have gotten demonstratively 

worse. 

We will hear again today from Acting Assistant Secretary Jackson who will update us not only on the situation on the ground, but 

also on a changing policy that I believe reflects a course of action 

that we had recommended that the administration undertake last 

November—namely, that the United Nations peacekeepers be introduced into the country, as the existing African force has been 

serving far too many vested interests. 

Hopefully such an intervention will not come too late, because we 

are witnessing a country that is in rapid disintegration, apparently 

descending again from a pre-genocide stage to one characterized by 

a word almost too painful to articulate, genocide. 

For in a country that for decades has been characterized by brutal misrule and brazen corruption, we are seeing for the first time 

sectarian divisions that never existed before. Economic tensions 

and rivalry over land use for grazing versus planting have always 

existed, but they have given way to a butchery based on religious 

and ethnic affiliation. 

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This is happening at a time when we mark the 20th anniversary 

of the genocide in Rwanda. When that country was being turned 

into a massive killing field the world stood idly by. Both President 

Clinton and the U.N. peacekeeping chief at the time, Kofi Annan, 

had actionable intelligence information that could have prevented, 

or at least mitigated, the Rwandan genocide, but chose callous indifference that enabled slaughter of unprecedented proportions. 

I would note parenthetically that I held a series of meetings—

hearings, three of them—on Rwanda, and we heard from people 

who said we had the information in hand. General Dallaire was 

there on the ground willing to take effective action to curtail what 

turned out to be upwards of 1 million people who were slaughtered, 

and with that information again that could have been prevented or 

at least largely mitigated. 

When the blood stopped flowing, the world looked at the corpses 

piled high and was shocked. ‘‘Never again’’ was the phrase that 

was on everyone’s lips. Well, ladies and gentlemen, it is happening 

again as we know, as our distinguished witnesses know and will 

bear witness to today. The question before us today is whether the 

phrase ‘‘never again’’ is one that we simply use to pay lip service 

while nothing is being done or not enough, and whether or not we 

are going to act decisively. 

We do have two distinguished witnesses from the State Department here today, and as I mentioned Acting Assistant Secretary 

Jackson and also Anne Richard, Assistant Secretary for Population, 

Refugees, and Migration. 

While the State Department sending two people to testify is very 

encouraging, as it shows a heightened commitment to the issue, 

the question I will be asking them to answer is not what are we 

doing, but are we doing enough? 

In 2012, the administration, to much fanfare, created an Atrocities Prevention Board following a Presidential Study Directive 

which stated that ‘‘Preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a 

core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of 

the United States.’’

The APB is supposed to provide early warning of mass atrocities 

and mobilized interagency resources to stop such atrocities. But 

where has the Board been? Did we take our eyes off the ball in the 

CAR, perhaps because we are confronted by so many other crises? 

While we have taken some steps including authorizing $170 million 

in humanitarian and peacekeeping aid, something we hope to hear 

more about from our Government witnesses, are such resources 

adequate given the magnitude of the problem? 

We have a situation in a country where of the population of 

roughly 5.2 million people, 1.3 million are at risk of starvation 

while 2.5 million are estimated to be in need of other forms of humanitarian assistance—that is nearly half the country. We are seeing ethnic cleansing whereby whole villages are being emptied and 

a countryside laid waste. 

There are more than 600,000 internally displaced persons in the 

CAR, plus more than 320,000 others who are refugees in neighboring countries. Illustrative of how the situation has worsened, 

the total number of those displaced has doubled since the time we 

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held our hearing last November when it was estimated at 460,000 

CAR nationals displaced. 

Accurate figures for the numbers killed are hard to come by and 

we hope our witnesses will be able to shed some light on that. We 

are told that an estimated 2,000 people have been killed since December alone, but I believe that number is probably a conservative 

estimate. 

What reports we do receive, however, are blood-curdling. Human 

Rights Watch reported on an attack of a Muslim neighborhood in 

the town of Guen in the early morning hours of February 1, by socalled anti-balaka forces. A father recounted how as the family was 

fleeing he saw his 10-year-old boy shot in the leg and fall down. 

The child was then set upon by men with machetes who hacked at 

him until he was dead. 

Four days later, in what was reminiscent of the massacre in 

Srebrenica in former Yugoslavia, anti-Balaka forces came upon a 

group of Muslims who were in hiding. They separated the men 

from the women and small children and executed the men, 45 of 

them, using machetes and then shooting those who lay wounded. 

Through the decades, the CAR has been beset by violence and 

misrule. Such religious-based violence though is something that is 

a new phenomenon. How did the country get to this point? What 

began as a political coup d’etat in March 2013 against former 

President Francois Bozize by Michel Djotodia quickly took on religious and ethnic overtones. 

As we detailed in our November hearing, Djotodia came to power 

with the military backing of Seleka, a militia of some 25,000 men, 

up to 90 percent of whom came from Chad and Sudan and therefore constituted a foreign invasion force in the eyes of many. They 

did not speak the local language and are Muslim in a nation that 

is over 80 percent Christian or otherwise non-Muslim. They destroyed churches, executed priests, stirred up sectarian hatreds 

where little to none had previously existed. 

What we began to see happening last November in response to 

Seleka was a reactionary backlash by anti-balaka or anti-machete 

self-defense gangs. Since then, retaliatory outrages committed by 

anti-balaka forces have escalated, and Muslim civilians who had 

nothing to do with Seleka became targets. 

As in the case of Guen, whole neighborhoods in the capital city 

of Bangui and whole villages have been cleansed of their Muslim 

populations. As we will hear from our witnesses, there are numerous causes contributing to grievances including a fight to control 

conflict minerals. Guen, for example, is a mining area and thus 

there are economic motives that work there as well. 

Insofar as conflict can be described as religious on one level, it 

is also true that religious fervor and dedication provides the greatest hope for peace and reconciliation in the Central African Republic. 

Some of you will recall how a few months ago, three great religious leaders came to Washington as well as to New York, the 

United Nations, especially meeting with people on both sides of the 

aisle, both chambers, the White House, and U.N. officials. One was 

a Muslim imam; another, evangelical Christian leader; and a third, 

a Catholic bishop from Bangui. 

4

Imam Layama, Archbishop Nzapalainga, and Reverand Nicholas 

Gue ́re ́koyame-Gbangou, the three spoke, and I met with them as 

did so many others and was absolutely impressed, in awe of their 

fervor to bring peace and reconciliation to their country and to do 

just like the Christians or Muslims are trying to do against the 

Boko Haram where we saw recent outrages. 

Greg Simpkins and I were in Jos recently, last September, and 

we met with the imam there as well as the Catholic archbishop 

who have joined arms and linked hand to hand their communities 

to say no to the extremism on either side, in that case is Boko 

Haram. We are seeing the same positive, interreligious dialogue 

and cooperation occurring again here in CAR. 

Finally, I want to relate to you a story about another man of 

God, someone whom those of you who attended our November 

hearing will remember and remember well. Two weeks ago was 

Holy Week, and on Holy Thursday, Bishop Nongo, who testified at 

our hearing, was visiting an outlying parish along with three of his 

priests. 

The car he was traveling in was stopped on the road by Seleka 

gunmen whose leader had for a period occupied his city, his parish. 

He accused Bishop Nongo of having thwarted his plans in working 

with international peacekeepers. He then sentenced him and the 

other three priests to execution and death. The gunmen removed 

his episocopal ring and a large cross he had around his neck, and 

you might remember when he sat where you sat, Secretary Jackson, he wore that cross around his neck. 

The four men were placed in a truck and were then driven north 

to the border with Chad for the order to be carried out. On the way 

to the gallows their truck was stopped, again by Seleka gunmen, 

this time commanded by another warlord who actually knew 

Bishop Nongo and knew that he was a true humanitarian and a 

man of peace and knew that the bishop provided for over 35,000 

displaced people in his parish. Whether they were parishioners or 

not, he just cared for them. 

He ordered the bishop and the priests freed, and through efforts 

of international aid organizations and the peacekeepers, they were 

helicoptered back to his home parish in time for Good Friday. The 

story really hit home with me and I am sure it will with others 

who know him. 

Here is someone who I and others shared coffee with, we prayed 

with him, and then we heard him give powerful testimony. And his 

clarion call to the international community was to get those peacekeepers, besides all of the humanitarian aid and the other things 

that he said were so desperately needed. He said we need peacekeepers who will stop the carnage and will do it immediately. 

So I am grateful that he survived to continue doing his great lifesaving and life-enhancing work, but it just underscores the precarious nature of how everyone, Muslims, Christians, are at risk. Clergy, imam, bishop, they are all at risk in the CAR and we need to 

redouble our efforts. 

And again I thank our witnesses for being here. I yield to my 

friend and colleague Karen Bass for any opening comments she 

might have. 

5

Ms. BASS. Thank you, Chairman Smith. As always, thank you for 

your leadership of this subcommittee and also convening this hearing on the Central African Republic and the prospects that the ongoing conflicts there might intensify into genocide. 

I would also like to thank our distinguished witnesses including 

Ambassador Jackson and Anne Richards from the U.S. Department 

of State as well as a range of experts from prominent nongovernmental development and advocacy organizations. 

I look forward to hearing your perspectives on the ongoing crisis 

in the Central African Republic including getting an update on the 

humanitarian situation and the U.S. and international efforts to 

address the challenges, including the collaboration with the African 

Union and what is ultimately at stake if efforts to quell the conflict 

are not implemented with sufficient resources and all deliberate 

speed. 

In April I had the honor of traveling to Rwanda, Burundi, and 

the Central African Republic as part of the presidential delegation 

to the region to attend the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide. And while on the Central African Republic leg of the journey, 

I witnessed firsthand much of the poverty, the chaos, and the lack 

of economic opportunities which in many ways we know gave rise 

to much of the current conflict. 

In addition to attending the Rwandan genocide memorial, when 

we went to the CAR it is my understanding in traveling with Ambassador Power that it was the first time a Cabinet-level official 

had ever traveled to the nation. We met with a group of Muslims 

and Christians and it was really just tragic to hear their testimonies and their stories. 

There was one woman who spoke with us and talked about how 

she lost both of her children. Her son left that afternoon to go to 

the market and never came home, and her daughter was later 

found murdered. And she was a Muslim woman who was now 

afraid to leave her house. 

And Mr. Chairman, you have on many occasions on the human 

rights portfolio part of the subcommittee talked about the persecution of Christians, and here we have a situation where there is 

Christian-led militia that are attacking the Muslim population, and 

in fact it is reported that over 90 percent of the population has 

been driven out of the country which is a situation that we are certainly going to have to be looking at, how we bring them back in. 

When we met with the President of the CAR, even she talked 

about even how her own security was not stable. I mean, she was 

frightened. You remember that because there are many of you here 

who are going to give testimony today were a part of that delegation, and listening to her talk about her own situation was quite 

frightening. 

But we do know that while much as been made of the religious 

layers of the conflict, the differences in religious ideology were not 

the origin of the crisis which actually reflects complex tensions over 

access to resources, control over trade and land, and issues of national identity. 

And you certainly when you had the hearing and talked about 

the religious leaders that were here is an example of how we know 

6

that people there and leadership there really do want to resolve 

this situation in a peaceful way. 

So as we prepare to hear from today’s witnesses, I hope we can 

learn critical lessons from the vast experience and use them to increase support by the most effective measures to bring an end to 

the conflicts in the Central African Republic. 

And when we do listen to the witnesses, I am hoping that you 

will provide guidance for us in terms of if there is anything else 

that we can do in Congress. So as always I am committed to working toward this end and look forward to working with my colleagues in Washington and on the continent to find a peaceful resolution. 

Mr. SMITH. I thank my good friend for her very eloquent statement. And to underscore, as I tried to do in my opening statement, 

what we have tried to do in this human rights subcommittee, and 

I have chaired it beginning in 1995—was out of it for a little while, 

when I did another chairmanship—but let me just say clear and 

unambiguously, any sectarian violence is to be abhorred, condemned, fought against, struggled against, and what I have tried 

to do is to emphasize—and I held all the hearings on Srebrenica 

as that was happening and immediately thereafter when Muslims 

were targeted simply because they were Muslims—and try to make 

very clear today that both sides of extremism that are slaughtering 

people because of their religious faith or ethnicity are to be condemned and held to account. 

And just parenthetically I would say to my colleagues, yesterday 

this committee approved a resolution I have been pushing since 

September to create a war crimes tribunal that would mirror the 

great work that was done by David Crane in the Sierra Leone War 

Crimes Tribunal, Rwanda, and Yugoslavia, an ad hoc tribunal that 

would go after both sides, those that are killing Christians and 

those that are killing Muslims and everyone else who is doing the 

slaughtering in Syria. 

I would like to yield to my friend and colleague, Mr. Weber, the 

vice chairman of the subcommittee. 

Mr. WEBER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate you holding 

this hearing. I am ready to get going and anxious to hear witnesses. 

Mr. SMITH. Okay. Mr. Marino? 

Okay, I would like to introduce our distinguished witnesses, 

again thank them for being here, beginning first with Ambassador 

Robert Jackson, currently the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary 

in the Bureau of African Affairs, previously served as the Ambassador to the Cameroon, the deputy chief of mission and Charge 

d’Affaires at the U.S. Embassies in Morocco and Senegal. 

He has also worked in Burundi, Zimbabwe, Portugal, and Canada. At the State Department he has worked in commercial and 

consular sections and has done officer training. He performed oversight in the Office of the Promotion of Democracy and Human 

Rights after 9/11, and without objection his full testimony will be 

made a part of the record. 

Ms. Anne Richard who is the Assistant Secretary in the State 

Department’s Population, Refugees, and Migration Bureau, a position she has held since 2012, Ms. Richard’s previous government 

7

service includes time in the State Department, the Peace Corps, 

and the Office of Management and Budget. She has also worked at 

the Council on Foreign Relations, the International Rescue Committee, and was part of the team that founded the International 

Crisis Group, a group that we hear from often on this committee 

as well. 

So Mr. Ambassador, if you could begin. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ROBERT P. JACKSON, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Ambassador JACKSON. Thank you very much Chairman Smith, 

Ranking Member Bass, other members of the subcommittee, for 

this opportunity to testify again about the Central African Republic 

(CAR). Since I last appeared before you we have grown more concerned with the interreligious violence that continues between antibalaka and ex-Seleka militia throughout the Central African Republic. 

The United States remains committed to working with the CAR’s 

transitional authorities and the international community to end 

the violence and build a transitional process leading to the establishment of a legitimate elected government in CAR. 

In the process of forcibly taking political power from former CAR 

President Francois Bozize, Seleka destroyed the traditionally amicable relationship between CAR’s Christians and Muslims. Seleka 

fighters were little more than mercenaries, bandits, and criminals 

who sustained themselves by looting, killing, kidnapping, and pillaging the country which is 85 to 90 percent Christian and animist. 

