S. HRG. 114–612 

NOMINATION HEARINGS 

OF THE 114TH CONGRESS 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION—MARCH 10 THROUGH DECEMBER 2, 2015 

SECOND SESSION—FEBRUARY 11 THROUGH SEPTEMBER 20, 2016 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 

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Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

NOMINATION HEARINGS OF THE 114TH CONGRESS 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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S. HRG. 114–612 

NOMINATION HEARINGS 

OF THE 114TH CONGRESS 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION—MARCH 10 THROUGH DECEMBER 2, 2015 

SECOND SESSION—FEBRUARY 11 THROUGH SEPTEMBER 20, 2016 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations 

( 

Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS

BOB CORKER, TENNESSEE, Chairman

JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho 

MARCO RUBIO, Florida 

RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin 

JEFF FLAKE, Arizona 

CORY GARDNER, Colorado 

DAVID PERDUE, Georgia 

JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia 

RAND PAUL, Kentucky 

JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming 

BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland 

BARBARA BOXER, California 

ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey 

JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire 

CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware 

TOM UDALL, New Mexico 

CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut 

TIM KAINE, Virginia 

EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts 

TODD WOMACK, Staff Director

CHRIS LYNCH, Democratic Staff Director

ROB STRAYER, Majority Chief Counsel

MARGARET TAYLOR, Minority Chief Counsel

JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk

(II)

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

C O N T E N T S 

[Any additional material relating to these nominees may be found 

at the end of the applicable day’s hearing.] 

114TH CONGRESS—FIRST SESSION

Tuesday, March 10, 2015 ..................................................................................... 1 

Stafford Fitzgerald Haney, of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Costa Rica ................................................................................................. 2 

Matthew T. McGuire, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be U.S. 

Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and 

Development .................................................................................................. 6 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 21 

Gentry O. Smith, of North Carolina, nominated to be Director of the 

Office of Foreign Missions ............................................................................ 8 

Charles C. Adams, Jr., of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Finland ................................................................................ 10 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 23 

Wednesday, March 25, 2015 ............................................................................... 25 

Paul A. Folmsbee, of Oklahoma, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Mali ............................................................................................ 27 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 47 

Mary Catherine Phee, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of South Sudan .............................................................................. 30 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 52 

Cassandra Q. Butts, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas ............................................. 33 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 57 

Katherine Simonds Dhanani, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Federal Republic of Somalia ............................................................. 36 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 60 

Tuesday, May 19, 2015 ......................................................................................... 69 

Miley Guilarte, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank ......... 71 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 106 

Jennifer Ann Haverkamp, of Indiana, nominated to be Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs ................................................................................................. 74 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 109 

Marcia Denise Occomy, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 

U.S. Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five 

years ............................................................................................................... 79 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 113 

III

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IV 

Tuesday, May 19, 2015—continued 

Sunil Sabharwal, of California, nominated to be U.S. Alternate Executive 

Director of the International Monetary Fund for a term of two years ..... 82 

Brian James Egan, of Maryland, nominated to be Legal Adviser of the 

Department of State ..................................................................................... 84 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 117 

Wednesday, May 20, 2015 .................................................................................... 125 

Gregory T. Delawie, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Kosov .......................................................................................... 126 

Ian C. Kelly, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador to Georgia ............... 131 

Nancy Bikoff Pettit, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Latvia ............................................................................................................. 133 

Azita Raji, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to the Kingdom 

of Sweden ....................................................................................................... 136 

Julieta Valls Noyes, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Croatia ....................................................................................... 139 

Wednesday, June 17, 2015 .................................................................................. 157 

Gayle Smith, of Ohio, nominated to be Administrator of the U.S. Agency 

for International Development ..................................................................... 158 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 185 

Tuesday, June 23, 2015 ........................................................................................ 231 

Glyn Townsend Davies, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 

Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand ................................................... 234 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 274 

William A. Heidt, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Kingdom of Cambodia .................................................................................. 237 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 275 

Jennifer Zimdahl Galt, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to Mongolia ................................................................................................................ 241 

David Hale, of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador to the Islamic 

Republic of Pakistan ..................................................................................... 255 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 276 

Alaina B. Teplitz of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador to the Federal 

Democratic Republic of Nepal ...................................................................... 258 

Sheila Gwaltney, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Kyrgyz Republic ............................................................................................ 261 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 280 

Atul Keshap, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Democratic 

Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and to the Republic of Maldives ............. 263 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 282 

Thursday, July 9, 2015 ........................................................................................ 287 

Hon. Michele Thoren Bond, of the District of Columbia, nominated to 

be an Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs) ............................... 290 

Dr. Sarah Mendelson, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be Representative of the U.S. on the Economic and Social Council of the 

U.N. and Alternate Representative of the U.S. to the General Assembly 

of the U.N. ..................................................................................................... 299 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 307 

Wednesday, July 15, 2015 ................................................................................... 311 

Hon. Roberta S. Jacobson, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the United Mexican States ...................................................................... 313 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 339 

Laura Farnsworth Dogu, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Nicaragua .................................................................................. 315 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 360 

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Wednesday, July 15, 2015—continued 

Perry L. Holloway, of South Carolina, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Cooperative Republic of Guyana ........................................................... 317 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 362 

Peter F. Mulrean, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Haiti ..................................................................................... 320 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 363 

Wednesday, July 22, 2015 ................................................................................... 367 

Hon. Paul Wayne Jones, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Poland .................................................................................. 371 

Hon. Hans G. Klemm, of Michigan, nominated to be Ambassador to 

Romania ......................................................................................................... 373 

Samuel D. Heins, of Minnesota, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Kingdom of Norway ...................................................................................... 376 

James Desmond Melville, Jr., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Estonia .................................................................. 379 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 403 

Kathleen Ann Doherty, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Cyprus ................................................................................. 382 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 404 

Thomas O. Melia, of Maryland, nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development ......................... 385 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 404 

Thursday, July 30, 2015 ...................................................................................... 415 

Lucy Tamlyn, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Benin .......................................................................................................... 417 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 439 

David R. Gilmour, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese 

Republic ......................................................................................................... 419 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 439 

Jeffrey J. Hawkins, Jr., of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Central African Republic ....................................................................... 422 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 440 

Daniel H. Rubinstein, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Tunisia ....................................................................................... 425 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 443 

Carolyn Patricia Alsup, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Gambia ................................................................................ 428 

Tuesday, August 4, 2015 ...................................................................................... 445 

Ann Calvaresi Barr, of Maryland, nominated to be Inspector General, 

U.S. Agency for International Development ............................................... 448 

David Malcolm Robinson, of Connecticut, nominated to be an Assistant 

Secretary of State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations) and Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization ................................................. 451 

Edwin Richard Nolan, Jr., of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Suriname .............................................................. 454 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 472 

John L. Estrada, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Trinidad and Tobago ................................................................................ 457 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 473 

Scott Allen, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. Director of the European 

Bank for Reconstruction and Development ................................................ 460 

Tuesday, September 22, 2015 ............................................................................. 475 

Susan Coppedge, of Georgia, nominated to be Director of the Office to 

Monitor and Combat Trafficking ................................................................. 479 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 492 

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VI 

Thursday, October 1, 2015 .................................................................................. 497 

Hon. Robert Porter Jackson, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Ghana .............................................................................. 499 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 523 

Hon. Harry K. Thomas, Jr., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Zimbabwe ........................................................................ 502 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 524 

Julie Furuta-Toy of Wyoming, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea ............................................................................... 505 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 525 

Dennis B. Hankins, of Minnesota, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Guinea ........................................................................................ 508 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 526 

Linda I. Etim, of Wisconsin, nominated to be an Assistant Administrator 

of the U.S. Agency for International Development .................................... 510 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 527 

Wednesday, October 28, 2015 ............................................................................ 557 

John Morton, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Executive Vice President of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation .............................. 558 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 582 

Kenneth Damian Ward, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. Representative 

to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons ................. 560 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 583 

Hon. Peter William Bodde, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Libya .......................................................................................................... 563 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 583 

Marc Jonathan Sievers, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Sultanate of Oman ................................................................................. 566 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 585 

Elisabeth I. Millard, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Tajikistan ................................................................................... 569 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 585 

Thursday, October 29, 2015 ................................................................................ 587 

Hon. Thomas A. Shannon, Jr., of Virginia, nominated to be an Under 

Secretary of State (Political Affairs) ............................................................ 589 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 629 

Laura S.H. Holgate, of Virginia, nominated to be the Representative 

of the U.S. to the International Atomic Energy Agency, and nominated 

to be Representative of the U.S. of America to the Vienna Office of 

the United Nations ....................................................................................... 609 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 644 

Tuesday, November 3, 2015 ................................................................................ 657 

The Hon. Deborah R. Malack of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Uganda ............................................................................ 659 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 677 

Lisa J. Peterson, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Swaziland .......................................................................................... 662 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 680 

H. Dean Pittman, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique ......................................................... 665 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 681 

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VII 

Tuesday, December 1, 2015 ................................................................................ 685 

Amos J. Hochstein, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be an 

Assistant Secretary of State (Energy Resources) ....................................... 687 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 726 

Catherine Ebert-Gray, of Virginia,to be Ambassador to the Independent 

State of Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and the Republic 

of Vanuatu ..................................................................................................... 691 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 736 

Hon. Scot Alan Marciel, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Union of Burma ...................................................................................... 693 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 737 

Linda Swartz Taglialatela, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Barbados, the Federation of St. Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda, the Commonwealth of Dominica, Grenada, and Saint 

Vincent and the Grenadines ........................................................................ 706 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 745 

John D. Feeley, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Panama ........................................................................... 709 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 749 

Jean Elizabeth Manes, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of El Salvador ................................................................................ 712 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 752 

Todd C. Chapman, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Ecuador ...................................................................................................... 715 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 756 

Wednesday, December 2, 2015 ........................................................................... 763 

David McKean, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Ambassador to Luxembourg ......................................................................................................... 765 

G. Kathleen Hill, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Malta ..................................................................................................... 768 

Eric Seth Rubin, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Bulgaria ..................................................................................... 771 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 797 

Kyle R. Scott, of Arizona, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Serbia ......................................................................................................... 774 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 798 

Carlos J. Torres, of Virginia, nominated to be Deputy Director of the 

Peace Corps ................................................................................................... 778 

114TH CONGRESS—SECOND SESSION

Thursday February 11, 2016 .............................................................................. 801 

Hon. Karen Brevard Stewart, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of the Marshall Islands ...................................................... 804 

Robert Annan Riley III, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Federated States of Micronesia ................................................................... 808 

Swati A. Dandekar, of Iowa, nominated to be U.S. Executive Director 

of the Asian Development Bank .................................................................. 812 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 829 

Matthew John Matthews, of Oregon, nominated to be United States 

Senior Official for the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation, APEC, 

Forum ............................................................................................................. 814 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 831 

Marcela Escobari, of Massachusetts, nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development 817 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 832 

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VIII 

Thursday, March 10, 2016 ................................................................................... 839 

Christine Ann Elder, of Kentucky, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Liberia ........................................................................................ 841 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 866 

R. David Harden, of Maryland, nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development ......... 844 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 871 

Elizabeth Holzhall Richard, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Lebanese Republic ............................................................................. 847 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 881 

Stephen Michael Schwartz, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Federal Republic of Somalia ............................................................. 850 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 888 

Kelly Keiderling-Franz, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Oriental Republic of Uruguay ...................................................................... 859 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 899 

Mark Sobel, of Virginia, nominated to be United States Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund for a Term of Two Years ........... 861 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 905 

Adam H. Sterling, nominated to be Ambassador to the Slovac Republic .... 861 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 913 

Wednesday, June 8, 2016 .................................................................................... 921 

Hon. Geeta Pasi, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Chad ........................................................................................... 923 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 935 

Hon. Mary Beth Leonard, of Massachusetts, nominated to be U.S. Representative to the African Union ................................................................. 925 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 939 

Anne S. Casper, of Nevada, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Burundi ...................................................................................................... 928 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 941 

Tuesday, June 21, 2016 ........................................................................................ 945 

Anne Hall, of Maine, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Lithuania ....................................................................................................... 946 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 986 

Hon. Marie L. Yovanovitch, of Connecticut, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Ukraine ...................................................................................................... 950 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 992 

Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Hellenic Republic of Greece ................................................................... 953 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 995 

Hon. Douglas Allan Silliman, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Iraq .................................................................................. 965 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1004 

Hon. Peter Michael McKinley, Virgina, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Federative Republic of Brazil ............................................................ 969 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1009 

Lawrence Robert Silverman, of Massachusetts nominated to be Ambassador to the State of Kuait ........................................................................... 971 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1019 

Carol Z. Perez, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Chile ........................................................................................................... 974 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1022 

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IX 

Wednesday, July 13, 2016 ................................................................................... 1029 

Hon. Sung Y. Kim, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Philippines .......................................................................... 1030 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1047 

Rena Bitter, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the Lao People’s 

Democratic Republic ..................................................................................... 1033 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1050 

Amala Shirin Lakhdhir, of Connecticut, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Malaysia .................................................................................................... 1036 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1052 

Tuesday, September 20, 2016 ............................................................................. 1059 

Hon. W. Stuart Symington, of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Federal Republic of Nigeria .............................................................. 1061 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1079 

Andrew Robert Young, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 

Burkina Faso ................................................................................................. 1064 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1086 

Joseph R. Donovan, Jr., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Indonesia ............................................................................. 1068 

Responses to Additional Questions for the Record ................................. 1089 

Index of nominees ................................................................................................ 1095 

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FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(1) 

NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, MARCH 10, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Stafford Fitzgerald Haney, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to 

Costa Rica 

Matthew T. McGuire, of the District of Columbia, to be U.S. Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and 

Development for a term of two years 

Gentry O. Smith, of North Carolina, to be Director of the Office of 

Foreign Missions, and to have the rank of Ambassador 

Charles C. Adams, Jr., of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Finland 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:31 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. David Perdue, presiding. 

Present: Senators Perdue, Gardner, and Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID PERDUE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA 

Senator PERDUE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Subcommittee on State Department Management will come to 

order. 

Thank you all for being here today to hear from the nominees to 

very important positions that will allow these Americans to proudly 

represent the United States abroad. We have nominees for Ambassador to two countries, Costa Rica and Finland, both of which we 

share strong diplomatic ties. Our nominee for U.S. Executive Director for the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 

and Director of Office of Foreign Missions, which remains very important as we seek to secure our diplomatic facilities abroad and 

the Americans working there. 

I understand most of you have already been through this process 

and are coming back for a second go-round. It is Cory’s and my 

first. So you will be patient with us today. Will you not? [Laughter.] 

However, I was not here last Congress. So I appreciate your forbearance today, and we will move right through this as expeditiously as we can. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

2 

With that, I would like to recognize Senator—I am sorry. We will 

move right through this since he is not here. 

Our first nominee—I am just going to highlight this just briefly 

and apologize for this, but I want to go through this. 

Our first nominee, Mr. Stafford Fitzgerald Haney, who is nominated to be Ambassador to Costa Rica. Mr. Haney currently serves 

as Director of Business Development and Client Services at Pzena 

Investment Management, has served in positions with Pepsico and 

Citibank in some major Latin American countries such as Brazil, 

Mexico, and Puerto Rico. He graduated from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service with a masters and bachelors degree. 

Our second nominee today is Mr. Matthew T. McGuire, who is 

nominated to be U.S. Executive Director of the International Bank 

for Reconstruction and Development for a term of 2 years. Mr. 

McGuire has held multiple positions in the Department of the 

Treasury and Commerce and prior to that, he had a very successful 

career in the finance industry. Mr. McGuire is a graduate of Brown 

University and has degrees from the University of London and 

Harvard. 

Our third nominee is Mr. Gentry O. Smith, who is nominated to 

be Director of the Office of Foreign Missions with the rank of Ambassador. Mr. Smith is a career Foreign Service officer who started 

with the State Department in 1987. He has served in many posts 

overseas, including Cairo, Tokyo, and Burma, as well as the Secretary of State’s protective detail. He also served as Deputy Assistant Secretary and Assistant Director for Countermeasures. Mr. 

Smith is a graduate of North Carolina State University. 

Our fourth nominee is Mr. Charles C. Adams, Jr., who is nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Finland. Mr. 

Adams is currently senior counsel at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & 

Feld, LLP. He has led a successful career, spending much of his 

time living in Geneva, Switzerland, as a managing partner for various law firms. He is a graduate of Dartmouth College and the University of Virginia School of law. 

Thank you all for being here today and sharing your thoughts 

and viewpoints with us today. 

We would remind you all that your full statements will be included in the record, as it was the last time you were here, without 

objection. So if you could please keep your remarks to no more than 

5 minutes or so, we appreciate that so members of the committee 

can engage with you on these matters. And we will move as expeditiously as we can. 

With that, we will take statements, starting with Mr. Haney 

first, please. 

STATEMENT OF STAFFORD FITZGERALD HANEY, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO COSTA RICA 

Mr. HANEY. Chairman Perdue, Senator Gardner, thank you. It is 

an honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee 

to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica. 

I am profoundly humbled by this opportunity to serve and thank 

the President and the Secretary of State for the confidence they 

have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you 

and your colleagues in Congress to protect U.S. citizens in Costa 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

3 

Rica, deepen the bonds that unite our countries, and advance U.S. 

interests in Central America. 

With the chairman’s permission, I would like to acknowledge 

friends and family without whose support I would not be here 

today, starting with my wife, Rabbi Andrea Haney, and my children, Asher, Nava, Eden, and Shaia, who are at home watching 

hopefully. If I am confirmed, my wife and our four children will be 

joining me in San Jose, and it is only through their love and support that I am here today. 

I would also like to mention my mother, father, and brother— 

may they rest in peace—who are here today with us in our hearts. 

My mother, Sandra Haney, was and still is my hero. She is also 

a link in a long line of family that has in various ways served our 

country proudly. From a fifth great-granduncle who fought in the 

Revolutionary War to my brother who served both overseas and at 

home to my great uncle who recently received an honorary doctorate in public service and was recognized by the Tennessee State 

legislature to my mother’s marches and sit-ins to protest what she 

saw as injustices not compatible with the America we aspire to be, 

we have a long and proud tradition of serving our Nation. It is in 

my mother’s honor and in her memory that I hope, if I am confirmed, to dedicate my service. 

Costa Rica is an important ally in a region of critical strategic 

importance to the United States. It is the most stable democracy 

in Central America and its long-held traditions of protecting 

human rights and freedom of expression are a model for the region. 

Its strong commitment to investing in education and health has 

helped Costa Rica achieve literacy, life expectancy, infant morality, 

and income levels that are significantly better than elsewhere in 

Central America. It is no surprise that these positive attributes 

have attracted significant numbers of Americans to the country. 

Today, approximately 100,000 U.S. citizens call Costa Rica home 

and more than 1 million visit annually. If confirmed, their safety 

and well-being will be my top priority. 

Despite its successes, Costa Rica, like its neighbors, confronts 

many challenges, including security challenges, as international 

drug trafficking organizations and organized crime increasingly 

penetrate Central America. The United States and Costa Rica 

enjoy an excellent partnership in security cooperation. If confirmed, 

I will continue to work with the Government of Costa Rica to ensure that organized crime does not undermine the country’s economy and democratic institutions. 

Another of my highest priorities will be promoting greater Central American integration. As outlined in the Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central America, the region will not prosper without 

better regional cooperation on trade, infrastructure development, 

strengthened democratic institutions, energy integration, and investment. 

Given its ability and relative prosperity, Costa Rica can and 

should play a critical role in advancing our strategy in Central 

America. It can and should lead in working to create conditions in 

Central America that are conducive to reducing poverty and violence and creating jobs and opportunity, and it should serve as an 

example of what is possible in the region. President Solis has comFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

4 

mitted to working to promote regional integration and prosperity, 

and if confirmed, I will support him in those efforts. 

I have many years experience living and working in international 

business in Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and Brazil. I 

understand the region and the challenges it faces. As President 

Solis made clear during his first year in office, Costa Rica is serious 

about improving its business climate and attracting additional foreign investment. If confirmed, my private sector experience will be 

an asset to helping Costa Rica achieve those goals. It would also 

serve me in working to advocate for stronger intellectual property 

protection, promote entrepreneurship, and public-private partnerships, and ensure that U.S. companies and investors encounter a 

fair and level playing field for doing business in Costa Rica. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with Costa Rica to advance the 

many other policy objectives and priorities the United States and 

Costa Rica share. Costa Rica shares our commitment to protecting 

democratic freedoms and human rights and is vigilantly resisting 

any attempts to weaken the inter-American human rights system. 

This support for basic human rights, democracy, and freedom has 

never been more important in the region than today. Costa Rica is 

an international leader with important initiatives to mitigate and 

adapt to climate change and promote renewable energy use and 

sustainable development. I believe Costa Rica can become a regional hub of innovation and has the potential to assume a leadership role in advancing good governance and prosperity throughout 

Central America. 

As our dedicated team at Embassy San Jose states, a safe, prosperous, and green Costa Rica not only benefits the citizens of both 

of our nations, but also the entirety of Central America. 

Mr. Chairman, committee members, I thank you again for your 

consideration of my nomination to serve as Ambassador to Costa 

Rica, and I welcome your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Haney follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF STAFFORD FITZGERALD HANEY

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador 

to Costa Rica. 

I am profoundly humbled by this opportunity to serve and thank the President 

and the Secretary of State for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, 

I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to protect U.S. 

citizens in Costa Rica, deepen the bonds that unite our countries, and advance U.S. 

interests in Central America. 

With the chairman’s permission, I would like to acknowledge friends and family 

without whose support I would not be here today—starting with my wife, Rabbi 

Andrea Haney, and my children Asher, Nava, Eden, and Shaia. If I am confirmed, 

my wife and our four children will be joining me in San Jose and it is only through 

their love and support that I am here today. I would also like to acknowledge my 

mother-in-law, Betsy Dobrick, my brothers and sisters-in-law Adam and Allison 

Dobrick and Jeremy Dobrick and Tamara Hoover, and various close friends, whose 

support means so much to me and my family. 

Finally, I would also like to mention my mother, father, and brother, may they 

rest in peace, who are here today with us in our hearts. My mother, Sandra Haney, 

was, and still is, my hero. As a young widow with two young children, she left home 

and family to provide my brother and me with the best education and opportunities 

she could. Working during the day and going to school at night, she showed us, by 

her example, that the United States is truly the land of opportunity for those who 

work hard on a level playing field. She did not have it easy as a single AfricanAmerican woman raising two children alone in the 1970s, but she never gave up 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

5 

and she knew her sacrifices would allow her children to have a better life. It was 

her firmly held belief; one which she passed on, that America’s core values should 

serve as an example throughout the world. She also was a link in a long line of 

family that has in various ways served our Nation proudly. From a 5th great-granduncle who fought in the Revolutionary War to my brother who served both overseas 

and at home to my greatuncle who recently received an honorary doctorate in public 

service and was recognized by the Tennessee State legislature to my mother’s 

marches and sit-ins to protest what she saw as injustices not compatible with the 

America we aspire to be—we have a long and proud tradition of serving our Nation. 

It is in my mother’s honor and in her memory that I hope, if I am confirmed, to 

dedicate my service. 

Costa Rica is an important ally in a region of critical strategic importance to the 

United States. It is the most stable democracy in Central America, and its long-held 

traditions of protecting human rights and freedom of expression are a model for the 

region. Its strong commitment to investing in education and health has helped 

Costa Rica achieve high literacy, life expectancy, and income levels and a low infant 

mortality rate. It is no surprise that these positive attributes have attracted significant numbers of Americans to the country. Today, approximately 100,000 U.S. citizens call Costa Rica home and more than 1 million visit annually. If confirmed, 

their safety and well-being will be my top priority. 

Despite its successes, Costa Rica confronts many challenges, including security 

challenges, as international drug trafficking organizations and organized crime 

increasingly penetrate Central America. The United States and Costa Rica enjoy an 

excellent partnership in security cooperation. If confirmed, I will continue to work 

with the Government of Costa Rica to ensure that organized crime does not undermine the country’s economy and democratic institutions. 

If confirmed, another of my highest priorities will be promoting greater Central 

American integration. As outlined in the Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central 

America, the region will not prosper without better regional cooperation on trade, 

infrastructure development, strengthened democratic institutions, energy integration, and investment. Greater integration has long been an aspiration in Central 

America, but effective mechanisms for achieving that goal have remained elusive. 

The United States can play a constructive role in helping Central America create 

jobs and economic opportunities for its 43 million people, by helping the region 

improve infrastructure, integrate markets, reduce nontariff barriers, and benefit 

more from its free trade agreement. 

Given its stability and relative prosperity, Costa Rica can help play a critical role 

in advancing our strategy in Central America. It can help lead in working to create 

conditions in Central America that are conducive to further reducing poverty and 

violence and creating jobs and opportunity and it can serve as an example of what 

is possible in the region. President Solis has stated a commitment to working to promote regional integration and prosperity, and, if confirmed, I will support him in 

those efforts. I will also work to create stronger linkages between the American 

Chambers of Commerce in Central America, so that the private sector is fully incorporated into the process of seeking solutions to the region’s development challenges. 

I have many years’ experience living and working in international business in 

Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and Brazil. I understand the region and 

the challenges it faces. As President Solis made clear during his first year in office; 

Costa Rica is serious about improving its business climate, and attracting foreign 

investment. If confirmed, my private sector experience will be an asset in helping 

Costa Rica advance in those areas. It will also serve me in working to advocate for 

stronger intellectual property protection, promote entrepreneurship and publicprivate partnerships, and ensure that U.S. companies and investors encounter a fair 

and level playing field for doing business in Costa Rica. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with Costa Rica to advance the many other policy 

objectives and priorities the United States and Costa Rica share. Costa Rica shares 

our commitment to protecting democratic freedoms and human rights, and is vigilantly resisting any attempts to weaken the Inter-American Human Rights System. 

This support for basic human rights, democracy and freedom has never been more 

important in the region than today. Costa Rica is an international leader with 

important initiatives to mitigate and adapt to climate change and promote renewable energy use and sustainable development. I believe Costa Rica can become a 

regional hub of innovation and has the potential to assume a leadership role in 

advancing good governance and prosperity throughout Central America. 

As our dedicated team at Embassy San Jose states: a safe, prosperous, and green 

Costa Rica not only benefits the citizens of both of our nations, but also the entirety 

of Central America. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

6 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Haney. 

Mr. McGuire. 

STATEMENT OF MATTHEW T. MCGUIRE, PH.D., NOMINATED TO 

BE U.S. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL 

BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT 

Dr. MCGUIRE. Thank you, Chairman Perdue, and thank you for 

convening us today and chairing this session. Thank you also to 

Senator Kaine for presiding today. And, Senator Gardner, thank 

you for coming. It seems appropriate that I congratulate Senator 

Perdue and Senator Gardner for your recent victories and for joining the Senate. It is quite an honor, and it is always good to have 

fresh thinking and fresh blood up here. 

I would also like to just thank my mother, who is here today, 

Georgiana McGuire. I was noting earlier with a few people that the 

last time I did this, I had aunts and uncles and in-laws and all 

sorts of people. You do it a second time, you get Mom. [Laughter.] 

I am thrilled to have her, but it is a lesson to everybody here. 

It is an honor and a privilege, of course, to be here as President 

Obama’s nominee as Executive Director for the International Bank 

for Reconstruction and Development, otherwise known as the 

World Bank. 

Rather than read the full statement I sent over for the formal 

record, I would like to briefly discuss my career to date and then 

frame how I would approach the role of Executive Director, if I 

were to be confirmed. 

So with that, I would just say that during the first part of my 

career, I taught and was focused on issues related to economic and 

development policy both in the United States and abroad. I got a 

Ph.D. in anthropology from Harvard, finishing in 1988, and my dissertation was on the redevelopment of public housing in Chicago. 

During that time, I also spent several months in Ethiopia and Eritrea researching the relationship between those countries shortly 

after the end of their 30-year-long war. And when I finished my 

Ph.D., I ran a welfare-to-work job training program in New York 

before joining a firm that helped U.S. cities redevelop public housing projects into mixed-income communities. 

In 2003, I moved into the financial services industry, and I spent 

the next 8 years working for several mutual fund and hedge fund 

companies raising capital and serving as a senior executive in three 

entrepreneurial and dynamic firms. During that time, I began to 

more fully understand the role that financial markets play in our 

economy and how interconnected the global economy is as a result 

of the ease with which capital moves across national borders, industry sectors, and asset classes. In an era where CEO’s and investors can deploy each dollar or euro or real almost anywhere in the 

world at almost at a moment’s notice, it is increasingly important 

that countries like ours play close attention to their financial positions and that they strive to maintain and strengthen the integrity 

of their capital markets. 

That view has been strengthened by my experience and my time 

over the last 4 years at the Department of Commerce and at the 

Department of the Treasury where I have worked closely with U.S. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

7 

businesses on a range of issues, including many related to international trade. 

Should this committee and the full Senate confirm me, I will 

strive to be a sound steward of our country’s capital at the bank 

at all times. I will work to ensure that each dollar we commit is 

used to support the values that have proven so durable since America’s founding, that open societies are the strongest societies, that 

transparent systems are the most successful systems, and that 

those countries which endeavor to give all of their citizens a fair 

shot at becoming educated, being healthy, and achieving economic 

independence are the countries that will succeed no matter where 

they happen to be located. Those are just a few of the values I have 

watched President Obama champion for many years now, and I 

would be honored to carry them forward on his behalf, on the country’s behalf as the Executive Director of the bank. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. McGuire follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MATTHEW T. MCGUIRE

Thank you, Chairman Perdue and Senator Kaine, for presiding over today’s hearing. I would also like to thank Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Menendez, and 

the distinguished members of the committee. It is an honor and a privilege to be 

here, as President Obama’s nominee for Executive Director of the International 

Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I have enjoyed meeting some of you and 

your staff during the confirmation process, and I look forward to answering any 

questions you might have. 

My mother was part of the first Peace Corps group ever to go overseas, ‘‘Ghana 

I,’’ back in 1961. She was the first person in her family to go to college, having 

worked her way through, and when she graduated she heard President Kennedy’s 

call to reach out beyond America’s shores and to make a difference however small 

or however large it might be. She taught English in a small town in Ghana called 

Tema, and many years later a student of hers from the Tema Secondary School became one of my professors at Brown University. As you might imagine, I grew up 

hearing many stories about those sorts of connections, and I grew up hearing about 

the importance of America’s role in the world, especially through its uniquely American institutions, such as the Peace Corps. My father, who died when I was 6 years 

old, also served in the Peace Corps, in what was then East Pakistan and is now 

Bangladesh. He spent most of his career working on international affairs as well, 

and his influence on me has been considerable even in his absence. 

I also grew up working at my family’s business here in Washington, DC, The 

McGuire Funeral Service. My great-grandfather, Robert Grayson McGuire, founded 

the funeral home in 1912, and when I was old enough I began spending my summers and my weekends there, washing cars, arranging flowers, shoveling snow off 

the driveway, and even acting as a pallbearer when a family was in need of another 

set of hands. And I will always remember that my mother and my uncle paid me 

minimum wage and no more, punching a time clock like everyone else, for every 

hour and every minute that I worked there. 

Through the course of watching my grandfather, my mother, my aunt and my 

uncle, run the funeral home, I learned numerous things. I learned about how important it is to have a bank that provides credit in bad times as well as good; about 

how having economic independence makes it easier to engage with political issues 

of the day, like the civil rights movement, which my family was deeply involved in; 

and about the pride and responsibility that comes from being able to hire more people as your company grows. These are simple, yet powerful things that I carry with 

me to this day. 

The first part of my career was squarely focused on issues of economic equality, 

and how public policies can increase the possibilities of ordinary citizens to raise 

their incomes and have a shot at realizing their dreams. I got a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Harvard, finishing in 1998, and my dissertation was on the redevelopment of public housing in Chicago. During that time I also spent several months 

in Ethiopia and Eritrea, researching the relationship between those countries 

shortly after the end of their 30 year-long war. And when I finished my Ph.D., I 

ran a welfare-to-work job training program in New York before joining a firm that 

helped U.S. cities redevelop public housing projects into mixed-income communities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

8 

In 2003, I moved into the financial services industry, and I spent the next 8 years 

working for several mutual fund and hedge fund companies, raising capital and 

serving as a senior executive in three entrepreneurial and dynamic firms. During 

that time I began to more fully understand the role that financial markets play in 

our economy, and how interconnected the global economy is as a result of the ease 

with which capital moves across national borders, industry sectors, and asset classes. In an era where CEOs and investors can deploy each next dollar, or euro, or 

real, almost anywhere in the world at almost a moment’s notice, it is increasingly 

important that countries like ours pay close attention to their financial positions, 

and that they strive to maintain and strengthen the integrity of their capital 

markets. 

And that is what I would like to close with. If confirmed, you can be sure that 

I will undertake the role of Executive Director with that very sensibility in mind 

at all times. I will strive to be a sound steward of our country’s capital at the Bank, 

and I will work to ensure that each dollar we commit is used to support the values 

that have proven so durable since America’s founding: that open societies are the 

strongest societies; that transparent systems are the most successful systems; and 

that those countries which endeavor to give all of their citizens a fair shot at becoming educated, being healthy, and achieving economic independence, are the countries 

that will succeed no matter where they happen to be located. Those are just a few 

of the values I have watched President Obama champion for many years now, and 

I would be honored to carry them forward on his behalf, and on the country’s behalf, 

as Executive Director of the Bank. 

I look forward to answering any questions you have, and I thank you again for 

allowing me to come before you today. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. McGuire. 

Mr. Smith. 

STATEMENT OF GENTRY O. SMITH, NOMINATED 

TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE OF FOREIGN MISSIONS 

Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Kaine. I am honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to 

be the next Director of the Office of Foreign Missions, OFM. I am 

profoundly grateful for the confidence that the President and Secretary Kerry have demonstrated in nominating me for this unique 

and important position. 

My entire professional life has been dedicated to public service, 

beginning with my first career as a police officer in Raleigh, NC, 

to my assignments at embassies in Tokyo, Rangoon, and Cairo, and 

my most recent as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Countermeasures for the Bureau of Diplomatic Security. I have strived in 

each to improve the conditions in which our colleagues live and 

work. I believe my dedication and commitment in this regard will 

serve me well, if given the opportunity to lead the Office of Foreign 

Missions. 

As an organization, its primary goals being to use reciprocity to 

ensure the equitable treatment of U.S. diplomatic and consular 

missions and personnel abroad, regulating the activities of foreign 

missions in the United States to protect our foreign policy and national security interests, protecting our U.S. public against abuses 

of privileges and immunities by foreign missions operating here in 

the United States, and providing services and assistance to foreign 

missions that are located here on a reciprocal basis. 

As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 under the Foreign Missions Act. In passing the act, Congress made it clear that 

the operations of foreign missions in the United States are a proper 

subject for the exercise of Federal jurisdiction. 

For more than 30 years, the act guided the Department’s management and extension of foreign missions in the United States for 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

9 

its privileges and benefits associated with acquiring real property, 

motor vehicle and driving services, for tax exemptions, customs 

clearances, domestic travel courtesies and restrictions. 

The committee is well aware of the Department’s ongoing efforts 

to ensure that our personnel abroad work in facilities that are safe 

and secure and functional. I can authoritatively attest that the relocation of an American Embassy is a complex and challenging 

task. To accomplish this job, the United States must have the interest and support of the host governments. In many countries, 

such support is there for the asking. In countries where the support is lacking, OFM plays a critical role in assisting with the resolution of impasses we sometimes face with foreign governments 

during our attempts to acquire real property in those countries and 

relocating and constructing our facilities. 

When a country has an interest in improving or relocating one 

of its missions in the United States, the Office of Foreign Missions 

uses its ability to regulate the acquisition and the use of real property by foreign missions as a leverage to achieve the Department’s 

own property-related needs in that country. Without OFM and its 

authorities under the Foreign Missions Act, we may not have been 

able to build a U.S. Embassy in Beijing or a new annex that is currently under construction there. This and more was achieved as a 

result of reciprocity and the Foreign Missions Act. 

In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the opportunity 

to address you and the esteemed members of the committee. And 

if confirmed, I will do all that I can to further the important objectives that Congress has set out under the Foreign Missions Act. I 

look forward to continuing to work with you and to ensure the 

proper treatment of our foreign personnel serving abroad and, as 

importantly, the foreign missions that are here, that they continue 

to react as good neighbors. 

Thank you for the opportunity and your consideration for my 

nomination, and I respectfully ask that my full statement be entered into the record. 

Senator PERDUE. Without objection, it certainly will. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Smith follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GENTRY O. SMITH

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to 

appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be the next Director of 

the Office of Foreign Missions (OFM). I am profoundly grateful for the confidence 

the President and Secretary Kerry have demonstrated in nominating me for this 

unique and important position. 

My entire professional life has been dedicated to public service. Beginning with 

my first career as a police officer in Raleigh, NC, to my assignments at our Embassies in Tokyo, Rangoon, and Cairo, and to my most recent role as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Countermeasures in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security, I have 

strived to improve the conditions in which my colleagues live and work. I believe 

my dedication and commitment in this regard will serve me well if given the opportunity to lead the Office of Foreign Missions, an organization whose primary goals 

are: 

♦ Using reciprocity to ensure equitable treatment for United States diplomatic 

and consular missions abroad and their personnel; 

♦ Regulating the activities of foreign missions in the United States to protect our 

foreign policy and national security interests; 

♦ Protecting the U.S. public from abuses of privileges and immunities by members 

of the foreign missions; and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

10 

♦ The provision of service and assistance to the foreign mission community in the 

United States on a reciprocal basis. 

As you are aware, OFM was established in 1982 as a requirement of the Foreign 

Missions Act. In passing the act, Congress made it clear that the operations of foreign missions in the United States are a proper subject for the exercise of Federal 

jurisdiction. 

For more than 30 years, the act has guided the Department’s management and 

extension to foreign missions in the United States, privileges and benefits associated 

with the acquisition and use of real property, motor vehicle and driving services, 

tax exemptions, customs clearances, and domestic travel courtesies and restrictions. 

In my estimation, the Foreign Missions Act is a landmark piece of legislation 

which has positively influenced and conditioned the environment in which U.S. diplomatic and consular missions abroad operate. 

This committee is well aware of the Department’s ongoing efforts to ensure that 

our personnel abroad work in facilities that are safe, secure, and functional. I can 

authoritatively attest that the relocation of an American Embassy is a complex and 

challenging task. To accomplish this job, the United States must have the interest 

and support of the host government. In many countries, such support and assistance 

are there for the asking. In countries where support is lacking, OFM plays a critical 

role in assisting with the resolution of impasses we sometimes face with foreign governments during our attempts to acquire real property in their countries for the 

relocation and construction of our facilities. 

When a country has an interest in improving or relocating one of its missions in 

the United States, OFM uses its ability to regulate the acquisition and use of real 

property by foreign missions as leverage to achieve the Department’s own propertyrelated needs in that country. Without OFM and the authorities it has under the 

Foreign Missions Act, we may not have been able to build the new U.S. Embassy 

in Beijing, or the new annex building under construction there. This and more was 

achieved as a result of reciprocity and the Foreign Missions Act. 

In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am honored to have the opportunity to address you 

and the esteemed members of the committee. If confirmed, I will do all that I can 

to further the important objectives Congress set out in the Foreign Missions Act, 

and I look forward to continuing to work with you to ensure proper treatment of 

our Foreign Service personnel abroad, and that foreign missions are good neighbors 

here at home. 

Thank you for this opportunity and your consideration of my nomination. I 

respectfully request that my full statement be entered into the record, and I will 

be happy to answer your questions. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Smith. 

Mr. Adams. 

STATEMENT OF CHARLES C. ADAMS, JR., NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND 

Mr. ADAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, Senator 

Kaine, it is a renewed pleasure to have the opportunity of appearing today before this committee. It is a tremendous honor to have 

been renominated by the President for this post, and I thank both 

the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence that they 

have shown in me. If confirmed, I very much look forward to working with you and with your colleagues in Congress to further U.S. 

interests in Finland. 

