Responsible 

Fatherhood 

Spotlight 

March 2008 

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Immigrant Fathers 

In 2006, there were almost 36 million immigrants in the U.S., representing over 12 percent of the 

population.1

 Immigrant parents represent a diverse group from across the globe, and the population of 

immigrant fathers has varied characteristics. Immigrant fathers are less likely than native-born fathers to 

have a high school education—a factor associated with lower income— but immigrant fathers are also 

more likely to reside with their children-- due to marriage or cohabitation. 

Definition: Who is an immigrant father? 

The U.S. Census considers the term ‘foreign-born’ to refer to anyone who is not a U.S. citizen at birth, 

including: 

• naturalized U.S. citizens, 

• lawful permanent residents (i.e., immigrants or “green card” holders), 

• temporary migrants (e.g., foreign students), 

• humanitarian migrants (e.g., refugees), and 

• people illegally present in the United States.2

 

Although the term ‘immigrant’ is considered a distinct category, for the purposes of this brief immigrant 

and foreign-born are both used to include all the categories above. The term ‘immigrant father’ refers to 

any father in the population of study who was born outside the United States. 

Implications of Immigrant Fathers’ DiversityThe current large wave consists mostly of immigrants from Latin American and Asia, while earlier waves 

brought mostly Europeans. 3

 The result has been an increase in cultural diversity which introduces 

varying views of fatherhood and roles that challenge ideas of fatherhood; 4

 however, this is not to say that 

these views cannot change as immigrant fathers acculturate. 

Implications for Fathers. Immigration is commonly perceived as a source of stress due to changing 

cultural, social, and economic contexts.5

 Fathers who are new immigrants face a variety of inter-related 

stressors, including underemployment, unemployment, poverty, an inability to communicate in English, 

social isolation and loss of self-esteem.6

 

• Immigration sparks a process of major changes and adaptations in most domains of a parent’s 

life. The status of immigrant fathers in the household may be threatened by their children’s rapid 

integration and wives’ incorporation into the labor force.7

 Declines in self-esteem associated with 

unemployment, poverty, and loss of social status have been linked to higher rates of depression, 

isolation and marginalization, and increased alcohol intake.8

• Although their labor force participation is relatively high, foreign-born men are more likely than 

native-born men to be in agriculture, construction, manufacturing and service occupations.9

Immigrants compromise almost a quarter of all low-wage workers and almost half of all workers 

without high school degrees.10 Limited English proficiency, lack of educational attainment, and 

legal status constitute barriers to better opportunities for low-wage immigrant workers, many of 

whom are fathers.10
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Immigrant Fathers 

• Along with limited resources, immigrant fathers face additional barriers with regard to accessing 

services, reflecting language barriers, a lack of information about services and a fear of 

stigmatization or deportation.6

• The fatherhood role is recognized across all cultures. How that role is constructed however, 

varied across customs. It is not unusual for immigrants to the United States to bring their home 

country’s idea of fatherhood to the U.S. For example, some cultures may not limit father roles to 

the biological father but also share the father role with other men in the household, such as 

uncles and grandfathers.11

Implications for Involvement with Children. Children in immigrant families are the fastest growing 

component of the child population in the United States.12 

• Poverty rates are higher (and rising) among the children of immigrants, because of lower 

wages earned by their immigrant parents, and in some cases because the father is the sole 

working parent.12 Immigrant families’ lower incomes are associated with food insecurity, 

health problems, inadequate living conditions, and lack of health insurance coverage.13 Lowincome children in immigrant families are less likely to receive government aid such as food 

stamps or cash welfare because many low-wage immigrant parents are not citizens and are 

ineligible for federal assistance.13 1

• Children of immigrants face many risks associated with poor school performance including 

parents’ lack of formal education, their parents’ or their own limited English proficiency, and 

fewer parent-child interactions such as parents reading to their children or parent-child 

outings.13 Children of immigrants are also less likely to be enrolled in formal child care 

programs outside the home than are children of native-born parents. 

Overall Trends in Immigration 

Figure 1 and Table 1 show the foreign-born population between 1995 and 2006. There are slightly 

higher numbers of immigrant males than females living in the U.S. in 2000-2006. 