While the Seleka rebellion did not begin as a religiously-based 

movement intent on targeting Christians, the disproportionate impact of its extreme violence on the population led to the establishment of Christian self-defense militias, the anti-balaka. These militias then began to engage in revenge killings, first against Seleka 

rebels then against presumed Seleka supporters, and then indiscriminately against Muslims and their religious sites. 

Interim President Djotodia’s January 10 resignation occurred 

only after his rule had bankrupted the government and left a path 

of destruction and lawlessness that pervades the entire country 

today. U.N. agencies and human rights organizations have estimated that over 600,000 persons have been displaced since the beginning of the Seleka rebellion in late 2012. 

Just since December 2013, at least 2,000 people have been killed, 

and another 100,000 have fled the country. We are particularly 

concerned that the imminent threat against Muslim civilians has 

forced many to abandon their homes and communities and to seek 

help from U.N. humanitarian agencies, the African Union, and the 

French peacekeeping forces to relocate within the Central African 

Republic or to neighboring countries. 

Just last weekend, at the urgent request of Muslim civilians in 

the PK12 neighborhood of Bangui, peacekeeping forces transported 

over 1,200 people to towns in the northern part of the country. As 

soon as those folks departed, the remaining local population attacked and destroyed the mosque and looted the homes of those 

who had left. 

8

This forced relocation of Muslims from their homes and communities is deeply disturbing and fundamentally alters the religious 

composition and character of CAR’s towns and regions. The violence unleashed by Seleka and then compounded by the antibalaka militias may have permanently changed CAR’s historic tradition of religious tolerance and coexistence. 

In Bangui alone, an estimated 5,000 to 7,000 Muslims remain 

out of an estimated previous population of approximately 100,000, 

and only five of the 37 mosques are still standing. My colleague 

Anne Richard, Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration, traveled to Bangui on April 7. I will defer to 

her for additional comments about the humanitarian conditions she 

witnessed and our humanitarian response. 

If you will allow me, I would like to explain just what the U.S. 

Government has done over the past month since her visit to address and stem the communal violence. On April 8th, the U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation Rashad 

Hussain and the Department of State’s Senior Advisor on CAR 

David Brown, who is here today, led an interfaith delegation of religious leaders from the United States to demonstrate solidarity 

among religious communities and promote reconciliation. 

In a show of support for this reconciliation, interfaith participants from the CAR, as well as representatives from the government, civil society, and armed groups, signed a communique renouncing violence and encouraging intercommunity and interreligious dialogue to mitigate tensions and lay the foundation for renewed peaceful coexistence. 

On April 9, Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power 

and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Linda ThomasGreenfield, made their second visit to the CAR in a span of 4 

months. Ranking Member Bass participated in the delegation’s 

visit and witnessed firsthand the dire conditions in the country. 

During their visit, Ambassador Power, Assistant Secretary 

Thomas-Greenfield and Representative Bass met with transitional 

President Catherine Samba-Panza, commanders of the 7,000-strong 

African Union and French peacekeeping forces, and members of 

civil society to express our continued and unwavering determination to end the violence and support, the reestablishment of legitimate government. 

We pledged to work with the government and the international 

community to help her administration. In response to her request, 

we will specifically work to reestablish local law enforcement, transitional justice, and accountability capabilities to end impunity 

which has contributed to continued violence against civilians. 

We are pleased that several countries in the region, the World 

Bank, the European Union, and other development partners have 

come forward to help finance basic government services and support alternative work programs that will help put CAR citizens 

back to work. 

While we commend the leadership of the African Union and the 

efforts of the African Union MISCA force with support from the 

French, we also agree with U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s 

assessment that a U.N. peacekeeping force with both military and 

9

civilian components is needed to address the crisis in a comprehensive way. 

On April 10, the United States joined the other members of the 

U.N. Security Council in unanimously adopting Resolution 2149 

which establishes the U.N. peacekeeping operation in the Central 

African Republic, known as MINUSCA, with up to 10,000 military 

personnel, 1,800 police, and 20 corrections officers. 

MINUSCA will build on the strong work and sacrifice made by 

MISCA and the French forces as well as the European troops that 

are in the process of joining them in the CAR. MINUSCA will have 

the responsibility not only to protect civilians but also to support 

the reestablishment of governance, election preparations, disarmament and demobilization of combatants, protection of human 

rights, and accountability for human rights abuses. 

The United States will continue to reinforce the MISCA mission 

in advance of the transition to MINUSCA in September to maintain and increase MISCA’s ability to protect the civilian population. 

We have committed up to $100 million to support MISCA including 

by providing airlift to over 1,700 peacekeepers to date, nonlethal 

equipment, and 200 additional vehicles. Thirty-seven vehicles have 

already been delivered to increase the ability of troops on the 

ground. 

On April 10, the United States also announced additional humanitarian assistance to the CAR, bringing our humanitarian assistance since October 1, 2013, to $67 million. To support the essential work of reconciliation and peace building, we have committed an additional $7.5 million to nongovernmental organizations 

to support their courageous work with CAR’s religious leaders who 

are promoting conflict resolution initiatives to encourage peace, forgiveness, and nonviolence in flashpoint areas of the country. 

We strongly believe that it is important to hold accountable all 

individuals responsible for atrocities being committed, and we are 

actively working with the United Nations Security Council to implement targeted sanctions against political spoilers and the individuals perpetrating the violence. As Secretary of State Kerry stated, the United States is prepared to implement targeted sanctions 

against those who further destabilize the situation or pursue their 

own selfish ends by abetting or encouraging violence. 

Finally, I am pleased to announce that the Department of State 

has appointed Ambassador Stuart Symington as our Special Representative for the Central African Republic. He will begin his 

work later this month. Ambassador Symington will play a leading 

role in shaping and coordinating U.S. strategy toward the CAR to 

end the violence, addressing humanitarian needs, establishing legitimate governance, creating judicial mechanisms for ensuring accountability for those suspected of perpetrating human rights 

abuses, and helping the CAR move through an inclusive transition 

process leading to democratic elections. 

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and other members of 

the subcommittee, we are determined and committed to ending the 

human suffering in CAR and supporting a peaceful and durable 

resolution to the crisis. We remain engaged with our international 

partners, and we look forward to keeping you and the committee 

10

engaged and informed of our efforts. I would be pleased to answer 

your questions. Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jackson follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. Ambassador Jackson, thank you very much for your 

testimony and for your work. It is all appreciated. 

I would like to now yield to Assistant Secretary Anne Richard for 

her testimony. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ANNE RICHARD, ASSISTANT 

SECRETARY, BUREAU OF POPULATION, REFUGEES AND MIGRATION, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Ms. RICHARD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 

Member Bass, other members of the subcommittee, and thank you 

throughout the year for your dedication to human rights and humanitarian causes. We greatly appreciate that. And I appreciate 

the opportunity today to brief you on the humanitarian crisis in the 

Central African Republic. 

As you said, it is unusual to have two witnesses from the State 

Department, but because I was just in Bangui at the beginning of 

April we thought it might make sense to come along and provide 

some eyewitness testimony from what I saw on that trip. 

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Jackson has provided you 

with a comprehensive overview of the situation, so I want to focus 

on my remarks on the travel that I had at the beginning of April 

to Chad and also to Bangui, Central African Republic on April 7. 

And I want to highlight the work that the Bureau of Population, 

Refugees, and Migration is doing, and also we are doing that together with U.S. Agency for International Development to address 

humanitarian needs. 

As you know, nearly 1 million Central Africans have been forced 

to flee their homes, two-thirds are displaced within the Central African Republic, and one-third have fled to neighboring countries 

and thus are now refugees, and many of them have fled since last 

December. Each and every one of these uprooted people has stories 

of personal tragedy and loss including family members killed, wives 

and children raped and abused, and dreams shattered. 

In Chad, I traveled to the south to areas near the border with 

the Central African Republic and also toward a transit center in 

N’Djamena. I spoke with one Muslim man who showed me photos 

of the mutilated body of his father. The parents of five children, including a newborn baby, told me they had lost everything, and people have brought very little with them and some were using what 

little they had to build very rudimentary shelters to house their 

families. 

I travel a lot to refugee situations, to displaced persons’ camps. 

People were in very difficult shelter situations and it was, obviously they were in places that had been thrown together very 

quickly and they were safe for the moment, but it was certainly, 

what I saw was nothing for people to live in for any length of time. 

In Bangui, CAR, I spoke to several women, all Christians and all 

living in extremely difficult conditions with their children at the 

M’Poko airport internally displaced persons site. And as you may 

have seen, Ranking Member Bass, the IDP site is right there on 

the edge of the airport so we didn’t have to travel far to meet with 

them. 

While their homes were in a nearby neighborhood they all sought 

protection at the IDP camp because they were afraid that if they 

18

went back to their homes they could be hurt in the crossfire, in the 

violence, and the gunfire. In all my meetings, security was the 

number one topic of concern. From Cabinet Ministers to U.N. leaders to refugees and internally displaced persons themselves, all 

spoke of the need to restore security and a sense of law and order 

in the country. 

And this is the number one message I want to bring to you today 

is because we heard it unanimously from everyone, was that they 

were concerned about the violence. When I asked refugees why 

they had fled, they all mentioned fear of attack and concern for 

their families. In Bangui, the Minister of Rural Development said 

she had a program to distribute seeds to farmers, but the program 

would be worthless if farmers did not feel safe enough to plant 

their fields. 

I cannot reiterate strongly enough the importance of robust U.S. 

Government support to the African Union’s stabilization mission in 

CAR, MISCA, and the new U.N. integrated mission in CAR, 

MINUSCA. The restoration of security is essential to creating conditions that will one day permit these 1 million uprooted people to 

return home. 

Meanwhile, the U.S. Government is committed to working with 

the international community to provide lifesaving assistance inside 

CAR and in neighboring countries and to structure our aid programs to enhance efforts to protect the displaced. 

During my visit to Chad I was particularly struck by the incredible hospitality of the Chadian people and their government. They 

had not only opened their doors to 92,000 Central African refugees, 

but were also welcoming the return of an equal number of Chadian 

migrants who had been living in the Central African Republic for 

decades but were no longer safe in the country. 

I know this same degree of hospitality has been extended by the 

Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Republic of the Congo, and 

especially Cameroon which now hosts the largest number of refugees from the Central African Republic at 184,000. 

And the other point to make about Chad as you all well know 

is that they have for over a decade hosted refugees from Darfur, 

so they already had many refugees living in the country. I was also 

tremendously impressed by the dedication and commitment of relief workers who at great risk to themselves were struggling to 

gain access to vulnerable populations to deliver aid including food, 

water, shelter, and health care. 

Sadly, relief workers too have lost their lives including three people working with Me ́decins Sans Frontie`res who were killed this 

past weekend in northwest Central African Republic. They were 

simply trying to deliver health care. 

In Chad, newly arriving refugees were receiving only half of the 

recommended daily food ration because World Food Programme resources are stretched so thin. Several refugees approached me personally and told me that they did not have enough food to feed 

their children and they were very concerned about that. 

And I have to say that that doesn’t usually happen when I travel 

to refugee camps. Usually if people have reached a refugee camp 

they are safe and they are cared for. In this particular case, I 

talked to the World Food Programme about it and they said they 

19

knew that the food was under the recommended levels and they did 

not blame the United States. They said the United States had been 

generous but that the other countries had not come through with 

their shares. 

In CAR, conditions in the IDP camp at the Bangui airport were 

deplorable in terms of overcrowding. Shelter was poor. International nongovernmental organizations in partnership with local 

authorities were doing their best to address gaps. It is clear to me 

that the nearly $67 million the U.S. Government through the PRM 

Bureau and also through USAID have provided so far this year is 

money well-invested. Our work is certainly not over. 

Since my return, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for 

Refugees found it necessary to take the extraordinary step of evacuating the last Muslim population from Bossangoa and taking 

them to Chad, essentially helping them to become refugees, and we 

are not normally in the business of turning people into refugees. 

We normally try to prevent that situation from occurring. Others 

in Bangui have been evacuated to safer spots inside CAR. These 

are extraordinary steps and they were not taken lightly. It was 

done to avoid massacres, frankly, and so very much as a last resort 

measure. 

On April 16, the United Nations released its 2014 Central African Republic Regional Response Plan which calls for $274 million 

to address the crisis. We will review both appeals and provide additional funding in the near future. Thanks to Congress, and this is 

a very important point, thanks to Congress we have appropriations 

to do more this year, but as you know we are contending with too 

many humanitarian emergencies. Unrest in the Central African 

Republic is happening at the same time as upheaval and violence 

in South Sudan. Secretary Kerry is in meetings today in Addis 

about South Sudan and widespread conflict in Syria. 

While humanitarian funding will certainly help keep people 

alive, let me again remind you of the plea made by refugees and 

IDPs during my recent visit. Above all else they wanted a return 

to security and stability in the Central African Republic. They 

wanted conditions that would permit them to return home, rebuild 

their lives, rebuild their homes, go back to work in their places of 

business. This should be our highest priority as well. 

Representative Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and members of 

the subcommittee, I thank you for your support and for giving me 

the opportunity to address you today and I am happy to answer 

your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Richard follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very much, Ms. Richard. To begin the 

questioning just let me ask a number of questions starting with 

Mr. Ambassador. With regards to peacekeeping, when can we realistically expect peacekeepers to be on the ground displacing those 

who are being augmented out because of those conflicts that we all 

know and vested interests that have compromised their mission? 

Are we talking the fall? And is there any way to accelerate that 

process? Because delay is denial obviously for those who are being 

hurt and/or killed. 

Let me ask you as well, and maybe this would be to you, Ms. 

Richard. My understanding is that our humanitarian assistance 

numbers approximately $67 million. And the question would arise, 

why are faith-based organizations only getting $7.5 million given 

the outsize role that they are playing in the Central African Republic? 

As we know, when Bishop Nongo was here, he was concerned 

that he is sheltering 35,000 people. And how much assistance are 

we giving to those NGOs or faith-based entities that could have 

high-impact because they know and are understood and respected 

by the people that they deal with? It seems that that ratio is very 

much skewed toward not helping faith-based entities, and if you 

could give some insight into that. 

Kasper Agger from Enough makes the point in his testimony 

that combatants, politicians, businessmen, and diplomats were all 

giving him the same excuses and reasons for the crisis in the country, lack of leadership and exclusion of citizens. But he also makes 

the point that—and I thought this was very interesting—that some 

of the key drivers of violence are the diamonds and the poaching. 

And if you could speak to that issue and that there is a need for 

sustained, regional U.S. diplomatic engagement that looks at those 

aspects of it. How do we dry up those nefarious enterprises? 

Let me also ask you as well, Madeline Rose in her testimony 

points out that if we fail to address CAR’s crisis quickly and correctly, Mercy Corps is concerned that the situation could metastasize into a new decades-long conflict transcending the corridor from 

the Sahel to South Sudan, and makes the point that even with the 

anticipated EU reinforcements, the enormity of challenge for peacekeepers outstrips capacities. 

Is this designed potentially to fail? And I am not assuming any 

ill will here, but is it being driven by insufficient resources? You 

just mentioned that other countries have not come through with 

their commitments. How much of an unmet need do we have with 

regards to peacekeeping? 