Mr. Chairman, with your kind permission, I would like to say a 

few words—to repeat a few words actually that I said on a previous 

occasion with respect to the reasons why for me, if confirmed, the 

privilege of serving as an Ambassador of the United States has 

deep personal significance. 

My late father, Charles C. Adams, dedicated the entirety of his 

professional career to representing the United States as an officer 

of the Foreign Service, supported throughout by my late mother, 

Florence Schneider Adams. They, and what came over time to be 

a family of six children, spent many years in posts around the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

11 

world with stints in between back home here in Washington, principally in Europe and Africa. And so I had the opportunity as a 

Foreign Service brat to witness firsthand from the perspective of a 

kid at the time the enormous skill and savvy and dedication and 

personal courage that my parents brought to their service to their 

country, as did also all of the other men and women of the Foreign 

Service with whom they were privileged to serve. And I saw also 

the burdens and the sacrifices that they were prepared to endure 

in serving their country. 

Now, after my own service in the Peace Corps in East Africa 

from 1968 to 1970, I chose to go into the private sector, and I spent 

more than 40 years in the practice of international law and policy 

at high levels. But throughout this time, I have always had very 

close to my heart the idea that as a salute to the memory of my 

mom and dad and to the magnificent men and women of the Foreign Service with whom they served that I, in turn, might some 

day be afforded the profound privilege of serving my country as an 

ambassador of the United States. 

And I have to say that in the 6 months of a holding pattern, in 

effect, since I last had the privilege of appearing before this committee, the sentiment on my part, far from having in any way been 

diluted or diminished, has in fact, been reinforced. And so I do 

thank you very much, indeed, for the opportunity of reappearing 

before this committee today. 

I am very excited that the President should have asked me to 

represent the United States in Finland. Finland is a very close 

partner of the United States. It has been a member of the European Union since 1995, has developed an innovation-led economy, 

has worked very closely with the United States as a partner in the 

Partnership for Peace of NATO, and has supported the United 

States in Afghanistan and elsewhere in promoting human rights 

and security around the globe. 

As to the matter of shared security, ever since 1950 Finland has 

been a very dedicated participant in U.N. peacekeeping missions 

around the world, and although not a member of NATO, it is, as 

I have mentioned, a participant in NATO’s Partnership for Peace 

program. And Finland maintains a very high level of cooperation 

and interoperability with the NATO alliance. It regularly participates in joint training missions with the United States and its allies, including joint air training later this very month with Sweden 

and Estonia and the United States Air Forces. 

And Finland is one of the largest contributors to the OSCE special monitoring mission in Ukraine with 19 observers on the 

ground currently and very substantial contributions as well to the 

observation force in respect of the Ukraine elections last year. 

The Finnish Government has also contributed troops to the Resolute Support mission in Afghanistan, has suffered fatalities, along 

with others of our allies, and it has pledged $1 billion a year from 

2015 through 2017 in further support of the Afghan National Security Forces. Finland has also taken the lead on the implementation 

of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325 in respect of women’s 

rights and participation of women in Afghan civil society. 

Secondly, the United States and Finland share the vision of a 

strong, robust transatlantic economy that delivers benefits for all 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

12 

of our citizens. That is why, if confirmed, one of my very top priorities will be increasing economic cooperation between our two countries through expanded bilateral trade and investment. The United 

States is currently Finland’s fourth-largest customer and sixthlargest supplier with bilateral trade valued in excess of $7 billion. 

I believe that we can do still more and enhance the position of the 

United States as a principal valued trading partner of Finland. 

I will work closely also with the Finns on the increasing importance of the Arctic region. As you know, the United States is about 

to take over, on April 25, the chairmanship of the Arctic Council, 

and the Finns will have the next succeeding chairmanship of the 

Arctic Council in 2018 to 2019. 

As to our shared values, the United States and Finland have a 

relationship which continues to thrive because of the strong peopleto-people ties between our two nations. And these relationships are 

the lifeblood of our partnership. I can recall having had, as a college student at Dartmouth, a summer job as an escort interpreter 

with the Department of State, and I had the occasion to participate 

in the international visitors program as an interpreter with delegations from abroad. And it happens that Finland, in participating in 

these IVP programs over the years, now has as alumni many senior members of the Finnish Government, including President 

Niinisto, Prime Minister Stubb, and other important figures in Finland’s Government who came to see the United States as young 

students at the time. 

Senator PERDUE. I apologize for interrupting. Could we move to 

a conclusion so we can move this along? I apologize. I am trying 

to keep us on schedule here. Thank you. 

Mr. ADAMS. Well, I thank you for your attention. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Adams follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CHARLES C. ADAMS, JR. 

Mr. Chairman and honorable members of the committee, it is a privilege to 

appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Finland. It is a tremendous honor to be asked to serve in this post, and I 

would like to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence in 

me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to further U.S. interests in Finland. 

With your kind permission, I would like to say a few words about my personal 

background and why this makes the privilege to serve as an ambassador so meaningful, if confirmed by the Senate. 

My late father, Charles C. Adams, dedicated the entirety of his professional career 

to representing the United States as a Foreign Service officer, supported throughout 

by my late mother, Florence Schneider Adams. They, and what came over time to 

be a family of six children, spent many years in posts all over the world, principally 

in Europe and Africa, between assignments back home here in the United States. 

I had the opportunity to witness at first hand, through the eyes of the ‘‘Foreign 

Service brat’’ that I was, the enormous skill, savvy, dedication, and courage that my 

parents, and all other professionals of the Foreign Service, brought to their service 

to their country, and the burdens and sacrifices they were prepared to endure. 

After service in the Peace Corps in East Africa in 1968–1970, I chose to enter the 

private sector, and have practiced international law and policy at high levels for 

now over 40 years. But I have always had close to my heart the idea that, as a 

salute to the memory of my mom and dad, and to the magnificent men and women 

of the Foreign Service with whom they served, I might someday be afforded the 

extraordinary privilege of serving my country as a United States Ambassador. 

My feelings in this regard have in no way diminished; rather they have intensified in the 6 months since having first shared these remarks with this distinguished 

committee. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

13 

I am very excited that the President asked me to represent the United States in 

Finland. Finland is a close U.S. partner. It has been a member of the European 

Union since 1995, has developed an innovation-led economy, engages closely with 

us as a NATO partner, including in Afghanistan, and leads in promoting human 

rights around the globe. 

Finland and its EU partners have stood with the U.S. in implementing sanctions 

against Russia, sharing our belief that Russia must be held accountable for its actions in Ukraine and abide by its commitments under the Minsk Agreement. 

Participation in multilateral fora is a core component of Finland’s foreign policy 

and this is demonstrated through its partnership with the U.S. in international 

organizations like the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. 

If confirmed, I will work to sustain and advance the strong U.S.-Finland bilateral 

relationship. I will work to do so by championing U.S. national interests across 

three areas: our shared security, shared prosperity, and shared values. 

First, on our shared security: ever since the 1950s, Finland has been a dedicated 

participant in U.N. peacekeeping missions around the world. At the 2014 NATO 

summit in Wales, Finland became an Enhanced Partner of the alliance. Finland has 

been a participant in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program for years and maintains a high level of cooperation and interoperability with the alliance. Finland 

regularly participates in joint training missions with the U.S. and our allies, including joint air training later this month, and is one of the largest contributors to the 

OSCE Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) in Ukraine, contributing 19 SMM 

observers. 

The Finnish Government has contributed troops to the Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, and has pledged $8 million per year from 2015 to 2017 in support 

for the Afghan National Security Forces. Finland has taken the lead on implementation of UNSCR 1325, the Resolution for Women, Peace and Security, which seeks 

to protect women’s rights and participation in Afghan society. 

Finland also played a critical role in addressing the crisis in Syria through its 

participation in the mission to transport and destroy Syrian chemical weapons and 

in 2014 provided over $14 million in humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people. 

Finland has demonstrated a commitment to combating violent extremism in partnership with the United States, having implemented enhanced antiterrorism legislation in January and participating in the Foreign Terrorist Fighters Working Group. 

Second, the United States and Finland share the vision of a strong, robust transatlantic economy that delivers benefits for all our citizens. That is why, if confirmed, 

one of my top priorities will be increasing economic cooperation between our two 

countries, through expanded bilateral trade and investment.Finland strongly supports a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T–TIP), which, if successfully negotiated, could further increase bilateral economic ties and strengthen the 

overall U.S.–EU economic relationship. I will also work closely with the Finns on 

the increasingly important Arctic region. Finland is eager to work with us on our 

upcoming chairmanship of the Arctic Council, and will take over the chairmanship 

after us in 2017. 

Finally, on our shared values, the U.S.-Finnish relationship continues to thrive 

because of the strong people-to-people ties between our two nations. These relationships are the lifeblood of our partnership. If confirmed, I will travel throughout the 

country meeting with students, media, local officials and civil society listening to 

their priorities and concerns and speaking to the enduring value of our cooperation. 

Finland has played an active role in advancing our shared security, economic, and 

social values. If confirmed, I look forward to representing my country in advancing 

a still deeper connection between the United States and Finland. 

I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed you today, and am at your 

disposal to answer any questions you may have. Thank you. 

Senator PERDUE. No. They are very eloquent remarks. I apologize for closing that off. 

It must be easier the second time, guys. You did very well. 

As we said in the opening remarks, this is the second time you 

have been here. I appreciate your forbearance. 

I have a couple questions of my own here for the record, and 

then we will move to the ranking member, Senator Kaine, for his 

remarks and questions as well. I will try to be brief. I appreciate 

your forbearance today. And I am glad your mom is here, Mr. 

McGuire. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

14 

Dr. MCGUIRE. Thank you, sir. 

Senator PERDUE. Mr. Haney, as Ambassador to Costa Rica, what 

would your top policy priorities be as you approach that country? 

It is one of the shining stars, as you said, in Central America, indeed Latin America. And what can we do to raise our cooperation 

together to the next level? 

Mr. HANEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the question. 

I think the broad policy objectives that I would have in Costa 

Rica very much mirror—align with the broader objectives we have 

within Central America as they were recently outlined in the Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central America. 

So specifically one would be promoting prosperity and economic 

integration from a regional perspective, enhancing security, as well 

as promoting improved governance. And I think Costa Rica can 

both benefit from our focus on these areas, as well as help us do 

some of the heavy lifting that we need in the region. 

So, for example, on the prosperity and regional integration, Costa 

Rica has done fairly well relatively. As you said, it is a shining star 

within the region and within Latin America. It is 40 percent of the 

trade of the CAFTA–DR, the free trade agreement within the region. But there are still other areas that they can take advantage 

of within this trade intraregionally, and to do that, they need to address things such as the high cost of power, as well as the transportation infrastructure and facilitating trade on an intraregional 

basis. I think that is an overlapping priority that we have with the 

Solis government and that is something that we could work on 

with them. 

As far as enhancing security goes, Costa Rica has done an excellent job. Coming from the private sector, I always look at return 

on investment. So what does the U.S. taxpayer get for the investment we are making in our partner countries? And Costa Rica, by 

far, has probably done one of the best jobs in the region on security 

cooperation. Last year, they seized more cocaine than any other 

country in Central America, and it was 30 percent more than the 

previous year. In the last 4 years, it has continued to grow up. So 

I think we can continue to work on security with the Costa Ricans. 

And then I think very much and very importantly for Costa Rica 

and for the United States is that our relationship is at a different 

level now. It has matured to the point where we look at Costa Rica 

as an asymmetrical partner in helping us address some of the key 

issues in the region. And so I would hope to be able to help the 

Costa Ricans, perhaps do some of the initiative-building activity 

that they can do to take some of their experience in promoting 

human rights and democracy, education, as well as economic development and transport that to the rest of the region as well. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Mr. McGuire, what is your impression of the coordination between the World Bank and the regional development banks? More 

broadly, in light of the request of the general capital increases from 

these institutions, what do you see as the division of labor between 

these institutions, and how should Congress think about and 

prioritize those requests? 

Dr. MCGUIRE. Sure. So on the first of those questions, the coordination there—it is ongoing. It is consistent. The World Bank, obviFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

15 

ously, is considerably larger than the others, the African Development Bank, the Inter-American, the Asian Development Bank, the 

European Development Bank. And so there is always a discussion 

back and forth, and as many people have explained it to me, people 

often take the World Bank’s lead. So the practices and the policies 

of the bank are quite consequential in terms of the practices of 

some of the others. 

Certainly, were I to be confirmed, I already know some of the 

other executive directors, at least the executive director at the 

Inter-American Development Bank. I know the woman who has 

been nominated for the African Development Bank. I certainly look 

forward to maintaining and strengthening those relationships and 

then making sure that staff are talking where and how it is appropriate as well. So that is the first piece. 

In terms of the division of labor, the World Bank has extraordinary expertise in any number of countries around the world. 

That said, one can always get even more expertise from those who 

are on the ground who are focusing just on a particular region. And 

so certainly I would expect for an intellectual exchange. 

In terms of projects themselves, I think that is a discussion that 

should be an ongoing one, and there are certain banks which have 

greater expertise in certain areas, let us say, on financial reform 

or education. The bank has a particularly strong team thinking 

about infrastructure and public health, and I think we ought to 

play to our strengths and make sure that we are not just overlapping all the time but that we are complementary in how projects 

fit with one another. 

And then there are instances where there are particular projects 

that are larger, perhaps a little riskier, where we actually do want 

to be alongside one another to spread out some of that risk and to 

make sure that we are really utilizing the U.S.’s contributions to 

all the banks most effectively. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Smith, what do you consider to be the OFM’s highest priorities, and how do you perceive your potential role in achieving 

them. You have served in the State Department as Deputy Assistant Secretary and Assistant Director for Countermeasures in the 

Bureau of Diplomatic Security, since 2009 I think. 

Mr. SMITH. That is correct. 

Senator PERDUE. How do you perceive your role in achieving 

those priorities? 

Mr. SMITH. Senator, as I stated during my previous testimony 

here, my highest priority will be ensuring the equitable treatment 

of our personnel who serve in facilities abroad by the host governments under which they operate and also make sure that our national interests and foreign policy interests here in the United 

States are protected by regulating the activities of those foreign 

missions that are located here in the United States. 

How I will do that is by remaining engaged with the various regional bureaus at the State Department, along with their regional 

executive directors, who have day-to-day interaction with our embassies and consulates that are around the world to make sure that 

any issues that come up that we can address from a perspective of 

reciprocity that we can do that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

16 

I will also, of course, stay in close contact with the Under Secretary for Management and the chiefs of missions at those embassies so that if I personally have to be engaged in any of those activities to bring about resolution, that I can do that as well. 

And as I stated during my last testimony, of course, I will remain 

engaged with the Congress, with the members here, and with your 

committees if there are specific issues of interest that we can resolve as well. 

Senator PERDUE. Great. Thank you. 

My time has expired. In the second round, I have one more question for Mr. Adams, but the ranking member—we are going to 

waive the time constraint on this since he has not had a chance 

for his opening remarks. 

So, Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thanks to all the witnesses. 

I have voted for you once already. So I am not going to ask questions and make you think I am trying to satisfy myself of whether 

I made a mistake or not. I very much support you. I congratulate 

you on the renomination. 

I also want to say, Mr. Adams, your story about your own family’s personal history is a very touching one. But it really does call 

to mind the tremendous sacrifice that our Foreign Service professionals make. The three of you, I guess, will have the title of Ambassador, and then, Mr. McGuire, you will be Executive Director. 

But you are all Ambassadors, but you also will be working with 

some fantastic small A ambassadors. 

As I travel to do CODEL’s as part of this committee, when I am 

in another country, I almost always will meet with first- and second-tour Foreign Service officers, the newcomers to the State Department family to ask them about their lives and their perceptions 

and to answer their questions. I always come back—Senator Cornyn and I were in Latin America 3 weeks ago. I always come back 

with a high degree of real inspiration for the service. I think we 

do a good job of thanking our military who serve in harm’s way 

these days, but an awful lot of our nonmilitary personnel who serve 

overseas who get sent to places that may not be their first choice, 

sometimes to places where they cannot bring family, sometimes to 

places where there is physical danger—it is really important work. 

And so you will be working with wonderful colleagues, and I know 

that you will express that appreciation to them every day that you 

serve. 

To just maybe go left to right, Mr. Adams, I want to ask you 

about—we had a hearing this morning about Russia and the 

Ukraine. We have had a lot of hearings about Russia in the months 

since you were here and about what is happening. Talk a little bit 

about the Finland-Russia relationship now and, in particular, 

whether the sanctions that the United States and NATO have imposed on Russia are having an effect on the economy of Finland. 

Mr. ADAMS. Thank you, Senator. Let me address the second part 

of your question first, if I may. 

Finland, as you know, is a very strong proponent of the sanctions 

regime against Russia and has implemented those sanctions forcefully. Even though, inasmuch as Finland has a very active trading 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

17 

relationship with Russia, it is Finland which, among the EU countries, has probably paid the highest price in terms of the impact 

on its economy. Finland’s exports to Russia in 2014 were down by 

13 percent in respect of 2013, largely as a result of the direct sanctions and of the reduced value of the ruble which impeded Russian 

purchasing power in respect to Finnish goods and services. Finland 

has stepped up and has made it clear that it is prepared not only 

to enforce existing sanctions but to advocate for enhanced and 

stronger sanctions to the extent that the crisis in Ukraine is not 

rapidly brought to a satisfactory close. 

The relationship between Finland and Russia is ancestral. As 

you know, Finland spent over a century as a grand duchy of the 

czar of Russia from 1809 to December 6th of 1917. There had been 

dealings before. There have been dealings after, including armed 

conflict, as you know. In the course of the Second World War, Finland on two separate occasions staved off the assaults of the Red 

Army, incurring the admiration of the world in so doing. 

It is a delicate relationship. Finland is very firmly anchored with 

the West in terms of its values, in terms of its liberal political system, its democracy, in terms of also of its sense of oneness with its 

neighbors to the west and to the south, even as Finland has sought 

to maintain a relationship with Russia that is based on shared respect and a concern for good neighborly proximity, and Finland has 

succeeded admirably in so doing. 

The crisis in the Ukraine has brought focus on Finland as an 

interlocutor and bearer of messages to Russia which are heeded 

and paid close attention to by Russia because of the privileged posture of Finland and the respect with which Finland is held by Russia due to this relationship of several centuries standing. And if 

confirmed, I would look forward to working closely with the Finnish Government in continuing to strive for a satisfactory and 

prompt resolution of the crisis in Ukraine to which Finland is 

uniquely positioned to contribute. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you very much, Mr. Adams. 

Mr. Smith, the issue of the reciprocal treatment of U.S. Embassy 

and consular personnel in nations where they serve and then our 

treatment of their personnel here—there have been some newsworthy instances in the last couple years, most notably in some 

back and forth between the United States and India with respect 

to treatment of Indian Embassy and consular personnel in New 

York and then actions taken in India that challenged some of the 

rights of our Embassy personnel. 

But one that is ongoing right now that I am just kind of curious 

about—I just returned from Latin America with Senator Cornyn, 

and when we were in Colombia, there was an escalating tension 

with the neighboring country of Venezuela. And my understanding 

is that Venezuela has sort of directed us to reduce our number of 

Embassy and consular personnel from—I do not know—about 100 

down to 17. There are about 80 Venezuelan consular personnel in 

the United States. I am just curious if you have any insight that 

you can share in an opening setting as to how we are trying to 

work through that particular challenge to the credentials to our 

Embassy and consular personnel in Venezuela. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

18 

Mr. SMITH. Well, as you stated, Senator, as much as we can talk 

about it in open session, which is rather limited, but I agree with 

you. We got the number that we needed to reduce down to 17. We 

are looking at the situation now because, as you stated, there are 

more than 17 diplomats from Venezuela that are currently operating in the United States. And so we will continue in negotiations 

and discussions with the Government of Venezuela to come to a 

much more honest recognition of how many personnel they have 

here and hopefully be able to respond in a reciprocal way so that 

we can keep our numbers pretty much equal to what their numbers 

are. So it is still a situation that is developing. It is one that is still 

very much under study with the Department and one in which we 

remain engaged with the Venezuelans on this particular issue. 

Senator KAINE. Great. Thank you, Mr. Smith, for that. 

Mr. McGuire, I want to ask you about the activities of the IBRD 

in the Americas. The President currently has a budget proposal in 

that is Plan Central America. It is with respect to the Northern 

Triangle countries in Central America, Honduras, Guatemala, and 

El Salvador. The dramatic escalation in the number of unaccompanied minors coming to the United States, an average of about 

20,000 to 35,000 in 2013, nearly 70,000 in 2014, drew a lot of attention to these three countries that have three of the worst murder rates in the world, huge amounts of poverty. And the President’s proposal deals with kind of an all-encompassing strategy to 

help them deal with security challenges, fight narcotrafficking, and 

also do the kind of economic development and justice reforms that 

will enable the people to want to stay rather than to have to leave 

their countries due to poverty and violence. 

Talk a little bit about the IBRD kind of portfolio. It looks to be 

about a third of activity is in the Americas. How can the IBRD be 

an asset to this need to hopefully upgrade the security and economic situation in Central America so we do not see the push of 

unaccompanied minors coming to our country. 

Dr. MCGUIRE. Sure. I appreciate it. And I was actually in Colombia just last summer on a trade mission with the Commerce Department, and so I thought about a number of these issues from 

a regional perspective myself recently. 

I would say the first place I would start is importantly to your 

point, realizing that there is an all-in strategy here in the sense 

that on certain matters it will be the State Department which is 

able to take the lead and help the Northern Triangle countries in 

particular. In certain instances, it is USAID on the bilateral side. 

It is worth noting that 11 of the 21 countries with which the 

United States has free trade agreements are in this hemisphere. 

All three of the Northern Triangle countries we have free trade 

agreements with. So there is an existing strong base there for increasing commerce, which leads to increasing stability. 

That is really the part and parcel of what the World Bank is 

about, is stabilizing economies, growing economies so that a lot of 

other problems often can fade away so long as you are paying attention to them a little more directly like security and some of the 

things that you are addressing. So I think that is important to realize. There is a larger context here and this is an ongoing set of 

challenges that we are dealing with. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

19 

In terms of the IBRD, you are right. I believe it is closer to a 

quarter of the overall portfolio is within Latin America. So that is 

pretty significant. I would note that the two large economies within 

the region, the largest, Brazil and Mexico, are number one and 

number two in terms of total portfolio exposure, if you will, at the 

bank. So there is consistent and ongoing work. And I think the 

challenge for the bank is to continue to look at where it can have 

the greatest impact. 

One example I will use—and please take it not as a recommendation to bank staff where they ought to go. But when I was in Colombia, one of the things I heard an awful lot about is the great 

potential that the eastern region had for developing agriculture. It 

is very fertile land. One of the big challenges that they have is, 

should that be fully developed, there are not enough roads and rail 

to get to market in the more densely populated regions to the west 

but also for export. And so these sorts of infrastructure projects 

could be something that would make a difference. Again, I am not 

making recommendations but saying these are the kind of things 

that the bank and its expert staff continue looking at to say how 

do we grow the economy, how do we diversify the economy, how do 

we give people multiple options so perhaps they are not drawn into 

some of the other activities that are going on down there. 

And then finally, I would say, getting back to my original point, 

it is working in conjunction with all the other U.S. Government entities to make sure that we are working hand in hand and not at 

cross purposes so we can be most effective in trying to stabilize the 

region and help it to continue to grow. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. McGuire. 

And finally, Mr. Haney, I want to congratulate you. On this 

CODEL I was talking about, we spent about 35 minutes in the airport in Costa Rica, and the mere knowledge that we were there 

caused Embassy officials to drive and meet with us in our layover 

and ask us penetrating questions about when Fitz Haney was 

going to be confirmed by the Senate of the United States. And I 

thought if they drove all the way out to the airport about an hour 

from downtown knowing we would have 5 minutes to talk on your 

behalf, that speaks well for the team that you will be working with. 

Costa Rica, a fascinating country; 120,000 American citizens, approximately, live there and more than 1 million Americans visit 

Costa Rica every year. 

As we are grappling with some of the issues I asked Mr. McGuire 

about some of the security challenges in Central America, really 

two things. What can we do to help Costa Rica share some of its 

expertise, civil justice system, for example, in Honduras—I am very 

familiar with Honduras, having lived there. One out of 100 murders leads to a conviction. So there is almost complete impunity for 

the most serious crime there is, and that means people do not cooperate with the courts or police. Why be a witness? Why tell somebody what you saw if there is not going to be a conviction anyway? 

And that is a fairly common thing in Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala. Costa Rica has a different tradition. I am interested in 

what you might be able to do to help sort of share that tradition 

in the region because of the cultural similarities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

20 

But also, I am curious. Is Costa Rica seeing any up-tick in criminal activity? There is a little bit of a squeezing the balloon phenomenon. The better we do in Colombia, the more we push some 

criminal activity elsewhere. When we invest in Plan Merida in 

Mexico, we push some criminal activity elsewhere. Is Costa Rica 

seeing any escalation, especially in narcotraffic, and what might 

the United States do to help them deal with that issue? 

Mr. HANEY. Thank you, Senator. And thanks to the team in Embassy San Jose who drove out to advocate on my behalf. I hope to 

be down there soon. 

Let me start with the second part of your question. I do think 

that is the importance of the entire approach, both from the U.S. 

Government perspective, as well as the strategic perspective that 

we have to address this on a regional basis. Because of the success 

we have had in Colombia and success we have had in Mexico, being 

a business person, my belief is that as people develop distribution 

channels, they are going to ship through whatever they think they 

can make money on. And so the countries in the middle, so all of 

Central America, have been squeezed and have all experienced an 

up-tick or increase in violence. And Costa Rica has not been spared 

that up-tick. Last year, the murder rate went back up in Costa 

Rica, and it was most directly related to narcotrafficking. 

So I think the fact that the country has, like I said, seized more 

drugs last year than any other country in the region—and that was 

a 30-percent increase over the previous year, and it has been 4 

years in a row—tells, I think, one of two things. One is that the 

Costa Ricans are a very willing and capable partner, and we need 

to continue to partner with them on initiatives around security. 

And two, probably other countries are not doing as well as they 

should do if Costa Rica is number one in this. So I think they are 

exposed, and we can do everything we can to continue to support 

their democratic institutions so that they cannot become as tainted 

or as fragile as the Northern Triangle institutions are. 

Now, what can Costa Rica do? I do think that Costa Rica, given 

its strong traditions and given its relative success on democracy 

and human rights, can serve to help institution-build within the region. And so I think our engagement—you know, we have not had 

an ambassador in Costa Rica now for almost 2 years, and I think 

our high-level engagement with the Government of Costa Rica will 

help them really to move to the next level. It is a natural impulse, 

I think, of the Solis government. President Solis has said that 

Costa Rica cannot prosper if the rest of the region is not prospering 

as well. And I think that is a shift in mindset that the Costa 

Ricans have come to as of late, but I think that we need to do everything we can to help them continue on that path. 

And so one of my priorities will be engaging both the Costa Rican 

Government, as well as broader civil society really, because Costa 

Rica has a very deep and broad civil society, and see how can we 

bring training and other things, from a judicial standpoint, some 

of the things that we have helped, actually Costa Rica with, 

through some of the CARSI funding we have done over the last 5 

years to really export that expertise to the Northern Triangle to 

really help and help the Costa Ricans continue to realize that helping the Northern Triangle is actually helping them as well. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

21 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have no further questions, and thanks to all the witnesses. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

I just have a quick question, Mr. Adams, for the record. As you 

think about taking on this responsibility—and let me echo the 

ranking member’s comment about your story. That is very touching. 

As you think about, though, taking on this responsibility, how do 

you see the priorities? What will be your main focus as you take 

on this responsibility? 

Mr. ADAMS. Senator Perdue, I think that the first priority for any 

United States Ambassador has to be the safety and the security of 

embassy personnel and of U.S. citizens at large in the particular 

country. And certainly this is something that, if confirmed, I will 

have foremost in my mind every day of my service in Finland. 

Second, there is the matter that Senator Kaine addressed just 

now, the resolution of the crisis in Ukraine and the role that can 

be played by Finland in a constructive sense, working with the 

United States and with the European Union to communicate to the 

Russians the absolute necessity of finding a satisfactory resolution 

to this crisis quickly in order that the sanctions regime can gradually be diminished rather than strengthened still further. 

Thirdly is the matter of the expansion of the bilateral trade relationship between Finland and the United States where, as I indicated, I believe that the United States can move up in the rankings 

both as a customer of Finland and as a supplier of goods and services to that country. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you very much. 

Gentlemen, thank you for your comments today and for your forbearance and for being here today. Your testimony is in the record, 

and I am very impressed. 

Just so you know, we are going to keep the record open in case 

Senator Gardner or any other members of the committee have any 

last-minute questions. I do not know that there will be any. But 

we ask that you respond to those if you get those in the next few 

days. 

Again, I really want to thank you for your willingness to serve 

our country. I am very encouraged when I meet high-quality people 

with backgrounds like yours willing to serve. So thank you very 

much. 

With the thanks of this committee, unless the ranking member 

has anything else, we will stand adjourned. Thank you very much. 

[Whereupon, at 3:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF MATTHEW T. MCGUIRE, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

OF THE INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT, TO A

QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE MCGUIRE’S RESPONSES

TO A QUESTION FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The World Bank Board in the next few months will be reviewing staff 

recommendations to improve the procurement practices of the Bank. While a number of very positive steps are being proposed, it is my understanding that, currently, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

22 

the staff does not appear to be planning to propose changes to the bid price preference margins that are granted to domestic bidders on bank projects (15 percent 

preference on goods and 7.5 percent on works). Such preferences raise questions 

about compatibility with efficient procurement and fair bid competition. In fact, the 

impact of this practice can affect issues that go beyond Bank procurement. For 

example, the Bank’s policy sometimes serves as an imprimatur for many developing 

countries to follow this practice in their own procurement, all of which is to the detriment of U.S. based bidders. 

♦ If confirmed, will you press for a prompt and serious review of this practice? 

Answer. Yes. 

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE MCGUIRE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question. I appreciate that in your testimony, you committed to ‘‘be a sound steward of our country’s capital at the Bank.’’ It is critically important that U.S. 

resources are used in a responsible and effective manner. 

♦ Do you believe requiring borrowers to accept higher cost energy projects is a 

responsible use of taxpayer dollars when affordable and reliable alternatives are 

readily available? 

Answer. The World Bank should support expansion of low-cost, reliable energy 

access in developing countries, and should do so taking into account full lifecycle 

costs, including environmental and social costs. In some instances, this may lead to 

higher costs up front, but should not lead to higher costs for the life of the project. 

The World Bank has an important role to play in increasing the commercial viability and promoting the expansion of renewable, clean, and efficient energy sources 

and technologies. 

Question. If confirmed, what criteria would you use to determine whether you will 

vote in support of energy development projects at the World Bank? 

Answer. As I evaluate energy projects, I will look to see that the project meets 

the country’s energy needs, has considered all relevant alternative approaches, and 

is as sustainable (both financially and environmentally) as possible. Of course, there 

are a variety of issues to consider in any project, including existing laws and policies, and these will apply to energy projects as well. 

Question. Will you vote in support of energy development projects that include oil, 

coal, and natural gas at the World Bank? 

Answer. I will vote in favor of projects that are consistent with U.S. law and policies and the World Bank’s own operating guidelines. Consistent with its own Energy 

Sector Directions Paper, the World Bank should work to increase the commercial 

viability and promote the expansion of renewable, clean, and efficient energy 

sources and technologies. Global energy needs are vast, and there are instances 

where fossil fuels like gas and oil can play a role in the transition to such sources. 

Both the administration’s Climate Action Plan and the World Bank’s Energy Sector 

Directions Paper recognize the important bridging role that natural gas can have 

in moving toward more sustainable sources of energy supply. 

Question. What are the current energy policies, rules, and restrictions at the 

World Bank that impact financing of energy development projects dealing with fossil 

fuels? 

Answer. In July 2013, the World Bank adopted a new approach to its engagement 

in the energy sector. The approach recognizes the importance of increasing access 

to modern energy services through an integrated approach that addresses both 

energy supply and demand issues, including energy efficiency, tariff pricing, and 

reducing technical losses. The approach notes that the World Bank Group will ‘‘only 

in rare circumstances’’ support new greenfield coal power generation projects, such 

as meeting basic energy needs in countries with no feasible alternatives. The paper 

also says that the World Bank will scale up its work helping countries develop 

national and regional markets for natural gas. 

Question. The World Bank approved a total of $1.6 billion in new projects in 

China through its nonconcessional window in fiscal year 2014. In fiscal year 2014, 

China was the third-largest recipient of financial assistance from International 

Bank for Reconstruction and Development, after Brazil and India. In 2014, China 

participated in the creation of two separate development banks called the Asian 

Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

23 

♦ Why is the World Bank continuing to lend substantial resources to China, when 

China can more than meet their financing needs in the international capital 

market and started creating their own international lending institutions? 

Answer. China’s per capita income ($6,550) remains below the threshold ($7,185) 

at which point World Bank management is supposed to initiate discussions about 

graduation. 

If confirmed, I will encourage the World Bank to begin discussions to transition 

China away from World Bank lending as it crosses the graduation threshold and 

to move toward other vehicles, such as reimbursable technical assistance and analytical and advisory assistance, to meet its development needs. 

Question. What is your view of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the 

New Development Bank? What kind of duplication will these new development 

banks have with existing multilateral and regional institutions? 

Answer. I believe that there is a pressing need to enhance infrastructure investment around the world and that any new institutions should be designed to complement the existing institutions. I also believe that any new multilateral institution 

should incorporate the high standards that the international community has collectively built at the World Bank and the regional development banks. 

Question. Do you believe that lending substantial resources to dynamic emerging 

market economies with access to international capital markets diverts capital away 

from countries with greater needs and lack of financial options? 

Answer. No. The World Bank’s sovereign lending is split between two different 

windows specifically to address this issue. Countries with greater needs and a lack 

of financial options receive concessional financing (grants or highly concessional 

loans) through the World Bank’s concessional window—the International Development Association (IDA). As a country’s per capita income increases and it gains 

access to international credit markets, it graduates from IDA to the World Bank’s 

nonconcessional window—the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). 

The allocation of the IBRD’s financial resources depends on a variety of factors, 

including the size of the borrower’s population, economy, and its credit ratings. This 

method of allocating resources helps the IBRD to maintain its AAA credit rating 

and limits the need for frequent infusions of capital by its shareholders. Given differing credit profiles, reducing lending to upper middle-income countries will not 

result in a dollar-for-dollar increase in capital available for IBRD lending to lower 

middle-income countries. The IBRD must be able to provide adequate resources to 

lower middle-income countries as they graduate from IDA, but the IBRD has taken 

a number of steps to ensure that it has adequate capital resources to do so over 

the medium-term. 

Question. What specific policies do you propose for graduating middle-income 

countries at the World Bank? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to urge World Bank management to apply 

the World Bank’s existing graduation policy in a more consistent fashion. According 

to World Bank policy, countries remain eligible to borrow from the IBRD until they 

are able to sustain long-term development without further recourse to World Bank 

financing and until they have reached a sufficiently advanced level of development. 

The World Bank uses a per capita income threshold (currently $7,185) as a trigger 

for discussions on graduation. I believe that the World Bank should be having serious discussions with more borrowers about graduation. As countries approach the 

threshold for graduation, I will also encourage the World Bank to be more selective 

about which sectors it supports in those countries, with a focus on those that have 

the greatest impact on poverty reduction and have a global or regional public good 

aspect associated with them. 

RESPONSES OF CHARLES C. ADAMS, JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF FINLAND, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE ADAMS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR SHAHEEN

Question. If confirmed as the next Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, will 

you commit to making the issue of gender equality and the particular challenge in 

Finland of gender-based violence a priority for this bilateral relationship? 

Answer. If confirmed as the next Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, I commit 

to continuing our efforts to enhance human rights, including with regard to gender 

equality. With the use of important tools such as the annual Human Rights Report, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

24 

and with the assistance of the State Department’s Office of Global Women’s Issues, 

I will continue to partner with Finland on eliminating gender inequality globally as 

well as engage with Finland on addressing gender-based violence at home. I am encouraged by our ongoing partnership with Finland, which has been the lead on U.N. 

Security Council Resolution 1325 implementation in Afghanistan. In this role, Finland has helped promote the importance of women in peace and security. The Finnish Government has also recognized the problem of gender-based violence domestically and adopted a 5-year, multisectoral action plan to combat violence against 

women. In addition, Finland recently passed legislation, effective January 1, 2015, 

outlining the government’s assistance to and responsibility for safe houses and shelters for victims of domestic violence. If confirmed, my team and I will continue to 

support efforts to address the problem of gender-based violence. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(25) 

NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 25, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Paul A. Folmsbee, of Oklahoma, to be Ambassador of the United 

States of America to the Republic of Mali 

Mary Catherine Phee, of Illinois, to be Ambassador of the United 

States of America to the Republic of South Sudan 

Cassandra Q. Butts, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador 

of the United States of America to the Commonwealth of the 

Bahamas 

Katherine Simonds Dhanani, of Florida, to be Ambassador of the 

United States of America to the Federal Republic of Somalia 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:16 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 

come to order. I would like to welcome all of you here, both the 

nominees and family members. 

We have talked and been able to meet all of you in my office. 

Thank you for coming by. 

As you know, I have long had an interest in Africa, having spent 

some time there. Last week, Ed and I presided over a hearing, a 

subcommittee hearing examining the economic policies or the 

promises that exist on the continent, particularly after the summit 

we had, the Leader summit last August. That was our first hearing 

in the Congress, and we will have many more. 

But today, we are going to hear from nominees to Mali, South 

Sudan, and Somalia, and we will look at some of sub-Saharan Africa’s most serious challenges. We also have the nominee for the Bahamas as well. I am grateful that she is here. 

After seeing positive developments in 2013, Mali’s security and 

governance climate has continued to deteriorate. And despite international pressure and ongoing mediation efforts, the conflict of 

South Sudan has continued for over a year, costing more than 

10,000 lives, displacing more than 2 million people, causing millions more to require humanitarian assistance. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

26 

The administration’s decision to nominate an Ambassador in Somalia offers at least a glimmer of hope for movement on the security and governance front. I look forward to hearing more about the 

potential for progress, as well as the hurdles that exist, when we 

establish a presence in Mogadishu. 

We are also considering a nominee, as I mentioned, for the Bahamas. It is an important regional neighbor, and I look forward to 

thoughts on economic progress and partnership with us here. 

Thank you all for your time and for your expertise. I look forward to your testimony. 

With that, I recognize Senator Markey. 

STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, so much, and I very 

much appreciate you holding this very important hearing. 

Three of the nominees that we are going to be talking about, and 

to, today, and hoping to be confirmed as U.S. Ambassadors, are 

looking at three of the most challenging countries in sub-Saharan 

Government: Mali, South Sudan, and Somalia. The fourth is seeking confirmation to the Bahamas, a place that most likely conjures 

up thoughts of vacation, but in truth it is a critical country on the 

United States third border in the Caribbean. 

All four of our nominees have distinguished records of public 

service that will continue as U.S. Ambassadors when they are confirmed. 

And I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for having this hearing. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Markey. Our first nominee 

is Paul Folmsbee. Mr. Folmsbee is a career member of the Senior 

Foreign Service. He currently serves as executive director of the 

State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs. Previously, Mr. 

Folmsbee served in a number of challenging assignments, including 

senior civilian representative for the Regional Command East Afghanistan; principal officer at the U.S. consulate in Mumbai, India; 

the Provincial Reconstruction team leader in Baghdad; and the director of international narcotics in law enforcement affairs at our 

Embassy in Pakistan. 

Mr. Folsmbee has also served in a number of Africa assignments, 

including Gabon, Tanzania, Kenya. Mr. Folmsbee earned a B.A. in 

political science from Tabor College in Hillsboro, Kansas, and an 

M.A. in social anthropology from the University of Oklahoma in 

Norman, OK. 

Our second nominee is Mary Catherine Phee. Ms. Phee is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, currently serves as 

chief of staff in the Office of the Special Envoy for Sudan and 

South Sudan. From 2011 to 2014, Ms. Phee served as deputy chief 

of staff in Ethiopia. She was previously director for Iraq at the National Security Council, the regional affairs coordinator at the U.S. 