Figure 1. Numbers (in millions) of immigrants living in the United States by gender, 

1995-20061, 14, 15

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005

Source: Current Population Surveys, 1995-2006

Millions

Males Females

 

1

 Although non-U.S. citizen parents are ineligible for federal assistance, their children born in the U.S. are eligible. 

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Table 1. Number (in millions) of immigrants living in the United States by gender, 1995-20061, 14, 15

Year Males Females

1995 12.0 12.5

1996 12.0 12.5

1997 12.9 12.8

1998 13.1 13.2

1999 13.1 13.3

2000 15.1 14.8

2001 16.1 15.7

2002 16.4 16.1

2003 16.8 16.7

2004 17.2 17.0

2005 17.4 17.1

2006 18.0 17.5

Source: Current Population Surveys, 1995-2006 

Children of Immigrant Fathers: Differences by Subgroup 

The data in Table 2 are based on data from the March 2001, Current Population Survey. The data in 

Tables 3-8 are based on data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort (ECLS-B) 9-

month interview. The ECLS-B is a nationally representative sample of young children born in the United 

States in 2001. The information provided in the following tables are about the characteristics of young 

U.S.-born children with immigrant fathers.2

 The ECLS-B, 9 month interview estimated 21 percent of 

young children with a resident or non-resident immigrant father.

Differences by Age 

Table 2 shows that the age distribution of native-born males is slightly younger but generally similar to 

immigrant males in 2001. A slight majority (52%) of native-born males are aged 34 years or younger 

while only 46 percent of immigrant males are aged 34 years or younger. 

Table 2. Male age distribution by nativity, 2001 

Less than 20 20-24 25-34 35-44 45+

Foreign-Born Males 13% 10% 24% 22% 32%

Native-Born Males 32% 7% 13% 15% 33%

Age

Source: Current Population Survey, 2001 

Table 3 shows that the age distribution of immigrant fathers is slightly younger but generally similar to 

native-born fathers. The majority of young children with an immigrant biological father as well as young 

children with a native-born biological father have a father who is aged 34 years or younger, 72 percent 

and 75 percent respectively. 

 

2

 Some older children in immigrant families are foreign-born themselves, but over 90 percent of children under age 6 in immigrant 

families are born inside the United States (Capps et al. 2004). 
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Table 3. Father’s age distribution for U.S.-born infants by father’s nativity* 

Less than 20 20-24 25-34 35-44 45+

Children with

Foreign-Born Fathers 2% 16% 54% 26% 3%

Children with 

Native-Born Fathers 4% 18% 53% 23% 2%

Age

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data 

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological, resident and non-resident fathers. 

Differences by Socioeconomic Status 

Table 4 indicates that infants with immigrant fathers live in poorer households than infants with native 

fathers. A substantially larger percentage (65%) of young children with immigrant fathers live in 

households with incomes below $35,000 than children with native fathers (41%). 

Table 4. Fathers’ household income distribution for U.S.-born infants by father’s nativity* 

Less than 

10,000

10,001- 

20,000

20,001-

35,000

35,001-

50,000

50,001-

75,000

over 

75,000

Children with

Foreign-Born Fathers 9% 22% 34% 12% 9% 14%

Children with

Native-Born Fathers 8% 12% 21% 16% 18% 24%

Household Income

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data 

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological and non-biological, resident fathers. 

Differences by educational attainment 

Table 5 shows that immigrant fathers are about three times as likely as native-born fathers to lack a high 

school education. Almost half (47 percent) of infants with immigrant fathers had fathers without high 

school educations; for infants with native fathers this proportion was just 17 percent. 

Table 5. Father’s educational attainment distribution for U.S.-born infants by father’s nativity* 

Less than

high school

High 

school

Vocational/

Some 

college

College 

and more

Children with

Foreign-Born Fathers 47% 16% 17% 21%

Children with

Native-Born Fathers 17% 27% 29% 28%

Education

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological and non-biological, resident and nonresident fathers. 
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Differences by Residential status and Marital Status 

Table 6 shows that immigrant fathers are only about half as likely to be non-resident fathers as native 

fathers with infant children (6 versus 11 percent). Most of this difference is due to the fact that the 

proportion cohabitating for immigrant biological fathers is almost twice as high as that for native biological 

fathers (20 versus 13 percent, Table 7). The proportion married of immigrant and native biological 

fathers, however, are virtually the same. 