What kind of force is needed ideally to really end this violence, 

and is what is configured enough? Is the money enough? How 

much are we giving to peacekeeping? What are the others giving? 

And maybe this one could be for the records, but when you say 

other countries are not coming through, if there could be a listing 

of those countries, commitments made, commitments unmet, and 

there are large numbers of countries that could do a heck of a lot 

more, I would think, that are not doing it. 

And finally, and I will have other questions, but maybe you could 

start with those and then I will get back. 

24

Ambassador JACKSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As for the 

U.N. peacekeeping force, we anticipate their arrival in mid-September. However, I want to note that the U.N. has already had 

senior officials on the ground to do the planning and the coordinating with the African Union and French forces, and European 

Union troops are beginning to arrive and they have started to train 

480 police and gendarmes from Central African Republic. 

We are also today having Assistant Secretary Thomas-Greenfield, who is with Secretary Kerry in Addis Ababa, meet with the 

African Union to discuss the deployment of additional African 

troops from Burundi and Rwanda. We hope that that will take 

place very soon and we are positioned to move those troops quickly. 

These troops would replace the Chadians who withdrew at the end 

of March. 

Mr. SMITH. About how many are we talking about, and what 

would be the force that would make the difference and are we getting close to that or at that number? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Mr. Chairman, I honestly don’t know 

what the force need is. We will be going from 7,000 to about 8,200 

with the arrival of these additional troops, assuming that the African Union approves both the Rwandan and Burundi contributions. 

The EU presence will go from about 100 at present to 500 present 

so that will bring us up to close to 9,000. 

Mr. SMITH. Do military planners at the Pentagon and at the U.N. 

say that that is a sufficient force with a robust mandate to bring 

some peace to these people who are suffering? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Well, let me answer your question a bit 

differently, Mr. Chairman. In terms of displaced people in Bangui, 

we have seen the number decline from 500,000 to 200,000, which 

is not to suggest that the situation is not atrocious. And the removal of the Muslims and the flight of the Muslims contributes to 

those numbers, so I don’t want to be misleading. 

But the fact that the number of internally displaced people in 

Bangui is declining, I think, shows that MISCA and the French 

forces are having some impact. And as we get these police and gendarmes trained, we are hopeful that those numbers will be sufficient to restore security. I think we are going to have to look at 

this on a regular basis and see what progress is being made, but 

to date the progress is not adequate and we acknowledge that. 

As for peacekeeping more broadly, our missions and the U.N. 

missions in Mali and South Sudan are both under-subscribed. We 

are in conversations with partners about plussing up those missions as well as contributing to the mission in Central African Republic, but it has been a difficult process to identify capable peacekeepers. 

Finally, you spoke about diamonds and poaching. Central African 

diamond exports are currently suspended under the Kimberley 

Process, but we are hopeful that as the government can restore authority in combination with the peacekeepers that legal diamond 

exports can once again start, and this would provide the government with revenue that is needed to pay salaries and provide other 

basic services. 

As for poaching, because of the conflict it is difficult to know how 

much poaching has taken place, but it is clearly a problem in the 

25

Central African Republic as one of the countries that still has a significant population of elephants to poach. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Ms. RICHARD. On the question of the funding distribution, it is 

true the U.S. is providing nearly $7.5 million in funding to support 

conflict mitigation, reconciliation, and peacebuilding including 

interreligious peacebuilding efforts. I would expect that these efforts would not require as much funding as the type of large-scale 

humanitarian operations that are being carried out for so many 

people in the Central African Republic and in the region. All of the 

neighboring countries are affected. 

And in addition, some of the nongovernmental organizations that 

are responding to humanitarian work are indeed faith-based 

groups and that includes Catholic Relief Services that is speaking 

today and that gets funding from the USAID’s Office of Foreign 

Disaster Assistance. And they are on the list of one of the groups 

that is providing logistic support and relief commodities in the region. 

And then in addition, we have several high-level delegations 

going as you heard, and one of those was an interfaith group from 

the U.S., so that is additional costs that are not reflected in the 

$7.5 million. I think we are doing a lot, and I think that some of 

it is reflected in the funding and some of it is perhaps diplomatic 

efforts that are within the State Departments base budget. 

So we have the $100 million you have heard to support the current peacekeeping. We will support the U.N.’s peacekeepers as we 

do year in and year out thanks to congressional appropriations. 

The $67 million in humanitarian assistance working with nongovernmental organizations that are across the country, and I 

think this network of nongovernmental organizations that are normal partners but that are present in really sort of far-flung locations, hard to reach places across Central African Republic, is very, 

very important for us. 

Working in the neighboring countries, the U.N. is moving people 

away from threats as you have heard. The high-level visits, 

Samantha Power going twice but also other groups, our diplomats 

have participated in all the conferences on the Central African Republic that have taken place in New York, in Brussels, in Africa. 

We have now Stu Symington named as the Special Representative. We are looking into having, restoring the diplomatic presence 

in Bangui and that was also going on during this early April set 

of visits. And then in addition to that we have this money for conflict mitigation and peacebuilding. 

Mr. SMITH. Could you provide us a list of groups that are getting 

the money, the humanitarian assistance, and what might be anticipated going forward particularly as it relates to faith-based? Because again, I was moved and I am sure the subcommitte was that 

Bishop Nongo was dealing with so much on an absolute shoestring. 

And he was not going to let a single person go unhelped even if 

he didn’t have the money. 

I mean it was just, and it seems to me we need to be backstopping people that are on the ground, have the credibility, and have 

a record as he and so many others do, and so I just hope we are 

26

not bypassing them unwittingly or for any other reason. So if you 

could provide that for us that would be very helpful. 

Ms. RICHARD. Absolutely. On the issue of other countries not providing funding, the World Food Programme resources are stretched 

thin, not just in the Central African Republic but in the entire region and it is a very difficult situation. And they are doing so much 

good work there and also in the Middle East with the Syria crisis 

too. 

So I regularly meet with World Food Programme colleagues. As 

you know, an American runs the World Food Programme. One of 

their issues is that the European Union’s humanitarians, ECHO, 

had a cash flow problem, so they will have funding later this year. 

They will provide it. But you can’t go back in time and take that 

funding to feed people. And so this is an example where a cashflow problem, which is not unheard of in Washington sometimes, 

is actually having real damage on the ground. And so that is a 

shame. 

And then the other thing that we would like to do is bring new 

donors to the table, and we have succeeded in some respects with 

the Syria crisis in getting Gulf states more involved. But we need 

more countries to step forward and take up the humanitarian 

cause and provide funding so that the U.S. share stays at an appropriate level. A robust level, a healthy level thanks to you all, but 

also that it be a multilateral undertaking. 

Finally, you had asked about restoring law and order. I really 

think in talking to experts that it is not just a matter of peacekeepers, it is also a matter of the police, the judicial system, the 

prisons. This is not my area, but this is what I heard from people 

there. 

So in coming back, Linda Thomas-Greenfield and I have met 

with Bill Brownfield who is our counterpart, Assistant Secretary 

for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, and we are all 

working to try to figure out what particular role can the U.S. play, 

in addition to what other countries are doing, to help ordinary citizens enjoy the basic public safety that they used to enjoy in Bangui 

and other cities and towns. 

Mr. SMITH. Lastly, Mr. Ambassador, you said pre-genocidal stage 

at your last hearings here. Is it genocidal now? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Mr. Chairman, we really haven’t considered the question of whether it is genocidal or not. The fact is, horrible atrocities are taking place and we know that at least 2,000 

people have died. I don’t think it matters what word we use, but 

the situation is horrible and we are doing everything we can to reverse it. 

Mr. SMITH. I appreciate that. I do think it matters but I respect 

the difference. 

Ms. Bass? 

Ms. BASS. Alright, I know that there is going to be a call for a 

vote soon, so we know we will be interrupted, but anyway, I will 

get started. 

I am real concerned about, as I mentioned in my opening comments about the displacement of the Muslim population and essentially the stage that that sets especially for extremists to kind of 

enter that population. And I believe, Ambassador Jackson, you 

27

were talking about the movement of the population toward the 

north. 

So I am wondering if, I mean, I am sure you share those concerns, but if there is any evidence of that becoming problematic in 

terms of outside forces coming in and trying to take advantage of 

the fact, the revenge killings that have happened. 

Ambassador JACKSON. Congresswoman, we have certainly been 

looking at the question of outside forces coming in just as the 

Lord’s Resistance Army has come in. To date we have not seen that 

happening. But this separation of religious communities and de 

facto partition of the country into Christian and Muslim areas is 

very troubling, and I believe that the sooner we can restore basic 

security so that people feel safe returning to their homes, the sooner that we will be able to address this problem and avoid long-term 

partition and consequences that would come from that. 

Ms. BASS. One of the things about Rwanda that was so, just hard 

to imagine but I know it is one of the reasons why the country has 

been successful in its development since the genocide, but their 

whole reconciliation process, the fact that people really live down 

the street and their neighbors are folks that might have slaughtered members of their family. 

And I am just wondering, I was just there for just such a brief 

time, but if the Rwandans are involved in terms of helping the 

CAR leadership toward the future of how to have a reconciliation 

process. 

Ambassador JACKSON. I don’t know if there have been formal discussions, but one of the reasons we have been so pleased to have 

Rwanda and Burundi contribute peacekeepers is because of their 

own history of genocide in both countries. And we believe that the 

troops can talk with people, engage with people, and encourage 

them to avoid the conflict that we are seeing. 

Ms. BASS. And we did go to Burundi and so certainly had some 

concerns about what we saw there and what looms there in terms 

of the election next year. You mentioned the food supply as being 

below what is needed. And I believe, Ambassador Richard, you said 

that the U.S. had been generous but other countries had been lacking. And I believe the chairman asked the same question in terms 

of which countries and dollar amount and whether you can answer 

it now or not. Is that pretty much what you were asking? I would 

like to know that information as well, because I am wondering if 

there are ways that we can step up pressure on those other countries so that they do carry their fair share. 

Ms. RICHARD. Well, we can work with the USAID to get you the 

breakdown of who is contributing to the World Food Programme 

and specifically in the Central African Republic and in the region. 

But I want to repeat that one missing partner who is normally 

there with us are the Europeans, and it is an unusual thing this 

year that they are having cash flow problems. 

So normally, the U.S. and Europe together lead the world in humanitarian response, and other countries that year in and year out 

step forward including Europeans and the European Union are the 

Canadians, Australians, New Zealanders, Japan, Korea more and 

more. Turkey, I met yesterday with the Turkish Ambassador, TurVerDate 0ct 09 2002 13:59 Sep 23, 2014 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00031 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\050114\87715 SHIRL
28

key is stepping forward to play a larger role as a donor internationally. And then with Syria we see Gulf states stepping forward. 

But we would like to see more countries who haven’t been traditional donors join us, especially in a year like this one where we 

have three of what the United Nations call Level 3 emergencies. 

Syria, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic. And I am 

proud that our country is doing so much. I am proud when I meet 

with my counterparts from other countries that I can speak up 

about how much Americans are doing. But I also think this system 

only works when other countries join us in these kinds of enterprises. 

Ms. BASS. Well, France is certainly playing a leading role. What 

are they doing in terms of pushing other EU countries? 

Ms. RICHARD. France is playing a leading role in the situation in 

this particular country, and also in terms of the peacekeeping piece 

of it. 

Ms. BASS. Right. 

Ms. RICHARD. But they are not leaders necessarily on the humanitarian funding piece, whereas in Brussels they do get credit 

for contributing to the overall European contributions. But also 

DFID, the Department for International Development in London is 

the leading donor as well. Within Europe, the UK is really the top 

donor, I think, with us on the international stage. 

Ms. BASS. So last question. I am wondering about the diaspora 

that is here and if you feel there might be a role that the diaspora 

that is here can play. There is a young man in the audience who 

often comes to the hearings, Yves Kongolo, who is from the Central 

African Republic and has an NGO. And I often work in the breakfasts and the other programs that we do here on the Hill, work a 

lot with the diaspora, and I am just wondering if you have any 

thoughts about how the diaspora here might be helpful there. 

Ms. RICHARD. It is a great question. I haven’t met with members 

of the diaspora from the Central African Republic. I regularly meet 

with diasporas. Syrian-Americans. I met recently with EritreanAmericans. Because we run the program, response to the program 

to resettle refugees in the United States, I am regularly meeting 

with Somalis around the United States, and more and more Iraqis 

around the United States. 

So it would not come as a surprise to any of you that we love 

working with diasporas, meeting with diasporas, and figuring out 

ways to bring their talents, connections, ability to message, especially in the case here of messages of peace, reconciliation, stability, 

tolerance. I think that is a key thing that they could play. 

Ms. BASS. Well, maybe you have just described a role that we 

could play, which is to facilitate that introduction for you. Because 

I hear all the time of people wanting to play very specific roles exactly like that but also in development. So I will have another 

group of diaspora for you to meet with. 

Ms. RICHARD. Happy to. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Weber. 

Mr. WEBER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I guess this question 

is for you, Mr. Jackson, or for you, Ms. Richard, either one. The 

Chadian soldiers that came in and killed, remember, and injured 

29

so many. Any identification? Any idea who they are? Any accountability there? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Congressman Weber, we don’t really know 

who they are. But we will be looking at the units in terms of Leahy 

vetting for future training, and the need to look very carefully at 

the participation of Chadians in future peacekeeping operations 

based on their conduct in the Central African Republic. 

Mr. WEBER. Well, I think long term we need to be sending the 

signal that that won’t be tolerated and somehow there has to be 

accountability and the perpetrators brought to justice so that there 

is no recurring incidents of that nature. Any way to put pressure 

on their government to do that to aid in that? 

Ambassador JACKSON. I understand that the Chadian Government is doing an investigation and we will look to ensure that they 

are held to account for their actions. 

Mr. WEBER. I guess unlike the other mall shootings there is no 

video. There is absolutely no evidence to this, or is that——

Ambassador JACKSON. I am not aware of any video. The only 

thing that I am aware of are testimonies by some of the victims. 

Mr. WEBER. Which one of our agencies coordinates with the 

Chadian Government to say you have got to do more to bring these 

perpetrators to justice? Who follows that up? 

Ambassador JACKSON. The Department of State does, and specifically our Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, Ambassador 

Rapp, and he has been in the region. 

Mr. WEBER. Okay. I was doing a little research on that event, 

and even Aljazeera, the news organization, said this was an underreported occurrence. I didn’t see it. I looked at some of the other 

news agencies and I actually saw it, but they didn’t give it the 

same coverage. So I think it is imperative for us to keep on the 

forefront and to keep that pressure on so that those kinds of people 

know that we won’t allow this going forward. I think I remember——

Ms. RICHARD. Congressman? 

Mr. WEBER. Yes, ma’am? 

Ms. RICHARD. It may have been underreported in the United 

States. There was a lot of coverage of it in the region, and the reason I know that is because it was still unfolding during our visit. 