Embassy in Rome, and counselor for political affairs at the U.S. 

mission at the U.N. in New York. 

Ms. Phee has held multiple positions focusing on Iraq and other 

countries in the Middle East. And before joining the Foreign Service, Ms. Phee also worked at Development Alternatives, a Bethesda, MD, company, and as deputy press secretary for Senator 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

27 

Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Ms. Phee earned a B.A. at Indiana University and a master’s degree from the Fletcher School of Law and 

Diplomacy. 

Our third nominee is Cassandra Butts. Ms. Butts is currently a 

senior adviser to the CEO at the Millennium Challenge Corporation. Previously, she served at the White House as deputy counsel 

to the President, general counsel in the Office of the President 

Elect, and general counsel for the Obama transition project. Prior 

to these nominations, Ms. Butts was the senior vice president for 

domestic policy at the Center for American Progress, and counsel 

and policy director for Representative Richard Gephardt in the 

United States House of Representatives. 

She earned a B.A. from the University of North Carolina at 

Chapel Hill, NC, and a J.D. from Harvard Law School. 

Our fourth nominee is Katherine Simonds Dhanani. Ms. Dhanani 

is a career Foreign Service officer and currently serves as director 

of the Office of Regional and Security Affairs in the State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs. Previously, Ms. Dhanani served 

as consul general at the U.S. consulate in India. She has held numerous assignments in Africa, including deputy chief of mission at 

the U.S. Embassy in Harare, Zimbabwe, and at the U.S. Embassy 

in Gabon. Prior to Gabon, she was political and economic section 

chief at the U.S. Embassy in Zambia, and economic section chief 

in the DRC. 

Ms. Dhanani earned a B.A. from Kenyon College in Gambier, 

OH, and an M.A. from MIT. 

So thank you all for being here. Thank you for sharing your 

thoughts and viewpoints. I am sure you will want to introduce family members as well, and we appreciate them for the sacrifice that 

they make as well as you serve. 

We would appreciate it if you could keep your testimony to about 

5 minutes, and then we can have time for questions to be asked. 

So we will recognize Mr. Folmsbee first, and thank you again for 

being here. 

STATEMENT OF PAUL A. FOLMSBEE, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALI 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 

Markey, and distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to come before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the 

next United States Ambassador to Mali. I deeply appreciate the 

confidence and trust the President and Secretary of State have 

shown in nominating me for this position. 

I am supported here today by my friends and colleagues from the 

State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs, as well as my 

friends from USAID. In fact, my former PRT deputy leader from 

Baghdad is actually sitting behind me, Jeff Bakken. He is a good 

man. 

My wife, Angie Chin, is also a U.S. diplomat and is probably 

watching us from Bangkok, Thailand, right about now. Unfortunately, she could not be here today. 

My career in the Foreign Service began in 1987 and has led to 

me to assignments all over the world. The bulk of my assignments 

have been in developing countries, including Kenya, Haiti, Gabon, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

28 

and Tanzania. In Iraq in 2007, I embedded with the 2/82nd Airborne, and ran a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Sadr City and 

Adhamiyah in downtown Baghdad. In Afghanistan in 2011, I embedded with the 1st Cavalry as a senior civilian rep for Regional 

Command East, where we worked on expanding governance and 

economic development programs. 

If confirmed, I would draw upon these experiences and many others to deepen U.S.-Mali ties, as we continue to work toward our 

mutual goals of combating extremism, strengthening democratic 

governance, and fostering inclusive economic growth. 

Mali continues to emerge from the most serious security, political, and development crisis it has faced since independence. It is 

rebuilding its social, economic, and governance institutions following the March 2012 coup d’etat and subsequent takeover of 

parts of northern Mali by extremists. 

Poverty both exacerbates Mali’s conflicts and underscores its capacity challenges. Mali is ranked 176th of the 187 nations in the 

United Nations 2014 Human Development Index. In addition, the 

recent coup and the events that followed revealed the fragility of 

Mali’s government institutions. 

Despite these challenges, Mali peacefully elected a President and 

National Assembly in 2013. The new government has made national reconciliation a top priority, and donors are now engaging 

with the country. It is within this context U.S. engagement will be 

critical as we foster democratic values, promote good governance, 

and engender peace and security. 

U.S. assistance programs will continue to increase access to education and health services, improve nutrition and sanitation, 

strengthen Malian food security, and facilitate inclusive economic 

growth. One of the key strategies for deepening economic growth 

is expanding the resiliency of poor communities so they will not be 

vulnerable to the shocks of extreme weather and conflict. 

Security and stability remain a major challenge. The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission, which is 

quite a mouthful, we call it MINUSMA, was established by the Security Council Resolution 2100 in April of 2013 to support the stabilization of the country and to carry out a number of security-related tasks. 

Our government continues to fully support that effort by providing training, equipment, and intelligence. The success of this 

mission is critical to the long-term stability of the country. 

Another key objective is to aid in the reformation of the Malian 

security sector by supporting institutions that can manage internal 

and external security threats, contribute to national and regional 

stability while adhering to civilian authority and respect international law and human rights norms. 

While there are a number of areas in the security sector that require investment, the near-to-medium-term priority for U.S. assistance are those activities that will refine the national strategy, repair civilian-military relations, improve access to justice in the 

north, and encourage the legislature and civil society stakeholders 

to hold security services accountable. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

29 

The government has engaged in internationally supported efforts 

to advance peace talks with the northern armed groups. These 

talks are ongoing, and their positive outcome is far from ensured. 

The U.S. Government will continue to participate in these negotiations as an observer and will also continue to look for opportunities to support a balanced and peaceful way forward. 

The outbreak of the Ebola virus in West Africa, and the threat 

it represented to Mali, punctuated the need for urgent cooperation 

on health matters. Early containment of the outbreak was a major 

priority for the Government of Mali, international partners, and 

the United States. Fortunately, the threat was successfully contained, aided in part by direct U.S. assistance from the State Department, the National Institutes of Health, CDC, and USAID. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I will 

look to you for counsel and support to ensure that our bilateral relationship remains firmly rooted in our shared vision of a democratic and prosperous Mali. 

Thank you for inviting me to appear before you today. I would 

be pleased to answer any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Folmsbee follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF PAUL A. FOLMSBEE

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to come before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the 

next United States Ambassador to Mali. I deeply appreciate the confidence and 

trust the President and Secretary of State have shown in nominating me for this 

position. 

I am supported here today by my friends and colleagues from the State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs and USAID. My wife Angelika Chin is also a U.S. 

diplomat and is serving at our Embassy in Bangkok, Thailand. Unfortunately she 

could not be here today. 

My career in the Foreign Service began in 1987 and has led me to assignments 

all over the world. The bulk of my assignments have been to developing countries 

including Kenya, Haiti, Gabon, and Tanzania. In Iraq, in 2007, I embedded with the 

2/82 Airborne and ran a Provincial Reconstruction Team in Sadr City and Adhamiya 

in downtown Baghdad. In Afghanistan in 2011, I embedded with the 1st Cavalry 

as the Senior Civilian Representative for Regional Command East and worked on 

expanding governance and economic development programs. If confirmed, I would 

draw upon these experiences and many others to deepen U.S.-Mali ties as we continue to work toward our mutual goals of combating extremism, strengthening 

democratic governance and fostering inclusive economic growth. 

Mali continues to emerge from the most serious security, political, and development crises it has faced since independence. It is rebuilding its social, economic, and 

governance institutions following a rebellion in the north, the March 2012 coup 

d’etat, and the subsequent takeover of parts of northern Mali by extremists. Poverty 

both exacerbates Mali’s conflicts and underscores its capacity challenges. Mali is 

ranked 176th of the 187 nations in the United Nation’s 2014 Human Development 

Index. In addition, conflict with northern groups, the recent coup and the events 

that followed revealed the fragility of Mali’s government institutions. Despite those 

challenges, Mali peacefully elected a President and National Assembly in 2013. The 

new government has made national reconciliation a top priority and donors are 

engaging with the country. It is within this context that U.S. engagement will be 

critical as we foster democratic values, promote good governance and engender 

peace and security. U.S. assistance programs will continue to increase access to education and health services, improve nutrition and sanitation, strengthen Malians’ 

food security, and facilitate inclusive economic growth. One of the key strategies for 

deepening economic growth is expanding the resiliency of poor communities so that 

they will not be vulnerable to the shocks of extreme weather and conflict. 

Security and stability remain a major challenge. The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) was established by 

Security Council Resolution 2100 in April of 2013 to support the stabilization of the 

country and to carry out a number of security-related tasks. Our government conFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

30 

tinues to fully support that effort by providing training, equipment and intelligence. 

The success of this mission is critical to the long-term stability of the country. 

Another key objective is to aid in the reformation of the Malian security sector 

by supporting institutions that can manage internal and external security threats, 

contribute to national and regional stability while adhering to civilian authority, 

and respect international law and human rights norms. While there are a number 

of areas in the security sector that require investment, the near- to medium-term 

priority for U.S. assistance are those activities that will refine the national security 

strategy, repair civilian-military relations, improve access to justice in the north, 

and encourage the legislature and civil society stakeholders to hold security services 

accountable. 

The government has engaged in internationally supported efforts to advance 

peace talks with the northern armed groups. These talks are ongoing and their positive outcome is far from assured. The U.S. Government will continue to participate 

in these negotiations as an observer and will also continue to look for opportunities 

to support a balanced and peaceful way forward. 

The outbreak of the Ebola virus in West Africa and the threat it represented to 

Mali punctuated the need for urgent cooperation on health matters. Early containment of the outbreak was a major priority for both the Government of Mali, international partners, and the United States. Fortunately, the threat was successfully 

contained, aided in part by direct U.S. assistance from the State Department, the 

National Institutes of Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and U.S. 

Agency for International Development. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I will look to you for 

counsel and support to ensure that our bilateral relationship remains firmly rooted 

in our shared vision of a democratic and prosperous Mali. Thank you for inviting 

me to appear before you today. I would be pleased to answer any questions you may 

have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Phee. 

STATEMENT OF MARY CATHERINE PHEE, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, 

distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to appear 

before you today as the President’s nominee to be the United 

States Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan. 

I would like to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I will look forward to working with this committee. 

I would also like to thank my family, friends, and colleagues who 

have generously shared encouragement, support, and laughter 

throughout my career. I could not undertake these challenges without them. And I would like to draw special attention to my sister, 

Amy, who is here today. 

I am deeply proud of the opportunity to serve our Nation and to 

apply my experience in tough situations to advance American interests and values. 

Mr. Chairman, I know you and the members of the committee 

share in the profound disappointment many of us experienced in 

December 2013 when the political process in South Sudan broke 

down, and the country’s leaders resorted to violence to resolve their 

disputes. And as you noted, this has resulted in a significant loss 

of life and nearly 2 million people have been displaced inside and 

outside of South Sudan. More than 4 million people now need 

emergency humanitarian assistance, and the country’s fledgling 

economy is at a standstill. 

Our disappointment is rooted in the special relationship that we 

in the United States, including Congress, successive administraFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

31 

tions, and the American people, forged with the people of South 

Sudan during their long civil wars and struggle for self-determination. We had high hopes that the 2005 Comprehensive Peace 

Agreement, which led to independence in 2011, offered a permanent end to war. But we were not blind to the challenges of overcoming decades of inadequate government, security, and development, and, with our international partners, sought to avert a 

breakdown of the fragile political order. 

Then and now, our core interests remain strengthening this 

young democratic state and promoting internal stability and regional peace. 

In collaboration with our Troika partners, which are the United 

Kingdom and Norway, we are backing negotiations to convince 

President Salva Kiir and former Vice President Riek Machar to 

commit to a durable cease-fire and to agree to a transitional government of national unity. The negotiating effort has been led by 

the group of countries neighboring South Sudan known as the 

Intergovernmental Authority on Development, or, more easily, 

IGAD. To the frustration of all, to date, the parties have resisted 

compromise. 

The current IGAD chairman, Ethiopian Prime Minister 

Hailemariam Desalegn, announced March 6 that he would reform 

the peace process to formally include the African Union, the Troika, the United Nations, the EU, and China. We support this approach. 

To be sustainable, we believe the final peace agreement must respect the desire of the people of South Sudan for justice and accountability, as well as reconciliation and healing. 

We have called for the prompt release of the official report from 

the African Union’s Commission of Inquiry, which was charged 

with investigating human rights violations and other abuses during 

the armed conflict. To advance the peace process, the U.N. Security 

Council on March 3 unanimously adopted a resolution we introduced that established a targeted sanctions regime and proposed 

an arms embargo that could be imposed should the South Sudanese leaders fail to respond to the mediation. 

To address the humanitarian impact, we have provided more 

than $994 million in emergency humanitarian assistance, including 

help for internally displaced persons and refugees in neighboring 

countries. This assistance has helped stave off famine and provided 

lifesaving services such as water, sanitation, and health care. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work with the leaders and the 

people of South Sudan to help end the conflict and begin the rebuilding. I will provide vigorous support to the ongoing effort to improve the humanitarian situation. 

Through our partnership, we can help South Sudan begin to recover from this devastating setback, and regain the opportunities 

present at independence. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, I assure you that, if confirmed, I will be 

proud to carry on the diplomatic tradition of ensuring the safety 

and security of American citizens abroad while focusing on the welfare of the American and South Sudanese staff of Embassy Juba. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, I thank you for the 

honor to appear before you today, and I welcome your questions. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

32 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Phee follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARY CATHERINE PHEE

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you as the President’s nominee to be the United States 

Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan. I would like to thank President Obama 

and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I will 

look forward to working with this committee. I would also like to thank my family, 

friends, and colleagues who have generously shared encouragement, support, and 

laughter throughout my career. I could not undertake these challenges without 

them. I am deeply proud of the opportunity to serve our Nation and to apply my 

experience in tough situations to advance American interests. 

Mr. Chairman, I know you and the members of the committee share in the profound disappointment many of us experienced in December 2013 when the political 

process in South Sudan broke down and the country’s leaders resorted to violence 

to resolve their disputes. This breakdown has generated a senseless conflict. There 

has been a significant loss of life and nearly 2 million people have been displaced 

inside and outside of South Sudan. More than 4 million people now need emergency 

humanitarian assistance and the country’s fledgling economy is at a standstill. 

Our disappointment is rooted in the special relationship that we in the United 

States—including Congress, successive administrations, and the American people— 

forged with the people of South Sudan during their long civil wars and struggle for 

self-determination. We had high hopes that the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which led to independence in 2011, offered a permanent end to war in South 

Sudan. But we were not blind to the challenges of overcoming decades of inadequate 

governance, development, and security, and, with our international partners, sought 

to avert a breakdown of the fragile political order. Then and now, our core interests 

remain strengthening this young democratic state and promoting internal stability 

and regional peace. 

In collaboration with our Troika partners, which are the United Kingdom and 

Norway, we are backing negotiations to convince President Salva Kiir and former 

Vice President Riek Machar to commit to a durable cease-fire and to agree to a transitional government of national unity. The negotiating effort has been led by the 

group of countries neighboring South Sudan known as the Intergovernmental 

Authority on Development, or IGAD. To the frustration of all, to date the parties 

have resisted compromise. The current IGAD Chairman, Ethiopian Prime Minister 

Hailemariam Desalegn, announced March 6 that he would reform the peace process 

to include the African Union, the Troika, the U.N., the EU, and China. We support 

this approach. 

To be sustainable, we believe the final peace agreement must respect the desire 

of the people of South Sudan for justice and accountability, as well as reconciliation 

and healing. We have called for the prompt release of the official report from the 

African Union’s Commission of Inquiry, which was charged with investigating 

human rights violations and other abuses during the armed conflict. 

To advance the peace process, the U.N. Security Council on March 3 unanimously 

adopted a resolution we introduced that established a targeted sanctions regime and 

proposed an arms embargo that could be imposed should the South Sudanese leaders fail to respond to the mediation. The resolution demonstrates that the international community condemns this conflict and seeks a prompt, negotiated end to 

the crisis. 

To address the humanitarian impact on the people of South Sudan, we have provided more than $994 million in emergency humanitarian assistance since the conflict began, including help for internally displaced persons and refugees in neighboring countries. This assistance has helped stave off famine and provided lifesaving 

services, such as water, sanitation, and health care. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work with the leaders and the people of South 

Sudan to help end the conflict and begin the rebuilding. I will provide vigorous support to the ongoing effort to improve the humanitarian situation. Through our partnership we can help South Sudan begin to recover from this devastating setback 

and regain the opportunities present at independence. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, I assure you that, if confirmed, I will be proud to carry 

on the diplomatic tradition of ensuring the safety and security of American citizens 

abroad, while focusing on the welfare of the American and South Sudanese staff 

members of Embassy Juba. 

Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Markey, I thank you for the honor to appear 

before you today and I welcome your questions. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

33 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Butts. 

STATEMENT OF CASSANDRA Q. BUTTS, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF THE BAHAMAS 

Ms. BUTTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member. I 

appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to be our next Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 

I am profoundly grateful for the honor the President has bestowed upon me, and for the confidence shown in me by Secretary 

Kerry, as I look to assume this new assignment, if confirmed. 

I would like to take the opportunity to introduce my sister, 

Deidra Abbott, who is here today, representing my family. My family has been a wellspring of support for me, and I would not be 

here today but for their support, their love, and their belief in me. 

I believe my experience as a lawyer and a policy adviser, and my 

service to my country in the executive and legislative branches, 

have well-prepared me for the duties of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. Having worked on some of the major 

legal policy issues of our time, including my most recent experience 

in international development at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have always sought solutions consistent with the values 

of our great Nation. I understand that leading with our values is 

a basis for finding lasting policy solutions and building strong partnerships at home and abroad. 

If the Senate confirms me, I would bring those experiences 

grounded in my strong belief in equality, justice, and compassion 

to the post of the Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 

Through close political and economic and cultural ties, the 

United States and the Bahamas have forged a strong bilateral relationship that has served both countries quite well. Bahamians regularly travel to the United States to visit friends and family and 

to conduct business, and approximately 6 million U.S. citizens travel to the Bahamas annually. 

The proximity of the Bahamas to the United Sates inextricably 

links our country’s national security. Together, we are confronting 

shared challenges, such as illicit trafficking, including narcotics, 

arms, and people, as well as bolstering the rule of law. 

If confirmed, my first and foremost priority will be to ensure the 

safety and security of U.S. citizens living in or visiting the Bahamas, as well as the Turks and Caicos Islands, which are included 

among Embassy Nassau’s consular oversight. 

I will work closely with the Bahamian authorities, community 

groups, and the entire U.S. mission, including the U.S. law enforcement officials, under Chief of Mission Authority, to promote innovative, effective, and whole-of-government-based efforts to reduce 

crime rates and other illegal activities. I will also continue to promote greater economic ties and growth, including exploring ways to 

make the Bahamas a more attractive place in which to invest and 

do business through the development and enforcement of stable 

and transparent regulations, as well as procurement and investment procedures. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

34 

If confirmed, I will work to assist the Bahamas in protecting and 

preserving for future generations the incredible natural beauty 

that makes it the vacation destination of choice for so many people, 

including by expanding marine protected areas. As part of the 

same effort, I will encourage the Bahamas to adopt cleaner technologies and build strong and resilient energy markets, which will 

not only provide a more secure and sustainable clean energy future 

in economic growth, but also limit the effects of greenhouse gas 

emissions. 

I also will make working with our Bahamian partners on human 

rights issues a priority by seeking to further gender equality; to expand opportunities for disenfranchised youth; and to encourage Bahamian officials to adopt fair, humane, and transparent practices 

related to irregular migrants, including improved access to refugee 

status determinations. 

Expanding educational exchanges is one of the best ways to deepen the already existing cultural and historic ties between the 

United States and the Bahamas. At present, approximately 1,700 

students from the Bahamas study in the United States, and more 

than 750 students from the United States study in the Bahamas. 

If confirmed, I will seek to increase levels of educational exchange 

between our two countries, including through enhancing existing 

partnerships and building new ones. 

While geography and history have forged strong bonds between 

our countries, the Bahamas also maintains close economic ties with 

many other nations. As the world economy continues to rebound, 

the Bahamas key tourism and hospitality sectors have seen increases in Asian investment. We do not see foreign economic and 

commercial links to the Bahamas as a threat to U.S. interests. We 

strongly believe that the American companies can successfully compete with anybody in the world when transparent regulations and 

practices with steadfast respect for the rule of law prevail. 

The United States has not had an ambassador in Nassau for over 

4 years, but we have strong leadership and staff at U.S. Embassy 

the Bahamas continuing the important work of the mission. Still, 

the value of having a confirmed U.S. Ambassador to advance U.S. 

interests cannot be overstated. 

If confirmed, I will strive to further the good work of our Nassau 

mission and strengthen the close and productive bilateral relationship. 

In closing, I am confident that I have the experience and imagination and the energy to lead our bilateral relationship with the 

people and the Government of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 

I thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, and Mr. Ranking Member Markey, and I look forward to answering any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Butts follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CASSANDRA Q. BUTTS

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you for 

the opportunity to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be the 

next Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. I am profoundly grateful 

for the honor the President has bestowed upon me and for the confidence shown in 

me by Secretary Kerry as I look to take up this assignment, if confirmed. 

Please allow me to introduce the members of my family who are here today. My 

family has been a wellspring of support. I am here today because of their love and 

support and because of their dedication and belief in me. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

35 

I believe my experience as a lawyer and policy advisor and my service to my country in the executive and legislative branches have well prepared me for the duties 

of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. Having worked on some of 

the major legal and policy issues of our time, including my most recent experience 

in international development at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have 

always sought solutions consistent with the values of our great Nation. I understand 

that leading with our values is the basis for finding lasting policy solutions and 

building strong partnerships at home and abroad. If the Senate confirms me, I 

would bring those experiences, grounded in my strong belief in equality, justice, and 

compassion, to the post of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 

Through close political, economic, and cultural ties, the United States and the Bahamas have forged a strong bilateral relationship that has served both countries 

well. Bahamians regularly travel to the United States to visit friends and family 

and to conduct business. And approximately 6 million U.S. citizens travel to the 

Bahamas annually. The proximity of the Bahamas to the United States inextricably 

links our countries’ national security. Together we are confronting shared challenges 

such as illicit trafficking, including in narcotics, arms, and people, as well as bolstering the rule of law. 

If confirmed, my first and foremost priority will be to ensure the safety and security of U.S. citizens living in or visiting the Bahamas, as well as the Turks and 

Caicos Islands, which are included under Embassy Nassau’s consular oversight. I 

will work closely with Bahamian authorities, community groups, and the entire U.S. 

mission, including U.S. law enforcement officials under Chief of Mission authority, 

to promote innovative, effective, and whole-of-government based efforts to reduce 

crime rates and other illegal activities. I also will continue to promote greater economic ties and growth, including exploring ways to make the Bahamas a more 

attractive place in which to invest and do business through the development and 

enforcement of stable and transparent regulations as well as procurement and 

investment procedures. 

If confirmed, I will work to assist the Bahamas in protecting and preserving for 

future generations the incredible natural beauty that makes it the vacation destination of choice for so many people, including by expanding marine protected areas. 

As part of this same effort, I will encourage the Bahamas to adopt cleaner technologies and build strong and resilient energy markets, which will not only provide 

a more secure and sustainable clean energy future and economic growth, but also 

limit the effects of greenhouse gas emissions. 

I also will make working with our Bahamian partners on human rights issues a 

priority by seeking to further gender equality; to expand opportunities for 

disenfranchised youth; and to encourage Bahamian officials to adopt fair, humane, 

and transparent practices related to irregular migrants, including improved access 

to refugee status determinations. 

Expanding educational exchanges is one of the best ways to deepen the already 

existing cultural and historical ties between the United States and the Bahamas. 

At present, approximately 1,700 students from the Bahamas study in the United 

States, and more than 750 students from the United States study in the Bahamas. 

If confirmed, I will seek to increase levels of educational exchange between our two 

countries, including through enhancing existing partnerships and the building of 

new ones. 

While geography and history have forged strong bonds between our countries, the 

Bahamas also maintains close economic ties with many other nations. As the world 

economy continues to rebound, the Bahamas’ key tourism and hospitality sectors 

have seen increases in Asian investment. We do not see foreign economic and commercial links to the Bahamas as a threat to U.S. interests. We strongly believe that 

American companies can successfully compete with anybody in the world when 

transparent regulations and practices and steadfast respect for the rule of law 

prevail. 

The United States has not had an ambassador in Nassau for over 4 years, but 

we have had strong leadership and staff at the U.S. Embassy in the Bahamas continuing the important work of the mission. Still, the value of having a confirmed 

U.S. ambassador to advance U.S. interests cannot be overstated. If confirmed, I will 

strive to further the good work of our Nassau mission and strengthen a close and 

productive bilateral relationship. 

In closing, I am confident that I have the experience, imagination, and energy to 

lead our bilateral relationship with the people and the Government of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. While at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, I have 

seen firsthand the important work carried out by our ambassadors and their teams 

as they engage and advocate for U.S. policy goals and objectives. If confirmed, I 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

36 

pledge to uphold the tradition and high standards of public service expected of a 

U.S. ambassador. I look forward to the opportunity to continue to serve my country. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you for 

the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome your questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Dhanani. 

STATEMENT OF KATHERINE SIMONDS DHANANI, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF 

SOMALIA 

Ms. DHANANI. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, I am 

honored to appear before you today to be considered for the position of United States Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. 

I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence in me they have shown with this nomination. 

If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our interests 

by promoting a unified and peaceful Somalia with a stable and representative government that can defend its territory, foster economic development, and defend human rights. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me at this time to introduce my husband, Azim Dhanani. His support has meant everything to me as 

he accompanied me to assignments around the globe. And if confirmed, I will continue to rely on him as I take up my new responsibilities. 

This is a critical time in our engagement with Somalia. Decades 

of conflict, famine, and oppression led many to label Somalia a 

failed state. Today, Somalis are proving those pessimists wrong. 

There is progress in Somalia, measured, but real progress on security, on economic development, and on the establishment of representative government. 

Just over 2 years ago, the United States officially recognized the 

Federal Government of Somalia. Since that time, we have been 

working closely with the Somalis as they rebuild their state and 

lay a foundation for the future. 

The decision to nominate the first U.S. Ambassador to Somalia 

in over 2 decades was taken in recognition of our deepening relationship and our conviction that Somalia is on a path that will 

bring better times. Establishment of a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu will represent the culmination of this recognition process, but there is no fixed timeline for achieving this objective. 

If confirmed, I will carefully monitor the security environment in 

Somalia, as I seek to advance our diplomatic objectives with no 

higher priority than my responsibility for the security of personnel 

under my charge. U.S. interests in Somalia are clear, just as the 

collapse of Somalia was a strain on the region, stability, prosperity, 

and peace in Somalia will bolster positive trends in economic and 

democratic development in Africa. 

Violent extremists exploited the past failure of governance in Somalia to our and Somali’s detriment. 

We have a strong humanitarian interest in easing the suffering 

of 2 million refugees and internally displaced persons, in reducing 

the food insecurity that leaves Somalia vulnerable to famine, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

37 

in addressing the failures that place Somalia at the bottom of the 

list on so many human development indicators. 

If confirmed, I will keep these U.S. interests firmly in mind as 

I lead U.S. engagement with the Somali Government, the Somali 

people, and the international partners who share our commitment 

to seeing Somalia succeed. 

Mr. Chairman, in my written statement, I outlined the U.S. 

strategy on Somalia, which was submitted to Congress last summer. In the interests of time, I will not repeat that, but in sum, 

U.S. policy revolves around three elements: security, the political 

process, and development. Gains in each reinforce and must keep 

pace with the others. 

Mr. Chairman, Somalia is moving in the right direction but more 

progress is needed. Somali leaders must pull together to build their 

institutions, protect their citizens, and unite their country. Somalia’s neighbors and friends must assist in that effort. 

I can assure you today that, if confirmed, it will be my honor to 

restore U.S. Mission Somalia, advance U.S. interests, and strengthen our relationship with Somalia. And I look forward to the opportunity to work with the committee to achieve those goals. 

I also look forward to answering any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Dhanani follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KATHERINE S. DHANANI

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you today to be considered for the position of United 

States Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. I am deeply grateful to 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence in me they have shown 

through this nomination. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our 

interests by promoting a unified and peaceful Somalia, with a stable and representative government, that can defend its territory, foster economic development, and 

defend human rights. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me at this time to introduce my husband, Azim 

Dhanani. His support has meant everything to me as he accompanied me to assignments around the globe, and, if confirmed, I will continue to rely on him as I take 

up my new responsibilities. 

This is a critical time in our engagement with Somalia. Decades of conflict, famine, and oppression led many to label Somalia a ‘‘failed state.’’ Today, Somalis are 

proving those pessimists wrong. There is progress in Somalia—measured but real 

progress—on security, on economic development, and on the establishment of representative government. Just over 2 years ago, the United States officially recognized the Federal Government of Somalia. Since that time, we have been working 

closely with the Somalis as they rebuild their state and lay a foundation for the 

future. The decision to nominate the first U.S. Ambassador to Somalia in over two 

decades was taken in recognition of our deepening relationship and our conviction 

that Somalia is on a path that will bring better times. Establishment of a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu will represent the culmination of this recognition process, but there is no fixed timeline for achieving this objective. If confirmed, I will carefully monitor the security environment in Somalia as I seek to 

advance our diplomatic objectives, with no higher priority than my responsibility for 

the security of personnel under my charge. 

U.S. interests in Somalia are clear. Just as the collapse of Somalia was a strain 

on the region, stability, prosperity, and peace in Somalia will bolster positive trends 

in economic and democratic development in Africa. Violent extremists exploited the 

past failure of governance in Somalia, to our and Somalis’ detriment. We have a 

strong humanitarian interest in easing the suffering of 2 million refugees and internally displaced Somalis, in reducing the food insecurity that leaves Somalia vulnerable to famine, and in addressing the failures that place Somalia at the bottom of 

the list on so many human development indicators. If confirmed, I will keep these 

U.S. interests firmly in mind as I lead U.S. engagement with the Somali Government, the Somali people, and the international partners who share our commitment 

to seeing Somalia succeed. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

38 

Mr. Chairman, as referenced in the U.S. Strategy on Somalia that the State 

Department submitted to Congress last summer, and the subsequent January update, U.S. policy revolves around three elements: security, the political process, and 

development. On the security front, our top priority is degrading al-Shabaab, which 

has links to al-Qaeda. Driving al-Shabaab from its remaining strongholds and neutralizing it as a destabilizing force are critical to open up space for legitimate governance and development opportunities. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, it will be 

my priority to continue our efforts to help our African partners to degrade 

al-Shabaab. I will continue to support the African Union Mission in Somalia—or 

AMISOM as it is most commonly known—until Somalis are ready and able to 

assume full responsibility for their own security. To that end, building the capacity 

of the Somali National Security Forces will be a top priority. 

In Somalia, political and security gains must reinforce and keep pace with one 

another. The Federal Government has made progress establishing government institutions, negotiating relationships with regional authorities, and supporting community stabilization. However, the Somali Government’s institutional capacity and 

reach remain extremely limited. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States, 

in very close coordination with our international partners, continues to support the 

Somali Government as it implements ‘‘Vision 2016’’—the Somali-led state-building 

agenda for completing a federal state-formation process, holding a constitutional referendum, and preparing for democratic elections. 

As we focus on the long-term goals of establishing a sustainable federal system 

of governance, we must keep in focus the immediate needs of the Somali people. 

Tragically, Somalis continue to face a multitude of natural and man-made threats 

to their livelihoods and their lives. Those imperiled by al-Shabaab risk losing their 

land, their livestock, and their lives; those freed from al-Shabaab may still be in 

danger from an overall lack of security, including gender-based violence and 

interclan rivalry. Last year alone, conflict forced more than 80,000 Somalis from 

their homes. The food security situation continues to teeter on the brink of crisis 

with a million or more Somalis at risk. If I am confirmed, U.S. efforts to help 

address these urgent needs will remain at the forefront of our engagement. 

Mr. Chairman, Somalia is moving in the right direction, but more progress is 

needed. Somali leaders must pull together to build their institutions, protect their 

citizens, and unite their country. Somalia’s neighbors and friends must assist in 

that effort. I can assure you today that, if confirmed, it will be my honor to restore 

U.S. Mission Somalia, advance U.S. interests, and strengthen our relationship with 

Somalia, and I look forward to the opportunity to work with the committee to 

achieve those goals. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Ms. Dhanani. I want to apologize. I 

put an ‘‘L’’ in your name at the beginning. 

Well, thank you for your testimony, all of you, and thank you 

again to the family members who are here and watching from afar, 

as well. 

Mr. Folmsbee, with regard to Mali, what is the biggest U.S. commercial interest that we have there? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. You know, Senator, to be honest with you, Mali 

is fighting for last place in a human index factor put out by the 

United Nations. Its economy is at a low point after the 2012 coup, 

and so it is very modest. 

Any kind of economic development issue, I am sure we could dig 

up some U.S. sales and that sort of thing, but it is going to be very 

limited. In reality, it is going to be development assistance at this 

point. 

Senator FLAKE. So commercial development not for a while, 

mostly development? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. If we can hook some U.S. companies out there, 

I promise you I will personally get on it and help get them out 

there. 

Senator FLAKE. It is a good place to start, in that regard. 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. Absolutely. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, great. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

39 

Ms. Phee, just yesterday it was reported that the legislature or 

the lawmakers in South Sudan voted to extend the President’s 

term for another 3 years. I guess they are trying to confer legitimacy where they can. What role is President Kiir playing at 

present, in your view? What can he do to help the situation at this 

point? 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Senator. We believe the best approach remains a peace agreement, a peace agreement that would end the 

conflict and establish a transitional government of national unity. 

And one of the key tasks of that transitional government would be 

to hold elections, permanent elections. That would be the best way 

to renew legitimacy. 

The President’s Special Envoy, Ambassador Donald Booth, was 

in Juba yesterday meeting with President Kiir to continue to push 

him to make the compromises necessary to reach that peace agreement. 

Senator FLAKE. We have a long way to go, though, it is safe to 

assume. 

Ms. PHEE. It is a challenging task ahead of all of us. One good 

sign is the fact that so many are unified in wanting to see an end 

to this conflict. The neighbors, the African Union, the United Nations, China is supporting us in this effort. So, hopefully, if we continue to speak with a collective voice, we will be able to make an 

impact. 

And in that regard, Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank the 

Congress for its efforts. Its statements, its meetings, its calls, have 

helped reinforce that message to the South Sudanese leaders that 

it is time to make compromise. 

Senator FLAKE. The countries in the region are playing a role 

through the regional organization, but Uganda has kind of played 

an outsized role there. Has that been negative or positive or both? 

I know there have been some issues with some of the troops. 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. IGAD has had a tough 

time, but I think it is important to recognize that any peace agreement that is reached will need the support of its neighbors to be 

fully effective. So we continue to engage with them to work closely 

with them to try and help them reach the shared goal that we all 

have of seeing an end to the conflict. 

Senator FLAKE. You mentioned one of your roles, as it is for 

every Ambassador, to protect U.S. citizens who happen to be traveling there. To what extent do we have U.S. citizens—I am assuming it is mostly those in the Sudanese diaspora. What kind of visits 

are they on right now? I mean, are there other many visits going 

on? 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for raising that point. The 

State Department last issued a travel warning for South Sudan advising American citizens not to travel there because of the current 

conflict. We did that in January of this year. So you are absolutely 

correct. The primary set of visitors from the United States are 

members of the diaspora, who, like us, care very deeply about this 

situation and are trying to support a positive resolution. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Butts, when we spoke in my office, you were talking about 

the pretty robust presence that we have there given our interest 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

40 

in all the travel, 6,000 visits a year. Can you describe how many 

State Department employees, roughly, and how many folks from 

Customs and other agencies of government there are there? 

Ms. BUTTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Nassau is distinct as a 

post in that there are actually fewer State Department employees 

in Nassau than there are Homeland Security employees. Actually, 

there is more of a Homeland Security presence there from Customs 

and Border Protection, and a lot of the work that we do around immigration and trying to deter irregular migration. There is a significant Coast Guard presence in Nassau. So in total, we have a 

little over 200 staff with about 20-plus on the State Department 

side, and about 70 for Homeland Security, and then other agencies 

are also included. We have a few from DOJ. We have, of course, 

have a military attache ́ at post. 

And as you appreciate, it is an archipelago, so there are a number of islands. So in Freeport, for example, there is a significant 

Customs and Border Protection presence, because of preclearance 

for flights that go between the United States and between the Bahamas. 

So it is a distinct post in both the size and the composition of 

the staff at post. 

Senator FLAKE. A lot of your function will be coordinating then, 

I assume? 

Ms. BUTTS. It will, and that is actually one of the challenges of 

the post. Things have been working very well. The Charge ́ there, 

Lisa Johnson, is actually with us today and has done a great job 

waiting for an ambassador. 

But the coordination is a significant part. Fortunately, the agencies work very well together, and we have a very, very robust coordinated effort in dealing with illicit trafficking and dealing with 

irregular migration. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, thank you. 

Ms. Dhanani, can you describe the security situation currently 

in-country? My understanding is that you will not be stationed in 

the country, initially. You will operate from Nairobi. We have a secured facility at the airport, I guess. 

Can you kind of describe the challenges that we have there, and 

what the timetable might be for you to actually be in-country for 

more than a few days at a time, I should say? 

Ms. DHANANI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and you have identified 

one of the major issues that will be preoccupying me. 

I go to Nairobi with a mission of reestablishing a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu, but that will depend on improvements in the security circumstances on the ground. We have adopted a policy that involves continual monitoring of the security environment and phased reengagement. The phase that we currently 

stand at allows us to have members of the U.S. Government team 

enter Mogadishu for periods of up to 2 weeks, to stay for periods 

as long as 2 weeks. But we can only have a limited presence in 

Mogadishu at any given time. 

And at the moment, our assessment of the security situation does 

not permit us to move beyond the airport. Clearly, we need to see 

improvement in the security situation what will allow us to have 

greater access to all of Mogadishu, as well as have greater numbers 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

41 

of people on the ground at the airport. So there are limitations 

today, but it is an enormously improved situation to what it was 

as little as 2 years ago. 

During the last year, the team in the Somalia unit and the U.S. 

Government employees made 161 trips into Somalia. They visited 

Mogadishu. They visited many of the regional capitals. They have 

really had an opportunity to substantially expand their engagement. 

As I am there, I will be engaged in constant risk monitoring, risk 

mitigation, and risk management as we seek to take advantage of 

improved security to move further and engage further in the pursuit of the objectives that we have in Somalia. 

Senator FLAKE. A little more complicated than finding a real estate agent and looking for a residence then, I assume. Well, thank 

you. 

Mr. Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Ms. Phee, could you talk about a year later after the United 

States announced sanctions against South Sudan, in terms of the 

cooperation we are getting from the EU in ensuring the effectiveness of our policy? 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you very much for that question. 

The resolution that was adopted earlier this month in the Security Council was a unanimous resolution that established a framework to impose international targeted sanctions. That unanimous 

resolution follows individual steps by the United States, where the 

President has used his Executive authority, as well as action by the 

EU to impose EU’s targeted sanctions. So we are now ready to use 

the forum in the Security Council as a tool to support the peace 

negotiations. 

I think, in sum, I would characterize the EU posture as complementary to our own and adding to the collective pressure to 

reach an end to the conflict. 

Senator MARKEY. Ms. Dhanani, how would you characterize alShabaab’s relationship with al-Qaeda in all of it is manifestations? 

And how would you describe al-Shabaab’s ability to recruit outside 

of its region, to further destabilize the area? 

Ms. DHANANI. Senator Markey, al-Shabaab has formally affiliated with al-Qaeda, so when we engage or consider engagement regarding al-Shabaab, we treat al-Shabaab as we would al-Qaeda. 

A very worrying aspect of the crisis in Somalia in recent years 

has been the effect that it has had on Somalia’s neighbors. Certainly, in Kenya, in the Westgate mall attack last year, but also 

throughout the region in Uganda, Djibouti, and elsewhere, there 

have been incidents. There have been attacks—some successful, 

some unsuccessful—that have their roots in al-Shabaab. 