Table 6. Father’s residential status for infants by father's nativity* 

Resident Non-Resident

Both a Resident 

and a NonResident

Children with 

Foreign-Born Fathers 92% 6% 2%

Chidlren with

Native-Born Fathers 84% 11% 4%

Residential status

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological and non-biological, resident and nonresident fathers.

Table 7. Father’s marital and cohabitation status for infants by father’s nativity* 

Married Cohabitating

Neither 

Married or 

Cohabitating

Children with 

Foreign-Born Fathers 73% 20% 7%

Chidlren with

Native-Born Fathers 72% 13% 15%

Marital and Cohabitation Status

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological, resident and non-resident fathers.

Diversity of Immigrant Fathers’ Origins 

Immigrants to the United States have countries of origin that span the globe; but, in sheer numbers, 

immigrant fathers mostly come from Mexico and other Latin American countries. Table 8 shows that 

about half (49%) of infant children with immigrant fathers have fathers who come from Mexico. The rest 

of Latin America accounts for another 18 percent of foreign-born fathers, bringing the Latin American total 

to over two thirds. (The rest of Latin America includes Central America, South America and the 

Caribbean). Another 17 percent of children with immigrant fathers have Asian fathers, while the shares of 

fathers from Europe, Africa and the rest of the world are much smaller. 
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Table 8. Father’s region of origin for U.S.-born infants with immigrant fathers

Africa & 

West 

Indies

Europe, 

Canada, 

Australia Asia Mexico

Other 

Latin 

America

Children with

Foreign-Born Fathers 7% 8% 17% 49% 18%

Region of Origin

Source: Child Trends analyses of ECLS-B, 9-month data 

*Note: Analyses are based on a sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% 

of fathers did not report on their nativity. Fathers included in this table are limited to biological and non-biological, resident and nonresident fathers.

Differences in the measures discussed in this fact sheet across immigrant father origin subgroups are 

likely. More detailed analysis of the characteristics of immigrant fathers from different backgrounds is a 

topic for further research. 

Definitions of Measures 

The data in Figure 1 and Table 1 to 2 were gathered from tables published by the U.S. Census Bureau 

and based on the U.S. Current Population Surveys, 1995-2006. 

The data in Tables 3 to 8 included here show estimates of U.S.-born children with an immigrant father by 

father’s age, socioeconomic status, educational attainment, marital status, and residential status using 

ECLS-B, 9-month sample. (The actual range of children’s ages in this sample is from 6 to 22 months.) 

Estimates of children with an immigrant father by father’s region of origin were also obtained from these 

analyses. “Immigrant fathers” were defined as any father (resident or nonresident) reporting that he was 

born outside of the United States. (A small number of people born outside the United States to U.S. 

citizen parents are considered U.S.-born citizens under immigration laws, but their numbers are too small 

to affect the analyses described here.) Fathers’ ages were determined using child birth certificate data, 

and therefore only describe biological fathers. The household income reported here only includes income 

from household members—residential fathers, mothers and other earners (i.e., non-resident father 

contributions are not included). Education level is defined using both residential and nonresidential father 

reports of educational attainment. Marital status was determined using biological mother’s marital or 

cohabitation status to the biological father at the 9-month interview. Therefore, this marital and 

cohabitation variable describes only the biological father. 

Limitations and Data Issues 

The most accurate national birth data are available from the Natality data files from the National Center 

for Health Statistics (NCHS). Unfortunately, these data do not include information on father’s nativity. 

The data used to produce the tables in this report are from The Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth 

Cohort (ECLS-B) which contains information on resident and non-resident father’s nativity, but this 

information is limited to those fathers who report a country of origin. These analyses are based on a 

sample of 6,881 fathers who reported nativity out of a total sample of 6,988 fathers identified; 1.4% of 

fathers did not report on their nativity. 