And when I was in Chad they decided to bring their peacekeepers 

home, and at the same time there was a U.N. report on the incident that came out. So there has been a lot of attention, and these 

situations are complicated because you don’t want peacekeepers 

abusing people in any way, shape or form. They are there to protect people. 

At the same time, we had Chad doing so much to try to restore 

stability overall and we needed more peacekeepers, not less. So you 

are absolutely right that you cannot support, we cannot support 

sending people to a country where they abuse the local people. 

That is not the purpose at all, and so we have to be vigilant in 

keeping that from happening in the first place and then holding 

people accountable when it does happen. 

But I do think there is attention being paid to it, and I am sorry 

we don’t have specific answers for you today, and I think we have 

to stay on top of it. 

30

Mr. WEBER. Okay, thank you. I remember our colleague over 

here, Ranking Member Bass, I think she said religious differences 

were not the origin of the conflict. Would you elaborate on what 

you think is the origin of the conflict? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Congressman, this is a country that has 

had a long tradition of conflict. You will remember that Emperor 

Bokassa was famous for his cannibalism. This is a country that has 

had conflicts between grazers and agriculturists. We have seen 

coup after coup. This is the third time that we have evacuated our 

Embassy because of unrest in the Central African Republic. There 

is a long and sad history here. I hope this time that we can do better to get it right so that we don’t have another repetition of the 

unrest. 

Mr. WEBER. Some of my research said the former President or 

Prime Minister bankrupted the country, had a lot of graft, a lot of 

corruption, and then he was basically was gone. Whatever happened to him? Was there any attempt to hold him accountable? 

Ambassador JACKSON. We have actually spoken with former 

President Bozize, and encouraged him to issue public statements 

calling for calm. We are looking at his role in the current violence. 

And again, as my colleague said, we want to hold those accountable 

for the violence responsible. 

Mr. WEBER. Okay. And then I think you all said earlier that—

and we are running out of time. I know they have called votes. You 

are expecting some more peacekeeping forces in mid-September, 

480 gendarmes? 

Ambassador JACKSON. There are 480 gendarmes. They are Central Africans who are undergoing training at present. I would expect that they would be active long before September. 

Mr. WEBER. What does that make the total? You said 7,000 to 

8,000? 

Ambassador JACKSON. So we are currently at approximately 

7,000. We are looking at adding a battalion of Rwandans which 

would be 850 people. We are looking at adding 400 peacekeepers 

from Burundi. That would bring the total to about 8,200, plus 500 

European troops from various countries would be 8,700 in total, 

prior to September when the peacekeeping operation would come 

into effect. 

And if I may add, Congressman, I think it is really important to 

note that while the U.N. peacekeepers are not yet in place some 

of the troops that are there will transition to the U.N. force. But 

the U.N. political mission is in place and the deputy is our former 

Ambassador to the Central African Republic, Ambassador Larry 

Wohlers. 

Mr. WEBER. Okay. In the interest of time I am going to yield 

back. Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Mr. Marino? 

Mr. MARINO. Thank you. I am going to do a lightning round here. 

I am not able to come back, I have another commitment. But get 

your pencils out please, and this should be a matter of record. First 

of all, why has not the International Criminal Court interceded in 

here in going after these murderers? Number one. 

Number two, you said that the troops will be, U.N. troops will 

get there in September of this year. Why so long? And I am not 

31

saying so long in a pejorative sense because perhaps you can describe the process you have to go through. I do not understand the 

process, and if anything takes more than 5 minutes for me it is too 

long. How many U.N. troops will be there? When did these murders start to show up on State’s radar and the U.N. as well, I am 

curious to see, because that goes into my question as why is it taking so long. 

Are the Muslim and Christian world leaders, the world leaders 

of the Muslims and Christians, are they standing up and saying to 

their religious followers, knock this off, or do they have any role 

in visiting, or representatives visiting over there telling their religious followers that this will not be tolerated from their religious 

standpoint? 

And since 1996, the DRC, it has been embroiled in violence. Over 

5.4 million people have been killed. That is something that just 

does not take place over a year. It has taken place over years, and 

my question is, why not long before this? And with that I yield 

back. 

Ambassador JACKSON. So I will try to respond very quickly. We 

have become very aware of the murders since November and December, and that is when the bulk of the violence has taken place. 

In terms of the movement of the U.N. peacekeepers, the recruitment is what takes so long. One of the reasons that the State Department and the U.S. Government supported the standing up the 

African Union force was precisely because they could deploy faster 

than the U.N. and since we are seeing a roughly 6-month timetable 

for U.N. deployment, I think that our conclusion that we needed to 

get the African troops in place was the right one. 

But it is very important to make this transition to a force that 

will have roughly 8,000 troops soon to almost 12,000 in September, 

assuming we can find additional peacekeepers. And the religious 

leaders from various countries including the Holy See are taking 

an active role. 

Foreign Ministers of Turkey and Guinea were just in Central African Republic this week talking with religious leaders. The Organization of the Islamic Conference Special Envoy, the former Foreign Minister of Senegal, Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, was there with 

them. We believe that the religious leaders are working well with 

their counterparts in Central African Republic and doing what they 

can to appease the situation. 

Mr. MARINO. But don’t you think it would be beneficial if the religious leaders came out on an international level and made these 

statements? 

Ambassador JACKSON. I do think it would be useful. And just as 

we broadcast President Obama’s message to Central Africans in 

December, I think having messages from world religious leaders 

could be useful and it is something that we have been discussing 

as we bring religious leaders to visit Central African Republic. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. Can I just ask you—we are out of time 

on this vote, but what role, if any, has the Atrocities Prevention 

Board played? Again, I mean we have all been raising issues. You 

have been raising this. Have they been AWOL or have they been 

very much a part of the effort to try to prevent and now resolve 

this? 

32

Ambassador JACKSON. Mr. Chairman, the Atrocities Prevention 

Board has met. Their most recent meeting was looking at Nigeria 

and Burundi. But there have been regular meetings and we have 

been working hand in hand to make certain——

Mr. SMITH. They met on CAR? 

Ambassador JACKSON. I haven’t seen the agenda for all the meetings, but I believe—I can get back to you on that. 

Mr. SMITH. Would you get back to us? Because we certainly 

haven’t heard any outcomes document or any recommendations 

from them. I am just wondering what role they have played. Because it was stood up with great fanfare as I said in my opening, 

and it certainly has a great deal of promise. Is that promise being 

met? 

Ambassador JACKSON. Mr. Chairman? 

Mr. SMITH. Yes. 

Ambassador JACKSON. I apologize. My colleague just advised that 

there has been at least one APB meeting on Central African Republic. 

Mr. SMITH. Do you know what their recommendations were? 

Ambassador JACKSON. I do not, but I will get back to you. 

Mr. SMITH. Because it would seem that people like yourself, you 

should at least know what this group is recommending. Thank you. 

We stand in brief recess. I do have a number of other questions 

but the vote precludes that. A brief recess and then we will come 

back to our second panel. And thank you so very much. 

[Recess.] 

Mr. SMITH. The subcommittee will reconvene, and I want to 

apologize to all of our very distinguished witnesses for that delay. 

We did have a series of votes. There was no way we could cut that 

any shorter. 

I would like to begin with our second panel and beginning first 

with Mr. Scott Campbell, who is the Catholic Relief Services regional director for Central Africa. He coordinates CRS programs in 

Burundi, Cameroon, Chad, Central African Republic, and the 

Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Republic of Congo, and 

Rwanda. 

Since joining CRS, Mr. Campbell has coordinated food aid during 

the Kosovo crisis, overseen the emergency response to the 2004 tsunami in the northern Indonesian province of Aceh, and directed 

CRS’s response to the 2010 earthquake in Haiti. He also served as 

CRS’s county representative to Angola, Haiti, and the Philippines. 

And I would note parenthetically that I myself, along with a few 

other members, were in Aceh and applaud the work that was done 

during the tsunami in 2004 by CRS, and it is great to know that 

you were there making sure that that all happened because otherwise it would have been far worse than it actually was. 

I would then like to introduce Ms. Madeline Rose, who is a policy 

and advocacy advisor for Mercy Corps, a global aid agency that provides assistance to those living in countries suffering from natural 

disaster, economic collapse, or conflict. She leads Mercy Corps’ policy and advocacy portfolios on sub-Saharan African programs, including work with youth, development in fragile states, counterterrorism and humanitarian access, encountering violent extremism, 

and atrocity prevention. 

33

She has also worked for the Friends Committee on National Legislation, in Congress, at the United Nations with community-based 

organizations in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and for the Silicon Valley 

tech company, NetApp. 

We will then hear from Mr. Kasper Agger who is a Uganda-based 

field researcher for the Enough Project. We certainly have had 

John Prendergast here many times, who heads up Enough, a nongovernmental initiative dedicated to ending genocide and crimes 

against humanity. His work focuses on the Lord’s Resistance Army 

and includes on-the-ground research in the remote areas of Uganda, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the 

Central African Republic, that have been most affected by the LRA 

crisis. 

Mr. Agger’s advocacy-based research aims to identify recommendations and solutions to the LRA conflict. Prior to joining 

the Enough Project, he worked for the Northern Uganda Peace Initiative and the U.N. Environmental Programme. 

We will then hear from the Honorable Robin Renee Sanders, who 

is the CEO of the FEEEDS Advocacy Initiative and and owns 

FE3DS, LLC, both of which craft economic development and business strategies for Africa. At these organizations, she focuses on 

food security, education, the environment and energy, economics, 

development, and self-help programs, particularly for small and 

medium enterprises. 

Prior to this, she served as the U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria and 

the Republic of Congo and was the U.S. Permanent Representative 

to ECOWAS. She served twice as Africa Director of the National 

Security Council at the White House. We have a very distinguished 

panel of knowledgeable experts, and I would like to now yield to 

Mr. Campbell to begin the testimony. 

STATEMENT OF MR. SCOTT CAMPBELL, REGIONAL DIRECTOR 

FOR CENTRAL AFRICA, CATHOLIC RELIEF SERVICES 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Thank you, Chairman Smith, for this opportunity 

to testify on behalf of Catholic Relief Services. We are very grateful 

to you and your leadership and the interest in the future of the 

Central African Republic and its people. 

So I am Scott Campbell. I am the regional director for Catholic 

Relief Services covering the Central Africa region, and that is 

seven countries, the two Congos, Rwanda, Burundi, Chad, Cameroon, and Central African Republic. CRS is present in about 100 

countries around the world and providing humanitarian assistance 

and development programming. We have been in CAR since 1999 

doing programming and work very closely with our church partners 

in the country. Our work is mostly funded by the U.S. Government, 

CRS private funds, and other Caritas sister agencies. 

I was recently in CAR for a 3-week period just before Christmas 

to mid-January, and then again for 3 weeks in March. In fact, my 

colleague, Ms. Rose, I met her there during the second visit. So I 

would like to share with you a few ideas about what has transpired 

there in the country and how we are prioritizing our work. 

First of all, CRS is present throughout the whole breadth of the 

country, from the southeast covering Obo, Zinga, Rafai, Bangassou, 

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funded program there, working with communities affected by the 

Lord’s Resistance Army. We are present in the capital with our 

partners, in the south in Lobaye Province, Mbaike, and Boda, as 

well as in the northwest in Bossangoa and Boda. And during my 

most recent trip I was in Bossangoa and saw the refugees, as you 

explained earlier in this testimony. 

And during that visit, I was involved with the distribution of 

non-food items to communities that just a few weeks prior had 

been attacked by Seleka rebels, and this was in the area called 

Kuki. That whole area had been completely pillaged or burned 

down, and almost all of the houses, people had very little left, and 

of course, as you are well aware, people had very little to begin 

with even before the crisis. So the situation is truly desperate for 

tens of thousands of people. 

CRS is also distributing, and will be, 7,500 households, reaching 

37,500 people. We have done that already in Bossangoa, and we 

will do the same in the coming months in Bossangoa as well as 

Lobaye in the south. In those same areas, we have an initial plan 

to provide shelter kits for households that have been destroyed during the same month, in May, and the kits include wood for windows, doors, and tarps for roofing. 

The pillaging and destruction has also rendered much of the 

country extremely food-insecure. This is the second consecutive 

planting season that has been hampered by the crisis. Seeds, tools, 

farm animals are scarce or non-existent in much of the region. And 

with the planting season upon us, CRS is distributing seeds for staple crops and farming tools for 10,000 households to respond to the 

critical food security situation. 

Additionally, other economic activities have been disrupted, making life even more difficult. Trading and importation of goods have 

been hindered because Muslim traders have fled or truckers fear 

to enter the country because of attacks and looting. 

When I was in Kuki and areas of Bossangoa, I saw heaps of cotton that had not been sold, and this is cotton that had been harvested from last year. So the much-needed cash income has not 

been flowing because of the crisis. And, generally, more than half 

the country will need some sort of humanitarian assistance as a result. 

But dire as this situation is, much of what I have been describing 

concerns the exterior, what we see on the outside of the people who 

are affected. A more compelling story, however, is what is happening inside people’s hearts and minds because of the problem. 

It is critically important, first, to understand that this is not a 

religious war. No head of any faith group has led the fight against 

another faith group. I spoke to leaders in Bossangoa myself, including the mayor and his deputies in that city, and heard from them 

that they did not want to see their Muslim neighbors leaving the 

country. 

We spoke to the youth and women of the IDP camp, Ecole 

Liberte, which ironically means in Liberty School when in fact it 

was very much like a prison. And they also expressed the desire 

to stay. So there is a willingness among a significant portion of the 

population to return to the pre-crisis reality where people lived and 

worked together harmoniously and in peace. 

35

To that end, CRS has been working directly with the Inter-Religious Platform led by the Catholic Archbishop of Bangui, the President of the CAR Islamic Community, and the leader of the Evangelical Alliance. CRS has brought together faith leaders in Bangui 

and Bossangoa in their respective communities to participate in 2-

to-3-day workshops on social cohesion and reconciliation. 

This has also since included parliamentarians and other community leaders, and we are closely working with the Minister of Communications and Reconciliation of the new interim government. In 

fact, we will be sending her to Rwanda to see how the process 

worked in that country. In fact, CRS was part of that process over 

the past 20 years, and one of our Rwandan staff is now working 

in CAR to share the work he has done and learned in Rwanda 

there in CAR. 

And this whole—the workshops we have done have been truly 

transformative, and I will give one example to illustrate. One of the 

leaders expressed how before the workshop he had every intention 

of buying a gun and shooting at least one person from the other 

faith community. 

At the end of the workshop, he explained, ‘‘I don’t have those 

feelings anymore. I am ready for reconciliation.’’ So the hate, fear, 

and vengeance pent up as individuals in that country, people need 

and feel that desire for release to just prepare themselves for reconciliation with the others in their community. 

The workshops have also included Muslim faith leaders in some 

of the most difficult neighborhoods in Bangui where much of the 

fighting is evident. They were considered the hardliners. They attended and, as a result, at that time decided not to leave the country as planned. And this is just some weeks ago. If given the opportunity, the space, and the support, people in the country want to 

rebuild the social fabric of the society. 