And it is for that reason that Somalia’s neighbors have formed 

the bulk of the force that we are supporting as they seek to reverse 

the gains of al-Shabaab. 

Senator MARKEY. What is al-Shabaab’s largest source of revenue 

today? 

Ms. DHANANI. My understanding, sir, Ranking Member Markey, 

is that al-Shabaab continues to rely on charcoal trade, taxes that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

42 

they achieve through the charcoal trade, and also through extortion. 

They no longer control cities. They no longer control large areas. 

But they are present in various places in the country. Their resources are much more limited than they were when they controlled a large part of the country, but they still have access in a 

number of places. 

Senator MARKEY. Okay, thank you. 

Mr. Folmsbee, can you talk a little bit about the French presence 

in Mali, its military there, what role it is playing, what success it 

is enjoying or not enjoying? Just give us a little bit of an overview 

of the French role right now in that country. 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. Well, thank you for that question, Senator. 

The French role has been critical. The French went into Mali in 

2013 and drove al-Qaeda out of the Northern areas. We have heavily supported that activity, mostly in logistics, but the French have 

done a lot of good work there. Also with training and setting up 

MINUSMA, they have also played a key role, although they are 

also assisting directly with the Malian Army as well, where there 

have been some difficulties. So they played a very key role. 

Senator MARKEY. What is it going to take for the rebels to agree 

to a peace deal, in your opinion? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. Well, that is a good question. You know, I think 

the fundamental issue is going to come down to the government 

and the northern groups, led in part by MNLA, to agree to some 

terminologies relating to the devolution of authority and power. 

I do not know if I see the end of that just yet, but I am hopeful 

that we will get there. So I think we can hope that will come. 

Senator MARKEY. Okay, great, thank you. 

Ms. Butts, who I have known for 20 years, can you talk a little 

bit about the immigration policy in the Bahamas and the questions 

that are being raised about the barriers that are being erected to 

being able to gain citizenship and not living in a stateless status? 

Could you give your overview of what that situation looks like 

today? 

Ms. BUTTS. Yes, absolutely. Thank you, Ranking Member Markey. 

We work in a coordinated effort with the Bahamians to patrol 

both sea and surface patrols to deter irregular migration in the region, but also to interdict irregular migration when we have the opportunity to do so. It is my understanding that migrants coming 

through the area are principally Haitian and Cuban migrants who 

stop off in the Bahamas, and ultimately want to make their way 

to the United States. 

If I am confirmed, one of the things that I will urge the Bahamian Government is to ensure that they are following international 

standards in how they are managing irregular migration with the 

support of the United States as we have supported them in the 

past. 

There are significant pockets of migrants in the Bahamas. There 

is a large Bahamian-Haitian community in the Bahamas. As you 

are probably aware, Senator Markey, there has been a change in 

the policy of the Bahamian Government. It actually went into effect 

in November 2014. It now requires that migrants who are in the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

43 

country actually have passports of their countries of nationality, 

and they also have documentation that they can legally be in the 

Bahamas. 

There have been concerns that have been raised by the Bahamian-Haitian community and by human rights advocates that the 

implementation of the policy has unfairly targeted Haitian communities, and that the Haitians or that the detainees who are being 

detained as a result of the policy in the detention facility are not 

being treated to international standards. 

I will, certainly, urge while I am there, if I am confirmed, that 

the Bahamians follow international standards in how they are implementing their immigrant policy and also how they are maintaining the detention facilities. 

As you are aware, Senator Markey, I have worked for a number 

of years on issues related to migration. These are things that I care 

about, I understand, and I look forward to having the opportunity, 

if confirmed, to engage on the issue. 

I am very confident, though, that the Bahamians have robust 

democratic institutions, and they will be able to address these concerns with the help of the U.S. Government and also the international community, and I look forward to engaging. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

We will do one more round, if that is all right. 

Mr. Folmsbee, do we know who is responsible for the latest attacks on the MINUSMA forces? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. In the north, yes, I believe there is very good 

intel on that. This is an open session, and I do not know if it is 

out in the public yet. But there is good intel on that. 

There were also attacks in Bamako, and al-Mourabitoun actually 

has claimed responsibility for those attacks. 

Senator Flake. Do we know what is leading to this increase in 

attacks? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. Well, it is very clear that some of the Tuareg extremists groups are looking to put pressure on the government as 

it relates to the peace talks. I think there is little doubt about that. 

But I also think that they will be thwarted. I think there is a 

lot of pressure back against them. 

Senator FLAKE. As far as the U.S. Government is concerned, do 

we have the right mix in civilian and military tools for you in the 

country? 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. I think we do, but I will also say, if confirmed, 

I am, certainly, going to be looking at that, because that is a fair 

question. The key issue is going to ultimately be what is the 

north—the opportunity for the government is really to make inroads to the north. There have to be paved roads up there. There 

have to be jobs up there. There have to be hospitals up there. 

So if the government does not swing around with that, our actions will not matter that much. So we have to make sure that the 

government takes that on. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Phee, you mentioned in your testimony, the U.N. Security 

Council on March 3 resolution established a targeted sanctions reFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

44 

gime, even proposed an arms embargo that could be imposed, 

should these South Sudanese officials not respond to mediation. 

What effect do you believe that would have, particularly the arms 

embargo that is talked about? 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The objective of the resolution was to send sort of an unequivocal signal to the parties that 

they were at a crossroads, that it is really time. This conflict has 

gone on too long. The humanitarian consequences are devastating. 

And it is time to reach an end and find a way forward. 

So it was an effort to provide the negotiators with a tool to convince both sides that there is no self-interest in sustaining the conflict. That is the objective of the resolution. It is tied very closely 

to the progress of the negotiations, particularly, as I mentioned, 

this new effort by IGAD to reformulate the negotiating process, 

and, frankly, to provide a more direct role for outsiders such as 

ourselves to be engaged and hopefully bring this over the finish 

line. 

Senator FLAKE. All right, well, thank you. 

Ms. Butts, we have cooperation with the government with regard 

to drug interdiction, with the Bahamian Government. Can that be 

improved, or is that considered good? How would you characterize 

it? 

Ms. BUTTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We have made tremendous progress in that area. As you are aware, during the 1980s 

there was very robust trafficking, a lane through the Bahamas. 

And at that point in the 1980s, about 80 percent of the cocaine that 

came to the United States actually came through the Bahamas. 

Since then, we have actually established a very robust partnership that is focused on our OPBAT task force. As recently as 2011, 

actually 10 percent of the cocaine coming to the United States actually came through the Bahamas, and so we have had tremendous 

success in that regard. 

Unfortunately, over the past couple of years, Mr. Chairman, we 

have seen a bit of an uptick in what was 10 percent in 2011, has 

now become about 14 percent. So we are doing well. We can, certainly, do better. We could, certainly, use additional resources to 

fight illicit narcotics coming through. But we have a very strong 

partnership with the Bahamians on that area. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Dhanani, what do you think the prospects are for elections 

that are scheduled to be held next year? And given a very complicated arrangement with the government appointed, as opposed 

to elected, how credible will that be seen around the country, if 

these elections are actually held? 

Ms. DHANANI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I think you have 

touched on an extremely important factor. We need a Government 

of Somalia that is a representative government, that the people feel 

is answerable to them, and that is representative to all the regions 

of the country in order to have stability going forward. 

The existing Federal Government of Somalia was selected. Elders 

selected the Parliament, and the Parliament nominated the President, and there is a degree of representivity, but not to the extent 

that we require. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

45 

That government, however, has defined and outlined a detailed 

roadmap toward representative government. ‘‘Vision 2016’’ is the 

name of this roadmap. It is a roadmap that we and the rest of the 

international community are supporting. 

It includes a number of steps on which the deadlines have already been missed, quite frankly. We are currently focused on urging the Somalis to make progress toward restoring that schedule, 

making progress toward establishing a constitution. 

Creating a federal system is a very complicated task. When we 

think of what our Founding Fathers achieved and the stability of 

the United States, it is quite remarkable. This is the challenge that 

faces Somalis today. And we are supporting the vision that they 

have outlined, and we are urging, along with our friends and 

throughout the international community, that they stick to this 

plan that they have defined for themselves. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Each of you is extremely well-qualified. Life’s work has prepared 

you for the jobs which you are being nominated to take on for our 

country. What I would like you to, perhaps, give us is, in each one 

of your own words, your hopes for what you will be remembered 

for in your ambassadorship, what achievement you want to have 

left behind when your service has been completed. I am going to 

ask each one of you to give me a sense of what it is that you would 

like to have left as your legacy. 

We will begin with you, Mr. Folmsbee. 

Mr. FOLMSBEE. This is really a great opportunity to talk about 

that, so thank you for that question. 

I think the key element and concern I have for Mali is the divide 

where the Niger River runs across the country. Everybody to the 

north has never really been connected to everyone to the south. So 

you have this cycle of conflict that has been going on for 50 years 

and probably much longer, actually. 

I think the opportunity for all of us in the diplomatic community 

and the government is to help connect that. That is going to be 

through education and other areas, as well as in security. 

So I hope that is the legacy that someone like myself and our 

whole team can leave behind, making that connection. That is 

going to make a big difference that will help stabilize that country. 

That is what I am going to do, if confirmed. 

Senator Markey. Thank you, sir. 

Ms. Phee. 

Ms. PHEE. Thank you, Ranking Member Markey, for your support. If I were to be confirmed, I would be the second U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of South Sudan, so that raises a question: 

Who wants to be second, right? Generally speaking, second is not 

a positive space. 

But in this instance, I think second is very important and very 

special, because I would symbolize United States commitment to 

the people of South Sudan. We are there in the tough times, as 

well as the more fun times, as was experienced in 2011 when the 

new state was established. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

46 

So, moreover, I would also follow, I think, in the footsteps of so 

many Americans, students, church groups, activists, Members of 

Congress, members of so many administrations who have cared for 

so long for the people of South Sudan and all the suffering they 

have experienced. 

So I would be proud to stand second behind all those folks, and 

represent U.S. commitment to helping get this right. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ms. Butts. 

Ms. BUTTS. Thank you, Ranking Member Markey. 

There is so much that I want to do. If I had to boil it down, I 

would say, just overall strengthening the bilateral relationship, furthering social and economic justice in the country. Certainly, building on and enforcing and supporting human rights for all the people of the Bahamas, and just more within the mission, within post, 

strengthening management, improving morale, showing that the 

people who work at post are valued and all of their efforts are appreciated. 

So I hope that my legacy is both inside appreciating the people 

who work at post, and outside reflecting the best of U.S. values and 

the best that we have to offer in America. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ms. Dhanani. 

Ms. DHANANI. Thank you, Senator Markey. 

I think I have a small advantage here. Unlike my colleague nominated for South Sudan, I will be the first in sometime, and therefore, I have that advantage in a sense. 

You know, the step of deciding to nominate someone to serve as 

Ambassador to Somalia represented the progress that was the result of a lot of hard work that many people, including many of my 

colleagues in the U.S. Government, put in over the last few years. 

So in a sense, my nomination is a tribute to the efforts that they 

made. 

Similarly, I would hope the efforts that I and my team make will 

take us to that next step, the step of establishing a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu. I think that step will be important 

in itself, but it will be even more important because it will be a 

sign that so many things have continued to move in a favorable direction, and that Somalia is getting closer and closer to being the 

kind of peaceful, secure, unified, stable place that we would all like 

to see it become. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Well, you are an extraordinary group, and we thank you for your 

willingness to serve our country. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

I want to note the presence of the Deputy Chief of Mission, Chet 

Neymour, from the Bahamas here. 

I want to thank all of you for your testimony and for being here. 

Thank you for your service. And hearing your remarks and looking 

at your resumes, it is apparent that you have all been at this 

awhile. And I know that sometimes our diplomatic efforts are overlooked by the general populace. You are not given the opportunity 

to board an airplane first or things like that sometimes that anFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

47 

other branch of our government seems to get noticed for. But I 

want you to know that we here appreciate what you do, and we are 

grateful for your sacrifice and for the sacrifice of your families. The 

risks, we know that the risks out there that you expose yourselves 

to as well, and they are not insignificant, particularly with many 

of these assignments. 

So thank you for what you do. Thank you for being here. 

For the information of members, the record will remain open 

until the close of business on Friday, March 27. This will include 

time for members to submit questions for the record. We would ask 

you to respond to these questions quickly. Your responses will be 

made part of the record as well. 

Senator FLAKE. With the thanks to the committee, this hearing 

is now adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:12 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF PAUL A. FOLMSBEE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF MALI, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FOLMSBEE’S REPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What further influence will the United States utilize through your 

offices or other means to compel greater compromise and collaboration in seeking 

sustainable peace, especially by the long-standing intransigent government and officials in the southern portion of the country? How will you work with the Government of Mali in addressing marginalization in the north? 

Answer. The United States is engaged in robust diplomatic outreach to urge all 

parties in Mali to commit immediately to the March 1, 2015, peace agreement. We 

are working closely with the Government of Mali to support improved service 

delivery to northern Mali and are considering ways we could support a final peace 

agreement. 

Right now, the United States is supporting a variety of efforts designed to promote peace and reconciliation in northern Mali, including translating, printing, and 

disseminating 30,000 copies of the peace agreement in local languages; empowering 

grassroots civil society peace campaigns through hundreds of local forums and discussions; promulgating radio and television programming and targeted SMS text 

messages reaching millions of Malians; and strengthening national-level institutions 

charged with resolving the crisis, such as through creating a communications cell 

in the Ministry of National Reconciliation and improving the capability of justice 

and civilian security institutions to provide vital services in the north. 

Question. What are the positions of the United States, France, and neighboring 

states on the prospect of federalism or autonomy for northern Mali? How such reorganization affect U.S. policy in Mali? 

Answer. The United States, together with France and other key international 

partners, strongly supports the June 2013 Ouagadougou Accord. This framework 

agreement, signed by both the Government of Mali and the northern armed groups, 

reinforces the international community’s commitment to the territorial integrity of 

the Malian state. 

Question. MINUMSA signals a shift in the context of United Nations peacekeeping operations in which peacekeepers are combating an extremist presence. 

Does the United States support U.N. peacekeeping as peace enforcement? 

Answer. Today, two-thirds of U.N. peacekeepers are operating in active conflict 

areas, many with a chapter VII mandate of peace enforcement. The United States 

has supported that mandate for these missions. Some of these chapter VII mandated missions involve peace enforcement in situations involving extremists. 

MINUSMA does not necessarily represent a shift in the chapter VII operating 

environment. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

48 

MINUSMA’s mandate, under chapter VII authority, to protect civilians and support the Malian authorities in stabilization efforts and to take steps to deter threats 

and prevent the return of armed elements, is one part of a broader strategy, including political engagement, to bring stability to northern Mali. 

Question. How does the lack of an AFRICOM jurisdictional boundary in the Sahel 

region benefit U.S. Government efforts in dealing with the instability in Mali? What 

benefits would State Department realize if there was a unified region under one 

Regional Bureau? How does State Department work through the range of regional 

and bilateral programming applied to counter terrorism, transborder criminal trafficking and activity, build governance and economic capacity, train, equip, advise 

and assist security forces, and respond to humanitarian and human rights crises? 

Answer. Through the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Program (TSCTP), the 

United States is working to address transborder issues in Mali and the Sahel. 

TSCTP supports programs that strengthen the Government of Mali’s operational 

and tactical abilities to combat terrorism and programs designed to ensure that 

Malians remain unreceptive to extremist messages. 

Programs designed to strengthen Mali’s counterterrorism capabilities include: 

♦ Antiterrorism Assistance (ATA) training for law enforcement. This program provides police with training needed to protect facilities, individuals, and infrastructure from terrorist attacks and respond to major crises such as hostage 

takings. 

♦ Establishment of a Legal Advisor from Department of Justice beginning in calendar year 2014. 

Programs designed to counter violent extremism include: 

♦ Installation of community radio stations in the most remote regions of northern 

Mali and support for radio programming; 

♦ Support for small scale-community infrastructure such as school rehabilitation 

and well projects; 

♦ Engagement with ‘‘medersas,’’ which in Mali are Islamic versions of parochial 

schools that teach secular subjects and are very different from ‘‘madrasas’’ or 

Koranic schools; 

♦ Publishing and distribution of 56,600 Arabic-language civics textbooks to 

medersas for the 2011–2012 school year; 

♦ Cultural and educational exchange programs and the preservation of ancient 

Islamic manuscripts; 

♦ Capacity-building for local government officials and institutions to support 

decentralization and democratic governance; and 

♦ Skills training for youth, including a just launched USAID/Mali Out-of-School 

Youth Project (Projet d’Appui aux Jeunes Entrepreneurs) that provides out-ofschool youth, ages 14–25, with low literacy skills nonformal basic education 

instruction, technical and work readiness training, as well as training in entrepreneurship and leadership. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FOLMSBEE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. As the Senior Civilian Representative embedded with Regional Command 

East in Afghanistan from 2011 to 2012 and as Provincial Reconstruction Team 

Leader embedded with the 2/82 Airborne in Sadr City and Adhamiya, Baghdad, Iraq 

from 2007 to 2008, I am proud of the work I did to promote stability, strengthen 

democracy and protect human rights in two dangerous but vitally important places. 

If confirmed, I will draw on my experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan, among others, 

to emphasize the importance of protecting human rights and promoting justice as 

we work to support the national reconciliation process in Mali. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Mali? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in Mali? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The 2013 inauguration of President Keita and the establishment of a new 

National Assembly through free and fair elections ended a 16-month transitional 

period following the 2012 military coup, armed rebellion, and terrorist occupation 

of the north. The restoration of a democratic government and the arrest of coup 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

49 

leader Amadou Sanogo restored some civilian control over the military. The 2013 

international military intervention helped to eradicate terrorists and the resumption 

of peace talks with armed groups has decreased armed conflict. 

However, problems exist in some areas. These include ineffective civilian control 

over security forces and impunity toward the military; acts of sexual violence, summary execution, torture, and use of child soldiers by armed groups; killing of civilians and military forces including peacekeepers by violent extremists; trafficking in 

persons and exploitative labor, including child labor; and judicial inefficiency, poor 

prison conditions, arbitrary arrest and detention, lengthy pretrial detention prolonged trial delays, and lack of access to justice in the North. 

If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Bamako’s extensive diplomatic outreach and 

programming in support of the peace process and a national reconciliation process 

that will provide justice and accountability. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Mali in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

Answer. The Government of Mali took strong initial steps to advance justice and 

fight impunity from prosecution, most notably with the imprisonment and ongoing 

investigation against coup leader Amadou Sanogo and 28 other individuals implicated in extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances committed in the aftermath 

of the coup d’etat. Judge Yaya Karambe helped drive this fight against impunity 

as he worked under constant threat from Sanogo’s supporters to gather evidence 

and arrest suspects, culminating in his uncovering a mass-grave with 21 missing 

Red Beret soldiers in December 2013. 

These efforts are laudable, but I am concerned about the lack of progress in pursuing justice for victims of terrorism or human rights abuses that occurred during 

the occupation of northern Mali. Human rights abuses committed in northern Mali 

on all sides of the conflict have not been addressed and remain a sticking point in 

the reconciliation process. The capacity of the justice sector is significantly limited 

in the north, as judicial officials have been slow to return over continued fears of 

insecurity. Human rights organizations documented various abuses committed during and after the conflict, including northern armed groups which killed, raped, and 

abused soldiers and civilians during the 2012 invasion, and Malian Armed Forces 

which committed summary executions, torture, and forced disappearances upon 

retaking territory in early 2013. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the United States and with local human rights NGOs in 

Mali? 

Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with nongovernmental 

organizations in both the United States and Mali to solidify Mali’s democratic transition and promote human rights. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy in Mali as well as 

steps you would take to accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the Government of Mali end impunity for human rights violations by security forces. 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen security sector institutions in Mali 

by promoting accountability and civilian control. Careful attention to the Leahy vetting process is critical in assuring that this assistance reaches only those individuals 

within Mali’s security forces who are not implicated in abuses of human rights and 

can be credible advocates for reform and professionalization through participation 

in a meaningful national reconciliation process that emphasizes respect for human 

rights of all Malians. 

Question. After days of protests in the north and a rejection of the recent peace 

proposal by Tuareg rebels, the Malian Government announced that it would no 

longer negotiate on the future of the north. 

♦ What are the implications of the recent stalemate over a peace deal? 

Answer. Failure of the parties to reach an agreement risks further violence and 

increased alienation by the northern populations. However, the agreement would be 

only a first step toward peace, security, and development in the polarized communities in the north. Without a peace agreement and follow-on action to resolve longstanding issues that divide Bamako and the north, violent extremists will continue 

to make northern Mali insecure. This insecurity has increased, with more frequent 

attacks against civilians, the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA ), and the French forces of Operation Barkhane. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

50 

Upon signing a peace agreement, the opportunity for the Government of Mali is 

to noticeably establish a real presence in the north with hospitals, paved roads, 

schools, and expanding economic development. The United States will do all it can 

to assist the government in that initiative. 

Question. In your written testimony, you referenced the need to reform the Malian 

security sector. Mali is one of six partner countries for the administration’s new 

Security Governance Initiative (SGI). 

♦ What is the status of the development of SGI programming in Mali? 

♦ What has been achieved through existing security sector assistance programs 

such as the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP)? 

♦ What lessons can be drawn from TSTCP to inform efforts under SGI? 

Answer. An interagency Security Governance Initiative (SGI) team visited Mali in 

February to consult with Malian partners on potential areas for SGI engagement. 

Expert teams will reengage with Malian counterparts to develop joint country action 

plans and programs. 

Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Program (TSCTP) activities in Mali remain very 

targeted to specific sectors and activities. We have small programs focused on law 

enforcement, justice sector, and corrections reform and Antiterrorism Assistance 

programming on crisis response and terrorist interdiction. In part this is due to the 

significant European Union program underway there that permits us to be more 

selective in our engagement. This year TSCTP supported the deployment of Law 

Enforcement and Resident Legal Advisors to assist in civilian security and justice 

sector reform. In addition, TSCTP supports several countering violent extremism 

(CVE) programs promoting peace building, reconciliation, and tolerance. Overall, the 

United States is focusing on broader security sector reform and political reconciliation before committing to the same kind of tactical training and equipping of 

counterterrorism units. 

TSCTP’s experience in Mali and elsewhere in the Sahel and Maghreb provides 

several important lessons which may benefit SGI efforts. Our experience in Mali 

highlighted the importance of addressing state weakness and focusing on institutional resilience as key parts of our overall engagement strategy. Before the fall of 

the Toure Government, TSCTP focused on tactical-level training for various Malian 

units and the underlying state weaknesses were not sufficiently addressed. Consequently, when the units were deployed without adequate leadership or logistical 

support, they quickly collapsed. By contrast, TSCTP has intensified its focus on 

building more sustainable capabilities in Chad, Mauritania, and Niger and invested 

in defense and civilian security institutions. Capacities in those countries remain 

nascent in many sectors, but we have seen benefits to the approach as they have 

responded to threats along multiple borders from Mali, Nigeria, and Libya. 

Question. Mr. Folmsbee, you alluded to the north-south divide in Mali that has 

contributed to cycles of conflict. The integration of Tuareg citizens into the broader 

society has been an ongoing challenge, not only in Mali, but elsewhere in the Sahel. 

♦ If confirmed as Ambassador, how do you plan to work with the Malian Government, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders to work toward this 

goal? 

Answer. National reconciliation is a top U.S. policy priority in Mali. If confirmed, 

I plan to continue working to promote national reconciliation through partnerships 

with civil society and the Malian Government and by participating in the peace 

talks as needed. Additionally, with USAID programming, we will promote economic 

growth and the health sector to help tie the north to the rest of the country. 

In direct support of the peace talks, our efforts will include translating, printing, 

and disseminating 30,000 peace process documents in local languages; empowering 

grassroots civil society peace campaigns through hundreds of local forums and discussions; promulgating radio and television programming and targeted SMS text 

messages reaching millions of Malians; and strengthening national-level institutions 

charged with resolving the crisis, such as through creating a communications cell 

in the Ministry of National Reconciliation. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FOLMSBEE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. What more, if anything, can be done to stimulate economic growth and 

alleviate poverty in Mali? What are the most significant U.S. commercial interests 

in Mali? What is the environment for U.S. businesses and investors, and how might 

it be improved? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

51 

Answer. Mali faces formidable challenges to economic development. Its economy 

is heavily dependent on agriculture, which makes up 45 percent of GDP and provides income for 75 percent of the country’s population. 

In order to promote long-lasting food security, the United States invests in the 

sustainable development of agriculture through the Feed the Future (FTF) initiative. Agriculture is a driver of economic growth, employment, better health, and 

nutrition, and remains a sector where Mali has an underexploited comparative 

advantage. With an FY 2014 budget of $18 million, FTF works to develop and reinforce the 

private sector by targeting opportunities in the production, processing, and trade of 

selected commodities in key geographic areas. USAID/Mali also recently signed a 

nearly $14 million dollar Development Credit Authority (DCA) microcredit facility 

to support small and medium-size agricultural enterprises as well as female 

entrepreneurs. 

Question. Would you advise an expansion of U.S. security assistance? Please 

describe how the Security Governance Initiative will be implemented in Mali. 

Answer. Rebuilding Mali’s security institutions in the wake of the 2012 coup is 

critical to Mali’s capacity to control its porous borders and vast territory, counter 

terrorist influences and deny Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) the ability 

to use northern Mali as a safe haven. In our meetings with civil society, it is clear 

that better security service delivery and access to justice will be a critical component 

to any effort to bring stability to the country. Through the Security Governance Initiative and other complementary programs, we will support the development of 

these critical security institutions, systems and processes to increase accountability 

and improve security and justice through transparent and responsive governance. 

Question. What is your assessment of security trends in the Sahel? How might 

U.S. counterterrorism efforts in Mali and the wider Sahel best be evaluated and 

prioritized? 

Answer. The continued presence and activities of al-Qaeda affiliates, including Al 

Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), other armed extremists and transnational 

criminal groups in northern Mali, threatens both Mali and the broader Sahel region. 

Ensuring that Malians continue to reject extremist messages is a key focus of U.S. 

counterterrorism programming in Mali. Our ability to counter extremist influences 

depends on a skillful balance of programs designed to consolidate Malian democracy, 

support economic growth, deepen mutual understanding, promote moderate messages, and assist the Malian Government and local leaders to deliver basic services 

and counter the root causes of extremism. 

Question. Who is responsible for recent attacks against MINUSMA forces, and 

what factors are contributing to their increase? How might U.S. interagency coordination related to regional counterterrorism be improved? 

Answer. Al-Morabitun and the Movement for the Oneness and Unity of the Jihad 

(MUJAO), both groups with ties to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), have 

claimed responsibility for attacks against U.N. peacekeepers in Mali. Other armed 

extremists and transnational criminal groups, coupled with slow progress on 

national reconciliation between the Government of Mali and northern groups, have 

produced an increasingly insecure environment for the U.N. mission. 

We are working closely with the U.N. Department of Peacekeeping Operations 

(DPKO), the GOM, troop and police contributing countries (TCCs/PCCs) and other 

international partners to support the mission to better operate in this insecure environment and implement its robust mandate. 

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) recently sponsored an asymmetric threat 

assessment team that traveled throughout the MINUSMA area of operations and 

is providing recommendations that may reduce peacekeeper vulnerability and contribute to IED threat mitigation. We are providing mine-protected combat vehicles 

for MINUSMA contingents and training peacekeepers how to use them, and exploring ways to support more C–IED training for troop contributing countries (TCCs). 

In close partnership with MINUSMA’s U.N. Police (UNPOL) and the EU Police 

capacity-building mission (EUCAP), we have also conducted IED awareness seminars for the Malian National Police who work in northern Mali. Additionally, the 

ACOTA Program has provided Counter-IED training to TCCs trained and deploying 

to MINUSMA (Benin, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Niger, and Togo). During the 7–10 

week battalion training, Counter-IED tasks relevant to an infantry battalion are 

integrated into command and staff, soldiers’ skills and collective unit training. 

Question. Mali’s current peace process has gotten bogged down. What more can 

the United States do to encourage a peaceful political resolution? If another deal is 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

52 

struck, what will you do differently than your predecessors to ensure that this next 

one, unlike the previous four peace deals, will stick? 

Answer. We are working, with our international partners, to encourage all parties 

to sign the Algiers agreement as soon as possible. We are also considering how the 

United States could most effectively support the implementation of this agreement 

by leveraging our diplomatic and development assistance resources. 

Question. Do we have the mix of civilian and military tools right in Mali? How 

will you, as chief of mission, ensure that U.S. civilian capabilities are not overshadowed by our military? 

Answer. We continue to emphasize that the only way to create a lasting peace 

in Mali is through a durable political agreement between the Government of Mali 

and the northern armed groups. Embassy Bamako’s diplomatic outreach in support 

of the peace process is a whole-of-government effort that emphasizes the importance 

of solidifying Mali’s democratic transition and strengthening security sector institutions. We are beginning to implement robust civilian security engagement with the 

police and justice sector to improve these critical elements of a stable democracy. 

RESPONSES OF MARY CATHERINE PHEE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH SUDAN, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PHEE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Does the United States agree with the 2014 African Union report that 

neither antagonist Riek Machar or Salva Kiir should serve in South Sudan’s transitional government? 

Answer. The report referred to is a leaked document which the African Union disavowed in an official statement on March 16. Our view is that the two leaders need 

to make compromises to reach a peace agreement and form a transitional government that can accomplish essential transitional tasks such as holding elections for 

a permanent government and establishing a hybrid judicial body to promote 

accountability and justice. 

Question. How will U.S. influence on South Sudan’s warring parties be affected 

by the expansion of the IGAD peace talks beyond IGAD member states? 

Answer. ‘‘IGAD Plus,’’ as proposed by IGAD Chairman, Ethiopian Prime Minister 

Hailemariam Desalgn, envisions additional leverage on the warring parties though 

enhanced international participation and cooperation, bolstering the negotiation 

efforts of the current IGAD leadership. This includes participation by the African 

Union, which has selected five African heads of state for this purpose, the Troika 

(United States, United Kingdom, and Norway), the U.N., the EU, and China. 

A reformed and reinvigorated ‘‘IGAD Plus’’ process would unite a number of 

stakeholders and members of the international community behind a common peace 

plan and gives international partners, including the United States, a larger role in 

shaping process and substance. The United States will continue to look for further 

opportunities to enhance the IGAD mediation process and will lead international 

efforts to bring additional pressure upon the parties to shift their concern toward 

the people of South Sudan, instead of their narrow political interests. 

Question. How do you assess the relationship between UNMISS peacekeepers and 

humanitarian organizations in fulfilling the protection of civilians mandate? 

Answer. UNMISS is mandated to protect civilians with support from its 11, 669- 

person strong military force. This U.N. mission has four priorities: protection of 

civilians, monitoring and investigating human rights, creating the conditions for the 

delivery of humanitarian assistance, and supporting the implementation of the Cessation of Hostilities agreement. 

UNMISS has established seven protection of civilian sites for internally displaced 

persons and is protecting nearly 113,000 IDPs in these sites. In tandem with 

humanitarian organizations, UNMISS is providing assistance to civilians at these 

sites as well as to those displaced elsewhere in the country. The partnership 

between UNMISS and the humanitarian organizations is vital and robust and we 

continue to encourage both sides to cooperate with these efforts. 

Recent troop deployments from Kenya, China, and Ghana will enable UNMISS to 

conduct its protection tasks more effectively, including patrols and proactive community engagement. Inadequate infrastructure, difficult weather conditions, and access 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

53 

challenges posed by the parties in conflict hinder UNMISS’ ability to fully execute 

its mandate. 

Question. How will you ensure the United States does not enter into an agreement that perpetuates the failures of the 2005 CPA that left unresolved significant 

interethnic rivalries and challenges? 

Answer. Recalling the scale and devastation of the Sudanese civil wars, which 

exacted tremendous human cost over two decades, the CPA was a critically important accomplishment that ended the fighting. Unfortunately, the parties to the CPA 

did not implement many of the important provisions designed to build institutions 

that would facilitate development and good governance throughout Sudan and what 

is now South Sudan. If confirmed, I will work to encourage both parties to end the 

current conflict in South Sudan and establish a transitional government that begins 

to address these longstanding challenges. The primary criticism of the CPA is that 

the official parties lacked diversity and inclusivity. I will seek to engage all stakeholders and encourage their participation in developing broad-based institutions and 

sustainable development. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PHEE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. I have had the opportunity to directly advance human rights and democracy in nearly every assignment in my career and expect deep engagement in such 

efforts in South Sudan, if confirmed. 

As a political reporting officer in Cairo, Egypt, from 1997–2000, I undertook pathbreaking reporting on the government’s treatment of the Coptic Christian community and relations between Copts and Muslims. I convinced USAID to transfer 

democracy and governance funds to the State Department and with those funds 

administered a small grants program that provided assistance to human rights 

advocates; significantly, these grants were not subject to prior approval from the 

Government of Egypt. 

Examples of the program’s beneficiaries include activists working to combat 

female genital mutilation and those providing legal assistance to Egyptians who had 

been tortured. We also used these funds to support the travel of Egyptian activists 

to the United States to learn about American civil society and judicial processes. 

Several of the program’s beneficiaries were active in the 2011 Arab Spring. 

While administering an occupied province of southern Iraq in 2003–2004, I 

arranged for the establishment of a provincial council and municipal councils with 

reserved seats for women and religious minorities who were elected in caucuses 

from their communities. In explaining the purpose of reserved seats and the function of caucuses, I was able to educate local leaders who had no prior experience 

with inclusive participatory governance systems and to mobilize previously 

oppressed communities. 

Most recently, as deputy chief of mission in Addis Ababa from 2011–2014, I 

arranged U.S. Government financial support for journalists fleeing the country who 

feared persecution, as well as for victims of Wikileaks. I chaired the mission’s interagency working group on democracy and governance, and pioneered an innovative 

effort to create a dialogue between prominent American academics and senior Ethiopian party leaders about one party states in agrarian-based economies in East Asia 

(countries whose economic transformation Ethiopia seeks to emulate) which had 

chosen to liberalize politically in order to illustrate that democratization can bring 

stability and economic progress. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in South Sudan? What 

are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in South Sudan? What do you hope to accomplish through 

these actions? 

Answer. The most pressing human rights issues are ending the war, promoting 

accountability and addressing the needs of those displaced by the conflict. If confirmed I intend to support efforts to hold accountable those who have committed 

human rights violations, abuses, and other atrocities in this conflict. We have 

pledged to work with the South Sudanese, the AU, regional partners, and the U.N. 

to promote accountability for abuses committed in this conflict. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

54 

I will also support efforts to combat gender-based violence and the recruitment 

of child soldiers. I will promote the expansion of civic space for alternative voices 

and the role of a free press. I will reach out to local government officials, professional associations, civil society organizations, youth, women, and traditional leaders 

to promote human rights, democracy and the rule of law. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in South Sudan in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

Answer. In South Sudan there is a history of impunity for human rights abuses 

and violations. South Sudan also lacks strong institutions capable of enforcing the 

rule of law. Building local capacity and facilitating reconciliation among the people 

of South Sudan is a long-term challenge and will require the consistent support of 

the friends of the South Sudanese. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the United States and with local human rights NGOs in 

South Sudan? 

Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with human rights groups and 

other nongovernmental organizations, both local and international. I will reinforce 

current U.S. engagement with civil society and other South Sudanese and international partners to promote human rights. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620 M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy in South Sudan as well 

as steps you would take to accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the Government of South Sudan end impunity for human rights violations by security 

forces. 

Answer. All U.S. Government assistance to the defense sector was suspended 

shortly after the outbreak of the current conflict. We remain concerned about the 

conduct of both the Government of South Sudan and opposition forces. 

The United States has urged the African Union Peace and Security Council to immediately release the report of the African Union’s Commission of Inquiry, which 

was charged with developing findings regarding violations of international human 

rights and international humanitarian law committed during the armed conflict, 

and formulating recommendations on the best ways and means to ensure accountability, reconciliation, and healing. We are prepared to support mechanisms that 

advance these goals. When the parties achieve a lasting peace and we review the 

possibility of providing assistance for security sector reform, I will work to ensure 

that all relevant U.S. Government agencies and offices are working together and 

actively sharing information to ensure the Leahy law is being fully implemented. 

Question. The Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan has the lead role in 

directly engaging with the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and parties 

to the conflict in South Sudan as part of ongoing peace negotiations. 

♦ a. What is your role if any, in the peace process? In what ways will you work 

to bring an end to the civil war? 

♦ b. In the event that the latest round of talks—reported to be scheduled for some 

time in April—do not result in an agreement, what next steps will the United 

States take to bring about an end to the conflict? 

♦ c. How much information do ordinary citizens have about the peace process, and 

how are their interests being represented in negotiations? 

Answer. a. If confirmed, I, in coordination with the President’s Special Envoy for 

Sudan and South Sudan, Ambassador Donald Booth, will steadfastly engage both 

parties on the need to make compromises and to come to a political agreement. I 

will also directly engage the people of South Sudan to promote peace and provide 

humanitarian assistance without regard to ethnic or political affiliation. 

b. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is now moving ahead 

to prepare for a peace summit in the coming weeks, and has the critical task of 

engaging stakeholders and members of the international community to get behind 

a common peace plan. Ultimately, however, the decision to end this needless conflict 

lies with the warring parties. The United States will continue to look for further 

opportunities to enhance the mediation process and will lead international efforts 

to bring additional pressure upon the parties. We are in discussions with our partners in the region and the international community on how best to support upcoming talks, to increase pressure on the parties, and to widen international consensus 

to support the peace process if these talks fail. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

55 

c. Given the high rate of illiteracy, and minimal internet penetration and newspaper circulation in South Sudan, radio broadcast is the most effective means to disseminate information. And more of this is needed. We are working with implementing partners to expand accurate live broadcast radio coverage of the mediation 

and to distribute peace messaging through local partners. We have pressed IGAD 

to include a broad range of opposition political parties, civil society, religious leaders, women, and youth and have provided direct support to civil society participants 

in the process so they can advocate for the South Sudanese people. 

Question. On March 24, Parliament voted to extend by 3 years President Kiir’s 

term in office. Originally set to end on July 9, 2015, his mandate now expires in 

2018. 

♦ What was the reasoning behind the extension of President Salva Kiir’s mandate, and what are the repercussions on the peace process? 

♦ Could it affect former Vice President Riek Machar’s willingness to negotiate? 

How transparent was the process through which the vote was debated and 

taken? What effects might the extension of President Kiir’s mandate have on 

the development of democracy in South Sudan? 

Answer. The Government of the Republic of South Sudan has justified the extension of its tenure to 2018 to allow more time to achieve a peaceful settlement. However, this step by the legislature sends a negative signal about the government’s 

commitment to a transitional government and for the development of democracy in 

South Sudan. This action has created another political grievance for the opposition. 

We have been clear that the way to extend legitimacy without elections is through 

a negotiated peace agreement in South Sudan and the establishment of a transitional government. 

Question. Administration officials, including Ambassador Booth in his testimony 

before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on February 26, 2014, have stated that 

things must not ‘‘return to business as usual’’ which seemed to imply that a political 

solution among elites at the expense of justice and accountability for crimes committed is unacceptable. 

♦ Are there currently discussions in South Sudan about the need for accountability for violations of human rights committed during the course of the 

conflict? 

♦ What grassroots efforts are underway to promote justice, accountability and reconciliation? Is the United States supporting such efforts? 

Answer. Discussions about the need for accountability have taken place among 

those in the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, opposition forces, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediators, and civil society groups. 

The U.S. Government has facilitated these discussions through its support for a 

multistakeholder peace process. The parties to the conflict have agreed on general 

provisions for a legal mechanism to prosecute those responsible for gross human 

rights abuses and violations, as well as a commission for truth, reconciliation, and 

healing, but no steps have been taken to put these into place absent a peace agreement. Justice and accountability are critical elements of a lasting peace. 