Data Sources 

The data in Figure 1 and Table 1 to 2 were gathered from tables published by the U.S. Census Bureau 

and based on the U.S. Current Population Surveys, 1995-2006. Until 1994, when the Census Bureau 

added nativity and citizenship items to the Current Population Survey (CPS), the decennial census was 

the sole source of population data on immigrants.16

Tables 3-8 were produced by Child Trends using data from the first wave of the Early Childhood 

Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort (ECLS-B). The ECLS-B collected information on a nationally 
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representative of children born in 2001. The ECLS-B 9-month wave sampled 14,000 births and 

completed 10,688 interviews of parents with children whose ages ranged from 6 to 22 months.17 

Because the ECLS-B sampled a cohort of children born in the United States, all children in the data set 

are U.S.-born citizens, regardless of whether their fathers undocumented, legal immigrants, naturalized 

citizens or U.S.-born citizens. Foreign-born children (who make up less than 10 percent of children under 

age 6) are not included in the sample. 

References 

1

 Bureau, U.S.C. United States Foreign Born Population. 2007 March 1, 2007 [cited March 7, 2007]; Annual Data Tables:[Available 

from: http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/foreign/datatbls.html. 2

 Bureau, U.S.C. Immigration. 2007 February 8, 2007 [cited March 9, 2007]; Available from: 

http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/immigration.html. 3

 Martin, P. and E. Midgley, Immigration: Shaping and Reshaping America. 2006. 61(4): p. 3-28. 4

 Cabrera, N.J., et al., Fatherhood in the twenty-first century. Child Development, 2000. 71(1): p. 127-136. 5

 Roer-Strier, D., Reducing risk for children in changing cultural contexts: recommendations for intervention and training. 2001. 

25(2): p. 231-248. 6

 Shimoni, R., D. Este, and D.E. Clark, Paternal Engagement in Immigrant and Refugee Families. Journal of Comparative Family 

Studies, 2003. 34(4): p. 555-568. 7

 Sluzki, C.E., Disruption and reconstruction of networks following migration/relocation. Family Systems Medicine, 1992. 10(4): p. 

359-363. 

8 (Grinberg & Grinberg 1989; Gilan 1990; Robertson 1992; Skolnick & Skolnick 1992; Shimoni, Este, and Clark 2003) in Roer-Strier,

D., et al., Fatherhood and immigration: Challenging the deficit theory. Child & Family Social Work, 2005. 10(4): p. 315-329. 9

 Larsen, L.J., The Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2003. 2004, U.S. Census Bureau: Washington, DC. p. P20-551. 10 Capps, R., et al., A Profile of the Low-Wage Immigrant Workforce. November 2003, The Urban Institute, Immigration Studies 

Program: Washington, DC. 

11 Engle, P.L. and C. Breaux, Father's involvement with children: Perspectives from developing countries. . Social policy report, 

1998. Society for Research in Child Development: p. XII(1)2-21. 

12 Hernandez, D.J., Demographic Change and the Life Circumstances of Immigrant Families. The Future of Children, 2004. 14(2): p. 

17-47. 

13 Capps, R., et al., The Health and Well-Being of Young Children of Immigrants. 2004, The Urban Institute: Washington, DC. 14 Bureau, U.S.C. DataFerrett, Current Population Survey, March 2006. [cited March 15, 2007]. 15 Bureau, U.S.C. DataFerrett, Current Population Survey, March 2005. [cited March 15, 2007]. 16 Schmidley, A.D. and J.G. Robinson. How Well Does The Current Population Survey Measure The Foreign Born Population In The 

United States? Population Division Working Paper No. 22 April 1998 March 10, 2007 [cited 

 Available from: http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0022/twps0022.html. 17 Bethel, J., et al., Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort (ECLS–B), Sampling. Volume 2 of the ECLS-B Methodology 

Report for the 9-Month Data Collection, 2001–02 (NCES 2005–147). 2005, National Center for Eduction Statistics: U.S. Department 

of Education. Washington, DC.