I saw truckloads of Muslims leaving the country during my December-January visit. Our office shares a wall with the Embassy 

of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and across the street is 

the Ambassador to Cameroon, his residence, and they were leaving 

every single day. So we have seen directly people pouring out of the 

country. 

So this is the first step. The workshops are a first step, preparing 

the hearts and minds of leaders and communities for peace and 

reconciliation, and then they can enter into a process, a dialogue, 

across communities. Why this is important is because it has an immediate effect, as I was saying earlier, to release people from those 

burdens. 

But it also has the longer term effect of social cohesion to heal 

the wounds caused by the conflict, and which is the most effective 

bulwark against manipulation of the most extremist entities intent 

on serving their own aims in the future. It really works against the 

radicalization that could also be happening as these different communities move across borders. 

But more funding is required to cascade that through the country. This is not something that can only be pinpointed in certain 

areas. It should be cascaded throughout the country. So I see that 

there is real hope for CAR to build back communities as before, to 

be productive and harmonized. 

36

With this in mind, CRS and the USCCB make the following recommendations to the U.S. Government. First, adequately fund and 

support U.N. peacekeeping efforts to ensure that relief and recovery activities are tenable. Security is absolutely paramount. We 

need the right conditions in order to operate effectively. 

Second, provide ongoing leadership and robust funding for humanitarian efforts in the CAR. The U.S. Government should also 

help galvanize other donors to fulfill their pledges for humanitarian 

assistance in the country. All efforts must support the displaced 

and those are hosting them to their immediate needs so that their 

immediate needs are met, as well as their return when conditions 

allow, so that they can rebuild their livelihoods, plant their farms, 

and support their families. 

Support the voluntary return of refugees, so the country can restore its rich cultural diversity. In fact, we have plans of doing 

some cross-border work as well along the lines of what I described 

in those workshops. In fact, the workshops are actually paid by the 

U.S. Government. The USAID, people involved were extremely 

quick in releasing funding to enable us to do that in Bossangoa and 

then Bangui. 

Also, integrate peacebuilding and conflict resolution activities to 

rebuild social cohesion torn apart by the recent fighting and to prevent future outbreaks of violence. 

Third, affirm a commitment to CAR over the long term. We commend the appointing of a Special Representative for CAR and the 

U.S. Government’s plan to reopen the Embassy. We further call 

upon the USG to develop plans to address longer term needs over 

the next 3 to 5 years. And this should prioritize reintegration of ex 

militia into economic and livelihood activities with a focus on 

youth. Young men need to be enrolled in reintegration programs 

that are practical and lead to productive job activities. 

Prioritize long-term economic needs such as reconstruction of 

people’s productive assets, keeping conflict sensitivity in mind, and 

recognize that elections should not be rushed. But the process fully 

incorporates all CAR citizens, especially those Muslims who have 

fled and wish to return. Any election held should be well organized, 

free, and fair, to end the cycle of illegitimate leaders who have neglected the needs of the Central African people. 

So, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Bass, and the members 

of the subcommittee, thank you for your time, and I am——

[The prepared statement of Mr. Campbell follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. No. Thank you very much for your solid recommendations. Thank you for the good work that Cardinal McCarrick and 

so many others have done. His most recent visit I think was galvanizing and underscored the point you made so strongly, and that 

is that this is not about leaders of religious faiths conducting either 

a jihad or any kind of a religious war, but people are exploiting extremism in order to kill and to rape and to maim. So thank you 

for bringing that strongly forward. 

I would like to now recognize Ms. Rose. 

STATEMENT OF MS. MADELINE ROSE, POLICY & ADVOCACY 

ADVISOR, MERCY CORPS 

Ms. ROSE. Thank you, Chairman. And I would like to submit my 

full written testimony for the record. 

Mr. SMITH. Without objection, so ordered. 

Ms. ROSE. Thank you. Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, 

and members of the subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to 

testify on behalf of Mercy Corps today, and for your leadership in 

mobilizing what has become a robust and generous U.S. Government response to the crisis in the Central African Republic. 

My name is Madeline Rose, and I am a policy advisor for Mercy 

Corps, a global humanitarian agency working in over 40 crisis-affected countries in the world. Mercy Corps has worked in CAR 

since 2007, managing programs ranging from emergency response 

and conflict mitigation to youth empowerment and economic development. 

If there is one message that I hope you take from this testimony, 

it is that right now is the moment to secure long-term support for 

CAR’s recovery. The window for influence is closing, and we have 

to make smart investments now. 

In March, I traveled to Bouar to visit Mercy Corps’ conflict mitigation and protection programs. The most heartbreaking meeting 

of my trip was the one I expected to be easiest. I met a judge with 

whom we have worked on access to justice programs for survivors 

of gender-based violence. I asked what challenges he was facing 

and how the international community could be helpful. 

His response was simple. He asked for replacement pencils and 

papers, which had been looted during the crisis, so that he could 

get back to work processing rape cases. Pencils. Conflict waged all 

around us. Across the street I could see civilians preparing convoys 

to flee to Cameroon, yet his primary request was for a pencil to go 

back to work and restore a semblance of justice to his community. 

I told this story because it underscores the complexity of an overlooked element of the CAR crisis right now. We are dealing with 

a multi-faceted conflict and a humanitarian catastrophe in one of 

the poorest and most underdeveloped countries in the world. This 

means that every humanitarian activity will be more expensive, capacity-building will fundamentally take longer, and political and 

economic recovery will require long-term sustained engagement. 

Three weeks after this subcommittee’s November 19 hearing on 

the crisis, anti-balaka attacked CAR’s capital, Bangui, triggering a 

brutal cycle of retaliation killings between Christians and Muslims 

that continues to this day. As other witnesses have testified here 

43

today, the cycle of retaliatory violence has spiraled so far out of 

control that it has deteriorated into ethno-religious cleansing. 

Ever more alarmingly, Mercy Corps sees many of the same 

trends emerging in CAR today that we have seen before in the 

DRC, the Sudans, and other contexts that become entrenched in 

protracted violence. This includes criminality, banditry, sexual 

abuses, and other crimes being committed with impunity across the 

country, massive and protracted displacement and protection crises 

developing in ungoverned and difficult-to-access or militia-controlled territories, citizens growing impatient with the absence of 

services from the transitional government, losing faith in the prospects of legitimate civilian rule, armed actors actively targeting and 

recruiting disaffected youth, and, most alarmingly, popular support 

for de facto ethno-religious partition of the country that would divide the country between north and south along major natural resource belts. 

If we fail to address CAR’s crisis quickly and correctly, Mercy 

Corps is concerned that the situation could metastasize into a new 

decades-long conflict transcending the Sahel to South Sudan. While 

the current situation is horrific, it is not hopeless. There are promising examples of community-based protection and peacebuilding 

all across the country. Humanitarian development and 

peacebuilding organizations have the commitment and absorptive 

capacity to scale up operations if additional funding is made available. 

Mercy Corps currently sees five priorities, each of which must be 

met and addressed simultaneously. The first, as my colleague said, 

is to restore security and reinforce civilian protection. Mercy Corps 

concurs fully with the Catholic Relief Services’ request for full 

peacekeeping funding, and we would also like to add two quick additions. The first, that Congress consult regularly with the interagency to ensure maximum U.S. support to MISCA in the interim, 

and also to see what creative non-financial diplomatic tools we 

might be able to leverage that haven’t been pulled out of the toolbox just yet. 

And then, secondly, just to underscore my colleague’s comments 

about not rushing toward elections, we strongly oppose efforts to 

accelerate elections toward a February 2015 deadline if those processes would exacerbate the risk of violence against civilians or undermine the legitimate prospects for peace. 

Secondly, we ask for an increase in support for peacebuilding and 

reconciliation initiatives. The deployment of military and police 

alone will not ensure peace and security in CAR, as you well know. 

As CAR’s senior-most religious leaders stated on their visit to 

Washington, DC, we must disarm the hearts and minds of Central 

Africans. 

Third, we ask for you to fulfill urgent humanitarian needs. The 

degree of human suffering is staggering, as you well know, yet the 

2014 global humanitarian appeal is only 28 percent funded. The 

first priority for Congress should be protecting appropriations funding for the International Disaster Assistance and Migration and 

Refugee Assistance Accounts. 

Unfortunately, the administration’s FY2015 budget request to 

Congress cuts IDA by 28 percent and MRA by 33 percent. If enVerDate 0ct 09 2002 13:59 Sep 23, 2014 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00047 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\050114\87715 SHIRL
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acted, international responders will have a very difficult time addressing the humanitarian needs. 

Fourth, target interventions toward the protection and empowerment of women and girls. From January to March of this year, over 

90 percent of the rape cases we have seen in our centers have been 

gang rapes committed by armed actors. This is a very significant 

increase in rape cases that Mercy Corps has seen in the Central 

African Republic. In addition, women have been marginalized 

across all aspects of the response and risking marginalized and reconciliation and recovery processes as well. 

Fifth, secure commitments now for transition. To date, the U.S. 

has not committed funds or communicated its strategic intentions 

in CAR beyond December 2014. This sends mixed signals to Central Africans, partners, and the international community about 

U.S. intentions to engage in the medium to long term. Efforts to 

reopen the U.S. Embassy in Bangui should be prioritized and expedited, and Congress could also be very helpful in accelerating the 

engagement of international financial institutions in CAR. 

Twenty years after the Rwandan genocide and subsequent crisis 

in GRC, as you so eloquently stated in your opening remarks, Mr. 

Chairman, the U.S. has stated that the prevention of mass atrocities constitutes a core moral and national security priority. If the 

U.S. takes its commitments to preventing mass atrocities seriously, 

now is the moment to secure long-term support for CAR’s recovery. 

Atrocities prevention cannot be understood simply as mobilizing resources in the face of imminent or already-ongoing atrocities 

against civilians. It must be seen as investing in infrastructure to 

mitigate them long before they start. 

There is a long road ahead for recovery in CAR, but recovery is 

possible and critical. Thank you again for the opportunity to testify 

and for your continued support to the people of the Central African 

Republic. I look forward to any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Rose follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. Thank you very, very much for your testimony and 

your work. 

Mr. Agger. 

STATEMENT OF MR. KASPER AGGER, FIELD RESEARCHER, 

ENOUGH PROJECT 

Mr. AGGER. Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, members 

of the subcommittee, thank you very much for this opportunity to 

testify at this critical moment for the Central African Republic. 

I have been working as a field researcher with the Enough 

Project and traveled to the country over the past 2 years, last time 

in February, where I spent 3 weeks in the capital, Bangui, looking 

at the drivers of the violence, the armed actors, and the role of natural resources, and the prospects for sustainable peace. 

I interviewed Seleka fighters, anti-balaka fighters, members of 

the transitional government, aid workers, and local journalists. I 

also talked with the business sector, with diamond traders, and 

people with firsthand knowledge of ivory poaching in the country. 

I also went to the IDP camps and met many of the displaced people. 

The people I interviewed told me that what has been described 

as religious conflict goes much deeper. The crisis stems from a lack 

of leadership and exclusion of the people from the decisionmaking 

process. What unites groups of fighters is not so much religion but 

social, economic, and political grievances from decades of 

marginalization. Many combatants are motivated by the promises 

of economic gains rather than religion. 

Central African fighters and the allies are part of a broader regional and international conflict system in which outside countries 

and armed groups compete for state-controlled natural resources 

and a general influence for resources in Central Africa. I also 

learned from my interviews that diamonds and elephant ivory are 

funding the Seleka, the notorious Janjaweed militia from Sudan, 

including the anti-balaka, who have all controlled diamond-rich 

areas and sell diamonds and ivory to fund their activities. 

Natural resources have also attracted the Governments of Chad, 

Sudan, South Africa, China, and France. Interventions by these 

governments have influenced security dynamics in the country. The 

interest of Chad and Sudan especially has contributed to the conflict. Mercenary fighters from each of these countries were part of 

the Seleka movement and committed horrible atrocities and looted. 

The international community as a whole can take a few critical 

steps, but we must act as quickly as possible. First, deploy mediators to facilitate a bottom-up peace and reconciliation process. We 

must support efforts to rebuild the state institutions that have 

come to a virtual standstill. 

We must investigate illicit diamond and ivory trading in the region and cut off funding sources for the armed groups. We must 

hold accountable those who commit atrocities and engage in economic and criminal activity. Sustained U.S. diplomatic engagement 

in the region that recognizes and addresses the interest of the 

many actors who are involved, and that targets the illicit sources 

of financing for violent actors, can directly contribute to sustainable 

peace. 

53

If the U.S. Government pursues low-cost diplomatic initiatives 

now that boost international efforts, we could prevent mass atrocities in the long run. Americans have provided vital financial and 

diplomatic support for the international peacemaking efforts and to 

MISCA. The appointment of Ambassador Symington as U.S. Special Representative for CAR will add momentum to these efforts. 

As the U.S. charts the future of its critical engagement, I urge 

Congress and the administration to not only target the most acute, 

immediate needs in the country, but also to pursue sustained engagement that addresses the root causes of the conflict. Otherwise, 

I fear that we will not be able to bring a sustainable peace to the 

country, which has experienced more than five military coups since 

independence in 1960. 

First, the U.S. should continue to support MISCA and provide 

strong support for the U.N. peacekeeping mission. Further, it 

should encourage the U.N. to promote an inclusive bottom-up peace 

and reconciliation process in the country, the decentralized nature 

of the conflict, the profusion of different actors, and the lack of a 

central command for many of the armed groups all mean that the 

nation requires a bottom-up peace approach that addresses the 

armed groups through local negotiations and local dialogues and 

reconciliation processes. 

I would also like to reinforce that reconciliation should be broadbased and not only between religious groups. Many people take up 

arms in pursuit of economic interests, so we need to include civil 

society, women leaders, youth groups, a broad range of actors, in 

the reconciliation process. 

Second, the U.S. should work with international partners to cut 

off sources of financing to violent groups. The United States and 

China, as current chair of the Kimberley Process, should press for 

the Kimberley Process to lead review missions to the United Arab 

Emirates, Belgium, and India to investigate the smuggling of conflict diamonds from the country. These efforts could identify individuals and companies against whom the United States and the 

U.N. could issue target sanctions. 

Third, the U.S. should adopt a regional approach to diplomatic 

engagement. There is an urgent need to recognize the motivating 

interest of those who are drawn to the natural resources and exploit fragile state institutions in the search for profits. The tri-border region between the Central African Republic, Chad, and Sudan 

is a largely lawless area where rebel groups operate relatively freely. The U.S. should work with international partners to develop a 

common policy for the region. 

America must continue to lead with and alongside international 

partners to address violence in the country. The country’s most precious resources, its people, deserve nothing less. 

Thank you very much. I will be happy to take any questions you 

might have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Agger follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. Thank you so very much as well for your testimony 

and recommendations. 

Ambassador Sanders. 