The United States is encouraging grassroots efforts by South Sudanese groups 

and individuals to promote justice, accountability, and reconciliation. For example, 

the Department of State is in the process of funding an in-country South Sudanese 

civil society-led project to investigate and document human rights abuses and 

violations. 

Question. There are reports that the Government of South Sudan is imposing burdensome bureaucratic obstacles such as arbitrary taxation, expulsion of staff, and 

a delay in issuing permits, that are making it difficult for nongovernmental organizations to provide humanitarian assistance. The United States has provided nearly 

a billion dollars in humanitarian assistance this fiscal year, and thus a strong interest in ensuring that the operating environment is conducive to efficient provision 

of assistance. 

♦ Are you aware of the reports of bureaucratic obstacles imposed on organizations 

trying to carry out lifesaving humanitarian operations in South Sudan? What 

will be your role in helping to ensure they are able to carry out their work without being harassed or otherwise impeded by government? 

Answer. I am aware of such concerning reports, including threats of expulsion of 

nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), harassment, abduction, detention, and 

expulsion of NGO workers, delays in visas and work permits, denial of tax exemptions, import delays, and bureaucratic delays in moving cargo by road, river, and 

air. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

56 

If confirmed, I will engage all parties to press for immediate and unconditional 

access for humanitarian workers so they can deliver humanitarian assistance to all 

South Sudanese people in need. I will also work with other donor governments and 

organizations and the U.N. to help minimize the obstructions to humanitarian aid. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PHEE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. Does the administration view South Sudan’s oil revenues as contributing to the current conflict, and, if so, are sanctions against the oil sector being 

considered? 

Answer. We believe that the government revenues are largely being directed to 

security spending which makes the search for peace all the more urgent. At the 

same time, several factors have significantly decreased oil revenues for the government, which receives the majority of its income from oil. The conflict has caused a 

disruption in total oil production, which dropped from 220,000 barrels per day (bbl/ 

d) in November 2013 to 150,000 bbl/d on average in 2014. The drop in the global 

price of oil has further reduced South Sudan’s oil income. Production will only be 

restored to preconflict levels when the parties cease fighting and provide the security needed for critical repair and maintenance of oil infrastructure in South Sudan. 

We are not at this time considering sanctions against the oil sector. 

Question. What is the extent of the Ugandan military deployment in South 

Sudan? Are Ugandan forces playing an active role in the fighting? How does the 

Obama administration view Uganda’s role in the conflict? 

Answer. At the request of President Salva Kiir, two brigades of Ugandan troops 

were deployed in December 2013 during the initial days of the conflict to protect 

key infrastructure and the city of Juba against opposition forces. Ugandan forces 

remain in South Sudan at the invitation of the government. 

The Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities that was brokered by Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediators in January 2014, and signed 

by both the Government of South Sudan and the opposition, calls for the withdrawal 

of foreign forces from South Sudan. The parties have subsequently rededicated 

themselves to the Agreement and we continue to press for its immediate implementation. 

We remain continuously engaged with the Government of Uganda to promote a 

common strategy for pressing the parties to stop the fighting and find a negotiated 

rather than a military solution to the conflict. 

Question. Given the role you will play in the peace process, how do you plan to 

maintain legitimacy with both sides involved in the conflict? 

Answer. The United States, in coordination with IGAD and our Troika partners 

Norway and the United Kingdom, has maintained the firm position that both parties are responsible for this conflict and the failure to reach peace. If confirmed, I, 

in coordination with the President’s Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan 

Ambassador Donald Booth, will steadfastly engage both parties on the need to make 

compromises and to come to a political agreement. I would also directly engage the 

people of South Sudan to promote peace and provide humanitarian assistance without regard to ethnic or political affiliation. 

Question. In your testimony you note that the U.N. Security Council’s March 3 

resolution ‘‘established a targeted sanctions regime and proposed an arms embargo 

that could be imposed should the South Sudanese leaders fail to respond to the 

mediation.’’ 

♦ Do you think the threat of sanctions will be seen as credible by the parties and 

encourage them to reach a compromise? 

♦ Are we able to identify significantly influential individuals for sanctions in both 

camps? 

♦ What impact do you anticipate the arms embargo would have? How would it 

the power balance in the conflict? 

Answer. The March 3rd U.N. Security Council’s sanctions resolution allows for the 

imposition of asset freezes and travel bans on those who hinder the South Sudanese 

peace process or commit human rights violations. The resolution established a Sanctions Committee—which consists of all members of the Security Council—to review 

information regarding individuals and entities and designate them for sanctions. A 

U.N. Panel of Experts will be formed, which will help the committee gather and 

review information about those who may meet the sanctions designation criteria. 

Based on the findings of the Panel of Experts and our own findings, we will propose 

relevant individuals for consideration by the Sanctions Committee. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

57 

The resolution’s credible threat of sanctions increases pressure on the parties to 

resolve the outstanding issues and begin a process that establishes the Transitional 

Government of National Unity. This incremental approach hones the efficacy of 

measures imposed and ensures continued buy-in and support from IGAD regional 

leaders. 

Under this resolution, the Council has also committed to periodically review the 

situation in South Sudan and, as deemed necessary, consider additional measures, 

including an arms embargo. The U.S. Government believes that actions based on 

this resolution should be calibrated to maximize the Council’s leverage to facilitate 

an end to the horrific violence and promote the beginning of a sustainable settlement. We believe that an arms embargo could pressure both parties to negotiate 

earnestly. 

Question. How would you assess the capacity of U.N. peacekeepers in South 

Sudan to protect civilians? Do UNMISS forces currently have the capacity to go out 

on patrols and engage armed actors, if civilians are under imminent threat? 

Answer. UNMISS is mandated to protect civilians with support from its 11,669- 

person strong military force. This U.N. mission has four priorities: protection of 

civilians, monitoring and investigating human rights, creating the conditions for the 

delivery of humanitarian assistance, and supporting the implementation of the Cessation of Hostilities agreement. 

UNMISS has created seven protection of civilian sites for internally displaced persons and is protecting nearly 113,000 IDPs in these sites. The mission works very 

closely with the humanitarian community that provides assistance to the IDPs in 

these sites. Recent troop deployments from Kenya, China, and Ghana will enable 

UNMISS to conduct its protection tasks more effectively, including patrols and 

proactive community engagement. Inadequate infrastructure, difficult weather conditions, and access challenges posed by the armed conflict hinder UNMISS’ ability 

to fully execute its mandate. 

Question. What additional leverage would an ‘‘IGAD Plus’’ bring to bear? 

Answer. ‘‘IGAD Plus,’’ as proposed by IGAD Chairman, Ethiopian Prime Minister 

Hailemariam Desalgn, envisions additional leverage on the warring parties though 

enhanced international participation and cooperation, bolstering the negotiation 

efforts of the current IGAD leadership. This includes participation by the African 

Union, which has selected five African heads of state for this purpose, the Troika 

(United States, United Kingdom, and Norway), the U.N., the EU, and China. 

IGAD leadership has worked tirelessly to broker a comprehensive peace agreement. While the two sides have moved closer to a deal in recent months, neither 

has agreed to peace. A reformed and reinvigorated ‘‘IGAD Plus’’ process would unite 

a number of stakeholders and members of the international community behind a 

common peace plan and give international partners a larger role in shaping process 

and substance. Ultimately, however, the decision to end this needless conflict and 

to begin the process of reform and rebuilding of South Sudan lies with the warring 

parties. The United States will continue to look for further opportunities to enhance 

the mediation process and will lead international efforts to bring additional pressure 

upon the parties to shift their concern toward the people of South Sudan, instead 

of their narrow political interests. 

RESPONSES OF CASSANDRA Q. BUTTS, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF THE BAHAMAS, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BUTT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. At every stage of my adult life I am proud to have worked to advance 

the cause of human rights at home and abroad. As a college student, I was one of 

the organizers of an advocacy campaign to end the University of North Carolina at 

Chapel Hill’s investments in corporations that did business in apartheid South 

Africa. Our campaign was successful, and the effort foreshadowed a path to the end 

of the apartheid regime in South Africa and the direction of my professional life. 

My first job following law school was a fellowship with the Georgetown Women’s 

Law and Public Policy Program, where I worked as a lawyer to advance access to 

quality health care for the poorest communities at the National Health Law ProFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

58 

gram. My focus included addressing the particular challenges facing impoverished 

women of color, including the incarcerated. Our work advanced efforts to expand 

treatment for women of color with HIV/AIDS and to eliminate the practice of shackling incarcerated women while giving birth. 

As a lawyer on Capitol Hill, I worked on civil rights issues and issues related to 

migration, asylum, and refugees. In the latter category, I traveled the world to view 

conditions for migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in conflict and post-conflict 

zones working with the Department of State, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and a range of international NGOs to find durable solutions for 

some of the most vulnerable populations in the world. Through that work, we were 

able to provide critical oversight and increase the number of individuals accepted 

into the U.S. refugee resettlement program. 

My work at Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) over the past 4 years has 

focused on advancing the values of democracy and human rights. As the chairperson 

of MCC’s Investment Management Committee, I have overseen and approved 

investments of over $8 billion with partner countries that must prove a measured 

commitment to policy performance in the area of democratic governance and human 

rights. In my role, I have traveled to partner countries to the importance democratic 

governance and human rights to the work of poverty reduction through economic 

growth. In addition, my work at MCC has focused on advancing the agency’s work 

on gender equality, ensuring that women and men are equal beneficiaries of our 

program is an international model for how to best integrate gender equality in 

development assistance. 

Finally, as a lawyer at the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, the Nation’s premier civil 

rights legal advocacy organization, I litigated civil rights cases on issues of voting 

rights and education. In addition, I advocated on Capitol Hill and within the executive branch for the expansion of a range of basic human rights for women and 

minority communities. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the Bahamas? What 

are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in the Bahamas? What do you hope to accomplish through 

these actions? 

Answer. The Bahamas has a strong tradition of protecting human rights. Bahamians enjoy freedoms of speech and religion, and Bahamian media is able to present 

the various sides of issues and frequently takes editorial positions critical of the 

government. 

The most pressing human rights concerns in the Bahamas center around the 

country’s correctional and immigration detention facilities. Both are outdated, overcrowded, and do not meet the growing needs of the country. Local human rights 

organizations report of migration raids that ignore the rights of those they detain. 

The United States has provided training and technical assistance over the last 2 

years under the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), which has improved 

conditions at the Bahamas Department of Correction’s (BDOC) and enhanced 

BDOC’s capacity to operate a sanitary, safe, and secure correctional facility in conformity with international standards. 

If confirmed, I will urge the government to take the steps necessary to improve 

conditions of detention and detention practices, both in terms of addressing immediate problems and in looking more systematically at modernizing and improving 

conditions over the medium to long term. I will also continue to apply U.S. assistance in these efforts where appropriate with the goal of bringing Bahamian facilities 

and procedures into full conformity with international human rights standards, 

practices, and procedures. 

Statelessness remains an issue, particularly in the case of second generation Haitian children born in the Bahamas who have access to neither Haitian nor Bahamian citizenship at birth. I commend the Bahamian Government for proposing a 

constitutional amendment allowing for Bahamian citizen women married to nonBahamian husbands to pass on their Bahamian nationality to their children. Statelessness is also a concern for migrant children born in the Bahamas who, according 

to the constitution, have the right to apply for Bahamian citizenship at age 18. The 

process to acquire citizenship is cumbersome and complex, and if confirmed, I will 

urge the government to both simplify the process and pass the constitutional 

amendment on gender equality before the end of 2015. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in the Bahamas in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

59 

Answer. Although considered a ‘‘high income’’ country by the World Bank, the 

Bahamas faces significant resource constraints which make building new detention 

centers or expanding existing facilities challenging. In addition to resource problems, the country also faces significant challenges in its judicial system. Despite 

some recent improvements, criminal cases can be prolonged, and a lengthy appeals 

process often adds additional time after a trial before a case is finalized. 

Societal and structural issues present the largest challenges to advancing human 

rights and democracy in general. The Bahamian Constitution protects against discrimination due to race, but societal prejudices exist, especially with regard to the 

Haitian immigrant community. The Bahamian Constitution and law currently do 

not prohibit discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity, 

and certain gender inequalities exist with regard to citizenship. The Christie administration has introduced constitutional amendments that would largely correct these 

deficiencies, but the process has stalled. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for 

improvements to the justice sector and promote nondiscrimination and nonviolence 

toward vulnerable groups. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the United States and with local human rights NGOs in 

the Bahamas? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain a regular dialogue on human rights with 

all stakeholders, including human rights and other NGOs in the United States and 

local human rights NGOs in the Bahamas. In addition, if confirmed, I will engage 

in a frank dialogue with Bahamian officials on human rights issues, which will 

include bringing specific concerns to the attention of the government when it is 

appropriate to do so. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy in the Bahamas as 

well as steps you would take to accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the 

Government of the Bahamas end impunity for human rights violations by security 

forces. 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Nassau’s current practice of ensuring that all Bahamian candidates for U.S. assistance are fully vetted in conformity 

with State Department and Defense Department procedures before any assistance 

is provided. I will ensure that the Embassy is diligent in denying assistance to 

Bahamian security force units when we have credible information that such units 

have committed gross violations of human rights. I will also press the Bahamian 

Government to establish an appropriate and transparent process to investigate allegations that government officials have engaged in human rights violations and to 

hold accountable those found to have done so. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BUTTS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. What do you see as the most significant challenges in relations with the 

Bahamas? What would be your priorities if confirmed as Ambassador? 

Answer. The United States and the Bahamas enjoy a long-standing cooperative 

relationship and security partnership. As one of our closest neighbors, our shared 

interests include improving citizen security and promoting shared prosperity 

through trade. 

If confirmed, I hope to continue working with the government of the Bahamas on 

efforts to strengthen citizen security, promote social and economic development, 

including advancing U.S. trade and investment interests, and reduce crime, including illicit trafficking and other transnational crime. If confirmed, I will encourage 

the Bahamas to take a more systemic approach to address the worsening crime situation. I hope to support efforts by the Bahamas to improve the education system 

and look at opportunities for workforce development. Other key priorities will be 

economic development and growth, including the attendant energy and environmental issues. Finally, I will ensure that the entire U.S. mission in the Bahamas— 

Bahamians and Americans—understands that their contributions are valued and 

that they are appreciated. 

Question. The Bahamian economy was hard hit by the global financial crisis and 

has only registered meager economic growth rates over the past 3 years. What is 

the outlook for the Bahamian economy over the next few years? Is there any prosFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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pect that the Bahamas will diversify its economy beyond tourism and financial 

services? 

Answer. The Bahamas economy is projected to see real growth rise steadily to 2.8 

percent by 2016 based on IMF forecasts. The government anticipates additional revenue from the new value-added tax that became effective on January 1, 2015, and 

the licensing and regulation of local gaming operations later in 2015. The Bahamas 

also expects economic boost from continued economic improvement in the United 

States, which is the Bahamas’ largest trading partner and source of tourism dollars. 

The Bahamian Government faces significant challenges in diversifying its economy beyond tourism and financial services in the near future. New investments in 

the light manufacturing and technology sectors are hindered by high energy prices 

and limited availability of skilled labor. The government continues to promote 

investment in nontraditional sectors outside of tourism and financial services, and 

is also making efforts to promote the agriculture sector in an effort to mitigate the 

high cost of importing food. The government also has announced plans to offer new 

products within the financial services sector, such as the development of an international arbitration center and an offshore clearing and settlement center for international currencies, in the hopes of attracting greater trade and investment to the 

country. 

Question. U.S.-Bahamian cooperation on drug interdiction has been strong. Are 

there any further actions that the Bahamian Government can undertake to improve 

its antidrug efforts? 

Answer. The United States and the Bahamas enjoy a long-standing history of 

counternarcotics cooperation, most notably under the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) led Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos (OPBAT). Under OPBAT, 

DEA Special Agents coordinate, in an integrated manner, with the Royal Bahamas 

Police Force (RBPF) and the Royal Bahamas Defense Force (RBDF) to gather intelligence, conduct investigations, and execute interdictions. OPBAT seizure operations 

increased substantially between FY 2012 and FY 2014. We believe this is due, in 

part, to increased U.S. support, cooperation, and equipment. 

The Bahamian Government could impose stricter penalties on individuals convicted of serious drug offenses. In addition, the Bahamas continues to be challenged 

by delays in trials and in responding to U.S. extradition requests. Improved procedures to expedite extraditions would bring drug crime offenders more quickly to 

trial and serve as a more credible deterrent for traffickers. The Bahamas National 

Anti-Drug Strategy places significant emphasis on drug abuse, awareness, demand 

reduction, and treatment policies, but programs in these fields would benefit from 

additional resources. In addition, health care professionals report that women and 

residents of the Family Islands (i.e., islands other than New Providence) are underrepresented in substance abuse prevention and treatment programs. 

RESPONSES OF KATHERINE S. DHANANI, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DHANANI’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What considerations, apart from the holding of elections, were taken 

into account when recognizing Somalia as a sovereign state in 2012? What additional considerations have been identified as crucial in moving to the nomination of 

an ambassador? 

Answer. U.S. recognition of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) on January 

17, 2013, was the first step toward normalizing the U.S.-Somalia bilateral relationship. The decision was in large part due to the relatively credible political transition 

after more than a decade of transitional governments. The provisional constitution 

and Parliament forged from the 2012 transition were the first steps toward rebuilding a sovereign Somali state. Recognizing the FGS signaled U.S. commitment to sustained diplomatic engagement with Somalia. 

The Department’s decision to seek a Presidential Appointment of an ambassador 

was in recognition of the growing interagency engagement toward Somalia. Between 

FY 2006 and FY 2014, State and USAID provided nearly $3.1 billion in development, security, education, and humanitarian assistance. The level of U.S. assistance 

underscored the need to coordinate our Somalia engagement under an ambassador, 

to ensure that our relationship with the FGS best reflects our broad range of 

national security and foreign policy interests. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

61 

Question. What specific parameters, including political reconciliation and security 

concerns, will be required by the United States to warrant a move of the Office of 

Somali Affairs/U.S. Embassy for Somalia in Nairobi, from its current location to 

Somalia? What is the best estimate or U.S. expectation of a move of our mission 

to Somalia? Would it be to Mogadishu in every instance or is there an intermediate 

location elsewhere? 

Answer. The Department of State does not have permanent diplomatic presence 

in Somalia due to continued instability and the high-threat environment in 

Mogadishu. After the December 25, 2014, al-Shabaab attack on the Mogadishu 

International Airport (MIA) compound, the Department is assessing what security 

upgrades need to be made to bolster MIA perimeter security and the internal compound utilized by U.S. diplomats. As security conditions permit, we look forward to 

broadening and deepening our engagement, and to reestablishing a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu. As I mentioned in my testimony, there is no fixed 

timeline for the establishment of a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu, 

but if confirmed, I will carefully monitor the security environment in Somalia and 

make the recommendation for a more enduring U.S. presence in Mogadishu, when 

the environment permits. 

Question. How do the positions of U.S. Special Representative for Somalia and 

Ambassador to Somalia differ, if at all? Will the role of a U.S. Special Representative be necessary upon the confirmation of an ambassador, and if so, what role will 

the SE play? 

Answer. The U.S. Special Representative for Somalia (SRS) is a secretarial 

appointee who manages the Department’s relationship with the Federal Government of Somalia. The SRS, resident in Nairobi, also engages regional governments 

on Somalia—Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda—given their national 

security interests in Somalia as troop contributing countries. The SRS does not have 

authority to direct and coordinate the actions of U.S. executive branch agencies in 

Somalia. As chief of mission, unless otherwise directed by the President, the U.S. 

Ambassador to Somalia will have full responsibility and authority for the direction, 

coordination, and supervision of all U.S. Government executive branch activities, 

operations, and employees in Somalia. The role of SRS will no longer be needed as 

the U.S. Ambassador to Somalia will maintain the regional coordination role given 

the level of international engagement in Somalia. 

Question. Yemen may prove a cautionary tale. In view of the unsuccessful efforts 

of significant U.S. military assistance and operational emphasis in Yemen to withstand political and militant unrest and in view of the ensuing instability, how will 

U.S. policy integration and coherence across USG agencies address current parallel 

efforts similar to those that existed in Yemen? What specific mechanism exists to 

harmonize U.S. policy governmentwide in moving Somalia toward sustainable governance and greater stability than it has had in decades? How will the U.S. role 

in partner efforts to help reestablish a viable government for Somalia change with 

an ambassador? 

Answer. U.S. policy in Somalia directly links security sector reform to political 

progress. Our Somalia strategy, previously shared with Congress, includes ways in 

which political development and security progress must move in tandem. U.S. policy 

is harmonized governmentwide through the White House directed interagency policy 

coordination process, and with our international partners via the New Deal Somali 

Compact. 

The United States and international partners support a regional force, the African 

Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), that enjoys broad international and regional 

support. AMISOM is composed of African troop contributors that have a strategic 

interest in stabilizing Somalia and as a result have initiated a number of military 

operations designed to pressure and erode al-Shabaab. AMISOM also has provided 

critical time and political space so the Somali political process can gain strength and 

the Federal Government of Somalia can begin to build a representative, apolitical, 

human rights respecting, professionally trained force under civilian oversight. 

In Yemen, there was no international or regional force like AMISOM that provided Yemen’s leaders the time and space to find a peaceful solution to Yemen’s 

political crisis, while at the same time maintaining security and putting pressure 

on al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. 

Question. What is the status of Somaliland and Puntland as it relates to U.S. policy? How do you expect the status to change, if at all, in the near to mid-term? What 

are your priorities for working with Somaliland and how will this translate into 

engaging Somalia? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

62 

Answer. The United States recognizes a single Somalia, which includes 

Somaliland and Puntland. We are encouraged by the progress made in the integration of Puntland into the federal state formation process. While progress has stalled 

in regards to the formal, Turkey-sponsored talks between Somaliland authorities 

and the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), we continue to encourage dialogue 

between both parties. 

The United States regularly engages with all levels of the Somali Government, 

including the FGS, the newly established interim regional administrations, and the 

authorities in Puntland and Somaliland. If confirmed, my priorities at the regional 

level will be to promote security, good governance, and economic development, as 

well as to advance the state formation process. 

Question. The implementation of Vision 2016 is behind schedule. How will you 

apply pressure on the Somalia Government to complete the plan? 

Answer. While implementation of Vision 2016 is behind schedule, the Federal 

Government of Somalia (FGS) has made significant and important progress, especially in regards to advancing the state formation process. That said, time is short 

and the FGS has itself acknowledged that Vision 2016 is behind schedule. 

If confirmed, I will engage extensively with the President, Prime Minister, parliamentarians, and the regional governments, in close collaboration with our international partners, to push for a renewed focus on accelerating implementation of 

the Vision 2016 reform agenda. It is of paramount importance that the FGS move 

swiftly this year to lay the foundations for credible, democratic, and inclusive 

national elections in 2016, as well as for a constitutional referendum as envisioned 

by Vision 2016. The United States will maintain close engagement with the international community to ensure we have a coordinated approach to support the Somalis as they work towards 2016. 

Question. How will East Africa region’s instability and the drawdown of Embassy 

personnel in Nairobi, Kenya, affect the movement and accessibility of the U.S. 

Ambassador to Somalia to travel and conduct business with the Government of 

Somalia, its citizenry and U.S. programming in Somalia while operating from 

Nairobi? 

Answer. The Somalia Unit, comprised of 21 personnel, was deemed to be of such 

strategic importance it was not reduced in size during the July 2014 drawdown of 

Embassy personnel in Nairobi, Kenya. The drawdown did not reduce staffing or programming operations of the Somalia Unit. If I am confirmed, the Department will 

transition the Somalia Unit to U.S. Mission Somalia and is in the process of determining the accompanying staffing footprint. As security conditions permit, U.S. officials will maintain regular travel into Somalia to conduct official business and promote our foreign policy objectives. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DHANANI’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. Throughout my career, I have advanced U.S. interests in the promotion 

of human rights. In my current assignment in the Africa Bureau, I lead the office 

responsible for coordinating the Bureau’s efforts to promote human rights throughout the continent. Our activities include, for example, ensuring that recipients of 

security assistance have clean human rights records; promoting atrocity prevention; 

promoting fair, credible, and peaceful elections; and defending the human rights of 

LGBT persons. We coordinate the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 

Trafficking in Persons Reports, and International Religious Freedom Reports for 

African countries. As consul general in Hyderabad, India, my team’s activities 

included partnering with the private sector to sponsor training for disabled adults, 

promoting local nongovernmental organizations’ projects to economically empower 

women in lower income Muslim communities, supporting efforts to combat HIV/ 

AIDS stigma, and persuading local police to rescind an order banning a rainbow 

film festival. In Gabon our human-rights-related activities included a public program highlighting abuses committed as part of rituals to enhance political success 

and in Zambia we were particularly active in responding to the humanitarian needs 

of refugees, including projects aimed at protecting teenage refugee girls from sexual 

abuse and exploitation. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

63 

My actions to promote human rights were particularly important during my service as deputy chief of mission in Zimbabwe. The U.S. Embassy’s programs directly 

assisted thousands of Zimbabweans whose human rights were abused by the regime, and our efforts to expose abuse changed the course of events surrounding the 

2008 election. When U.S. Government-supported election monitoring made stealing 

the election impossible during a first round of voting, the Government of Zimbabwe 

launched a campaign of violence and intimidation to ensure that the ruling party 

would prevail during a runoff. The U.S. mission in Zimbabwe already supported a 

network of partners to provide medical care, psychological counseling, and legal 

counsel to victims of torture and other human rights abuses. When the scale and 

severity of abuse expanded dramatically, we led an international effort to protect 

victims and expose abusers. In addition to supporting shelters and services for internally displaced persons (IDPs), we interviewed scores of individuals who had been 

beaten and burned out of their homes to identify individuals at risk of further political persecution for targeted support. The Embassy led the diplomatic community 

in visits to torture camps, defying police roadblocks. On July 3, 2008, hundreds of 

IDPs who had been forced to leave a shelter arrived at the U.S. Embassy seeking 

refuge. We scrambled to identify alternative shelters for the women and children, 

and provided blankets and hot meals for over 150 men that winter night. The 

USAID Director and I spent July 4 identifying and setting up a shelter on a farm 

outside the city, where we identified partners able to meet the IDPs’ basic needs 

in the ensuing weeks. Independent media and watchdog groups who enjoyed our 

support provided us with documentation of the regime’s abuses which we shared 

throughout the region, convincing Zimbabwe’s neighbors that this time they could 

not turn a blind eye to the Mugabe regime’s crimes. As a result, the ruling party 

recognized that it would be unable to steal the runoff, and invited the opposition 

into a coalition. 

I was proud to lead the team at U.S. Embassy Harare who demonstrated the tremendous compassion and empathy of the American people under the most trying 

circumstances, making a difference in both the lives of individual Zimbabweans and 

the course of public events. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Somalia? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Somalia? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. If I am confirmed, working with the African Union, Government of Somalia, and Somali civil society to improve protection of civilians will be central to my 

engagement. Violence against women and girls, including rape, remains a pervasive 

problem. I will work with Somali and international counterparts including AMISOM 

to improve protection efforts, including ensuring that women can access the services 

they need and perpetrators are held accountable. I am also deeply concerned about 

the situation of media freedom in Somalia. The country remains one of the most 

dangerous places to be a journalist. I will regularly discuss protection concerns with 

Somali journalists themselves, speak out against abuses against journalists, and 

strongly encourage the Somali Government to fully respect freedom of expression. 

In addition, I will work with Somalia and the United Nations to further implementation of Somalia’s action plan to end the use and recruitment of child soldiers and 

standardize operating procedures for the reception and handover of children separated from armed groups. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Somalia in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

Answer. Key challenges to addressing human rights concerns in the country 

include continued insecurity in al-Shabaab-controlled portions of the country. This 

limits not only U.S. Government access to much of the country, but also access by 

international and local partners who could provide information that is vital to 

addressing human rights concerns. Human rights organizations have identified the 

lack of data on the situation in much of the country as problematic. 

Improving civilian protection while conflict continues is extremely challenging, but 

it will be central to my efforts. Attacks, including direct attacks on civilians, continue to result in deaths, injuries, and displacement. Somali women and girls experience systematic marginalization, which makes it difficult to address gender-based 

violence and sexual exploitation. Women are reluctant to report abuse due to possible reprisals, and police are reluctant to investigate. The Government has arrested 

alleged rape victims. Authorities rarely used formal procedures to address rape. 

Improving protection for journalists is challenging in part due to the continued inseFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

64 

curity and presence of al-Shabaab. Also challenging is that the Government of 

Somalia and regional authorities continue to arrest, detain, and prosecute journalists. In regards to child soldiers, the government has taken additional steps to 

implement its action plan with the U.N., though, overall, implementation of the plan 

has been limited. More also needs to be done to improve demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration efforts for children separated from armed groups. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the United States and with local human rights NGOs in 

Somalia? 

Answer. If confirmed, one of my most important goals as U.S. Ambassador to 

Somalia will be improving respect for human rights in the country, so that all Somalis have the opportunity to exercise their fundamental freedoms and live their lives 

without fear. My efforts will include those focused on improving civilian protection, 

strengthening efforts to address rape, building respect for media freedom, and 

ensuring that children are not used as soldiers. Human rights and other NGOs are 

critical to this work and I look forward to meeting with them, if I am confirmed. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy as well as steps you 

would take to accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the Government of 

Somalia end impunity for human rights violations by security forces. 

Answer. The Leahy laws are based on a basic principle: A government security 

apparatus’ respect for human rights bolsters its legitimacy and trustworthiness in 

the eyes of the people it is supposed to protect, and enhances its ability to protect. 

Moreover, holding violators accountable fortifies the rule of law, which will be key 

in our efforts to improve governance in Somalia. If confirmed, the Embassy staff and 

I will convey this message in all our interactions with the FGS. In terms of implementation, the Embassy and the Department vet all individuals and units of the 

security services; if confirmed, I will ensure that our vetting continues to be comprehensive, thorough, and in full compliance with the Leahy laws, and that those 

who violate human rights are restricted from training. Furthermore, I will strongly 

urge the FGS to hold all violators accountable for their actions. 

Question. In your written testimony, you mention the importance of building 

Somali institutional capacity. The U.S. Government has spent considerable time and 

resources in training the Somali national army as part of its Somalia strategy. The 

U.S strategy toward sub-Saharan Africa states that as part of security sector 

reform, the United States will build security forces that ‘‘are subordinate to and 

operating jointly with their constitutional civil authorities.’’ 

♦ a. What programs are currently underway to build up the civil authorities in 

Somalia? What is the status of current efforts to build the capacity of the 

Somali Ministry of Defense? What plans do we have to build capacity in the 

judiciary and civilian oversight organizations that can provide oversight of the 

Somali National Army? 

Answer. The United States has supported the development of the Ministry of 

Defense (MOD) by refurbishing the MOD headquarters at Gashandiga in 

Mogadishu, as well as providing a contract advisor who works with the Defense 

Minister at the MOD on a daily basis. Other donors are also participating in the 

effort to build the capacity of the MOD, including the European Union. We intend 

to expand our support to the MOD in the coming years, to include additional training, advisory support, and material support. Our assistance will reflect the absorptive capacity of the MOD, and complement the efforts of other donors. We are 

designing this support in coordination with other donors to strengthen civilian oversight of the military sothat respect for human rights and inclusivity become well 

entrenched. 

♦ b. What tools were used to assess the requirements of the Somali National 

Army and what is the plan for monitoring and evaluating our current efforts 

in keeping with the policy guidelines contained in Presidential Policy Directive 

23? 

Answer. Defining the requirements of the Somali National Army (SNA) has been 

an iterative process involving inputs and analysis from across the U.S. interagency, 

the AU Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), other donors involved in the effort to develop 

the SNA, U.S.-funded advisors embedded with the SNA and MOD, and, most importantly, the Somalis themselves. Program monitors in Mogadishu, augmented by U.S. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

65 

Government personnel’s visits, ensure programming is being provided in line with 

U.S. Government regulations and objectives. 

♦ c. How is the United States coordinating with other donors in the security 

sector? 

Answer. U.S. support to the Somali security services is coordinated by regular 

working group meetings within the framework of the New Deal’s Peacebuilding and 

Statebuilding Group Two (PSG–2). PSG–2 and the subworking groups that fall 

under it, is the primary vehicle for coordinating international community support 

directly with the Federal Government of Somalia, the U.N., the AU, and other 

partners. 

♦ d. What is the administration doing to build government capacity to administer 

or provide social services in Mogadishu and areas which have been liberated 

from al-Shabaab? 

Answer. The United States is helping the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) 

define, coordinate, and manage the frameworks for national programs within the 

Office of the President, National Security Advisor, and the Ministry of Interior and 

Federalism. We support the Federal Government of Somalia to increase inclusiveness of political processes and facilitate the delivery of critical services in newly liberated areas, including training national and regional Parliaments to increase their 

oversight role through the Transition Initiatives for Stabilization from USAID. The 

United States helped the FGS understand the utility of initiating local-level reconciliation and civic dialogues in areas liberated from al-Shabaab, as a means to 

prevent new conflicts from erupting in the aftermath of liberation. 

In FY 2014, the administration provided more than $58.3 million in development 

assistance to Somalia to promote peace and stability, foster good governance, spur 

economic growth and job creation, improve transparency and accountability, support 

institutional development, and increase the responsiveness of government institutions at the federal, regional, and local levels. The United States is supporting 

Somalia’s Ministry of Education to help develop an Education Sector Strategic Plan. 

Development of this national plan will build government capacity to deliver 

improvements in educational quality and services across the country. 

Question. Regarding the Somali Federal Government’s Vision 2016 agenda, you 

mentioned that many deadlines have already been missed and that the international community continues to encourage the federal government to adhere to the 

roadmap. 

♦ a. What is the status of constitutional development in Somalia? 

Answer. The Somali parliamentary constitutional review committee has begun to 

advise the recently established Independent Constitutional Review Implementation 

Commission (IRIC), on chapters one and four of the constitution which address the 

critical issues of the status of Mogadishu in the state formation process and the 

electoral law. The Speaker of Parliament informed us that he intends to expedite 

the review process during the next session of Parliament (technically scheduled to 

open the week of April 20). 

♦ b. What is the status of discussions about federalism and the integration of 

semiautonomous regions such as Somaliland? 

Answer. The state formation process to build a federal system in Somalia is currently underway. Interim administrations, precursors to formal federal states, are 

now in place in Jubbaland and the South West region, and a reconciliation process 

is currently underway in the central regions. The Federal Government of Somalia 

and Puntland signed an agreement in October 2014 to pave the way for Puntland’s 

recognition as a federal member state. To accelerate the federalism process, 

Mogadishu and the regional leaders recently created the Somali Leadership Forum 

to discuss key issues, including regional security force integration, 2016 elections, 

and the state formation process. Somaliland maintains its unilaterally declared 

independence from Mogadishu, but has engaged in Turkish-sponsored talks on 

issues requiring cooperation, such as airspace management. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DHANANI’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. What are the prospects for Somalia to hold elections as expected in 

2016? Given the political infighting and insecurity, will it be possible to hold a 

nationwide constitutional referendum and elections next year? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

66 

Answer. The United States continues to support the Federal Government of 

Somalia’s Vision 2016 agenda, which includes holding national elections in 2016. 

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) itself has acknowledged that Vision 2016 

is behind schedule. We consistently urge the FGS to accelerate the pace of reform 

and to put in place the institutions, laws, and processes necessary to meet its Vision 

2016 goals. 

Question. Given that the current central government was largely appointed and 

selected to overcome internal rivalries, do you think these elections will be viewed 

as credible and legitimate in the eyes of the Somali people? 

Answer. The United States supports Somalia’s state formation process, currently 

underway, which will lay the foundation for a more representative government. We 

continue to urge the Somali Government to begin the process to review the interim 

constitution and present a final version for its citizens to approve in a national referendum by early 2016. USAID’s democracy and governance program in Somalia 

strengthens regional and national parliaments to perform oversight and to develop 

legislation, particularly as regards the legal framework necessary for credible and 

legitimate referenda and electoral processes. If confirmed, I will continue to press 

the Government of Somalia urgently to take steps toward inclusive and democratic 

elections. As Somalia continues to develop inclusive political institutions, its leaders 

must support the ability of citizens to choose their own government through periodic 

free and fair elections. 

Question. How would you characterize al-Shabaab’s relationship with al-Qaeda, Al 

Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and the Islamic State, respectively? 

Answer. Al-Shabaab publicly announced its merger with al-Qaeda in a February 

2012 statement in which they pledged loyalty to al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri. Al-Shabaab is not related to ISIS, although there have been reports of ethnic 

Somalis, not affiliated with al-Shabaab, fighting alongside extremist groups in Syria 

and Iraq. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, like al-Shabaab, is an al-Qaeda 

affiliate. 

Question. What is the anticipated timeline for establishing an embassy in 

Mogadishu? What are the challenges with the current system, in which U.S. diplomats and USAID personnel travel back and forth from Kenya? 

Answer. We look forward to broadening and deepening our engagement and to reestablishing a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu. Currently, chief of mission personnel travel to Mogadishu and other locations in Somalia as security conditions permit. Establishment of a permanent diplomatic presence in Mogadishu will 

represent the culmination of this recognition process, but there is no fixed timeline 

for achieving this objective. 

Question. The State Department budget justification includes a request for $110 

million to support African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Partnership (APRRP). 

According to the CBJ, the program would ‘‘build rapid peacekeeping response capabilities in Ethiopia, Ghana, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda.’’ 

♦ (a). How does this proposal compare to existing training programs, including 

African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) Program? 

Answer. APRRP assistance will complement but not replace existing peace operations capacity-building programs, such as the Global Peace Operations Initiative 

(GPOI), the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program (which is funded predominantly through GPOI), and the International Police 

Peacekeeping Operations Support (IPPOS) program. GPOI and IPPOS emphasize 

broader, global capacity-building efforts focused on addressing a wider range of 

international peace operations shortfalls and strengthening the effectiveness of U.N. 

and regional missions. APPRP partners have and may continue to receive training 

through these other programs as well. 

♦ (b). How would you see the program impacting troop contributing countries 

effectiveness in ongoing operations? 

Answer. APRRP will focus on developing the capabilities of partner nations to 

deploy forces rapidly in support of an AU or U.N.-mandated operation. APRRP will 

inject targeted resources to address specific gaps in peacekeeping rapid response 

capabilities in the selected partner countries. With this specific goal in mind, 

APRRP works with a set of proven partners to emphasize training and provision 

and maintenance of equipment to enable rapid deployment and sustainment. While 

facilitating rapid deployment is the primary focus of the program, we anticipate that 

the improved specialty capabilities and institutional capacity provided through 

APRRP have the potential to benefit ongoing operations as well. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

67 

♦ (c). As you know, reports implicated Ugandan and Burundian troops participating in AMISOM of raping civilians. Would APPRP include modules aimed 

at protecting civilians? Would, if not how, do you guard against reputational 

risk to the U.S. from being associated with their training? 

Answer. We are greatly concerned about the reports of sexual exploitation and 

abuse by AMISOM forces. The United States immediately engaged with the African 

Union and the Governments of Uganda and Burundi to urge them to undertake a 

credible and transparent investigation into the alleged incidents immediately. Ugandan and Burundian forces deploying to AMISOM currently receive substantial training related to human rights and protection of civilians through the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program and counterterrorism 

training funded through section 2282. We are continuously looking at ways to improve this training, including in response to the reports of sexual exploitation and 

abuse. That training will need to focus not only on increased awareness of sexual 

exploitation and abuse, but also on improving the capacity of the contingents to 

investigate allegations and hold perpetrators accountable. 

We intend to keep APRRP focused on developing specialized capabilities and enabling units required to facilitate rapid deployment (including logistics, engineering, 

equipment maintenance, transport, intelligence, and medical capabilities), and, 

therefore, we do not expect protection of civilians to be a primary focus of the 

APRRP-funded training events. This is not because protection of civilians is unimportant, but rather because these topics are already being addressed through the 

existing predeployment training initiatives funded through the Global Peace Operations Initiative (like ACOTA) and section 2282. We intend APRRP to complement, 

not replace existing training initiatives. 