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ROBIN RENEE SANDERS, 

CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, FEEEDS ADVOCACY INITIATIVE 

Ambassador SANDERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking 

Member, and members of the subcommittee. I want to thank you 

for including me in this panel to talk about this very difficult situation. 

What my group does is work with diaspora groups around the 

country, particularly on strategic recommendations, on conflict 

issues and economic development. I have lived in and worked on 

Central African regional issues, both when I was Director for Africa 

at the National Security Council and also when I was U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Congo. 

The latter time was when former CAR President Bozize first 

came to power. This was also a time of great conflict and human 

suffering in CAR. The question the subcommittee is seeking views 

on today, however, is whether or not the Central African Republic 

is already in the throes of a pre-genocide atmosphere or already 

embroiled in genocide. So my remarks will address this and other 

elements that might be important to consider as we work toward 

helping CAR as the international community and try to stem the 

tide of violence that we see today. 

I first want to say something that is very similar to what my colleagues on the panel have said about the sheer devastation of the 

humanitarian crisis. I have been up on the border area many times 

between Central African Republic and Republic of Congo in my 

years in the past, and, in fact, there remains refugees there from 

earlier CAR conflicts. 

For more than a decade, military instability and an insecure environment have really been the focus of the CAR environment. It 

has caused internal issues which have never really been fully resolved. Social issues, political issues, and ethnic issues keep the 

country environment unstable and the people of the CAR at the 

mercy of the next wave of violence. 

And this has allowed for the rise of what we see today. Because 

of the continued instability and not being on the radar screen of 

the international community for more than a decade until the rise 

of the Seleka in December 2012, the events since then have set in 

motion two things—revenge killing by the anti-balaka Christian 

groups, which has now spawned into sectarian violence. 

In addition, over the last several days, we are hearing 

unconfirmed reports of what I would call reverse revenge killing, 

reportedly from armed Muslim militia of former Seleka running 

raids from Muslim enclaves in the north into nearby towns, such 

as attacking 2 days ago a hospital and killing Christians as well 

as workers with Me ́decins Sans Frontieres near the border with 

Chad. 

These enclaves only exist because Muslims have been forced to 

run from sectarian violence directed at them by the anti-balaka 

groups as well as anti-balaka groups are also preventing those 

Christians who want to live in peace with their Muslim neighbors 

60

from doing so. Therefore, we have, as you know, the following—revenge killing, which has now turned into sectarian violence; a segregated country along Christian-Muslim lines; large numbers of 

displaced persons afraid and hungry; attacks on convoys evacuating people of either religious group; looming potential for famine 

and further spread of disease as neither planting or harvesting season has or will take place in the violent environment; and, most 

importantly, impunity. 

You have impunity from the former Seleka and others, including 

Djotodia and also former President Bozize. These are the elements 

that could possibly lead down the road to something we have not 

seen before—a two-way genocide as each group, Muslims and 

Christians, impose horrendous revenge and reverse revenge 

killings upon each other. 

If we allow this to happen, this would be a new challenge for the 

country and the international community on top of the already critical humanitarian crisis and thousands of internally displaced persons already on the umbrella of the airport as it is the only place 

that they feel remotely comfortable. 

Thus, what can be suggested as the way forward? I recognize 

that the administration is working full-time on the humanitarian 

crisis with internally displaced persons. And as you already are 

aware, there are many donors that have not stepped up to the 

plate to provide assistance, both humanitarian-wise as well as with 

peacekeepers. 

The 2,000 French troops and the 5,000 African Union troops of 

MISCA, as well as the 150 EU troops who have just arrived, should 

all be commended. But we also need to double down on ensuring 

that their troops are not seen to support one religious group over 

another. 

Having served in the U.S. Government for many years, I also 

recognize the timeline needed to get the full complement of the 

12,000-person U.N. peacekeeping mission in by September 2014, 

and that every effort is being made to advance this. But, Mr. 

Chairman, Ranking Member Bass, the reality may get ahead of 

their arrival, and we can see that now, particularly if what we are 

hearing about reverse revenge killing is really taking place with 

Muslim militia now coming back in and attacking other villages. 

Thus, as we balance this triplex of sectarian violence and revenge killings, IDP humanitarian crisis, and looming famine, we 

may need to jump now to concurrently working with the transitional government and others to set up what we are calling peace 

groups or peace commissions in rural areas, but particularly in the 

enclaves and in Bangui, because without a release valve for people 

to vent and articulate both their fear and hatred, their steep desire 

to have revenge killings for atrocities done to them or their families, and to address the overall environment of crimes against humanity, the impunity issue, we are likely at the beginning of seeing 

the current de facto segregation of CAR moving into something 

worse, such as a two-way genocide, the likes of what we have not 

seen before. 

The potential is there, Mr. Chairman. We can’t move to helping 

people rebuild their lives, restart economic activity, without addressing these issues. In general, peace or reconciliation commisVerDate 0ct 09 2002 13:59 Sep 23, 2014 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00064 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\050114\87715 SHIRL
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sions, such as we have seen in Sierra Leone, South Africa, and 

even the communal ones that we have seen in Rwanda, generally 

have begun after peace or at least fragile stability has been restored. 

But what we are suggesting here is that these things happen 

concurrently now, because you have to have a way for a release 

valve to happen concurrently else you are not going to be able to 

get to the level of stability that they are trying to seek. 

I am not sure we can wait for that phase. As I said, the triplex 

of issues we see today may prohibit reaching an end to violence 

and atrocities unless some release valve is actually established. 

Looking at traditional methods like in Rwanda, what are the traditional methods in CAR to address conflict? I think we need to bring 

those to the fore, and a lot of the diaspora groups that are here 

today really have that information for you and have those good 

ideas. 

And I wanted to add something else, and I know this is not directly related to the question of the subcommittee, but I think it 

is very much an attendant issue. And I would be remiss if I didn’t 

mention this issue after having served as the U.S. Ambassador also 

in Nigeria, with the resurgence of Boko Haram that has happened 

there. 

Events like we see in CAR, although we might not think that it 

could get worse, it can. They can spiral even more out of control 

so quickly and so fast. I think we need to be mindful that there 

is the potential for untoward groups to come into CAR and take advantage of the unstable environment, and the segregated environment in particular of both Muslims and Christians, not only fueling 

more hatred and violence but also bringing with them more violent 

methods, such as terrorist tactics that we haven’t yet seen there 

that could potentially come in. 

I am specifically thinking about fundamentalist groups who could 

come in to provide al-Qaeda-inspired tactics, training in these enclaves because you have segregated societies there. 

I think it is important that we pay attention to this, and I want 

to ensure that my advocacy group, working with other diaspora 

groups, are really worried about this issue and wanted to bring it 

to your attention today. 

I want to thank the subcommittee again for allowing me to share 

these views, and I am happy to address your questions. I would 

also like to submit my revised remarks, with your permission, to 

the committee. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Sanders follows:]

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Mr. SMITH. Without objection, Ambassador Sanders, yours and 

all of the other full statements will be made a part of the record. 

Thank you for your testimony. 

Ms. Bass has another appointment pressing, so I yield to Ms. 

Bass. 

Ms. BASS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I appreciate your flexibility. 

And I want to thank all of the panelists, and I appreciate your contributions. 

I did want to ask before I have to leave, Ambassador Sanders, 

if you could just expand a little more. For example, you were talking about the reconciliation process beginning now. And you mentioned, you know, several different countries. You also mentioned 

looking at the traditional processes that happen. 

So are you suggesting now that reach-out begin to the various 

countries—South Africa, Rwanda, Sierra Leone—and that teams 

are put together to come into the country now? And do you know 

if the AU or anybody else is attempting to do that? 

Ambassador SANDERS. As far as I know right now, Congresswoman Bass, no one is attempting to do that. I know these are 

ideas that have germinated within the diaspora community. I did 

hear our colleague from CRS mention the workshops. But what we 

are talking about is something a little bit different than that because really going into the enclaves and having discussions now in 

these segregated communities. 

And I think it is important that we look at traditional ways of 

arbitration similar to what Rwanda did. So we need to find out 

what those traditional ways of arbitrations have been in the CAR 

context with their respective ethnic groups, because sometimes 

those ways of arbitration are quite different from ethnic group to 

ethnic group. 

And we need to start working with those groups in-country as 

well as look at outside examples and bring those in. I heard Rwanda mentioned earlier, but there are other examples out there too. 

And I think Sierra Leone I think is a really good example that is 

even similar to the situation in CAR, given the extent of the atrocities both in Rwanda and in Sierra Leone. I think those are two 

good examples. 

Ms. BASS. Well, I know that you are going to be leaving soon. 

But when you come back, I would like to continue conversations 

about this and maybe look as to how we make that concrete. So 

thank everyone very much for your testimony. 

Ambassador SANDERS. Thank you, Congresswoman Bass. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Ms. Bass. 

Just a few questions. And, again, I thank you for your patience 

with all of the interruptions with voting. 

You know, I am concerned that there seems to be—maybe we 

have it now, but there has been a lack of urgency. I mean, last July 

many of us were raising these issues in earnest. I know that 

Bishop Nongo, when he came and testified, he was fresh from coming from the United Nations at which he tried, in talking to permanent representatives there, especially Security Council members, 

he had a sense of urgency that not only were the killing fields horrific then, that they could quickly become, you know, another 

Rwanda. And he made that point very clear, as he testified here. 

66

And yet the U.N. punted for weeks, now months, and now they 

seem to be standing up a force. I did ask Ambassador Jackson earlier about, you know, when the deployment actually occurs and we 

are still months away from that even though there is some augmentation going on of certain troops. 

And then we are still not sure, because I did ask him and I 

would appreciate any thoughts you have on this, about the configuration of the force, especially if it is right-sized and not being driven by how much money potentially will be in the kitty to fund it, 

but what is necessary to do the job and to do it as effectively as 

possible. 

I mean, were the Pentagon and others involved in this? Because 

it would seem to me that, you know, we do have planners who 

know what it takes. And very often—and we have seen this over 

and over again all over the world, despite the—you know, the goodwill of the blue helmets, but if they don’t have the right mandate, 

and if they don’t have enough people, it doesn’t happen. 

And I mentioned earlier about Srebrenica, you know, the safe 

haven cities and a force that had horrible, and I mean horrible, 

rules of engagement. Just parenthetically, I had the translator who 

met with the Dutch peacekeepers in Mladic testify here soon after 

all of the Muslim men were slaughtered in Srebrenica, and he said 

he couldn’t believe it. The peacekeepers were handing over the men 

to slaughter, and we have seen that replicated, in whole or in part, 

all over the world. 

So my point would be, are we moving with the urgency, with sufficient resources? You, Ms. Rose, point out in your testimony, your 

first two points—and all of you have said this—the importance of 

a robust force security and all the rest, but then you even talk 

about the humanitarian part. The 2014 global humanitarian appeal 

is only 28 percent funded, three-quarters not funded. 

You point out that the first priority for Congress, and I thank 

you for underscoring that to Members of Congress, to be protecting 

appropriations funding for the international disaster assistance 

and migration and refugee assistance accounts to ensure humanitarian needs can be met throughout 2014 and into 2015. 

Then, you point out ominously and disappointingly that the administration’s 2015 budget request to Congress cuts the international disaster assistance funds for displaced persons by 28 percent from 2014 levels, and the MRA account by 33 percent. You 

also, as has been said throughout this hearing, other donors, other 

countries, need to be stepping up to the plate as well and meeting 

their obligations. 

And, Madam Ambassador, you might want to speak to this, too, 

because you were on the inside for so long. How do we get the administration itself, and then, by extension, Congress, to realize that 

this crisis is being underfunded? And we do take our cues from the 

administration. I have been in Congress 34 years. When an administration lays out a number that they think is the requisite amount 

for disaster assistance, for example, it does become a very important number that is taken seriously. It is not something we just 

throw over the side, and to up it takes a lot of data and information that you in the NGO community especially, and as experts, 

can help us. 

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So I think your admonishment to us to meet this unmet need, 

particularly in the budget that has been proffered by the administration, is a very serious shortfall on the part of the administration. 

So you might want to speak to that as well. 

And, finally, I just want to ask—I do have a lot of questions, but 

if you would touch on those. The work of Catherine Samba-Panza, 

you know, the sense from the testimony is that there was a heightened sense of expectation and hopefulness that may have been diminished over the last several weeks. Is that true? Does she have 

the kind of backstopping that she needs by the international community as head of state? 

And, finally, when it comes to children’s issues, what are the 

kids doing? I mean, I appreciate, Mr. Campbell, you talked about 

that one individual who decided not to go the route of the gun simply because you in your workshops had inspired him to see another 

route to take. But, you know, there are a lot of young youth, young 

people I should say, and especially the most vulnerable, the underfive part of the population and vulnerable women who are not getting the kind of help that they need, particularly in this crisis situation, maternal mortality, child mortality—you mentioned, Ambassador, about, you know, famine and further spread of disease—you 

know, the stalking of a whole slew of diseases that could break out, 

if they haven’t already, if you could speak to that as well because 

these are all issues that it helps us to know with as many specifics 

as possible, so that we can respond accordingly, particularly with 

the resources. 

Madam Ambassador, I understand you will have to leave shortly, 

so if you wouldn’t mind going first. 

And I would ask my friend and colleague, Mr. Meadows, if he 

might have a question for the Ambassador as well, so that he can 

get his question in to you before you have to make your departure. 

Ambassador SANDERS. Okay. Let me take the right-sizing issue 

first, because I think that’s a really extremely important one. And 

we should have learned lessons I think from Rwanda, which should 

be applied here. I think that you are absolutely right that U.S. 

planners should be involved in this, and they can be working with 

the U.N. Department of Peacekeeping Operations to really make 

sure we have got it right this time in terms of the—not only the 

force size but the elements of the force, so that you are really not 

only addressing the peacekeeping mechanism but maybe in addition to the policing mechanism as well, because you have got to 

have the space for security, but you also have to have the policing, 

so that you can maintain or keep the security that you have 

gained, because every time the peacekeepers move to a different location, then you have a fallback of that previously protected area 

that is no longer protected. 

So I think we should have learned lessons from Rwanda in terms 

of better managing the numbers and making sure we have the 

right-sizing done. And I think more dialogue with our planners and 

the Department of Peacekeeping Operations at the U.N., I think 

really needs to be done, so we can get those numbers right this 

time, and get the mix right, because we may need more police than 

we need peacekeepers or the various combinations. But definitely 

you need both types of forces on the ground. 

68

In terms of the interim President, first of all, let me take my hat 

off to her because she is definitely trying to manage a very, very 

difficult situation, and I think she needs all of the support the 

international community can provide to her. But I would add that 

some of the examples that have been provided by my colleagues 

here, including the idea of possibly having these peace groups or 

peace commissions begin, I think we really need to start working 

with her and the transitional government in order to make that 

happen, because they have to have buy-in, too. 

We can’t—we are not able to do these things without the buyin of the transitional government as well. So we have to get her 

buy-in on some of these ideas that have been presented to the subcommittee, so that we are working in lockstep and not in counterstep with each other. 

In terms of the famine and disease, you heard earlier about 

World Food Programme’s stats on what they have in terms of what 

they are able to provide to the IDPs. But you are also missing the 

other point in terms of normally you have a planting and a harvest 

season. That hasn’t taken place because of the violence. So the normal foodstocks that are there are also diminished. So in addition 

to having a reduced amount of relief food, you also have a reduced 

amount of the normal stocks that are in CAR. 

So I am worried about the potential for famine for both reasons, 

and I think that this is something that our administration needs 

to look at down the line maybe 3 or 4 months, because we could 

be having this same conversation in August and September, quite 

differently as we are facing famine on top of an already bad situation. 

Mr. SMITH. The cut that has been proposed, would that be devastating, that Ms. Rose mentioned in her testimony, the cut to the 

international disaster relief account? It is a huge cut. 

Ambassador SANDERS. She is absolutely right. That is going to 

impact everybody’s ability to do their job, particularly on the humanitarian side. So we can’t diminish any of these things. I mentioned earlier that we had a triplex of issues that we haven’t had 

before, and all of these are converging and that is a big one. And 

it would also help address the famine—the potential famine issue 

down the line as well. 

Ms. ROSE. Thank you, Chairman. I will just go down the line, if 

that’s okay, with some of the questions. 

Mr. SMITH. Please. 

Ms. ROSE. So in the MINUSCA mandate, I think from Mercy 

Corps’ perspective we don’t have a position on the numbers, but we 

are happy with the mandate. We think it has a very strong, well 

thought out mandate that is intentionally chronologically strategic 

about what it is supposed to achieve. So it starts with a clear intent to protect civilians and then transitions into the state-building 

and institution-building down the line, which we think is smart 

and isn’t always laid out. 

We are also really happy with language that requires MINUSCA 

to work with humanitarian and human rights partners in devising 

a comprehensive protection strategy from the get-go as it scales up, 

which is kind of new and innovative language, and we think really 

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sources to do an entire risk assessment of protection concerns 

throughout the country, and then plan a strategic response, which 

is really good. 

I think what is kind of below that, which is more important, is 

that, you know, we have to support MISCA, which we have all stated and you well know. But it kind of answers the first question 

about MINUSCA, because the fluidity of the crisis in CAR is so 

constant. It changes every day. There are new threats emerging in 

different parts of the country, and so the focus should really be on 

reinforcing MISCA, which we have some recommendations for that 

I think I said in my testimony. But I think that’s the priority. 

Third, on the funding question and how disastrous it would be, 

I think it would be really great for, you know, the administration 

to feel some pressure from Congress and for Congress to request 

a conversation or a briefing from the administration their rationale 

behind those cuts and how they think we are going to respond not 

just in CAR but in South Sudan and Syria where these displacement and protracted situations are not getting better. I think that 

would be a good initiative. 

But I also want to underscore that the fact that we have to keep 

fighting for crisis response underscores the fact that we aren’t investing enough in prevention. These crises are expensive. They get 

more and more expensive the longer that they unravel, yet in our 

foreign assistance budget we have very few mechanisms available 

for proactive prevention. 

The Complex Crisis Fund is one—the USAID Complex Crisis 

Fund is one of the newest tools that was developed in 2010. It is 

funding Catholic Relief Services, Search for Common Ground, and 

Mercy Corps—they were able to respond very quickly. They turned 

around a proposal in, you know, a matter of weeks. That is a great 

tool that we really think should be scaled up to at least $100 million, and beyond just the CCF and rapid response structures, but 

really finding—looking at our foreign assistance priorities and platforms and how we can carve out more proactive prevention. 

On your question of Samba-Panza and the transitional government, from my perceptions on the ground and from our staff’s perceptions, there still is faith and optimism in the transitional government, but it is waning as we mentioned. And what we really 

prioritize is that the transitional government has a support package to pay civil salaries and to restore basic state functions, so that 

they can begin to provide services. 

We are happy with The World Bank’s announcement earlier this 

week, which will be an initial salary payment, but it is very small. 

We also think the IMF really needs to get involved, and we recently heard that they plan to send their assessment team in July, 

which we think is not fast enough. And if Congress could help accelerate that process for their scale-up grant, it would be really 

great. 

Fifth, on the question of vulnerable populations and the displacement crisis, there have been a lot of comparisons of CAR to Rwanda. But what I was trying to sort of portray in my testimony, and 

what we are really seeing is that it is actually we think unfolding 

into something more like a DRC, where there is a massive protracted displacement crisis. And if the international community is 

70

distracted and only responds to the immediate needs without 

thinking of the underlying root causes that caused the conflict in 

the first place, that we are going to end up having to spend billions 

of dollars for 20 years and still have a crisis. 

And that is why we are encouraging long-term investments in 

state-building and institution-building and political reconciliation, 

so that we don’t see CAR fall into a similar crisis down the line. 

And just quickly on reconciliation, which Ms. Bass asked about, 

there are some local initiatives going on already on reconciliation. 

But a lot of the local structures have been completely destroyed, so 

there is really a need to invest and scale those up, but there are 

local capacities that can begin. 

There is also high-level engagement on political reconciliation, so 

the U.N. Mediation Support Unit has been working on a reconciliation plan. MINUSCA Political Affairs, their primary task over the 

next 3 months is to find all the different influencers and the power 

players and to start to rebuild that strategy and so I think the big 

key for Congress is to stay engaged with that process and see 

where there are gaps and where there is need for support, and to 

ensure that that reconciliation process is coordinated, so that the 

local efforts and the high-level efforts are coordinated and go in 

parallel to make sure that you don’t loose the connection between 

the grassroots and the elites in society, which for so long hasn’t 

been there and that is a big undercurrent of the crisis. 

Mr. AGGER. Yes. Thank you so much once again. I would say that 

the important point I think here, it is not just a matter of how 

many troops we get. And for me personally, I am not a military 

planner, so I can’t talk much about that. But I think what all of 

us have said here on the panel is that the political process has 

stalled, and the transitional government, there is still hope, yes, 

but her ability to deliver is very limited, because she has no army, 

she has no police. There are no judges. She does not have a state 

budget at the moment. 

So her ability to respond to international and to local expectations is extremely limited. So I think that is where the international community needs to come in and provide her some tools 

to help her. You can provide her with finance. You can provide her 

with advisors and support to bring out the political mandate. 

And then I think, secondly, the reconciliation process, as everybody has talked about, needs to start now from the bottom up at 

the grassroots level, because you have all of these different armed 

groups that are operating without any central command in different parts of the country. So you can’t just call the usual suspects 

of the key leaders of Seleka and anti-balaka who sit in the capital, 

Bangui, and try to have a roundtable and solve it that way. 

You need to create a team of negotiators or advisors that can actually travel around the country and start to distill what the local 

issues are and start to broker some local understandings, because 

I agree very much with my colleague here that once the dialogue 

starts—and I think that is what you also heard from the representatives who were here from the religious community last year—that 

it is possible to reconcile people, but it is not happening at the moment. 

Thank you. 

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Mr. CAMPBELL. I would agree that the new interim President and 

the government is not given the support it needs to really make an 

impact. They are losing credibility every minute of the day. In fact, 

Bishop Nestor, when he was in Bangui, I went to the mass where 

the President had attended as well, and he was very clear. 

The police and the army of the country itself has no arms. They 

are not part of this process, and he had made the point that that 

had been the case in Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, and other places 

as well. So the population that is supposed to be part of rebuilding 

the government and the society are not even involved in the process. 

With regard to support, I think I see it in three different ways, 

and it is support, which has been slow to the humanitarian situation, the security, and, again, as I said, the interim government. 

They cannot move forward, and they lose that credibility with the 

population and undermine the very governance that got us into 

this problem over the past several decades. 

Regarding the workshops and reconciliation, in fact, we do work 

in those enclaves, and that needs to be expanded and, I agree with 

my colleagues, coordinated. But it has to involve the people of the 

country itself and cascade down throughout the communities. It is 

not something that can be helicoptered in, but our work is very 

much with those faith leaders, but also community leaders, parliamentarians, they have to take hold of the process of reconciliation 

and the social fabric. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Mr. Meadows. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and for continuing to 

bring this issue to the center and forefront of not only our minds 

but to many of our colleagues. Sadly, for many of the people we 

represent, if you were to ask them to find the CAR on a map, they 

could not do it. And yet the atrocities that are happening daily are 

things that they would find appalling. 

And so your testimony here today is critical because it sheds 

some light on it. My concern is is at times we take this—and many 

of you live and breathe this every single day, so you know the subtleties of it, you know what works, what doesn’t work. And yet 

when you come to testify, you paint a very broad-brush picture of 

what you would like to see the CAR look like maybe 10, 20 years 

from now, knowing full well that it only will happen in very small 

incremental stages. But we have, from what I am hearing, we have 

a critical timeline that must be addressed both financially and with 

other resources immediately. Is that correct? So all of you are nodding yes. 

So your testimony—so let me go further. I assumed that that 

would be a yes from all four of you. So let me go further, because 

I am putting this in several different buckets. One is humanitarian. One is peacekeeping. But the other is something that the 

Ambassador alluded to, and I guess, Mr. Campbell, you alluded to 

as well, is the policing side of that to even provide for a peaceful 

situation so that reconciliation, so that economic growth, a number 

of those things can take place. 

72

How do we best assist, recognizing the sovereign nation, you 

know, and the sovereignty of a foreign government, to come in 

where it is not the United States trying to put their particular 

stamp on a country and a culture that we really don’t want to 

Americanize. How do we get, one, that message across? And, two, 

how do we very quickly on the policing side of it assist? Because 

if you look to train police and military, that is a very long process. 

It does not happen in a month or two. 

So it almost requires intervention. What is the best solution to 

that? So that the peacekeeping can indeed do the peacekeeping, 

Madam Ambassador, as you mentioned, recognizing we have limited resources. But how do we best set the priority for what we do 

first to start this process? And, Madam Ambassador, I know you 

need to leave, so I will start with you. 

Ambassador SANDERS. Thank you so much. I think your points 

are extremely important. One of the things that I think that can 

be done on the U.N. side, because policing can be done with a U.N. 

mandate as well, if they include it in the mandate, and so your 

timeline about training, yes, that is down the line for people of 

CAR, but to bring in police as part of the U.N. mandate would not 

be unheard of. And you can do that to solidify whatever gains you 

do make in terms of security. So that is one way to at least start, 

by including bringing in police units as part of the U.N. peacekeeping effort. 

So you can build on the police that are there to at least establish 

or begin to establish security units that can go and travel and try 

to maintain the areas that have already been secured, or that need 

to be resecured and maintain those, and look at training the CAR 

police way down the line. 

Mr. MEADOWS. So is that something that the current government 

would welcome, or, I mean, what—politically, what would we have 

there? 

Ambassador SANDERS. I think that it is something that, given 

the fact that the transitional government needs a lot of support, I 

think it is something that they would welcome, because they understand the fact that without that kind of constant security that 

they are never going to be able to reach their goal or the goal of 

the international community to provide stability for CAR. 

So I do think it is something that they would consider positively, 

and I think it is something that we need to think about and actually encourage the U.N. to take a look at, including inviting police 

units as part of the U.N. force to be in CAR. 

One of the areas that you didn’t mention that I really think we 

haven’t spent enough time on is the impunity issue. And I say that 

because part of that reconciliation is for people to be able to see 

that the international community has taken the question of impunity very, very seriously, and that is with former Seleka leaders, 

that is with former President Bozize and others. And we haven’t 

really addressed that as the international community as of yet, and 

I——

Mr. MEADOWS. So with a marginal judicial system within the 

CAR, I mean, so how do you do that? I mean, how functionally do 

you have that impunity where it gets dealt with? 

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Ambassador SANDERS. Well, we do have the International Criminal Court. That is one of the reasons that the International Criminal Court is there when an internal system cannot deal with 

crimes against humanity itself. And so that is a mechanism, that 

is an area where we can at least begin that dialogue and have the 

ICC look at this question of impunity of some of the leaders that 

are out there, some of those that have caused the current violence, 

and some of them that are responsible for the underlying causes 

that are in CAR today. 

So I think it is something we can do. The International Criminal 

Court is there, and that is part of one of its mandates is to look 

at issues where the country itself cannot manage its own judicial 

system in a way that you can address the question of impunity. 

Mr. MEADOWS. So can you comment, if you would for me, on the 

Atrocities Prevention Board, how that has either played in, or 

doesn’t play in, or what role does it play in the CAR at this point. 

Can anybody comment on that? 

Ambassador SANDERS. There may be others that are best placed, 

but we heard earlier today that as far as the administration understood maybe there was one meeting, but there may be others on 

the panel that might be better placed to answer that than I am. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Ms. Rose, I see they are all looking at you. 

[Laughter.] 

Ms. ROSE. I am excited for this question. So from our perspective, 

so as an NGO community that has collectively worked on mass 

atrocities prevention advocacy, in our opinion, we do think that the 

Atrocities Prevention Board played a very important role. 

For the comments that the State Department didn’t know about 

the CAR crisis until November and December, I thought that was 

a problematic response and that there is some potential opportunity for Congress to push back and ask how that is possibly the 

case, given that the——

Mr. MEADOWS. Potential opportunity, right? 

Ms. ROSE [continuing]. That I would love for you to use. 

Mr. MEADOWS. I did of did ask, but I will ask——

Ms. ROSE. Right. But follow up and say, you know, if the coup 

happened in March, and we now have interagency structures to 

raise red flags up the ladder to the highest level, how is it possible 

that the State Department wasn’t looking at this intentionally in 

November and December? So I think that is a follow-up opportunity. 

But the Atrocities Prevention Board, from our perspective, did 

play an important role. They were convening behind-the-scenes 

meetings. The Conflict Stabilization Office, out of the State Department, was the key locus of sharing information across the interagency. In August, September, October, and November, they did 

convene meetings. They had open sessions with the NGO partners, 

so we could express what we were seeing. So that would not have 

happened with out the Atrocities Prevention Board and Presidential Study Directive 10. 

That said, clearly, we were too late. So our question that, again, 

we would love for Congress to ask is, what happened in March? 

And where does atrocities prevention sit on parallel with other national intelligence priorities? 

74

Mr. MEADOWS. Right. 

Ms. ROSE. If CAR was, you know, geopolitically strategically irrelevant until mass atrocities were occurring, how are we better 

elevating that prioritization framework? And how can we get ahead 

of—how can we pay better attention to——

Mr. MEADOWS. So how do we put a better emphasis ahead of the 

curve instead of after the curve, is that correct? 

Ms. ROSE. Yes. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Okay. 

Ms. ROSE. In 2013, out of Presidential Study Directive 10, they 

were required to create a National Intelligence Estimate on mass 

atrocity threats everywhere in the world. It is not public obviously, 

but that, we understand, has been created. And so, you know, figuring out where CAR was on that list, how it moved, I think CAR 

would be a really great case study for Congress and the interagency to explore where the breakdowns are in that system. 