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NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, MAY 19, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Mileydi Guilarte, of the District of Columbia, to be United States 

Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank 

Jennifer Ann Haverkamp, of Indiana, to be Assistant Secretary of 

State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs 

Marcia Denise Occomy, of the District of Columbia, to be United 

States Director of the African Development Bank for a term of 

five years 

Sunil Sabharwal, of California, to be United States Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund for a term 

of two years 

Brian James Egan, of Maryland, to be Legal Adviser of the Department of State 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:45 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John Barrasso, presiding. 

Present: Senators Barrasso, Corker, Gardner, Udall, Cardin, 

Murphy, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN BARRASSO, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM WYOMING 

Senator BARRASSO. Well, good afternoon. Congratulations. I 

would like to call to order this hearing of the United States Senate 

Committee on Foreign Relations. 

The committee is meeting today to examine the nomination of 

five individuals to serve our country’s interests in international financial institutions in the State Department. 

Again, congratulations on your nominations to these important 

positions. I want to welcome all of you and extend a warm welcome, on behalf of the committee, to all your families and friends 

who are here. And I hope that, when you get a chance to testify, 

each of you will introduce others that are here supporting you from 

your family. 

Should you serve our Nation in these important positions, it is 

critical that each of you provide strong stewardship of American 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

70 

taxpayer resources, demonstrate professionalism and good judgment, and vigorously work to advance the priorities of the United 

States. 

During your testimony, I hope each of you will lay out your vision and goals for the positions to which you have been nominated 

for, and your plan to achieve them. 

Joining us this afternoon are five nominees. I am pleased to introduce them to the committee. 

Mileydi Guilarte, who is been nominated to be the United States 

Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-American Development 

Bank. And she is currently serving as the International Cooperation Specialist in the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean 

at the United States Agency of International Development. She 

previously worked at the United Nations, the World Bank, and the 

International Monetary Fund. 

Jennifer Haverkamp is the nominee to be Assistant Secretary of 

State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific 

Affairs. Ms. Haverkamp is currently an independent consultant 

and lecturer at George Washington University Law School. She has 

previously worked for the Environmental Defense Fund, serving as 

the Director of International Climate Program and the Managing 

Director for International Policy. 

Marcia Occomy is the nominee to the be United States Director 

of the African Development Bank for a term of 5 years. She is currently a specialist leader at Deloitte Consulting and has been with 

Deloitte since 2009, where she has worked with the United States 

Agency for International Development on various assignments. 

Sunil Sabharwal is the nominee to be the United States Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund for a 

term of 2 years. He is an independent investor and consultant in 

the international payment sector since 2006. During his career, he 

has worked at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and held senior positions at First Data Corporation, Western 

Union, and GE Capital. 

And then Brian Egan has been nominated for the position of 

Legal Adviser at the Department of State. He is currently working 

as Legal Adviser to the National Security Council, Deputy Assistant to the President, and Deputy Counsel to the President. In addition to previously working with the national security staff at the 

White House, he has also served as an attorney adviser at the Office of Legal Adviser of the Department of State. 

Now I want to turn to the Ranking Member, Senator Udall, to 

offer his opening remarks. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TOM UDALL, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO 

Senator UDALL. Thank you very much, Chairman Barrasso, for 

holding this hearing. And I, too, want to welcome our nominees 

who are with us this afternoon. We have five well-qualified candidates with impressive resumes being considered today. 

As most of you know, our subcommittee’s jurisdiction covers a lot 

of ground, some would say from the ocean floor out to space. The 

Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific 

Affairs, I think, would agree with that. Their work, ranging from 

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environmental issues, such as climate change, to emerging issues, 

such as space, is crucial to our foreign policy. Congress has a vital 

interest in international institutions to promote economic growth, 

to support the development of international law, to support strong 

environmental standards and improve security and lives. All serve 

to strengthen social and international development and further important objectives of U.S. foreign policy. 

The nominations we are considering today provide an excellent 

opportunity for the United States to continue to work closely with 

the international community. Our participation in the international 

development organizations help shape the discussions in multilateral forums to reflect U.S. priorities and interests, and also ensure 

that organizations like the Inter-American Development Bank, the 

African Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund 

are well equipped to succeed in their missions. Those missions are 

essential to promote security, economic prosperity, and advocate for 

healthier lives through science and partnerships. That is a responsible course and brings greater stability, not only to specific regions 

around the world, but throughout the world. 

So, I look forward to our discussions here today with this impressive list of nominees. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I would yield back. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Senator Cardin, anything you would like to add? 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I just really want to welcome our nominees, thank you for your 

public service, your willingness to serve, and I also thank your families. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you both. 

And all of the positions that the committee is discussing today 

are very important. I look forward to hearing the testimony. 

Your full statements will be entered into the record in their entirety. And I ask that you try to summarize your testimony in 

about 5 minutes in order for members to have an opportunity to 

ask questions. Other members may be joining us at different times 

during the hearing. And again, please feel free to introduce your 

family members who are here today offering their support. 

And, with that, Ms. Guilarte, may we please start with you? 

STATEMENT OF MILEYDI GUILARTE, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. 

ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTER–AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 

Ms. GUILARTE. Thank you, Chairman. 

Chairman Barrasso, Senator Udall, members of the committee, 

thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. 

I am honored that President Obama nominated me to serve as 

the Alternate Executive Director at the Inter-American Development Bank. I am also grateful to Secretary Lew and Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago for supporting me. 

I am also grateful to my family, friends, and colleagues that are 

present today for their love, encouragement, and unwavering support. I would like to acknowledge my mother, Zenaida Guilarte, 

who is with me today. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

72 

If confirmed, I will bring to the IDB a deep understanding of 

Latin America, solid experience with international development, 

and a strong belief in the value of public service, and the commitment to relentlessly promote U.S. interests in the region. 

Representing the United States at the IDB, an institution created to support the economic and social development of Latin 

America, is a humbling yet vital undertaking. If confirmed, I would 

be the first Latina in nearly 30 years to hold this important position. 

Since I appeared before this distinguished committee a year ago, 

I have continued to strengthen my experience and engagement in 

Latin America at the United States Agency for International Development, primarily working on our response to last summer’s surge 

of unaccompanied minors from Central America. Addressing the 

interrelated economic, political, and security challenges facing the 

region, and their consequences, are critical to the national security 

interests of the United States. If confirmed, I hope to continue supporting this difficult and challenging task. 

Let me take the opportunity to tell you a little bit about my 

background, which has helped shape how I came to pursue a career 

in international development. 

Born in Cuba, I left Havana for the United States at an early 

age with my family in search of a better life with only a single blue 

suitcase in our hands. I spent my formative years in Miami, where 

I worked side by side with my parents in flea markets each weekend to help make ends meet. These experiences taught me the values of discipline and hard work. I was the first member of my family to graduate from college. And I feel deeply blessed to have prospered in America. 

While in graduate school, I focused on developing a social academic foundation to understand economic, political, and social issue 

as they impact development and democracy. After graduation, my 

deep commitment to the promotion of democracy and human rights 

led me to work and live in various countries around the world. 

Through these experiences, I deepened my leadership skills and 

learned how critical the interaction between financial institutions, 

donor, and civil society are in the development of the world’s poorest nations. At the World Bank and at the United Nations, I 

worked on conflict prevention, humanitarian assistance, and 

strengthening the emerging democracies. Most recently, at the 

United States Agency for International Development, I have 

worked on our response to address the root causes of the influx of 

unaccompanied minors while at the same time contributed to the 

interagency process that produced the administration’s proposed $1 

billion request for Central America. These experiences allow me to 

appreciate the challenges of working within complex multilateral 

institutions and develop the skills to help promote effective initiatives in that environment. 

Thinking about Latin America has been a constant throughout 

my life. The opportunity to represent our great country at the 

Inter-American Development Bank is a particular honor for me as 

an American born in Latin America. If confirmed, I will work diligently to advance U.S. objectives at the IDB by carefully 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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stewarding the resources of U.S. taxpayers and by promoting greater accountability, transparency, and effectiveness. 

I look forward to working closely with the members of this committee and your staff. Thank you for your consideration. And I look 

forward to answering any questions you might have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Guilarte follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MILEYDI GUILARTE

Chairman Barrasso, Senator Udall, members of the committee, thank you for the 

opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President Obama nominated me to serve as the Alternate Executive Director at the Inter-American Development Bank. I am also grateful to Secretary Lew and Assistant Secretary Marisa 

Lago for supporting me. 

I am also grateful to my family, friends, and colleagues [that are present today], 

for their love, encouragement, and unwavering support. I specially would like to 

thank my mother, Zenaida, for inspiring me to be better each day. 

If confirmed, I will bring to the IDB a deep understanding of Latin America, solid 

experience with international development, a strong belief in the value of public 

service, and the commitment to relentlessly promote the U.S. interests in the region. 

Representing the United States at the IDB, an institution created to support the 

economic and social development of Latin America, is a humbling yet vital undertaking. If confirmed, I would be the first Latina in nearly 30 years to hold this 

important position. 

Since I appeared before this distinguished committee a year ago, I have continued 

to strengthen my experience and engagement in Latin America at the United States 

Agency for International Development, primarily working on our response to last 

summer’s surge of unaccompanied minors from Central America. Addressing the 

interrelated economic, political and security challenges facing the region and their 

consequences, are critical to the national security interests of the United States. If 

confirmed, I hope to continue supporting this difficult and challenging task. 

Let me take the opportunity to tell you a little bit about my background, which 

has shaped how I came to pursue a career in international development. Born in 

Cuba, I left Havana for the United States at an early age with my family in search 

of a better life with only a single blue suitcase in our hands. I spent my formative 

years in Miami, where I worked side by side with my parents in flea markets each 

weekend to help make ends meet. These experiences taught me the values of discipline and hard work. I was the first member of my family to graduate from college, and I feel deeply blessed to have prospered in America. 

While in graduate school, I focused on developing a solid academic foundation to 

understand economic, political and social issues as they impact development and 

democracy. 

After graduation, my deep commitment to the promotion of democracy and human 

rights led me to work and live in various countries around the globe. Professionally, 

I have worked in countries as diverse as India, East Timor, the Philippines, and the 

Republic of the Maldives. Through these experiences, I deepened my leadership 

skills and learned how critical the interaction between financial institutions, donors 

and civil society are in the development of the world’s poorest nations. 

At the World Bank and at the United Nations, I worked on conflict prevention, 

humanitarian assistance, and strengthening emerging democracies. Most recently, 

at the United States Agency for International Development, I have worked on our 

response to address the root causes of the influx of unaccompanied minors, while 

at the same time contributed to the interagency process that produced the administration’s proposed $1 billion request for Central America. These experiences allowed 

me to appreciate the challenges of working within complex multilateral institutions 

and develop the skills to help promote effective initiatives in that environment. 

Thinking about Latin America has been a constant throughout my life. The opportunity to represent our great country at the Inter-American Development Bank is 

a particular honor for me as an American born in Latin America. 

If confirmed, I will work diligently to advance U.S. objectives at the Inter-American Development Bank by carefully stewarding the resources of the U.S. taxpayer 

and by promoting greater accountability, transparency and effectiveness. I look forward to working closely with the members of this committee and your staff. 

Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to answering any questions 

you might have. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you so very much for your testimony. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. GUILARTE. You are welcome. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Ms. Haverkamp. 

STATEMENT OF JENNIFER ANN HAVERKAMP, NOMINATED 

TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR OCEANS 

AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL AND SCIENTIFIC 

AFFAIRS 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Udall and distinguished members of the committee. It is a 

great privilege for me to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau 

of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs. 

With your permission, I have a longer statement for the record. 

I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

placing their trust in me for this position. And I look forward to 

again working with Under Secretary Novelli, my former colleague 

from the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. If confirmed, I 

very much look forward to working with the Congress, and with 

this committee in particular, to advance U.S. interests through our 

global environmental, scientific, and health diplomacy. 

I am also deeply grateful to my family, my support and inspiration. With me here today are my husband, Jeff Kehne, my fatherand mother-in-law, Bruce and Elizabeth Kehne, and my niece, 

Meagan Haverkamp. Our two children, Gregory and Adrianne, 

very much wish they could be here, but they are busy wrapping up 

their end-of-semester college activities far from Washington. 

My parents, were they still alive, would have been enormously 

proud. My father, a college educator who served as a U.S. Navy 

lieutenant in World War II in the Pacific, and my mother, a teacher and homemaker who raised six children, believed deeply in the 

importance of education, hard work, and public service. 

I am energized and eager to return to government and put my 

experience to work advancing American priorities and values. I 

would bring to the position a science background, having majored 

in biology in college and published ecological field research. I have 

dedicated most of my career to public service, and have worked for 

the last 22 years in the international realm. I served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Environment and Natural Resources for most of my 10 years at USTR, and, before, held positions of responsibility at the Department of Justice, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the U.S. Court of Appeals. More recently, I have worked and served on boards in the nonprofit sector, 

with a focus on finding practical solutions to confront climate 

change, conserve tropical forests, and advance clean energy. 

I believe many aspects of my experience, especially at USTR, will 

have relevant parallels in the work of OES. These include strengthening the United States domestically through international engagement, finding ways to advance U.S. economic interests while protecting our environmental values, and promoting health and prosperity abroad, and leveling the playing field for U.S. companies 

through advancing environmental protections in other countries. 

Turning to OES: Four decades ago, this Congress created the Bureau and gave it broad responsibilities for complex and consequenFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tial issues. In the years since, OES’s signature issues of science, 

technology, and innovation, environment, oceans, and health have 

all played increasingly significant roles in strengthening the U.S. 

economy, advancing our foreign policy objectives, and buttressing 

our leadership positions around the world. 

If confirmed by the Senate, my priorities would be interwoven 

and would encompass the themes of investments, innovation, and 

inspiration. 

First, investments. I would continue and build upon the strong 

and effective investments Secretary Kerry is making in the oceans, 

the Arctic, climate change, wildlife conservation, and health. In 

each of these areas, achieving substantive and diplomatic gains depends upon making strong and effective investments in long-term 

policy development, interagency coordination, the best analysis, 

and partnerships with other governments, the private sector, and 

civil society. 

Second, innovation. Advances in science and technology have 

sharpened the need to focus on science diplomacy. To remain the 

best innovators in the world, our scientists must have access to 

data, research results, and collaboration opportunities with their 

international counterparts. And science enables the United States 

to exert innovative leadership in averting catastrophes, whether 

from mercury contamination, an infectious disease like Ebola, or 

severe water shortages. 

Third, inspiration. If confirmed, I would work to foster and capitalize on the tremendous talent and inspiration of the people in 

OES to build coalitions and yield important diplomatic wins. 

In closing, I am eager to tackle the staggering pressures bearing 

down on the planet’s people and natural resources—as Senator 

Udall said, from the ocean’s depths to the ice-capped poles and to 

outer space, and to help shape foreign diplomacy in these areas for 

years to come. 

If confirmed, I would work hard every day to successfully carry 

out the profound responsibility thereby conferred upon me. 

Thank you for your consideration. And I look forward to your 

questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Haverkamp follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JENNIFER ANN HAVERKAMP

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Udall and distinguished members of 

the committee. 

It is a great privilege for me to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Oceans and International 

Environmental and Scientific Affairs (OES). I am grateful to President Obama and 

Secretary Kerry for placing their trust in me to help fashion solutions to the profound challenges facing our fragile world and the people it must continue to sustain. 

I am also grateful for the opportunity to again work with Under Secretary Catherine Novelli, whose dynamic leadership and excellent judgment I had the privilege 

to observe closely during our years together at USTR. 

If confirmed, I very much look forward to working with the Congress, and this 

committee in particular, to advance the United States essential environmental, economic, and national security interests through our global environmental, scientific, 

and health diplomacy. 

I am also deeply grateful to my family, who have supported and inspired me 

throughout my career in public service and international environmental and trade 

policy. With me here today are my husband, Jeff Kehne, my father- and motherin-law, Bruce and Elizabeth Kehne, of Columbia (formerly Pikesville), Maryland, 

and my niece, Meagan Haverkamp. Our two children very much wish they could be 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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here but our son Gregory, a college junior, is studying mathematics abroad in Budapest and our daughter Adrianne is busy completing her freshman year of college. 

My parents, were they still alive, would have been enormously proud to see this 

day. My father, a college educator who served as a U.S. Navy lieutenant in World 

War II’s Pacific Theater, and my mother, a teacher and homemaker who raised six 

children, believed deeply in the importance of education, hard work, and public service. And I can thank our family’s cross-country vacations, which Dad and Mom 

spent driving us to see our Nation’s spectacular national parks and historic sites, 

for sparking my lifelong passion for nature conservation and outdoor recreation. 

Professional background 

I am energized and eager to return to government and put my experience to work 

advancing American priorities and values. My professional experiences have 

attracted me to this position and I might even argue this is a role I have been preparing for throughout my career. 

I would bring to the position a science background, having majored in biology in 

college and published field research on the ecology of the North American tall-grass 

prairie. I have dedicated most of my career to public service, and have worked for 

the last 22 years in the international realm. For most of my 10 years at USTR I 

served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Environment and Natural 

Resources and was a career member of the Senior Executive Service. Before USTR 

I also held positions of responsibility at the Department of Justice, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the U.S. Court of Appeals. Though working at Foggy 

Bottom would be a new experience, over the years I have engaged actively with 

many of the Department’s global environmental, fisheries, and economic issues and 

gotten to work with many of its outstanding officials. 

I believe many aspects of my experience at USTR will have relevant parallels in 

the work of OES: strengthening the United States domestically through international engagement; finding ways to advance U.S. economic interests while protecting our environmental values; promoting health and prosperity abroad and leveling the playing field for U.S. companies by advancing environmental protections 

in other countries; and recognizing that often the best way to protect biodiversity 

is through solutions that accommodate the local population’s economic needs—by 

making the forests and elephants and coral reefs worth more alive than dead. 

More recently, I worked in the nonprofit sector to find practical solutions to confront climate change, conserve tropical forests, and advance clean energy. Addressing and preparing for climate change, one of the most profound challenges facing 

our generation, is a key priority of the President and Secretary Kerry, and cuts 

across many aspects of OES’s work and that of the Department more broadly. 

Overview of OES 

Four decades ago, Congress passed legislation creating OES with broad responsibilities for complex and consequential issues, around the same time Congress 

addressed increasingly harmful environmental degradation by passing landmark 

environmental and pollution control legislation. Over the years since those laws 

were enacted, OES’s signature issues of science, technology, and innovation; environment; oceans; and health have played increasingly significant roles in strengthening the U.S. economy, advancing our foreign policy objectives, and buttressing our 

leadership position in the world. More and more, the Department’s regional bureaus 

and embassies consider OES’s deep bench of substantive experts a valuable tool in 

their bilateral diplomacy, as the host countries seek out U.S. scientific and technological cooperation or assistance to address challenges such as wildlife trafficking or 

resolving conflicts over access to water resources. For example, OES experts supported efforts by countries along the Nile River Basin to establish a cooperative 

framework for managing its limited water resources that is expected to contribute 

to the region’s economic development, peace, and security. 

As part of the first Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) in 

2010, OES joined with the Department’s Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs 

and the Bureau of Energy Resources to become the ‘‘E’’ family, now under Under 

Secretary Novelli’s leadership. This collaborative relationship was reinforced in the 

recently released second QDDR. I would welcome the opportunities this structure 

presents for close collaboration with these offices, a situation resonant with my 

career experiences in international trade, environmental protection, and clean energy development. 

If confirmed by the Senate, my priorities would be interwoven and would encompass the following themes: investments, innovation, and inspiration. First, I would 

like to continue the strong and effective investments Secretary Kerry is making, 

especially in the areas of oceans, the Arctic, climate change, conservation, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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health. In each of these areas, investments in long-term policy development; interagency coordination; partnerships with other governments, the private sector, and 

civil society; and the best analysis will be key to achieving sustained substantive 

and diplomatic gains. 

Second, innovation. Our knowledge of science to educate and inform our partners 

and the public will guide my thinking and bring an innovative, equitable and costeffective approach to problemsolving. Advances in science and technology have 

brought our world much closer together and sharpened the need to focus on science 

diplomacy. To remain the best in the world, our scientists need access to data, 

research results, and collaboration opportunities with their international counterparts. And science underpins the actions we take and enables the United States to 

exert innovative leadership in averting catastrophes, whether from mercury contamination, an infectious disease or severe water shortages. 

Third, inspiration. I would work to foster and capitalize on the tremendous talent 

and inspiration of the people in OES to build coalitions and partnerships. The 

Bureau’s professionals have been at the forefront of international efforts to achieve 

important wins on the conservation, health, climate change, science, space and trade 

fronts, keeping a steady eye on the prize throughout often contentious, hard-fought 

negotiations (including some that I have witnessed firsthand). 

Priority issues for OES 

Across the wide range of issues that fall within OES’s responsibility, I’d like to 

elaborate on my key priorities, if confirmed: 

Oceans 

The oceans, covering almost three-quarters of the planet, are vital resources for 

food, for transportation, for energy, for tourism. Secretary Kerry has rightly made 

global oceans policy a top priority of the Department, and if confirmed I look forward to throwing my energy into those efforts. 

The key initiatives coming out of last June’s successful Our Ocean international 

conference include goals to advance sustainable fisheries, reduce pollution entering 

the marine environment, stem the increase of ocean acidification, and protect ocean 

areas. One OES priority in 2015 is carrying out a plan developed by President 

Obama’s Task Force on Combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing 

and Seafood Fraud. Implementing this plan to combat IUU fishing and seafood 

fraud will help level the playing field for American fishermen and fishing businesses 

who play by the rules. 

I would also prioritize OES’s role in promoting sustainable global fisheries for the 

world’s people who depend on oceans for their food and their livelihoods. Over 1 billion people worldwide rely on food from the ocean as their primary source of protein. 

OES is involved in a wide range of negotiations addressing the conservation and 

management of global fish stocks. The economic benefit to the United States generated by the fisheries subject to these negotiations, or managed by the regional 

fisheries management organizations within which many such negotiations occur, is 

estimated at between $12–$15 billion each year. These negotiations affect economic 

interests and stakeholders in virtually all parts of the United States, including the 

Pacific and Atlantic coasts, Gulf of Mexico, Alaska, Hawaii and the U.S. Pacific 

territories. 

I am grateful the Senate gave its advice and consent to U.S. ratification of four 

important fisheries treaties last spring, and look forward, if confirmed, to working 

with Congress, members of the Oceans Caucus and this committee to implement 

them. Illustrative of these agreements’ contribution to safeguarding U.S. economic 

interests is the Agreement on Port State Measures to Prevent, Deter, and Eliminate 

Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing. The Port State Measures Agreement 

combats these harmful fisheries practices through the implementation of robust, 

globally consistent requirements of parties, in their capacity as port States, to refuse 

port entry or access for landing fish, transshipment, packaging, processing, or servicing a ship if the ship is known to have engaged in IUU fishing. The U.S. fishing 

industry benefits when its competitors are compelled to also follow the rule of law, 

and I look forward to contributing to these efforts. 

Arctic 

As part of OES’s responsibility for oceans and polar affairs, in recent years the 

Bureau has deepened its engagement with other Arctic countries, as the region’s 

changing climate and receding ice cover have necessitated greater attention to 

emerging issues. As more Arctic waters become navigable and fishable, the need 

escalates for greater Arctic science cooperation, sustainable fisheries management, 

and protection of a fragile ecosystem newly opening to shipping, economic development and resource extraction. The Arctic is an excellent example of how U.S. enviFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ronmental and natural resource conservation interests are inextricably entwined 

with our economic and national security interests, and must be an integral part of 

our diplomatic efforts. 

In April, the United States took over from Canada the 2-year rotating chairmanship of the Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum made up of those eight 

nations with land territory above the Arctic Circle. The Council’s priorities during 

the U.S. chairmanship will focus on stewardship of the Arctic Ocean, improving economic and living conditions for the people of the region, and addressing the effects 

of climate change in the Arctic. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 

Admiral Papp, the Department’s Special Representative for the Arctic, as well as 

with other bureaus and government agencies, to make the best use of this important 

diplomatic opportunity. 

Climate change 

The Department’s 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review focuses 

on four global policy priorities, including mitigating and adapting to climate change. 

As Secretary Kerry stated in his March 2015 speech before the Atlantic Council, climate change, like epidemics, poverty, extremism, and nuclear proliferation, is a 

challenge that respects no borders. He has also spoken frequently of our responsibility to future generations as stewards of the Earth. 

If confirmed, I would look forward to supporting the Office of the Special Envoy 

on Climate Change (SECC), the Department’s lead on international negotiations on 

climate change. Although OES does not lead this work, the Bureau lends its scientific and technical expertise to SECC. One example in particular is the work the 

Bureau is undertaking with Mexico and Canada to gain broad international support 

for an agreement to dramatically reduce hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) in the atmosphere. The health and economic benefits that would be derived from eliminating 90 

billion tons of carbon dioxide-equivalent through 2050 would be enormous. If confirmed, I would lend my professional expertise in the trade, economics, and environmental arena to ensure that the support the Bureau provides in confronting climate 

change is scientifically based, results oriented and of tremendous value to the American people. 

Wildlife trafficking 

Wildlife trafficking is a critical conservation concern and a threat to our country’s 

national security. The illegal trade in wildlife has devastating impacts: it fuels corruption and undermines the rule of law, hinders economic development, contributes 

to the spread of disease, and is pushing some species to the brink of extinction. It 

is compromising the tourism-based economies of vulnerable African countries and, 

in some instances, is being used to finance organized crime, insurgencies, and possibly terrorism. 

The toll on iconic species is horrific: the forest elephant populations in Central 

Africa, for instance, declined by approximately two-thirds between just 2002 and 

2012. And while elephants and endangered rhinos slaughtered for their ivory first 

come to mind, many other species from most continents, including black coral, turtles and tortoises, iguanas, tropical birds, pangolins and primates, are all at risk. 

The United States is both a link in the transit chain and a final destination for 

some wildlife and wildlife products; our international efforts focused on reducing 

both supply and demand must and will be pursued in tandem with domestic actions. 

The OES Bureau has an important role to play in carrying out the Implementation Plan for the National Strategy for Combatting Wildlife Trafficking, issued in 

February. The Plan provides details for how the National Strategy’s goals will be 

achieved and how progress will be measured. OES is leading coordination of two elements of the strategy: the international cooperation and partnerships and demand 

reduction components. OES is also contributing, through its support for regional 

wildlife enforcement networks (WENs) worldwide, to the global enforcement element. 

The United States ramped-up efforts are beginning to pay off. We have, notably, 

reached agreements with China to cooperate in our efforts to combat wildlife trafficking. But there is still an enormous amount of work to be done, and if confirmed 

I would ensure that the Bureau’s resources are deployed effectively in the fight 

against this global scourge. 

Global health diplomacy 

Before the daunting challenges of Ebola fade in memory, the United States Government needs to incorporate its lessons learned into our broader global health 

diplomacy, to better inform our Nation’s responses to the inevitable future pandemics, wherever and whenever they may arise. The Ebola outbreak is but the latest evidence that the world has far to go to be ready to prevent, detect, and respond 

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to these global health security threats, and OES is well-positioned to help address 

this problem. The Global Health Security Agenda, a 44-country effort launched by 

the United States in 2014, has now gained over 100 new concrete commitments to 

prevent, detect, and rapidly respond to infectious disease threats before they become 

epidemics like Ebola. The Bureau supports this vital priority by working among 

these countries and with relevant international organizations to achieve the Agenda’s targets. Among other efforts, the Bureau is also working to expand the number 

of countries able to meet their obligations to the World Health Organization to 

develop certain core capacities to detect, assess, notify, and report public health 

emergencies of international concern. 

OES plays a critical, though often behind the scenes, role in global health diplomacy. The Bureau works closely with the Department’s regional and functional 

bureaus, special representatives and other U.S. entities (CDC, HHS, DOD, USAID, 

et al.) with important roles in global health policy. The strong relationships that 

U.S. expert agencies have developed with their international counterparts are vital 

to advancing global health. But as we learned from Ebola, in a crisis, to mobilize 

the global resources needed, and to coordinate the efforts of multiple entities, it 

takes the high level, cross-cutting diplomacy that the State Department does so 

well. If confirmed, I would apply myself to finding ways to strengthen the international and interagency coordination on shared global health priorities, and to 

advancing global pandemic readiness. 

Science and technology—promoting innovation and entrepreneurship 

As I mentioned earlier, I consider the deployment of U.S. scientific and technological expertise, and our leadership in innovation, to be an important engine of 

diplomacy and global development. Equally important is to support the Secretary’s 

efforts to increase the role of science across the work of the State Department. 

Innovation and entrepreneurship have been fundamental drivers of U.S. economic 

growth since our country’s founding, and promoting innovation abroad is an especially promising area of U.S. diplomacy. In this vein, OES has developed a Global 

Innovation through Science and Technology (GIST) initiative, which trains young 

entrepreneurs. GIST, itself an excellent example of bringing an innovative approach 

to diplomacy, has to date led to businesses that generated over $80 million in revenue. The program has worked in 86 emerging economies with over 2.6 million 

innovators and entrepreneurs around the world, providing training to over 4,500 

startups. If confirmed, I would work to grow this program, which gives hope to 

young entrepreneurs and creates jobs in countries where the lack of economic opportunity can sow unrest and threaten our national security. 

Closing 

I am excited about the prospect of leading a bureau that brings to bear the best 

analysis to help pioneer scientific and technological breakthroughs. I am excited to 

tackle the staggering pressures bearing down on natural resources, from the oceans’ 

depths to the ice-capped poles, to the savannas and to outer space, and to help 

shape foreign diplomacy in these areas for years to come. 

If confirmed, I would work hard every day to deserve the extraordinary honor and 

carry out the profound responsibility thereby conferred upon me. 

Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to your questions. 

Senator BARRASSO. Well, thank you. Congratulations, again. 

I will next move to Ms. Occomy. 

STATEMENT OF MARCIA DENISE OCCOMY, NOMINATED TO BE 

U.S. DIRECTOR OF THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 

Ms. OCCOMY. Thank you, Chairman and distinguished members 

of the committee. I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before 

you today. 

I am honored that President Obama has nominated me to serve 

as the U.S. Executive Director for the African Development Bank. 

I grew up in Chicago in a family of excellent role models who 

taught me the importance of hard work, discipline, and focus to be 

successful in life. My grandmother was one of the first AfricanAmerican women to attend Radcliffe College in the early 1900s, 

and later became a prominent writer during the Harlem Renaissance. My father entered the University of Chicago at the age of 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

80 

15, excelling in math and later becoming a computer executive in 

the retail industry in Chicago. My mother taught public schools for 

over 30 years, dedicating her life to public service. They and many 

others have influenced my decision, in part, to pursue an international development career later in my life. 

If confirmed as the U.S. Executive Director to the African Development Bank, my vision is to leverage my international development experience to support U.S. interests in seeing the African Development Bank carry out its mission to promote economic development and progress across Africa. 

Boosting growth is important for the African Continent but also 

for the United States by opening new markets and providing new 

customers for American goods and services. I have years of experience as a fiscal reform adviser on USAID-financed projects in developing in post-conflict countries. I have advised Ministries of Finance as they underwent public financial management reforms to 

strengthen their revenues and to build financial systems and capacity to put the country on the path towards economic growth. I 

have worked in countries in Central Asia, the Middle East, Central 

Europe, and in Africa, Egypt, Senegal, and, most recently, in the 

newest independent nation, South Sudan. I have experienced firsthand when countries struggle to balance implementation of sound 

fiscal policies while seeking to maintain political stability and security. I was in South Sudan and directly involved in assisting the 

country in post-conflict recovery efforts. Prior to my fiscal reform 

project implementation experience, I worked as a policy analyst at 

OMB during the 1990s. 

I also have experience leveraging public-private partnerships for 

important local economic development projects. As a University of 

Chicago graduate student on a Patricia Harris Fellowship, I 

worked with the Habitat Company, a leading real-estate development firm which partnered with the Chicago Housing Authority to 

build scattered-site housing for public-housing residents to better 

integrate them into the broader community. This project was a 

model for how the public and private sector can partner to address 

a social issue effectively. I recognize that leveraging private-sector 

investment solutions and technologies will be a critical aspect of 

the future development of Africa, as well. I look forward to supporting the African Development Bank to leverage the financing instruments, to encourage private investment in Africa, including 

through public-private partnerships. 

During his July 2013 visit to Africa, President Obama launched 

the Power Africa Initiative, a $7 billion, 5-year initiative to double 

access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa, in partnership with African countries and the private sector. 

When President Obama launched the Power Africa Initiative in 

Tanzania, African Development Bank president Donald Kaberuka 

joined him as a symbol of how the United States and Africa are 

working together to promote inclusive growth in the region. 

Attracting private investors to Africa will require significant investment in infrastructure and a climate that is conducive to investment. Creating the right investment climate will depend on Africa’s commitment and ability to improve governance, transparency, regional integration, and to build a skilled workforce. The 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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African Development Bank has played a leading role in assisting 

African countries to address those issues, but more work remains 

to be done. 

If confirmed, I commit to being a good steward of U.S. financial 

contributions to the bank and to ensure that the bank furthers U.S. 

economic and security interests. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to answering your questions 

today. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Occomy follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT BY MARCIA DENISE OCCOMY

Chairman Barrasso, Ranking Member Udall, and distinguished members of the 

committee, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President Obama has nominated me to serve as the U.S. Executive Director for the African Development Bank. 

I grew up in Chicago in a family of excellent role models who taught me the importance of hard work, discipline, and focus to be successful in life. My grandmother 

was one of the first African American women to attend Radcliffe College in the early 

1900s and later became a prominent writer during the Harlem Renaissance. My 

father entered the University of Chicago at the age of 15 excelling in math and later 

becoming a computer executive in the retail industry in Chicago. My mother taught 

public schools for over 30 years dedicating her life to public service. They and many 

others have influenced my decision in part to pursue an international development 

career later in my life. 

If confirmed as USED, my vision is to leverage my international development 

experience to support U.S. interests in seeing the African Development Bank carry 

out its mission to promote economic development and progress across Africa. Boosting growth is important for the African Continent, but also for the United States, 

by opening new markets and providing new customers for American goods and services. I have years of experience as a fiscal reform advisor on USAID-financed 

projects in developing and post conflict countries. I have advised Ministries of 

Finance as they underwent public financial management reforms to strengthen 

their revenues and to build financial systems and capacity to put the country on 

a path toward economic growth, while building political capacity. I have worked in 

such countries as Kazakhstan, Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan, and in Africa—Egypt, 

Senegal and most recently in the newest independent nation South Sudan. I have 

experienced firsthand when countries struggle to balance implementation of sound 

fiscal policies, while seeking to maintain political stability and security. I was in 

South Sudan and directly involved in assisting the country in post conflict recovery 

efforts. Prior to my fiscal reform project implementation experience, I worked as a 

policy analyst at the OMB during the 1990s. 

I also have experience leveraging public-private partnerships for important local 

economic development projects. As a University of Chicago graduate student on a 

Patricia Harris Fellowship, I worked with Habitat Company, a leading real estate 

development firm which partnered with the Chicago Housing Authority to build 

scattered site housing for public housing residents to better integrate them into the 

broader community. This project was a model for how the public and private sector 

can partner to address a social issue effectively. I recognize that leveraging private 

sector investment, solutions and technologies will be a critical aspect of the future 

development of Africa as well. I look forward to supporting the African Development 

Bank to leverage its financing instruments to encourage private investment in 

Africa including through public-private partnerships. 

During his July 2013 visit to Africa, President Obama launched the Power Africa 

Initiative, a $7 billion, 5-year initiative to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan 

Africa in partnership with African countries and the private sector. In announcing 

this key initiative the President noted, ‘‘America’s been involved in Africa for decades but we are moving beyond a simple provision of assistance . . . to a new 

model, a partnership between America and Africa, a partnership of equals that 

focuses on (Africa’s) capacity to solve problems and (Africa’s) capacity to grow.’’ 

I embrace the President’s vision. When President Obama launched the Power 

Africa Initiative in Tanzania, African Development Bank President Donald 

Kaberuka joined him as a symbol of how the United States and Africa can work 

together to promote inclusive growth in the region. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

82 

Attracting private investors to Africa will require significant investment in infrastructure and a climate that is conducive to investment in Africa. Creating the right 

investment climate will depend on Africa’s commitment and ability to improve governance, transparency, regional integration and to build a skilled workforce. The 

African Development Bank has played a leading role in assisting African countries 

to address these issues, but more work remains to be done. 

If confirmed, I commit to being a good steward of U.S. financial contributions to 

the bank and to ensure that the Bank supports our Nation’s inherent values—recognizing that open societies are the strongest societies; transparent systems are the 

most successful systems; and countries that commit to equally helping their citizens 

be healthy and educated, with economic opportunities will be the most prosperous. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination, and I look forward to answering 

any additional questions you may have. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you very much for your testimony. 

Now we will hear from Mr. Sabharwal. 

STATEMENT OF SUNIL SABHARWAL, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. 

ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Chairman Barrasso, Ranking Member Udall, 

distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to appear 

before you today to present my personal and professional credentials for the position of the United States Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund. 

I am grateful for President Obama for nominating me to this important office, and to Secretary Lew for his confidence and support. 

I also do want to thank the committee staff who have taken time 

to meet with me in the confirmation process. 

If confirmed I look forward to advancing our shared commitment 

to make the IMF an even more effective organization and one 

where U.S. interests are strongly represented, promoted, and defended. 

I would like to introduce the members of my family who are here 

with me today: my wife, Gabrielle, of 24 years, who has given up 

her forensic sciences career to follow me around the world and help 

me raise the family; my son, Nicolas, who just finished his sophomore year at Duke University studying computer sciences. He is 

accompanied by two of his college friends. It is great to see interest 

in the political process amongst youth. 

Senator BARRASSO. You will be paying for dinner tonight. 

[Laughter.] 

Mr. SABHARWAL. We did not talk about that yet. [Laughter.] 

Who is missing—of course, the busiest person in the family is always the youngest, and that is my daughter, Isabella. She is 16, 

a sophomore at the Cathedral School, who simply did not want to 

give up her orchestra practice and her track-and-field practice 2 

days before the D.C. State Championships, and her chemistry 

exam, shockingly. So, we are missing her. 

I have submitted my written statement for the record. I do not 

intend to read that in its entirety here. However, I would like to 

point out, just briefly, that I arrived in this country 32 years ago 

from Communist Hungary. My family—my mother, brother, and 

I—we fled and arrived at the United States Embassy in Vienna, 

sought political asylum, and, through the support of a number of 

families, churches, organizations, charities, I managed to enroll colFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

83 

lege and start a professional career. I am extremely, eternally 

grateful to this country. And I am now looking to give back. 

In the 27 or so years of my professional career, I had an opportunity to serve both on the public sector and predominantly on the 

private-sector side of things. In the public-sector capacity, I was an 

early American employee at the EBRD, the European Bank for Reconstruction Development, shortly after its inception, where I really found an appreciation of the role an IFI can play in funding infrastructure projects, creating institutions, and providing comfort 

to private-sector investment and engagement. However, as you 

have seen in the testimony, the majority of my experiences are in 

the private sector as an investor in financial services and financial 

technology. 

With my various positions, I have had a chance to travel and live 

around the world. And I believe this professional background, coupled with my volunteer experiences with the sports movement and 

Olympic organizations, really have given me an opportunity to deal 

with people from every single continent from many, many countries. And this, I feel, has prepared me well to carry out the duties, 

if confirmed, of the U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the IMF. 

I think this is an important skill when you are dealing with an institution with up to 200 members and where you need their support to engage with you on a wide range of issues. 

Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. I would be 

pleased to answer any questions and, if confirmed, of course, working with you and your staff on a range of issues affecting the IMF. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sabharwal follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SUNIL SABHARWAL

Chairman Barrasso, Ranking Member Udall, and distinguished members of the 

committee, it is an honor to appear before you today to present my personal and 

professional credentials for the position of United States Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). 

I am grateful to the President for nominating me to this important office and to 

Secretary Lew for his confidence and support. If confirmed, I look forward to 

advancing our shared commitment to make the IMF an even more effective organization and one where U.S. interests are strongly represented, promoted, and 

defended. 

I would like to introduce members of my family, who are here with me today: 

starting with my son, Nicolas, who is a sophomore at Duke University with an 

interest in engineering and the sciences. My daughter, Izabella, who is a sophomore 

in High School at the National Cathedral School, and is vying to follow her grandfather to be an Olympian track athlete, and finally my wife, Gabrielle, with a Forensic Sciences background whose attention to detail has helped me get through all the 

documents needed prior to me sitting here in front of you. We also share a common 

passion for the sport of fencing as we met 25 years ago in Culver City, CA, in a 

fencing club and continue our involvement with the sport and the Olympic movement. 

I was born in New Delhi, India, to an Indian father and a Hungarian mother. My 

parents separated when I was 9, and I moved to Budapest Hungary part of the 

Soviet Block at the time. Following my mother’s refusal to join the Communist 

Party, she was refused a business permit, was constantly harassed for her religious 

beliefs—in the end giving the family no choice but fleeing the country and seeking 

asylum at the U.S. Embassy in Vienna. I had just finished high school. 

Through the cooperation of the U.S. State Department, the United Nations, and 

charitable organizations, we received political asylum in the United States, more 

precisely in Columbus, OH, and with specific assistance by the Upper Arlington 

Lutheran Church. To date, I will never forget the reception we received in Columbus, in December of 1983 (just a couple of days before Christmas) and will remain 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

84 

forever grateful to Professor Cole and his family who enabled me to enroll at the 

Ohio State University weeks after my arrival. While I put myself through college 

with the use of financial aid, work-study, and scholarships, my family moved to 

California. Upon graduation, I joined them to begin my professional career. 

When I left Hungary in 1983, I thought it was for good. Little did we know that 

less than 10 years later, massive political changes would sweep the region free. One 

of the first institutions created to foster the transition of the region was the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), and I was fortunate 

enough to play a meaningful role in the region’s transition as an American citizen 

and EBRD employee. 

I established the EBRD office in Budapest in early 1992, a time in which Hungary 

was at the forefront of innovative foreign direct investment legislation and regulations. This experience allowed me to participate in landmark public and private sector transactions, including the first bank and telecomm privatizations, infrastructure projects, municipal finance, and venture capital deals of Central and Eastern 

Europe. In 1995, I transitioned to London to join the EBRD’s headquarters staff as 

a member of its Financial Institutions team, which had the responsibility of investing in, and lending to, banks in the region. The 5 years I spent at the EBRD had 

shaped my early professional career and have had a significant impact throughout. 

I then spent about 10 years working for GE and First Data Corporation, most of 

it focused on investing in the financial services sector or companies that provide 

services to the financial services industry. For the last 8 years, I have served as an 

independent investor and adviser focused on the financial services, or ‘‘fintech’’ 

sector. 

As a result of my global upbringing, through which I gained an ability to relate 

to people around the world, and my 25 years of tenure in the financial services sector—in both public and private domains—I am equipped with the experience necessary to carry out successfully the duties, if confirmed, of the U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the IMF. In addition, my language skills and volunteer experiences 

are also highly relevant in a body where we need to get representatives of nearly 

200 countries to support us on a wide-ranging set of issues. 

I look forward to answering your questions, and, if confirmed, to working with 

members of the committee on policy matters affecting the IMF. 

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before the committee today. I would be 

pleased to answer any questions you may have. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you for your testimony. Congratulations, again. 

And now, finally, Mr. Egan. 

STATEMENT OF BRIAN JAMES EGAN, NOMINATED TO BE 

LEGAL ADVISER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

Mr. EGAN. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Udall, and members 

of the subcommittee, it is an honor to appear before you today as 

President Obama’s nominee to serve as Legal Adviser to the Department of State. 

I am humbled by the trust that the President and Secretary 

Kerry have placed in me, and I am grateful to the committee for 

considering my nomination. I also appreciate the opportunity I 

have had to meet with committee staff, before this hearing, for productive discussions on a range of topics. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to introduce my wife, Amy, and 

my children, Sally, Niles, and Damon, who are happy to have a 

half day of school to attend this afternoon’s event. As you know, 

government service often requires long and unpredictable hours, 

which take a toll on our families. And I want to thank my family 

for the sacrifices they have made to enable me to pursue my passion for public service. I would not be able to carry out my current 

responsibilities, and I could not contemplate assuming the duties 

that I hope you will see fit to entrust to me, without their love and 

support. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

85 

I would also like to introduce my father, Dennis Egan, who, by 

example, has taught me the importance of hard work, independent 

judgment, and kindness in raising myself and my five brothers and 

sisters. 

I am particularly honored to have been nominated for this position because serving as the Legal Adviser would mark a homecoming for me. Although I began my career as a lawyer in private 

practice, my calling has always been public service, and I have 

spent the past 10 years as a government lawyer, starting as a career attorney in the Office of the Legal Adviser. From my time 

there, I know that the Office of the Legal Adviser plays a critical 

role in advancing U.S. foreign policy and national security by providing high-quality and objective legal advice to the Secretary of 

State and other policymakers. The over 200 career lawyers and 

other professionals who make up the office strive to promote and 

protect U.S. interests around the world every day, without regard 

to party or politics, and in areas ranging from counterterrorism, 

law enforcement, and nuclear nonproliferation to the promotion of 

American trade and business and the protection of American citizens abroad. 

I have dedicated my career to public service, to play a part, however small, in helping address the many legal challenges that are 

faced by the greatest democracy in the world. If confirmed, I would 

seek to uphold the office’s tradition of providing rigorous and objective legal analysis in furtherance of our Nation’s interests at home 

and around the world. 

In my career, I have had the good fortune of being able to work 

in a number of national security legal positions with lawyers from 

around the government. And since 2013, I have been the Legal Adviser to the National Security Council. In my current role, I have 

the privilege of working every day with the President, Ambassador 

Rice, and other senior national security officials on a broad range 

of complex domestic and international legal issues. And in this capacity, I have had the privilege of working closely with general 

counsels and other senior lawyers from around the government, including the Departments of Justice, Defense, Commerce, Homeland 

Security, and the Treasury, the Director of National Intelligence, 

the CIA, and, of course, the Department of State. I have benefited 

immensely from the wisdom and counsel of Mary McLeod, who has 

served as State’s Legal Adviser in an acting capacity for over 2 

years, and many of the other outstanding attorneys who serve in 

the office that is known as L at the State Department. 

Prior to serving in my current job, I worked at the Treasury Department as Assistant General Counsel for Enforcement Intelligence from 2012 to 2013, and my first job after graduating college 

was with the Department of Justice, where I served as a legal assistant in the Antitrust Division for nearly 3 years. 

My experience in government have taught me a considerable 

amount about leadership, responsibility, problem solving, and collaboration. And these experience have deepened my conviction that 

we are best able to confront the foreign policy challenges that we 

face as a nation when the executive and legislative branches work 

together to address those challenges. While we may not always see 

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clusions, if confirmed, I would be committed to maintaining an 

open dialogue with this committee on the issues that I will be responsible for as Legal Adviser. 

Thank you for your consideration, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Egan follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF BRIAN JAMES EGAN

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Udall, and members of the committee, it is an 

honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as Legal 

Adviser to the Department of State. I am humbled by the trust the President and 

Secretary Kerry have placed in me, and I am grateful to the committee for considering my nomination. I also appreciate the opportunity I have had to meet with 

committee staff before this hearing for what I found to be productive conversations 

on a range of topics. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to introduce my wife, Amy, and my children, 

Sally, Niles, and Damon. As each of you can attest, government service often 

requires long and unpredictable hours, which take a toll on our families. I want to 

thank my family for the sacrifices they have made to enable me to pursue my passion for public service. I would not be able to carry out my current responsibilities— 

and I could not contemplate assuming the new duties I hope you will see fit to 

entrust to me—without their continued love and support. I would also like to introduce my father, Dennis Egan, who by example has taught me the importance of 

hard work, independent judgment, and kindness. 

I am particularly honored to have been nominated for this position because serving as Legal Adviser would mark a homecoming for me. Although I began my career 

as a lawyer in private practice, my calling has always been public service. I have 

spent the past 10 years as a government lawyer, starting as a career attorney in 

the Office of the Legal Adviser. 

From my previous time there, I know that the Office of the Legal Adviser plays 

a critical role in advancing U.S. foreign policy and national security by providing 

high quality, objective legal advice to the Secretary of State, other policymakers 

within the Department of State, and departments and agencies across the Federal 

Government. The over 200 career lawyers and other professionals who make up the 

Office of the Legal Adviser strive to promote and protect U.S. interests around the 

world every day. They do so, without regard to party or politics, in areas ranging 

from counterterrorism, law enforcement, and nuclear nonproliferation to the promotion of American trade and business and the protection of American citizens 

abroad. 

I have dedicated my career to government service to play a part, however small, 

in helping to address the many challenges faced by the greatest democracy in the 

world. If confirmed, I would seek to uphold the Office of the Legal Adviser’s tradition of producing rigorous and objective legal analysis in furtherance of our Nation’s 

interests at home and around the world. 

Beyond working at the Legal Adviser’s Office, I have had the good fortune of 

being able to work in a number of other national security legal jobs, with lawyers 

from across the Federal Government. Since 2013, I have been the Legal Adviser to 

the National Security Council and Deputy Counsel to the President. In my current 

role, I have the privilege of working every day to enhance the security and prosperity of the United States and the American people by advising the President, 

Ambassador Rice, and other senior national security officials on a broad range of 

complex domestic and international legal issues. 

I have worked closely with the General Counsels and other senior lawyers of departments and agencies throughout the government, including the Departments of 

Justice, Defense, Commerce, Homeland Security, and the Treasury; the Office of the 

Director of National Intelligence; the Central Intelligence Agency; and, of course, the 

Department of State. I have benefited from the wisdom and counsel of Mary 

McLeod, who has served as State’s Legal Adviser in an acting capacity for over 2 

years, and many of the other outstanding attorneys who serve in the Office of the 

Legal Adviser. 

Prior to serving as Legal Adviser to the National Security Council, I worked at 

the Department of the Treasury as Assistant General Counsel for Enforcement and 

Intelligence from 2012 to 2013. In that capacity, I was responsible for a staff of 

approximately 50 attorneys who provided legal advice and counsel on combating terrorism financing and other financial crimes, ensuring the effectiveness of U.S. financial sanctions regimes, and other issues related to Treasury’s enforcement and intelFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

87 

ligence responsibilities. And my first job after graduating from college was with the 

Department of Justice, where I served as a legal assistant in the Antitrust Division 

for nearly 3 years. 

My experiences in government have taught me a great deal about leadership, 

responsibility, problemsolving, and collaboration. These experiences also have deepened my conviction that we are best able to confront the foreign policy challenges 

we face as a nation when the executive and legislative branches work together to 

address those challenges. While we may not always see the issues in precisely the 

same way or reach the same conclusions, if confirmed I would be committed to 

maintaining an open dialogue with this committee on the issues that I will be 

responsible for as Legal Adviser. 

The challenges we face as a nation in the areas of foreign policy and national security are increasingly complex, and the legal issues that underlie some of these 

challenges are equally complex. Our Nation’s leaders require the best possible legal 

advice to navigate these challenges, consistent with the Constitution and our commitment to the rule of law. If confirmed, I commit to you that I will do my best 

to provide that advice. 

Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to answering your questions. 

Senator BARRASSO. Well, thank you so much for your testimony. 

And welcome, to your family, as well. 

Ms. Guilarte, the Latin American/Caribbean region have incredibly high energy costs, I think insufficient rates of investment; they 

rely on energy resources, such as Venezuelan oil, which may not 

be suitable, in the long run, in terms of sustainability. The countries are dependent on excess—on very expensive fuel. And I think 

we have an opportunity—and three members of this committee who 

are here today have all supported legislation—to make it a little 

easier for us to export U.S. natural gas, as well, and want to use 

the knowledge and the technology we have in the United States. 

Natural gas can be helpful in economies, because it provides a— 

much more affordable energy. 

So, in your role, if confirmed, at the International—at the InterAmerican Development Bank, you know, they talk about electricity 

demand in Latin America and the Caribbean, it is going to be doubling over the next decade. And they are looking at economic development role that natural gas can play. So, I am going to ask if you 

know of any steps right now that the Inter-American Development 

Bank is taking to provide the region with energy security and diversification through natural gas, and what role you would like to 

play in that. 

Ms. GUILARTE. Thank you, Chairman, for your question. 

I can understand your concern specifically about Venezuela and 

how their influence, especially on the ALBA members, especially 

those in the Caribbean and Central America, can have really a crisis situation, the way things are unfolding in Venezuela, and the 

impact that that could have in the region. 

In terms of coal energy projects and what can be done better at 

the IDB, certainly all projects that come to the board are given full 

consideration. At the moment, there are no corelated projects—— 

Senator BARRASSO. And, I am sorry, I asked about natural gas. 

Ms. GUILARTE. This—natural gas. 

Senator BARRASSO. Natural gas, yes. 

Ms. GUILARTE. If confirmed, what I can do, in my capacity, is 

that, one, I will make sure that those related projects that come to 

the board are given full consideration that it meets the needs of the 

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cially and environmentally. I understand that the administration is 

also, through their Alliance for Prosperity, creating—in Central 

America—is looking at providing better and more diversed opportunities on energy efficiency approaches. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and members 

of this committee in ensuring that we look at all the range of options available. 

Senator BARRASSO. Yes. But, I would say that, knowing that 

there was significant bipartisan support and an opportunity for affordable energy, it is something that I think would benefit that 

area. 

Senator Corker, I am happy to turn my time over to you. I know 

you are on a tighter schedule, and you are chairman of this committee. So—— 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, I really appreciate you letting me do this. 

I know I am—you know I am here for just one of the witnesses 

and—or nominees. But, thank all of you for letting me doing— 

thank you for your service to the country that is getting ready to 

be in, in a different role, anyway. 

To Mr. Egan, I just wanted to ask a few questions. I think you 

know I was going to do this. So, thank you for your willingness. 

Congress has long understood that the 2001 AUMF covered alQaeda and the associated forces of al-Qaeda. Would you please describe the administration’s legal view of why it is that ISIS is covered by the 2001 AUMF? And again, thank you for your continued 

service. 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your question. 

The administration’s position is that the 2001 AUMF does cover 

the ongoing military operations against ISIL. And I think the key 

fact which is reflected most recently in a speech that the general 

counsel from the Defense Department gave—Steven Preston— 

about a month ago, is that ISIL is essentially the remnants of a 

group that was formerly known as Al Qaeda in Iraq, a group that 

we fought in Iraq for a number of years and that broke from alQaeda in 2013. The administration’s view is that the break of that 

group should not change the legal authority to use force against 

that group. Given that ISIL, as it is now known, continues to fight 

Americans and American interests in Iraq, they believe that they 

are the true successor to Osama bin Laden, and they are, in fact, 

competing for affiliation of groups with al-Qaeda right now. And 

that is why the administration’s view is that ISIL is subject to the 

2001 AUMF. 

The CHAIRMAN. And does the administration currently have the 

statutory or article 2 authority to defend the United States or coalition-trained forces in Iraq and Syria if those forces come under direct threat from ISIS—al-Nusra, Assad regime forces, Hezbollah, or 

any other armed groups? As you know, we have a train-and-equip 

program that is underway. And, as you know—well, anyway, I will 

let you answer the question. 

Mr. EGAN. Senator, I should have, of course, noted the administration’s proposal, which this committee has considered, for new 

authorization to use military force, which would be specific to the 

threat posed by ISIL in Iraq and Syria. The administration’s view 

is, at this time, we would have the authority to use force against 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

89 

ISIL and against the Nusra Front to defend our personnel in Iraq 

and Syria. I would say, to the extent that those personnel came 

under attack, we would—the President would likely have article 2 

authority against anyone who had attacked them. But, we do have 

an AUMF that this committee has—that you have considered, that 

reflects the President’s view on the appropriate scope of military 

force against ISIL in Iraq and Syria. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, actually, that is not true. Martin Dempsey 

and several—Ash Carter and several witnesses who came before us 

said that they did not have the authority to defend against Assad 

if the train-and-equip people that are not our folks—they are not 

part of our coalition, they are people that we are training in Syria 

to deal with both ISIS—well, we—in this particular case, ISIS. We 

may have another program. There may be another alleged program 

against Assad. But, they actually say they do not have that authority. 

So, you are saying that you believe we do have that authority 

now to defend them against barrel bombs from Assad. 

They said they had not sought that authority, and there was actually an internal debate right now within the administration as to 

whether to seek that authority. 

Mr. EGAN. Then, Senator, I apologize. Maybe I misunderstood 

your question. I thought you were asking about our authority to defend our—— 

The CHAIRMAN. Right. 

Mr. EGAN [continuing]. Troops who are currently stationed in 

Iraq—— 

The CHAIRMAN. No. 

Mr. EGAN [continuing]. Which I think is a slightly different question. 

The CHAIRMAN. The Syrian opposition train-and-equip group, we 

do not have that authority, would you agree? 

Mr. EGAN. We would have the authority to conduct military operations against ISIL and al-Qaeda under the same rationale that we 

do to conduct our own direct operations against those groups. I 

think the question of our authority to use force against the Assad 

regime is a more difficult question, and, you are correct, sir, that 

that is one that is under policy consideration within the administration right now. 

The CHAIRMAN. To defend the very people that we are training 

to go in and be on the ground. 

Mr. EGAN. That is correct. 

The CHAIRMAN. Okay. 

I will just ask one more. And I want to thank the chairman for 

allowing me to do this, and the ranking member. 

With United States forces on the ground in Iraq conducting activities in both Iraq and in Syria, what authority to protect and defend those forces, if any, is currently available under the 2001 or 

2002 AUMFs? And is there something additional you gain under 

the 2002 AUMF that is not in the 2001 AUMF? I think you know 

the committee is looking at a number of things, one of which is the 

relevance of the 2002 AUMF. And I would appreciate it if you 

would answer that. 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you, Senator. 

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So, the administration’s position is that both the 2001 AUMF 

and the 2002 AUMF provide authority for the current military operations in Iraq and Syria. The President’s AUMF proposal would, 

among other things, repeal the 2002 AUMF. And that is because 

he believes that the authority we have in both his proposal and in 

the 2001 AUMF would be sufficient to conduct the operations that 

are ongoing in Iraq and Syria. 

The CHAIRMAN. And so, just to summarize so that you have been 

asked the same question that every other administration witness 

that has these kinds of responsibilities, you believe that, today, 

there is no authorization necessary—no additional authorization 

necessary to deal with ISIS—or ISIL, as you would call them—or 

Daesh, as some may call them. 

Mr. EGAN. Senator, as a legal matter, I believe that we have the 

authorization that we need. I think the President has been clear 

that he believes that there are other reasons that it is important 

for this committee to continue its work on the AUMF. But, as a 

legal matter, our view is that we have the authority we need to 

conduct military operations against ISIL. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

And I will wish you the best, all of you, in your nomination testimony. 

And thank you very much for this courtesy, both of you. Thank 

you. 

Senator BARRASSO. Senator Udall. 

Senator UDALL. Thank you very much, Chairman Barrasso. 

Executive Director Guilarte, the Inter-American Development 

Bank has partnered with the Obama administration on several initiatives in Latin America. These include the Micro-Finance Growth 

Fund for the Western Hemisphere, announced at the fifth Summit 

of the Americas in April 2009, and the Women’s Entrepreneurship 

in the Americas, announced at the sixth Summit of the Americas 

in April 2012. What are the objectives of these initiatives? And 

what have they accomplished so far? 

Ms. GUILARTE. Chairman, I appreciate the question. I am sorry. 

Senator. 

I am not familiar with the initiatives, in entirety, and I would 

appreciate if I can get back to the committee—— 

Senator UDALL. That would be great. 

Ms. GUILARTE [continuing]. On your question. 

Senator UDALL. If you could—— 

Ms. GUILARTE. Yes. 

Senator UDALL. If you could answer that for the record, that 

would be terrific. 

Ms. GUILARTE. I will. 

Senator UDALL. Thank you very much. 

Assistant Secretary Haverkamp, in 2013 President Obama issued 

an Executive order on combating wildlife trafficking, with some 

specific actions for the United States to take. Can you describe in 

more detail what the United States is doing to combat wildlife trafficking, and how the State Department is working to address these 

efforts? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you very much, Senator Udall, for that 

question. 

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Wildlife trafficking is a real scourge. And it is a problem, not just 

for the obvious reasons of the elimination of some iconic species, 

but it is also an economic problem for countries that depend on 

tourism. It is a national security problem because of the involvement of organized crime and extreme elements. It is also clearly a 

biodiversity concern. And it is, frankly, a health problem because 

of the potential for these illegally traded species to transmit diseases that affect people. 

As you noted, the President has led this initiative. Recently, an 

implementation plan was released, where the Department of State, 

including the Bureau that I hope to lead, has a key role, in partnership with the Department of Interior and the Department of 

Justice. The focus that I would see having under this initiative is 

especially in the areas of public education, so that people are less 

likely to demand these products, and in the areas of enforcement, 

as well. Enforcement is an especially important concern for OES. 

There is a network of wildlife enforcement networks that OES has 

helped establish around the world, and I would be very interested 

in expanding that and helping to establish additional networks 

around the globe. 

Thank you. 

Senator UDALL. Thank you. 

My home State of New Mexico is the world’s—has the world’s 

first commercial spaceport and two national laboratories. So, my 

State appreciates the role of science—that science and technology 

play in protecting American security and providing economic opportunities. What are OES’s main priorities with regards to space policy and science and technology cooperation? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you for that question. 

In the area of space, in particular, the President, in 2010, produced a national space policy; and OES’s work is consistent with 

and in furtherance of that policy. Key among that is the promotion 

of commercial space activities, including the work on Spaceport 

America that could contribute to expanding the opportunities for 

space transportation. 

Also, OES has an important diplomatic role in working with 

other countries to do things such as address space debris so that 

it is safer to have increased space travel, working, as I said, in expanding the opportunities for commercial use of space and also 

working with other countries on things like the sustained funding 

of the International Space Station, that sort of thing. But, very 

much the role of the commercial entities, like Spaceport America, 

is something that we would like to see more of. 

Senator UDALL. Yes, I appreciate that answer. 

Executive Director Occomy, it is my understanding that, in 2013, 

the African Development Bank approved a new 10-year strategy 

which will focus on economic growth plus operational priorities, including infrastructure development, regional integration, privatesector development, governments and—governance and accountability, and skills and technology. How would you assess the strategy? 

Ms. OCCOMY. Thank you, Ranking Member Udall, for that question. 

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I understand that the strategy is going along. One thing that I 

would say is that the African Development Bank has a strong partnership with the United States. And part of carrying out its strategy is actually to support the United States with key initiatives, 

such as the Power Africa Initiative. The Power Africa Initiative is 

designed to increase electricity access across Africa, which is a key 

priority for the African Development Bank, and it is a key directive, in terms of implementing one of the core parts of the strategy. 

Again, if confirmed, I will make every effort to work with the African Development Bank to effectively implement its strategy and 

to make sure that the elements and the initiatives that are implemented are in line with U.S. interests, particularly U.S. economic 

and security interests in Africa. 

Senator UDALL. Appreciate that answer. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator BARRASSO. Senator Gardner. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks for 

holding this hearing today. And thanks, to all the witnesses, for 

being here, and your families, as well. Thank you for your willingness to serve this country. 

To Mr. Egan, just a couple of quick questions. Last week, we had 

a hearing before the East Asia Subcommittee, which also now addresses cyber issues. So, just a couple of questions on cyber. How 

do you envision your office interacting with Chris Painter’s office 

as the Coordinator for Cyber Issues? 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you, Senator. 

I think that the issues of cybersecurity, cyber defense, are increasingly important, both as a policy matter—as you know, Chris 

Painter’s office is deeply involved in international fora related to 

those issues—but also as a legal matter. I think you can look back 

to some remarks that my predecessor—hopeful predecessor—the 

Legal Adviser, Harold Koh, gave in 2012, where he kind of laid out 

the framework for how we would think about cyber activities from 

a international legal perspective. And I would anticipate, if I were 

confirmed by this committee and by the Congress, working very 

closely with Chris—and others at the State Department—to help 

further develop those rules in the interests of our own national security. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

And the Sony cyber attack carried out by North Korea was described by the President as an act of cyber vandalism and not cyber 

terrorism. In your legal opinion, where do you cross the line between cyber vandalism and cyber terrorism? 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you, Senator. 

An important legal question that came up in the context—would 

come up in the context of Sony or some future event is whether we 

would consider an act in cyber space a use of force, where the responses to use of force would apply. And considering a question 

such as that, I think we would look to the effects of the act. Did 

it result in death, destruction of significant amounts of property, 

and other similarly serious acts? I think it is hard to kind of speculate in the abstract, but those are the types of factors that I would 

anticipate looking to in addressing a question like yours. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

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And, to Ms. Haverkamp, the United States assumed the chairmanship of the Arctic Council in 2015. How do you assess our viability in working effectively with Russia, given that nation’s aggression in Ukraine and increased military activity in the Arctic? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you very much for that question, Senator. 

In the Arctic Council, this is an entity that the United States 

helped create many years ago. It operates by consensus among the 

countries that all have territory north of the Arctic Circle. Russia 

has been a part of that process for a very long time. And, while the 

United States has very significant problems with some aspects— 

significant aspects of Russia’s policy, so far in the Arctic Council, 

their interests seem to have been to work together with the other 

countries of that region. 

Senator GARDNER. So, you do not, at this point, see Russia’s policies as an obstacle to United States Arctic policies or objectives in 

the region? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. The agenda that the United States has put forward for its chairmanship is one that the other countries had to 

agree to by consensus. And so, Russia has joined that consensus in 

the objectives of Arctic Ocean stewardship, safety, and security; 

protecting the health and economic well-being of the Arctic peoples; 

and addressing the concerns of climate change in that region. 

Senator GARDNER. So, when it comes to the Arctic, Russia is living by the terms of the agreement, or at least what we believe the 

agreement to be? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Well, the U.S. chairmanship just began last 

month. And so, I think—my understanding is that people are hopeful. But, it may be too early to tell. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

And I am going to—may need help with the last name. Is it Mr. 

Sabharwal? Very good. One of the primary tasks facing the International Monetary Fund is stabilizing the economies of two European nations: Greece and Ukraine. The next 1.5 billion dollar—billion Euro—excuse me—billion Euro payment from Greece to the 

IMF next month—will Greece be able to make the payment, or are 

we heading toward default? 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Thank you for the question, Senator Gardner. 

As you know, when the IMF stepped into Greece, back in 2010, 

there was serious risk of contagion effect. And whilst Greece perhaps is a small percentage, in terms of GDP, of the European and 

the global economy, it was critical that it steps in at that time, together with the other institutions, the European Central Bank and 

the European Commission. 

Greece was supposed to, and did, make a payment in full last 

week. And thereby, this week—this actually opened the doors for 

a new set of discussions later on, taking place this week in Latvia, 

where we do not refer to them as a troika anymore, because the 

Greeks do not like that word. We—the institutions—the ECB, the 

European Commission, and the fund—are discussing a way forward so that Greece is able to make the payments, not just in 

June, but also in July and August. Of course, I am not at the fund 

at this point, I am not in the administration. But, from what I understand, the parties intend, including Chancellor Merkel, who 

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wishes that Greece stays in the eurozone, the institutions, and, 

after, let us say, about a month of pause in dialogue, everybody is 

back at the table. So, we do believe there will be a constructive resolution here. 

Senator GARDNER. Obviously, one of the other important issues 

that—I mentioned Ukraine. Just yesterday, the United States Government signed a $1 billion loan guarantee for Ukraine. On March 

11, the IMF approved a $17.5 billion loan payment to assist the 

Government of Ukraine. Recently, I met with Finance Minister 

Natalie Yuresko, and she had assured me that Ukraine is on a 

path to economic reform that would satisfy both the needs and requirements of the United States Government and other international creditors. 

Do you share in this view? 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Thank you for the question. 

So, Ukraine and that part of the world is relatively close to me, 

because I spent part of my life growing up there. And if you 

think—wind the clock back 20 years, 23 years, to the origin of 

Ukraine’s independence, it really—what has happened, one bad 

economic policy and one less-than-adequate government followed 

another for 20-plus years. Actually, Natalie is someone who, when 

I was at the EBRD, she was actually working for one of the venture funds that we were supporting at the time. So, it is great to 

see actually someone so knowledgeable about the region coming 

from the private sector, being in the position that she is right now. To answer your question, the IMF had identified about a $40 billion need at Ukraine as a need to get into a financial and stable 

footing. Part of that 17 and a half billion is coming from the IMF; 

part of it from other institutions. And, of course, there is kind of 

a debt overhang in Ukraine, which I understand that the parties 

are in discussion as to how to manage that. As long as those discussions are ongoing, the fund will continue to be—proactively support Ukraine with its program. From what I understand, there is 

actually a team on the ground right now, a fund team on the 

ground. And the initial indications are that—whilst the issues are 

difficult, that the program is on track. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you, Senator Gardner. 

Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Welcome, to all of our nominees. I wish you good speed in your 

confirmation process. 

I wanted to pick up where Senator Gardner left off, Mr. 

Sabharwal, to talk a little bit more about Ukraine. I am glad to 

know that you have some expertise, or at least some familiarity, 

with the region. 

So, you know, it is always struck me that our policy on economic 

assistance to Ukraine is anchored in the theater of the absurd. We 

are giving them loan guarantees, we are partnering with the IMF 

and other creditors to extend loans with fairly high spreads to 

them. This is in the midst of an invasion of their country. We are 

forcing them to make very painful—very necessary, but very painful reforms in exchange for this money. It sort of strikes me as if 

your neighbor’s house is on fire, and, instead of just delivering 

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them the bucket of water, you sit and negotiate with them for a 

period of hours on the terms for the repayment of that water, instead of just putting the fire out. 

And so, I wanted to talk to you for a moment about this issue 

of debt reduction. Larry Summers just wrote a column, in which he 

said that the case for debt reduction with respect to Ukraine is, ‘‘as 

strong as any I have encountered in the past quarter century.’’ And 

it strikes me as incredibly reasonable that the United States 

should be playing a leading role in working with Ukraine’s creditors for a writedown of their debt, given the fact that they are in 

the middle of a war in the eastern section of their country, and 

that—they have, frankly, undertaken reforms already that are 

quite impressive in scope and dwarf reforms that have been undertaken in prior administrations. 

So, I just wanted to get your sense of what you thought the importance of debt reduction was, as part of the strategy moving forward for Ukraine, and what role you see United States representation as part of the IMF infrastructure playing in that conversation. 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Thank you for the question. 

As I mentioned before, the identified gap of financing in Ukraine, 

from what I understand, is around $40 billion. Part of that is filled 

with the IMF facility of 17 and a half. And, in that, about onefive—15 million—billion is to come from, let us call it—whether it 

is a restructuring of the private-sector debt, maybe lengthening the 

maturity, a combination, lowering of interest rates. There could be 

a number of ways that the Government of Ukraine can achieve 

that, vis-a-vis its private-sector lenders. 

I believe that the fund does not directly engage in the negotiations between the Ukrainian Government and the private-sector 

bondholders, but I do believe that the position of the Treasury and 

the position of the fund would be an encouragement—a strong encouragement of Ukrainian government to be at the table, continue 

good-faith negotiations with the private-sector lenders. And, whilst 

those are actually ongoing, the fund can continue with its program 

and continue to fund Ukraine as it tries to come out of its economic 

difficulties. 

So, in summary, I would say the position would be of support, 

both from the Treasury—significant support—and the fund, but not 

a direct engagement of negotiations between two parties. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you for the answer to the question. I 

mean, I do not think that Ukraine, at this point, is largely the 

problem. My understanding is that it is the private creditors that 

are, right now, refusing to engage in a constructive process about 

debt reduction. And so, I would just counsel for a—if that is, indeed, the policy, that the IMF and our representation at the IMF 

is not going to get in the business of trying to unmask the fact that 

many of these creditors are refusing to engage in constructive conversations about debt reduction, I would, frankly, hope that we 

would have a little bit more active presence and participation, 

given that it is our money at risk. The United States has made 

loan guarantees. We have exposure here. And, to an even more important degree, if we do not unravel the economic mess in Ukraine, 

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rity is at risk. That is not necessarily the IMF’s responsibility, but 

it is certainly a U.S. interest. 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Thank you very much, Senator. 

I have taken note. And, if confirmed, I will take up the matter 

within Treasury and at the fund, itself. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Egan, I just wanted to just build on some 

questions you were getting from Senator Corker. As you know, 

there is a deep disagreement between many of us in the administration on this interpretation of whether the existing AUMF covers 

ISIL. I certainly do not believe that it does. I think it is a strain, 

a reach of pretty incredible proportions. And part of our worry is 

that we are not sure where this rationale ends, that if ISIL is included under the umbrella of an authorization of al-Qaeda, then 

what about all of the other groups that are, as we speak, pledging 

allegiance to al-Qaeda? Does that mean that the 2001 AUMF lives 

on forever, in that any group in any part of the country can find 

itself now a subject of U.S. force simply because it has aligned 

itself with ISIS? 

Can you share a little bit as to what you believe the tests are 

right now as to how this new doctrine of interpretation that the administration is using of the 2001 AUMF plays out with respect to 

these groups around the world who have pledged allegiance to 

ISIL? 

Mr. EGAN. Yes. Thank you, Senator, for the question. 

I think the administration’s test as to whether a group is an associated force of al-Qaeda is something that has been talked about 

for a number of years. And that is, if a group is an organized, 

armed group that has joined the fight against the U.S. or coalition 

partners alongside of al-Qaeda, a group could be considered an associated force of al-Qaeda. 

You are correct that our view on ISIL is different. 

Senator MURPHY. But, this is different, because this is not an associated force of al-Qaeda. This is now an associated force of ISIS. 

Mr. EGAN. The way that I would think about it, at least, is that 

they are a successor to Al Qaeda in Iraq. They are, in fact, the 

group that was formerly known as Al Qaeda in Iraq, which is what 

our intelligence community would say. They are, in fact, al-Qaeda’s 

longest affiliate, going back to the early 2000s. And I think if you 

look at the facts behind ISIS and their history, ISIL—ISIS and 

their history, they are probably uniquely situated, and it is hard 

to see another group that would fit the bill as they did, a group 

that we were fighting against, going back several years, that continued to fight us, that believes that they are the true successors 

to Osama bin Laden. There just are not other groups out there that 

I am aware of that would fit that bill. 

Senator MURPHY. And I would just hope that you will help us understand some of the terminology that is being used today. In the 

administration’s proposed AUMF, they suggest that ‘‘associated 

forces’’ will be those that are engaged in hostilities against the 

United States or our coalition partners. Well, because ISIS now 

has, arguably, roots in almost every corner of the world, and we 

have coalition partners in every corner of the world, you can see 

a definition by which even Boko Haram, if it is engaged in hostilities against a group that—against a country which is a coalition 

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partner, now all of a sudden falls under an authorization that was 

intended for a very different group. 

And so, I think many of us are worried about the—not the 2000 

AUMF authorization, in and of itself, but this new authorization 

that is proposed, and how big and unwieldy it could become. I look 

forward to working with you on some of those very tricky questions. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you very much, Senator Murphy. 

Just to follow up, Mr. Egan, a couple of things, in terms of treaties, executive actions, where it all fits in. The Senate has passed 

a bipartisan piece of legislation for the Iranian deal to make sure 

that the Senate has an opportunity to review that, not at the treaty 

level, which is a 67, but as a—more of a disapproval motion, and 

then whether that is vetoed. So, how do you see these differences, 

in terms of treaty and just a disapproval motion? And what qualifies for what? 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you for your question, Mr. Chairman. 

If I were confirmed, I think working with this committee on 

issues involving treaties, executive agreements, political commitments is one of what I would consider to be my most important responsibilities. I think that administrations from both parties have 

had a history of working with the Congress to identify agreements 

that would be treaties subject to the treaty clause in the constitution, other agreements that would be Executive agreements, and 

then political commitments of the type that the Iran deal is intended to be. And so, working through the nuances and making 

sure that this committee and the Congress understands how the 

administration is approaching a particular negotiation, I think, is 

one of the more important responsibilities I would take on if I were 

confirmed as Legal Adviser. 

Senator BARRASSO. Yes. I mean, because the United States and 

other nations are attempting to negotiate an agreement on international climate later this year. And so, I wonder what conditions 

or provisions in a new climate change agreement would require advice and consent of the Senate, which would not, and, you know, 

will you commit to sending any new agreement for the Senate for 

advise and consent? 

Mr. EGAN. Senator, I think each agreement would have to be 

looked at in each negotiation kind of on its facts. And I think Secretary Kerry, in his testimony before this committee, has identified 

a number of the facts that would be relevant to whether an agreement should be considered a treaty, an Executive agreement, or a 

nonbinding commitment. And I am not intimately familiar with the 

facts behind the climate negotiations, but I would commit to working with this committee to make sure that you were informed of 

the status of those discussions so that you could have an informed 

view on the nature of the arrangement being negotiated. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Ms. Haverkamp, the United States is currently participating in 

this climate negotiation, or will be soon, with the goal of reaching 

an agreement at the end of the year. Will you commit to ensuring 

that any new agreement the administration reaches internationally 

on climate change is brought to the Senate for advise and consent? 

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Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman. 

My understanding of the status of the negotiations is that they 

are still at a fairly early stage, and focused primarily on what the 

substance of the agreement would be, and not yet really on the 

form. So, it is too early, I think, to say what might happen. 

I do know that the mandate that the countries are negotiating 

under is one that creates a real opportunity for the United States, 

which is to create an agreement that involves contributions from 

all countries, not just the developed countries, which has been the 

case in the past. But, what form those contributions or commitments might take is something that has not yet been decided. The 

mandate gives countries a lot of flexibility in what type of decisions 

or agreements might come out of Paris. 

Senator BARRASSO. And then, what role would you personally be 

playing in these negotiations, if you are confirmed, in terms of the 

climate change conference and the negotiations? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. As I believe you know, the lead for the U.N. climate negotiations at the Department of State is the Special Envoy, 

Todd Stern. And his office leads those negotiations. I would anticipate cooperating and collaborating with his office—— 

Senator BARRASSO. But, would he report to you? I mean, I am 

trying to get the pecking order. 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. He reports to Secretary Kerry. 

Senator BARRASSO. And you are not in that chain. 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Well, the—— 

Senator BARRASSO. You would not be, if confirmed, in the chain. 

Ms. HAVERKAMP [continuing]. The arrangement is that there is 

a significant office within the Bureau that I would head, which is 

the Office of Global Change, and which provides a lot of the staff 

support, you might even say ‘‘the backbone’’ of technical expertise, 

to the Special Envoy’s team. And there is a role that that group 

plays, in terms of the negotiations, in terms of technical expertise, 

and also in overseeing some of the adaptation foreign assistance 

funding that the Department provides. 

Senator BARRASSO. It seems to me there is some duplication of 

climate change resources at the State Department. And so, I would 

ask, Are you committed to eliminating duplication and 

redundancies at the State Department? You know, I am trying to 

figure out, How does the Office of Climate Change in the Bureau 

interact with the Office of Special Climate Envoy? It does seem, I 

think, to a lot of taxpayers, as duplicate use of taxpayer dollars, at 

this point. 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Senator, I certainly embrace the idea of the Department using taxpayer dollars efficiently and effectively. And, if 

I am confirmed, I would take a very close look at that. 

Looking more broadly at the question of Special Representatives 

and Special Envoys, it does seem that there are certainly times 

when an issue is of a certain priority or urgency, such as the U.S. 

chairmanship of the Arctic Council, which calls for bringing in a 

special office to lead that particular effort. Another example is the 

Ebola crisis, where the State Department created a Special Representative for Ebola, and that office has just recently been dismantled, and then some of that work brought back to OES. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

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Ms. Occomy, the African Development Bank’s goal is to promote 

economic growth, reduce poverty in 53 African member countries. 

The U.S. Director should support, I believe, low-cost, dependable 

energy sources as a means to help countries spur economic growth. 

Now, these nations include some of the poorest countries in the 

world. African countries have substantial fossil fuel resources, including oil, coal, and natural gas. Do you believe the African Development Bank should end all financing for projects dealing with fossil fuels? 