But we do think that there has been progress, and that because 

of the APB’s existence, because of Presidential Study Directive 10, 

because of the core U.S. commitment to preventing mass atrocities, 

the response was faster than it ever would have been. 

And quickly I would just add where we think there needs to be 

more progress moving forward, one would be unlocking the information-sharing problem and these blockages to investing and more 

flexible and long-term funding across the board, recognizing that 

you can’t solve CAR’s crises and challenges in 12 months. We need 

multi-year assistance programs that let practitioners and implementers really deal with the complexities of these problems. And 

then, third would be to codify our commitments in law to mass 

atrocities prevention. 

So under PSD–10, you know, that might not live beyond the 

Obama administration unless Congress codifies it into law, and 

that would be great. 

Mr. MEADOWS. All right. So let me kind of bring it down. If we 

were to only do two things in the next 90 days, what would it be? 

Two things. Now, I know that, you know, we need humanitarian 

and we need policing and all of that. But if we could only do two 

things and say that this is the most critical time because we are 

underfunded, we are understaffed, we are, you know, what would 

it be—I was at a dinner, and I can tell you that whether it is 

NGOs, the State Department, the U.N., a number of them, the 

focus for them was two places, South Sudan and the CAR. 

And that was the focus, and they were saying we have got to act, 

and we have got to act immediately. But for every day that we 

don’t act, there are lives that are being lost. And so how do we do 

this—if we were to say the next 90 days you could do anything that 

you wanted to do, what would it do in terms of, how would you 

prioritize our involvement there? Mr. Campbell, we will start with 

you. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Security would be first, because we need that operating environment. 

Mr. MEADOWS. And by ‘‘security,’’ do you mean policing or peacekeeping or——

Mr. CAMPBELL. If I can get away with it, I will take both. 

Mr. MEADOWS. But if you had just one, what would it be? 

75

Mr. CAMPBELL. The security, meaning not the police but—because the situation is so volatile that until that is stabilized, nothing else can move. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Okay. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. And then, secondly, the humanitarian response, 

because people are in such need, particularly food security over and 

above the—before you get to the immediate response. That has to 

come, but this is—because of how this has evolved, this is a longterm disaster, particularly with food security. As I said earlier, this 

is 2 years of consecutive problems with planting, and so forth. Even 

in the lean periods before the crisis, it was very difficult. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Sure. Okay. 

Ms. Rose? 

Ms. ROSE. I would concur that the first initiative would be to reinforce MISCA. They are specifically trying to find replacement 850 

peacekeepers for the Chadian force that left, but also just explore 

across the interagency if there are ways for the United States to 

increase assistance to MISCA in the immediate term. 

And then, number two would be to pass a bill authorizing multiyear assistance funding to CAR that transcends the regular appropriations calendar, so that not just financial assistance but it would 

be a 4- or 5-year strategic response bill that includes humanitarian 

development, diplomatic and political commitments to seeing CAR 

through its transition. 

Mr. MEADOWS. All right. What I would like is, if you would—and 

not for open testimony, but if you would submit what that budget 

would look like, what the parameters. I don’t need a Cadillac or a 

Rolls Royce version. I won’t mention another vehicle, but I need 

something less than that. [Laughter.] 

How about that? Okay? 

Ms. ROSE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Mr. Agger? 

Mr. AGGER. Yes. Thank you. I would agree that those are critical 

issues, but I would like to propose that we look—think a little bit 

outside the box and not just think about more troops and more police. I firmly believe that with local dialogues, a reconciliation approach, we will be able to contain the violence. It is another method to stop the violence that has not been tried in the country. And 

I firmly believe that it will make a huge difference on the ground 

once people start to talk together. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Okay. What would be their motivation to talk? 

Mr. AGGER. Their motivation is that nobody really has a good situation. People are displaced. People are being attacked daily. So 

my experience from talking to local people, people are seeking leadership and seeking guidance. They are seeking someone who will 

try to put order in place. And I believe that it is much more cost 

effective to start local dialogues than to keep pushing for additional 

peacekeeping forces. And, realistically speaking, I just don’t see 

where the finances and the troops going are to come from at this 

moment. 

Mr. MEADOWS. All right. Let me follow up, and then we will let 

you finish, because I know we are pressing on time limits for everybody. You mentioned diamonds and a few of the other things and 

outside influences. What component or what percentage of this is 

76

a terrorist, organized crime intervention within that in terms of 

diamonds and other natural resources? Whether it be Hezbollah or 

any of the others, what kind of presence would you see them having in the CAR? 

Mr. AGGER. It is not something we have seen to date. What we 

have seen is that particularly the Seleka alliance and key members 

used ivory poaching and control of diamond areas to finance the 

rebel group. And most of those commodities went through Sudan, 

because of the strong relations with the Sudanese Government and 

members of the Janjaweed militia. 

So I think that is where we would have to look, but I recognize 

these are more long-term issues that will not have an immediate 

effect. That is why I do not raise it as the most crucial point. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Okay. Madam Ambassador? 

Ambassador SANDERS. Thank you. I also have to echo police and 

peace and security as number one, and I think you can’t split the 

two. You need both police and security. But I am going to go back 

to the impunity issue, because I think it is double-sided. One, because it shows if you bring leadership to the justice system, then 

you have a better chance of reconciliation happening on the ground. 

If people see that the leaders of Seleka or former President 

Bozize and others that have looted and put the country in the situation that it is now are being brought to justice, I think that it better helps the reconciliation process on the ground. Again, I go 

back——

Mr. MEADOWS. So that becomes the motivation for them to talk, 

as Mr. Agger was talking about, if they can’t operate without impunity. 

Ambassador SANDERS. Right. Exactly. If you have the leadership 

that is operating with impunity, then, you know, what is the motivation, you are right, even if we have more peace groups. I think 

it encourages people when they see that the leadership is also 

brought to justice that they have a better chance of survival. And 

so I would encourage that we begin a dialogue with the ICC to look 

possibly at the CAR and bringing some of these leaders—leadership to justice. 

And, lastly, and it was touched on briefly, is the complicity issue 

by various elements throughout the region. I do think that that has 

historically been a problem with CAR. You do have, you know, various complicity support coming from different countries around 

CAR and what their role is, whether it is on the economic resource 

side or whether it is on the political influence side. 

Those two issues have existed for more than a decade in terms 

of outside complicity, helping to destabilize CAR, and that has not 

changed. So we need to bring our administration’s voice and the 

voice of Congress to some of those leaders around the region, and 

address some of the complicity issues that we all know are there. 

Mr. MEADOWS. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your patience. I yield 

back. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you very much. 

Just before we conclude, just a couple of final questions, especially as it relates to the ICC. Yesterday in this room the full Foreign Affairs Committee passed my resolution that I introduced way 

back in September and held a hearing on and did an op-ed for the 

77

Washington Post on the need for a Syrian war crimes tribunal that 

would be patterned after an ad hoc, similar to what we had in Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia. 

The ICC, as we all know, has had one conviction in over a decade. It has 18 investigations, all Africans, nobody else for some odd 

reason. And it seems to have all kinds of internal constraints. A 

lot of it has to do with the way it was configured, that makes it 

less flexible, doesn’t go after as many people, does not have a 

chilling effect. 

And one of the things that David Crane said when he testified, 

the chief prosecutor for Sierra Leone who sat right where you all 

sit just a few months ago, was that—you know, and he gave a 

number of scenarios of what that ad hoc tribunal would look like, 

but you have got to have the ability to go after both sides. You 

have to have the ability to go after more than one actor or, you 

know, one or two, which is what the ICC often does. And, again, 

only 18 indictments in over a dozen years is not a record that gives 

a lot of hope that they will have any consequence here. 

So my question would be, should we be looking at an ad hoc tribunal as it relates to the CAR? Similar to what we are trying to 

get off the ground for Syria. 

And, secondly, Ms. Rose, you mentioned and talked about targeted interventions toward protecting women. Several years ago, I 

don’t know if you know this, but I actually am the author of the 

Trafficking Victims Protection Act, our landmark law in combatting 

sex and labor trafficking. 

Well, Greg Simpkins, our staff director on the subcommittee, and 

I learned quite horrifyingly that peacekeepers in DR Congo were 

raping little girls. Here are the peacekeepers, with a duty to protect, with a mandate to protect, had not been properly vetted, and 

were actually raping little girls. 

So we held three hearings on it. The U.N. did issue a zero tolerance policy to its credit and did some good work, at least on paper, 

and some tried to do it for real. But we went there and visited not 

only the peacekeepers but also a place called HEAL Africa, where 

so many women who had been gang raped by armed individuals, 

as you pointed out in your testimony, were getting a faith-based 

approach that were helping them get their lives back, to deal with 

a trauma that is unthinkable and yet they were getting some real 

help. 

Juxtapose that, and to you, Ambassador Sanders, is it a problem 

in Nigeria. Is it a problem of trafficking in CAR? We haven’t heard 

much about that. Have peacekeepers been complicit in any way? 

Just the other day we heard of all of those young women, students, being trafficked by Boko Haram in Nigeria, and there have 

been marches in Abuja about it, because people are frustrated. And 

those young girls were sold into slavery, abducted and now sold 

into slavery by Boko Haram. 

And I am wondering if anything like that is happening in CAR. 

Have there been any reports of trafficking? And are we all making 

sure that those peacekeepers that are deployed and will be deployed are properly vetted so that they don’t become part of the 

problem rather than part of the solution? My final question. 

78

Ambassador SANDERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. On the question of whether it should be an ICC or an ad hoc tribunal, I think 

that the bigger, macro issue is the impunity. Whether it is a tribunal or whether we do a one-off at the ICC, I think it is the message that it sends and the vehicle that we choose I think—I think 

both vehicles will be useful because you do have the international 

aspect from the ICC. 

You are right on the number of convictions, but at least it brings 

an international zero-in on the impunity issue as well as you could 

probably do a war crimes tribunal as well. But I think it is the 

question of impunity. I haven’t heard specifically on trafficking, but 

let me just say that I would not be surprised if that is also an underlying issue that is going on. And if it hasn’t started, there is always the potential with instability like that for that to become another unfortunate weapon of war of trafficking young men and 

women in that circumstance. 

So I think that is another thing you are absolutely right to put 

on the table, and it is one thing that we have to watch. 

In fact, I am headed to Nigeria right now to go to Kano and 

Katsina, and so I don’t know if I will be allowed to—my flight 

leaves at 2:30. So if that is okay, thank you so much. 

Mr. AGGER. Yes. Thank you so much again. I will talk to the 

issue of the peacekeepers. There have been several incidents where 

Chadian peacekeepers have been involved in violent acts against civilians. The event we talked about earlier today where 30 civilians 

were killed, that was perpetrated by Chadian soldiers. Some of 

them were even special forces soldiers that were operating without 

any mandate inside the country, which is just horrible and needs 

much more international scrutiny to prevent these events in the future. 

And I would also just take this opportunity to say that I am publishing a report today about the drivers of the violence in the country where you can learn a lot more about our ideas. 

So thank you so much for this opportunity. 

Mr. SMITH. You know, I should note that we are deeply appreciative on the subcommittee that C–SPAN has given the American 

people the opportunity to hear about this tragedy from experts who 

are living it. If you could just say how one might get that report? 

Mr. AGGER. You will find it at theenoughproject.org. 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you. 

Ms. Rose. 

Ms. ROSE. Thank you. On the question of justice, I would have 

three points. So Mercy Corps, as an agency, I don’t have an opinion 

on whether the ICC is relevant to CAR, but I will just go straight 

past that part of the question if that is okay. 

I think there is three points to think about. One would be that 

we really need to be talking to Central Africans and ask them what 

they see as justice. That was one of the questions I asked the most 

when I saw—when I was on the ground. Is it community-based? Is 

it transitional? Is it statutory? What will make you feel safe? 

And there are some funds to do those types of surveys but not 

enough. We certainly need more, and we need to elevate their 

voices in the debate. You know, Mercy Corps, Search for Common 

Ground, CRS, we do have some structures where we are engaging 

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in those dialogues and putting together surveys, but it does take 

time. 

Secondly, just to highlight that I think in the immediate term 

and preventing violence, community-based conciliation is the best 

approach. So with our GBV centers, because the justice system has 

ground to a halt, we have adjusted our strategy to do communitybased healing and reconciliation, and we found that to have productive results. 

And then just, third, I would say going back to the point about 

the need for state-building and support to the state, police are 

there, police are in Bouar, they are in Bossangoa, they are in 

Bambari, there are still, you know, civil servants that want to 

serve but they haven’t been paid, so that is a peace of the justice 

puzzle. 

And then, on the issue of gender-based violence, I do not have 

information on trafficking or complicity of peacekeepers, but I am 

happy to ask my staff and get that to you. I think regardless of 

whether it has happened or not, a big priority for us is ensuring 

that the U.N. human rights due diligence policy, which vets peacekeepers, is put into place immediately, so that any new MISCA 

troops that come in and those that will be transitioned up from 

MISCA to MINUSCA are going through that vetting process now. 

So the sooner the better. 

And then, third, on the point of holistic services and whether we 

are adequately funding, Mercy Corps is funded from the Department of State, Women, Peace and Security Act/Africa Bureau for 

our GBV services, such as to highlight that something that started 

in Congress is now a funding structure and is working on the 

ground to really save lives. 

But we aren’t seeing in the international response specific 

carved-out funding for GBV right now. I would like to highlight 

that Secretary of State Kerry launched this past year, the Safe 

from the Start initiative that is supposed to prioritize emergency 

GBV response and emergency responses, so that grants would be 

made available. But I think CAR would be a good example to say 

that it is not coming to real life. We haven’t seen it yet. 

So thank you very much. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. As far as the peacekeeping and the MISCA 

forces, I mean, the configuration and makeup of—from countries 

that border CAR is certainly a huge complication, in particular 

Chadian forces in there at the time. 

With regard to the ICC and the ad hoc tribunals, I have nothing 

to share in that regard. 

And then, finally, for the trafficking in CAR by the peacekeepers, 

I can’t speculate. I have not heard of any reports myself. However, 

many of those countries that do border CAR have these kinds of 

problems, but I have to say that there have been no reports. 

Thank you. 

Mr. SMITH. You have all been extraordinarily insightful. Thank 

you for your commentary, your recommendations, as well as your 

relaying the facts on the ground as best you see them. 

I would like to thank my colleagues for this. 

Again, I want to thank C–SPAN for giving America the opportunity to hear what is going on. As Mr. Meadows said, some AmeriVerDate 0ct 09 2002 13:59 Sep 23, 2014 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00083 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6633 F:\WORK\_AGH\050114\87715 SHIRL
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cans might have a little trouble finding where CAR is on the map, 

but, frankly, they are our friends, our neighbors, our fellow human 

beings, and we need to love them, embrace them, and help them 

in every way possible. And so your recommendations will be very 

helpful, and thank you to them and for getting this message out 

to the rest of America. 

The hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 1:43 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] 

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