Ms. OCCOMY. Thank you, Chairman, for that question. 

As you know, Africa has vast needs. And promoting access to affordable, reliable, efficient energy infrastructure and resources is 

actually a major focus of the African Development Bank, which includes projects related to coal, natural gas, and oil. If confirmed, 

I would vote in favor of projects that are consistent with U.S. policies and laws and are within the African Development Bank’s operating guidelines. 

You know, what is really interesting is that the administration’s 

policies recognize the unique needs of the poorest countries, including those in African, and, as such, supports the United States to 

be in favor of coal power generation plant projects, but under certain conditions whereby, you know, those projects promote the most 

efficient coal technologies and—in the poorest countries without, 

you know, economically viable alternatives. 

So, in essence, you know, the African Development Bank has 

been long committed to addressing the electricity access needs 

across African. And a demonstration of that is the Bank’s strong 

collaboration with the United States in the Power Africa Initiative. 

So, if confirmed, I will continue to support and to promote the 

strong collaboration between the United States and the African Development Bank, and in the consideration of, you know, reliable, affordable energy infrastructure and services projects to help address 

the electricity needs across Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Senator Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

So, Mr. Egan, can you outline what you do believe are the limits—again, in terms of the use of the Authorization for the Use of 

Military Force that was passed in 2001, in terms of the President’s 

inherent ability to use it to engage affiliates of ISIS, ISIL, or other 

groups? I mean, Senator Murphy asked about Boko Haram. Can 

you envision a situation where that would be something that could 

be justified as having been authorized under the 2001 authorization? 

Mr. EGAN. Thank you, Senator. 

I think the limits of the existing 2001 authorization are that it 

authorizes the use of military force against al-Qaeda, the Taliban, 

and their associated forces. And I think ‘‘associated forces’’ is an 

important limitation. It is not enough for a group to declare their 

affiliation with al-Qaeda in order to be covered by the authorization. They actually have to be, in international law terms, a cobelligerent with al-Qaeda. They—— 

Senator MARKEY. What is the phrase? 

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Mr. EGAN. A cobelligerent, sir. So, somebody who, for example, 

posts on the Internet their agreement with al-Qaeda, that would 

not, in and of itself, be enough to come within the AUMF. But, 

there has to be some degree of organizational affiliation between 

the two groups for the 2001 AUMF to apply. 

Senator MARKEY. Okay. Are there any geographical limits? 

Mr. EGAN. No, Senator, not in the existing 2001 AUMF. 

Senator MARKEY. Yes. So, any group that could meet the test 

that you laid out, regardless of their geographical proximity to Afghanistan, could, in fact, be covered, in terms of the deployment of 

U.S. forces. 

Mr. EGAN. I think that that is true, Senator, although I think 

that, if you look at the administration’s history of its reliance on 

the 2001 AUMF, the groups against whom we have used that authority have been fairly limited, although I recognize this committee’s and the Congress’ questions about our use of the authority 

against ISIL. 

Senator MARKEY. Yes. 

So, Ms. Haverkamp, on climate change, I think there is big 

breakthrough that occurred between this administration and 

China. And I give you a lot of credit for that. Just a huge moment 

in history. As you are looking forward to Paris, do you see some 

additional opportunities to foster cooperation in a way that can advance our goals of reducing the dangerous greenhouse gases that 

are being sent up into the atmosphere? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you very much for that question, Senator. 

While much of the attention is focused on Paris, and that is a 

very important forum for making advances on climate change, 

there are other fora where progress can and needs to be made. One 

very important one this year is the Montreal Protocol, where there 

has been significant progress recently on countries agreeing to try 

to address HFCs, which is a potent greenhouse gas, in that forum. 

And if I were confirmed, I would want very much to be part of the 

effort to get agreement by the end of this year, in the Montreal 

Protocol, on adding HFCs to its mandate and working toward the 

elimination of them. 

Senator MARKEY. Secretary Kerry has done a great job in focusing upon illegal fishing. How do you see your role in furthering 

that agenda to make sure that we are stamping out illegal fishing 

around the world? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you for asking. That is a really important part of the mandate of the State Department and the responsibilities of the Bureau I would hope to lead. 

As you know well, something like a billion people around the 

world depend on the oceans for the protein in their diets. And 

many, many people depend on the fishing industry for their livelihoods. Illegal, unreported, unregulated fishing is a very big problem. And there is a Presidential task force on that, which the State 

Department cochairs with NOAA. I would hope very much to be 

part of the efforts of implementing the work of that task force, 

which includes ramping up enforcement, educating people, expanding partnerships with other countries, and developing, for the 

United States, a traceability program. 

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Along those lines, I know the folks at the State Department are 

very pleased that this committee gave its advice and consent to the 

Port State Measures Agreement, which is an important aspect of 

addressing this problem. And I understand that tomorrow there 

may even be markup of implementing legislation for that and other 

fisheries agreements, which I very much consider important 

progress in addressing these issues. And, if confirmed, I would very 

much want to make that one of my priorities. 

Senator MARKEY. Yes. And, you know, on the question of exportation of American natural gas, there is no question that the more 

of that that we do is—the harder it is going to be to meet our 

greenhouse gas objectives in the United States, because it is going 

to drive up the price of natural gas here and, as a result, make coal 

much more affordable here in the United States for utilities to be 

burning. So, it is going to run totally contrary to the goals that we 

are going to set, going forward. The Energy Information Agency 

said that there could be a 50-percent rise in the price of natural 

gas here domestically if we export all the natural gas that the Department of Energy is now approving for its export. So, that is just 

going to really drive a stake into our ability to be able to meet the 

promises that we are going to be making. 

And sometimes I think we forget that we should also be focusing 

on exporting of energy efficiency technologies overseas. The 

Ukraine, for example, is the second least efficient energy-efficient 

country in the world. Only Uzbekistan is less energy efficient. So, 

if they just reached Poland’s level of efficiency, they would back out 

all of their imported natural gas. And I think sometimes we do a 

disservice to these countries by not first focusing upon energy efficiency and promising them the larger projects that ignore the easy 

gains that they can make if they, in fact, use energy efficiency in 

a much more expansive way. 

So, I thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Senator BARRASSO. Well, thank you very much, Senator Markey. 

Ms. Haverkamp, November 30, 2012, you wrote a blog at the Environmental Defense Fund stating, ‘‘The agriculture sector, itself, 

contributes a substantial share of the emissions that cause climate 

change, often in the form of powerful greenhouse gases like methane and nitrous oxide.’’ In the same blog, you say, ‘‘The major 

emitters’ paucity of vision, ambition, and urgency, has brought us 

to the brink of catastrophe.’’ 

How has the American farmers, who you state are responsible 

for, ‘‘a substantial share of the emissions that cause climate 

change’’ brought us, as you say, ‘‘to the brink of catastrophe’’? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The factors that contribute to climate change are many. But, the 

land-use sector is a major contributor, especially in developing 

countries. And that includes deforestation, it includes overuse of 

fertilizers, it includes, frankly, a fair amount of methane from rice 

production around the world. So, I think that that is a concern that 

is a worldwide concern, not just one that would affect American 

farmers. And when I was at Environmental Defense Fund, one of 

the things I worked on was addressing deforestation and helping 

rural farmers in India and Vietnam with finding low-carbon ways 

to improve their agricultural practices. 

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Senator BARRASSO. So, from 2011 to 2014, you were director of 

the International Climate Program at the Environmental Defense 

Fund. While in that position, you wrote another blog post stating, 

‘‘One of Doha’s notable developments was that, for the first time, 

the talks broached the subject of compensation from rich countries 

for the loss and damage incurred by the most vulnerable nations 

due to climate change.’’ You went on to say, ‘‘The sobering reality 

is that grappling with the dangerous effects of climate change can 

no longer be put off to some future date. They are already inflicting 

harm.’’ 

So, do you believe U.S. taxpayers owe millions of dollars, if not 

more, in climate reparations to small developing nations? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. No, Senator, I do not. And the issue of loss and 

damage in the U.N. climate negotiations is one that does not need 

to be put in that box. And my understanding, though I am not close 

to the negotiations currently, is that it is in the adaptation context, 

in helping countries to adapt to significant effects of climate change 

that are coming, and some of which are already here. 

Senator BARRASSO. But, when you said, ‘‘The dangerous effects 

of climate change can no longer be put off. They are inflicting 

harm.’’ You blame the agriculture sector, contributing a substantial 

share of the emissions. So, you talk about rich countries, like the 

United States, owing money to developing countries, in the form of 

climate reparations. So, a good—it sounds like you believe American agriculture is partially to blame for climate change. As the 

poultry growers in Delaware, cotton farmers, Tennessee, cattle 

ranchers in Wyoming—are they responsible? Do they owe money 

for the loss and damage that they have, under, you know, your 

phraseology, ‘‘inflicted on developing nations’’ because of climate 

change? 

Ms. HAVERKAMP. Mr. Chairman, I do not believe that owing reparations is part of what I was talking about. I believe that the agricultural sector can contribute in a very positive way to addressing 

climate change. And there are many opportunities, frankly, to help 

agriculture farm more efficiently if they are able to use more targeted fertilizer or, for example, again, with rice, use less water, so 

that there is less methane produced from the rotting of the submerged vegetation. I think that one reason that climate change is 

a profound challenge is that there are so many different contributions to the problem, and there are not easy solutions. It is something that requires a lot of effort and contributions from everyone 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Ms. Occomy, in your testimony, you committed to being a good 

steward of U.S. financial contributions to the bank. And we agree. 

It is critically important U.S. resources are used in a responsible 

and efficient manner. So, do you believe requiring borrowers—people that come to the bank to borrow money—that they accept higher-cost energy projects, in terms of only being able to borrow for 

costs for energy projects that are approved by some people that 

have a specific position, from a climate change standpoint—do you 

believe requiring borrowers to accept high-cost energy projects is a 

responsible use of taxpayer dollars when affordable, reliable alternatives are readily available? 

Ms. OCCOMY. Thank you, Chairman Barrasso, for that question. 

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Again, you know, a major focus of the work of the African Development Bank is to promote access to modern, reliable, efficient energy services and infrastructure. 

Senator BARRASSO. Even if it is more expensive. I mean, that is 

the question. Is modern, newer, not been around for thousands of 

years under the ground, but something built up and—— 

Ms. OCCOMY. Absolutely. When a project comes before us to review and to consider the U.S.’s determination as to whether to support that project, it is important to look actually at the full lifecycle 

costs. Sometimes there may be higher costs up front relating to implementing a modern, more efficient form of energy. But, over the 

lifecycle of the project, it should not be higher. So, I think it is important, not necessary to look just at the upfront investment costs, 

which seem to be higher, but to look at the full lifecycle costs of 

the project and to take that into consideration, and also to look at, 

generally speaking, potential environmental and social costs associated with not implementing a more modern, efficient, reliable 

source of energy. 

So, I think it is important, you know, not just to look solely at 

perhaps higher costs up front, but to look at the full lifecycle costs 

of the project, the environmental, social costs, and so forth. 

Senator BARRASSO. So, the social cost of carbon, the lifecycle of 

the project—in my multiple trips to Africa, people wanted affordable—first, they wanted electricity. They wanted electricity. I 

mean, it is an astonishing thing, as you travel to these areas that 

just completely go dark at night, due to lack of electricity. They 

want affordable energy today. And I do not think any of the many, 

many people I visited in so many communities give any consideration to the lifecycle cost of the project or the social cost of the 

project. And they believe—and I agree with them—that their lives 

could be made so much better with available electricity, affordable 

electricity today. 

And I just—so, I think about this, and I think that—you know, 

should the economic feasibility, the potential to provide maximum 

access to energy with maximum efficiency, not be the biggest factors when evaluating projects to get electricity that is affordable to 

those people today? Is that not the thing that could actually help 

so many people worldwide, in terms of the long-term—you talk 

about lifecycle—I am talking about their life, that lifecycle of that 

individual, of that human being, who views the whole thing as 

their lifecycle, not some investment project lifecycle. 

Ms. OCCOMY. Thank you, Chairman. 

You know, as I stated earlier, the administration’s policies do 

recognize that there are unique needs for the poorest countries, 

particularly those in Africa. And taking that into consideration, 

under certain administration policies, the United States can vote in 

favor of coal power generation plants if it is—under certain conditions, if the project promotes more efficient coal technologies and 

there is no other economically viable alternative. 

So, I think the criterion really is, you know, looking at all of the 

alternative approaches to address the energy needs, particularly for 

the poorest countries, and then to figure out, What is the most economically viable alternative to address that need? So—— 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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But, the United States can support coal projects in consideration 

of the current policies. 

Senator BARRASSO. You know, I just recently learned that the African Development Bank—because you mentioned the word ‘‘voting’’ and how you can vote—and I learned that the bank is actually 

having elections for the new president, I think, in a couple of 

weeks. I do not even know how that is structured. Could you kind 

of run through that for me? 

Ms. OCCOMY. Yes. Thank you for raising that point. 

I welcome the African Development Bank’s open, transparent, 

merit-based process for selecting a president. The bank will be selecting a president on May 28 at its annual meeting of eight candidates who have been put forth by their countries. I am not aware 

of who the United States is supporting of the eight candidates. But, 

if confirmed, I look forward to working with the newly elected 

president to implement his or her’s vision for the African Development Bank, going forward. 

Senator BARRASSO. So, is it an annual—you said at their annual 

meeting they are going to do this, of the eight candidates. Is it for 

a 1-year term, and they are just trying to figure out how—— 

Ms. OCCOMY. Right. Oh, I am sorry. 

Senator BARRASSO [continuing]. How we decide how that—— 

Ms. OCCOMY. Right. 

Senator BARRASSO [continuing]. How we vote for—— 

Ms. OCCOMY. Right. So, at the annual meeting, the president is 

elected. And this is after a very deliberative process, where the 

candidates have put forth their positions at different venues. In 

fact, they were here at the spring meetings for the World Bank and 

the IMF, and there was a side meeting where they presented their 

candidacies and agent—you know, agendas for those in the international development community. So, in general, it is a very open, 

you know, transparent, merit-based process. 

The—excuse me—the term of the president, I believe, is for 4 

years. And that term can be—he can—he or she—— 

Senator BARRASSO. Right. 

Ms. OCCOMY [continuing]. Can be reelected—— 

Senator BARRASSO. Run for—— 

Ms. OCCOMY [continuing]. For another term. 

Senator BARRASSO. Yes. 

Ms. OCCOMY. And so, President Kaberuka, the end of his second 

term—— 

Senator BARRASSO. Oh, so—that is right, it is—— 

Ms. OCCOMY [continuing]. Is coming up. 

Senator BARRASSO [continuing]. Open now to—— 

Ms. OCCOMY. And so, now that is why—— 

Senator BARRASSO [continuing]. Eight people. 

Ms. OCCOMY [continuing]. They are electing a new president. 

Senator BARRASSO. Good. 

Thank you. Thank you. That helps clarify. 

Mr. Sabharwal, a quick question for you. I think Senator Gardner asked you about Greece being able to make the recent 750 million euro payment, almost defaulted. They have another payment 

due in June. You know, I would ask if you would talk a little bit 

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tive this International Monetary Fund’s program is in Greece, and 

what is the argument for having the IMF continue to loan more 

money to Greece, you know, given the situation. 

Mr. SABHARWAL. Okay. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman. So, there are multiple questions there. 

First of all, the significance of putting this policy in place was, 

of course, the contagion effect that was going to be significantly affecting the eurozone, which, in turn, as one of our major trading 

partners, going to affect the U.S. economy. 

The second point I would make, that, as a percentage of total financing from the institutions, the IMF’s share has actually decreased from about 26 percent, when it was put in place, to about 

17 percent today. That is because of the different, kind of, repayment terms that there are between the IMF and the other institutions that are part of the package, the ECP and the European 

Commission. 

We are encouraged that the discussions and negotiations are ongoing between the other parties. There was a period when there 

were no discussions, no constructive dialogue. But, we think that 

that period has passed. We are looking at meetings taking place 

later on this week in Latvia on the matter, and we believe that a 

resolution will be reached that will enable Greece to pay its obligations to the IMF as they come due. The IMF has really never lost 

money, so it has always been in a position that perhaps some nations have fallen into arrears for a period of time—for instance, Liberia—but they have recovered very successfully. So, we are fully 

confident that the discussions between the institutions and Greece 

will be successful. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you. 

Senator Udall, additional questions? 

Senator UDALL. I would submit most of my—the rest of my questions for the record and just thank the witnesses, and thank their 

families for the very supportive role that they play. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator BARRASSO. And you make an excellent point there. 

We thank each of you for your testimony, your willingness to 

serve our Nation. It is my hope each of you will be dedicated to advancing American interests all across the globe. 

Members of the committee will have an opportunity, until the 

close of business on Thursday the 21st, to submit questions for the 

record. We ask you try to respond promptly in writing to the committee in order your nomination to be considered in a timely manner. 

Thank you very much. Congratulations, again. 

Hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

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ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF MILEYDI GUILARTE, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE

DIRECTOR OF THE INTER-AMERIOCAN DEVELOPMENT BANK, TO QUESTIONS FROM

MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE GUILARTE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question. What are the Inter-American Development Bank’s relative strengths 

compared to the other international financial institutions? In what areas does the 

Inter-American Development Bank have a comparative advantage? 

Answer. As a regional development bank, the Inter-American Development Bank 

(IDB) has a sole focus on Latin America and the Caribbean, and its breadth and 

depth of knowledge of the economic, social, and political dynamics of the region and 

its borrowing member countries is its main relative strength. It has offices in every 

one of its borrowing member countries to ensure continuous policy dialogue and 

supervision of its projects. The IDB has developed broad-based sectoral/thematic 

comparative advantage in infrastructure, particularly energy; citizen security; and 

social sector development, including conditional cash transfer programs. The IDB 

also effectively works across countries on regional initiatives, including customs and 

trade facilitation, and transport and energy infrastructure. 

Question. In January 2015, Vice President Biden stated, ‘‘An integrated North 

America, working to promote energy security beyond our borders can be a major 

asset for the entire hemisphere. And it’s profoundly in the self-interest of the United 

States to see the Caribbean countries succeed as prosperous, secure, energy-independent neighbors.’’ 

♦ How can the Inter-American Development Bank help support greater regional 

interconnection of energy markets and infrastructure? 

Answer. The IDB has a number of ongoing programs that actively support greater 

regional interconnection of energy markets and energy infrastructure investment. 

With significant assistance from the IDB over many years, Central American governments recently succeeded in integrating their electricity markets through an initiative known as the Central American Electrical Interconnection System (SIEPAC). 

To achieve this success, the IDB, in cooperation with the United States, facilitated 

a dialogue in 2013 among Central American governments that resulted in a ministerial declaration outlining the governments’ commitment to regional energy trade. 

And in November 2014, the Central American governments supported a Mesoamerican Energy Investment Summit in Guatemala that drew over 500 participants to 

highlight the investment potential in the region and to celebrate the completion of 

the SIEPAC transmission line. The IDB has also provided direct financing totaling 

$253.5 million and an additional $25 million in technical assistance to support Central America’s energy infrastructure and to facilitate creating the regional energy 

market. 

In addition to Central America, the IDB has been working with Andean countries 

on the Andean regional electric integration process. The IDB has provided a variety 

of technical assistance to help in this effort and is the technical secretary of the 

Andean Electrical Interconnection System (SINEA). 

The IDB has done considerable work with the Caribbean to assess the potential 

of regional energy markets, including how best to develop and use sustainable 

sources of energy, such as natural gas and renewable energy sources. 

Question. What steps is the Inter-American Development Bank currently taking 

to provide the region with energy security and diversification through natural gas? 

Answer. The IDB is committed to financing reliable, low-cost generation in Latin 

America and the Caribbean. The IDB is helping many clients develop favorable policy and regulatory frameworks for energy access, in addition to support for the private sector to increase the use of efficient technologies. 

Now that the SIEPAC is complete, thanks in large part to the efforts of the IDB, 

Central American economies are looking to introduce natural gas to substitute for 

heavy fuel and diesel generation in the coming years. To support that effort, the 

IDB has completed prefeasibility studies for natural gas in power generation in both 

Central America and the Caribbean, and is supporting analysis of some natural gas 

projects, including the proposed Mexican natural gas pipeline project with El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. Do you believe that American liquefied natural gas exports would improve energy diversification in the Western Hemisphere and promote economic 

growth in the region? 

Answer. Natural gas can be a useful part of a country’s or region’s energy diversification strategy like renewables and energy efficiency. As is the case for any 

energy infrastructure project, mobilizing the finance required to introduce natural 

gas into a given country requires open, transparent, and stable investment climates 

and appropriate legal, policy, and regulatory frameworks. 

Question. What specific actions is the U.S. Government taking to work with the 

Inter-American Development Bank, the World Bank, the Organization of American 

States and American companies in coordinating efforts on cross-border trade in electricity, regional interconnection, and energy development? 

Answer. Working with regional partners, including the IDB, the World Bank, and 

the Organization of American States (OAS), the United States is supporting the 

Connecting the Americas 2022 initiative (Connect 2022) under the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas (ECPA). The most recent meeting of the ECPA 

was hosted by the Mexican Government on May 25–26, 2015. Connect 2022 seeks 

to achieve universal access to electricity and create a business climate that accelerates interconnection and renewable energy. Connect 2022 coordinates technical 

assistance for regulatory and institutional reform, builds on extensive bilateral and 

subregional government efforts to connect grids and empower regional energy integration, supports IDB and World Bank power sector programs, and catalyzes private 

investment to promote greater access to cleaner and low-cost energy. 

The administration’s Central America strategy, as well as the Northern Triangle’s 

Alliance for Prosperity—for which the IDB serves as Secretariat—also advance Central American energy security by emphasizing energy sector reform and development. In addition, President Obama, in his April 2015 visit to Panama for the 

Summit of the Americas, launched a new Central American and Caribbean Energy 

Security Task Force to help these smaller markets promote policies that attract private investment in lower carbon power sources and reduce their dependency on imported oil. 

The U.S. Department of Commerce maintains an Office of Business Liaison in the 

IDB to work with the American business community to identify business opportunities, provide advice and counsel on strategies for approaching those opportunities, 

and advocate before the IDB and borrowing country governments on behalf of interested American businesses. 

The IDB also hosts the Americas Business Dialogue (ABD), which serves as a 

platform for private sector entities in Latin America and the Caribbean to engage 

with governments on potential reforms, and which includes efforts to maximize the 

potential of the region’s energy market as one of its four areas of focus. 

Question. In 2012, the United States joined leaders of the Western Hemisphere 

in committing to an initiative called ‘‘Connecting the Americas 2022.’’ The initiative 

aims to achieve universal access to electricity through enhanced electrical interconnection by 2022. 

♦ What is the status of this initiative and what progress has been made in reaching the initiative’s goals? 

Answer. Working with regional partners, including the IDB, the World Bank, and 

the OAS, the United States is supporting the Connecting the Americas 2022 initiative (Connect 2022) under the ECPA. The most recent meeting of the ECPA was 

hosted by the Mexican Government on May 25–26, 2015. Connect 2022 seeks to 

achieve universal access to electricity and create a business climate that accelerates 

interconnection and renewable energy. Connect 2022 coordinates technical assistance for regulatory and institutional reform, builds on extensive bilateral and subregional government efforts to connect grids and empower regional energy integration, supports IDB and World Bank power sector programs, and catalyzes private 

investment to promote greater access to cleaner and low-cost energy. 

Significant process has been made in Central America, which has been a leader 

in furthering the Connect 2022 efforts. SIEPAC and the related regional transmission line, completed in September 2014, now connects six Central American 

countries from Guatemala to Panama and establishes a regional market. 

In addition to Central America, the IDB and the United States have been working 

with Andean countries on the Andean Regional electric integration process. The IDB 

has provided a variety of technical assistance to help in this effort and is the technical secretary of SINEA. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. How is the Connecting the Americas 2022 complementing or adding to 

the work being done at Inter-American Development Bank? 

Answer. The IDB has been a key partner in the Connect 2022 initiative, providing 

complementary support to the efforts of the United States. With significant assistance from the IDB over many years, Central American governments recently succeeded in integrating their electricity markets through the SIEPAC initiative. To 

achieve this success, the IDB, in cooperation with the United States, facilitated a 

dialogue in 2013 among Central American governments that resulted in a ministerial declaration outlining the governments’ commitment to regional energy trade. 

And in November 2014, the Central American governments supported a Mesoamerican Energy Investment Summit in Guatemala that drew over 500 participants to 

highlight the investment potential in the region and to celebrate the completion of 

the SIEPAC transmission line. The IDB also has provided direct financing totaling 

$253.5 million and an additional $25 million in technical assistance to support Central America’s energy infrastructure and to facilitate creating the regional energy 

market. 

In addition to Central America, the IDB has been working with Andean countries 

on the Andean Regional electric integration process. The IDB has provided a variety 

of technical assistance to help in this effort and is the technical secretary of the 

SINEA. 

The IDB has done considerable work with the Caribbean to assess the potential 

of regional energy markets, including how best to develop and use sustainable 

sources of energy such as natural gas and renewable energy sources. 

Question. What kind of technical assistance and capacity-building programs is the 

United States providing to support the Connecting the Americas 2022 in Central 

America, the Caribbean, and the Andean region? 

Answer. In collaboration with the IDB, the State Department and USAID are providing policy and technical assistance to improve regional electricity market development and trade in Central America. Additionally, the U.S. and Mexican Governments have been working with Guatemala on plans to pass through Mexican electricity and gas to benefit Central America as a whole. 

In Chile and Peru, the State Department is working with utilities to assess interconnection options in support of connecting the Chilean and Andean electrical grids. 

In the Caribbean, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) and the 

Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), in coordination with the State 

Department, USAID, and the Department of Energy, are launching a $20 million 

facility to encourage investment in clean energy projects in the region. The facility 

will provide early-stage funding to catalyze greater private and public sector investment in clean energy projects. 

Question. The United States is the largest contributor to the Inter-American 

Development Bank. Regional developing countries are required to have a controlling 

majority vote at the Bank. A March 2013 report by the Inter-American Development 

Bank’s Office of Evaluation and Oversight stated that the effectiveness of reforms 

has been limited. The report found that, ‘‘reforms face inherent tensions with the 

demand-driven orientation of the Bank, and approaches are needed that can help 

meaningfully identify where Bank capabilities and borrower demand intersect.’’ 

Please describe the steps you would take to improve the effectiveness of the 

reforms. 

Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with IDB Management and fellow 

Board members to follow up on the implementation of the recommendations from 

the 2013 Office of Evaluation and Oversight Report to improve and deepen the effectiveness of the reforms undertaken as part of the Ninth General Capital Increase 

of the IDB. Some examples of those reforms are the recently approved revision of 

the policy for the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism, the IDB’s 

grievance mechanism for people affected by IDB projects; the update of the IDB’s 

macroeconomic sustainability assessments; the IDB Governors’ approval of a reform 

to consolidate the IDB’s private sector activities within one entity; and improvements to IDB’s framework for measuring development effectiveness, including enhancing its project completion reports and the guidelines for country strategies. If 

confirmed, I will encourage the Office of Evaluation and Oversight to continue reporting independently on the status of reforms and seek full implementation of 

action plans from IDB Management to continue improving the effectiveness of those 

reforms. 

Question. What reforms would be your top priority at the Inter-American Development Bank? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that the consolidation of the private 

sector activities of the IDB is implemented in a way that enhances efficiency and 

improves development effectiveness. I would promote sound use of financial resources, including through adherence to capital adequacy policies and prudential 

limits. I would also work to further the IDB’s results focus to improve the impact 

of IDB activities in addressing inequality and bolstering growth in a region that is 

critical to the national and economic security of the United States. Given the IDB’s 

pivotal role as Secretariat for the Northern Triangle’s Alliance for Prosperity, I 

would also work to ensure that U.S. national interests remain a priority through 

the administration’s Central America strategy. 

Question. Do you believe meaningful reforms can take place while borrower countries maintain a majority of the voting power? 

Answer. Yes. I believe that a number of meaningful reforms have already taken 

place at the IDB, particularly in the context of the Ninth General Capital Increase. 

As the majority owners of the IDB, the borrowing member countries have a strong 

interest in ensuring that the IDB’s resources are deployed effectively and efficiently 

to address the challenges in the region. If confirmed, I will seek to work with all 

shareholders, including the borrowing member countries, to further implement and 

deepen the reform agenda at the IDB. 

RESPONSES OF JENNIFER ANN HAVERKAMP, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY

OF STATE FOR OCEANS AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL AND SCIENTIFIC AFFAIRS, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ASSISTANT SECRETARY-DESIGNATE HAVERKAMP’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question. Are you committed to eliminating duplication and redundancies at the 

Department of State? 

Answer. I strongly support using taxpayer funds in the most effective and efficient 

manner. In properly managing the Department’s programs and resources, it is of 

fundamental importance to continually look for and implement ways to improve the 

economy, efficiency, and effectiveness of operations. 

Question. In fiscal year 2014, what percentage of the work of the Bureau of 

Oceans and International Environment and Scientific Affairs involved international 

climate change? In fiscal year 2014, what percentage of the Bureau’s funding was 

spent on international climate change programs? 

Answer. My understanding is that approximately 14 percent of the Bureau’s salaries and operating expenses in fiscal year 2014 involved international climate 

change. Approximately 78 percent of the Bureau’s Fiscal Year 2014 Economic Support Fund (ESF) resources were allocated for adaptation, clean energy and sustainable landscapes programs. 

Question. Please provide examples of specific projects funded by the Bureau for 

adaptation, clean energy, and sustainable landscapes in fiscal year 2014. What were 

the tangible results and impacts of the funding? 

Answer. In the case of adaptation, my understanding is that the OES Bureau provides funding for two multilateral specialized adaptation funds, the Least Developed 

Countries Fund (LDCF) and the Special Climate Change Fund (SCCF), which support hard-won development gains in the face of climate variability and change. 

Examples include: 

♦ In Nepal, the LDCF is providing community-based early flood warning to nearly 

32,000 vulnerable people and reducing the risk of glacial lake outburst floods 

through artificial drainage. 

♦ In Indonesia, the SCCF is strengthening the resilience of 40 rural communities 

by adjusting subsistence farming practices to be more resilient to variable and 

extreme climatic conditions and helping communities to improve water resources in the face of projected changes in rainfall patterns. 

♦ In the Philippines, the SCCF is strengthening the resilience of vulnerable farming communities by stimulating private sector engagement in climate risk 

reduction, developing Weather Index Based Insurance and financial literacy 

training for farming households, preparing early warning system plans, and 

conducting vulnerability adaptation assessments. 

In the case of clean energy, my understanding is that, with $20 million the OES 

Bureau has provided to the U.S.-Africa Clean Energy Finance Initiative (U.S.– 

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ACEF), to date, OPIC and USTDA expect to leverage a total of nearly $2 billion in 

investment to increase access to clean energy for Africa. The U.S.–ACEF program 

is designed to help promising clean energy projects develop into viable candidates 

for financing by providing small amounts of early-stage funding for essential inputs, 

such as technical and feasibility studies. U.S.–ACEF serves a catalytic role to 

advance these projects and help attract far larger levels of private sector follow-on 

investment, which can help to fuel economic growth in the region while providing 

access to modern clean energy services. For example, in Tanzania, $600,000 was 

made available to a U.S. energy developer to help fund a feasibility study which is 

expected to mobilize $139 million in capital for a 55-megawatt solar photovoltaic 

project at the University of Dodoma (UDOM) campus. 

In the case of sustainable landscapes, my understanding is that the OES Bureau 

supports the SilvaCarbon program, a joint effort of eight U.S. Government agencies 

that enables developing countries to better understand and manage their forests by 

leveraging U.S. technical expertise on forest and forest carbon mapping and monitoring. This technical capacity provides an essential foundation to enable countries 

to prioritize their efforts to preserve forests, reducing emissions from deforestation 

and safeguarding other benefits like biodiversity and water quality. With technical 

assistance from SilvaCarbon: 

♦ Ecuador has completed its first national forest inventory; 

♦ Colombia was able to generate estimates of forest cover change annually for the 

first time; 

♦ Gabon has developed a draft national land-use plan; and 

♦ Peru finalized its first forest dynamics map, which provides essential information needed to estimate forest cover and deforestation rates. 

Question. How does the Office of Climate Change in this Bureau interact with the 

Office of the Special Climate Envoy Todd Stern? In what areas is there overlap in 

responsibilities and duties? 

Answer. My understanding is that the Special Envoy for Climate Change leads 

the international climate change negotiations for the U.S. Government and oversees 

policy aspects of international climate activities in the State Department. The Special Envoy has an office focused on high-level meetings, negotiations, and policymaking. 

OES’s Office of Global Change handles a large portfolio of issues. In relation to 

the international climate change negotiations, the office provides staff-level support 

for the Special Envoy and Deputy Special Envoys. Its officers serve as working-level 

negotiators, and the office provides staff support for high-level diplomatic meetings 

to advance U.S. objectives. These distinct roles are complementary and I understand 

that there is no duplication in duties between these offices, which work closely 

together. 

Question. Please describe the current staffing, resources, and responsibilities of 

the Office of Climate Change. In addition, please describe when the Office was created and under what statutory authority. 

Answer. At the present time, the Office of Global Change in the OES Bureau has 

18 permanent, full-time direct hire staff. It also has nonpermanent positions, including six fellows and temporary staff, and five contractors. The Office of Global 

Change provides staff-level support and technical expertise for the Special Envoy 

and Deputy Special Envoys in international negotiations related to climate change, 

supports several international climate change initiatives, and oversees implementation of OES programs related to climate change. The office has expertise on issues 

such as climate change mitigation, adaptation, sustainable landscapes, finance, 

science, and technology, as well as on management of programs. The Office of Global 

Change was established in 1989 pursuant to constitutional and statutory authorities 

regarding management of the day-to-day conduct of U.S. foreign relations. 

Question. Please describe the current staffing, resources, and responsibilities of 

the Office of the Special Climate Envoy. In addition, please describe when the Office 

was created and under what statutory authority. 

Answer. The Special Envoy for Climate Change serves as the chief U.S. negotiator 

under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), 

which was ratified by the United States on October 15, 1992. In this role, he helps 

develop the administration’s international policy on climate, and represents the 

United States internationally at the ministerial-level in all bilateral and multilateral negotiations regarding climate change. Todd Stern was appointed on January 

26, 2009. 

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The Special Envoy’s office was established under the constitutional and statutory 

authorities regarding management of the day-to-day conduct of U.S. foreign relations. The Special Envoy for Climate Change and his immediate office were established to provide greater senior level focus to ensure that the interests of the United 

States are adequately protected, given the complex and high-level nature of the 

international climate discussions. 

The Special Envoy’s office coordinates the deployment of federal expertise and resources in the UNFCCC negotiating process, helping to ensure the best possible outcomes for the range of U.S. stakeholders. In addition to the Special Envoy, the office 

currently has seven full-time staff and three contractors. 

Question. The United States is currently participating in international climate 

negotiations with the goal of reaching an agreement by the end of the year. 

♦ What form of an international agreement is the United States advocating for 

at the international climate change negotiations? 

♦ Will the agreement be legally binding on the United States and other countries, 

including funding commitments for any provision contained within the agreement? 

♦ What kinds of agreements or commitments currently under negotiation would 

require congressional action, such as the advice and consent of the Senate, and 

what might not? Please explain your reasoning. 

Answer. A 2011 decision of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, adopted in Durban, South Africa, launched a process to develop a ‘‘protocol, another legal instrument, or an agreed outcome with legal force 

under the Convention applicable to all Parties. . . . ’’ 

The Durban decision makes clear that the purpose of a future Paris agreement 

is to further the objective of the Convention (i.e., to avoid dangerous anthropogenic 

interference with the climate), yet leaves the Parties with substantial flexibility 

regarding its form and the legal nature of its provisions. 

It is my understanding that at this stage, the international discussions are more 

focused on the substance of the agreement than on issues related to its form, such 

as whether it should be a protocol or whether particular provisions should be legally 

binding. The administration has indicated that the United States seeks an agreement that is ambitious in light of the climate challenge; that reflects nationally 

determined mitigation efforts in line with national circumstances and capabilities; 

that provides for accountability with respect to such efforts; that takes account of 

evolving emissions and economic trends; and that promotes adaptation by parties 

to climate impacts. 

♦ Can the administration enter into a politically binding international agreement 

without congressional approval? 

Answer. I understand the term ‘‘politically binding’’ in your question to refer to 

arrangements that do not give rise to legal obligations under U.S. or international 

law. It is my understanding that such nonbinding arrangements have been utilized 

by Presidents of both parties throughout our history to address a range of diplomatic and national security matters and do not require congressional approval. 

♦ What state, local governing entity or community would not be subject to a politically binding treaty? 

Answer. I understand the term ‘‘politically binding’’ in your question to refer to 

arrangements that do not give rise to legal obligations under U.S. or international 

law. Accordingly, any such nonbinding arrangements would create no legal obligations for any state, local governing entity, or community. 

♦ How does the administration plan to legally commit to the President’s November 2014 pledge to cut U.S. greenhouse gas emission to 26–28 percent below 

2005 levels by 2025? 

Answer. I understand that the administration does not intend to legally commit 

the United States to the 26–28 percent target. Moreover, I understand that the 

administration favors an approach to the Paris agreement under which emissions 

targets are not legally binding. 

♦ Please describe any existing statutory authorities the administration may expect to rely on to implement the Intended Nationally Determined Contribution 

(INDC.) Does the administration believe it has the full statutory authority to 

implement its recently announced INDC now or will the administration need 

Congress to provide additional authorities? 

Answer. I understand that the administration carefully evaluated available statutory authorities in the development of the INDC. My understanding is that several 

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U.S. laws, as well as existing and proposed regulations thereunder, are relevant to 

the implementation of the U.S. target, including the Clean Air Act (42 U.S.C. § 7401 

et seq.), the Energy Policy Act (42 U.S.C. § 13201 et seq.), and the Energy Independence and Security Act (42 U.S.C. § 17001 et seq.). Since 2009, the United States has 

completed the following regulatory actions: 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Department of Transportation and 

the United States Environmental Protection Agency adopted fuel economy standards 

for light-duty vehicles for model years 2012–2025 and for heavy-duty vehicles for 

model years 2014–2018. 

Under the Energy Policy Act and the Energy Independence and Security Act, the 

United States Department of Energy has finalized multiple measures addressing 

buildings sector emissions including energy conservation standards for 29 categories 

of appliances and equipment as well as a building code determination for commercial buildings. 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Environmental Protection Agency has 

approved the use of specific alternatives to high-global warming potential 

hydrofluorocarbons (high-GWP HFCs) in certain applications through the Significant New Alternatives Policy program. 

At this time: 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Environmental Protection Agency is 

moving to finalize by summer 2015 regulations to cut carbon pollution from new and 

existing power plants. 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Department of Transportation and 

the United States Environmental Protection Agency are moving to promulgate post2018 fuel economy standards for heavy-duty vehicles. 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Environmental Protection Agency is 

developing standards to address methane emissions from landfills and the oil and 

gas sector. 

Under the Clean Air Act, the United States Environmental Protection Agency is 

moving to reduce the use and emissions of high-GWP HFCs through the Significant 

New Alternatives Policy program. 

Under the Energy Policy Act and the Energy Independence and Security Act, the 

United States Department of Energy is continuing to reduce buildings sector emissions including by promulgating energy conservation standards for a broad range of 

appliances and equipment, as well as a building code determination for residential 

buildings. 

♦ What was the process the administration used for determining the U.S. commitment? What consultations and inputs from Congress and the American public 

did the administration seek when working to establish the U.S. commitment? 

Answer. I understand that the administration undertook an extensive, rigorous 

interagency process to identify and assess potential emission reductions that are 

both achievable and cost effective. This process examined options to reduce emissions of all greenhouse gases in every economic sector through existing statutory 

and executive authorities and voluntary programs. 

It is my understanding that agencies responsible for implementing these existing 

statutory and executive authorities and voluntary programs have had wide ranging 

discussions with stakeholders from the public, private and nonprofit sector, including formal and informal consultations with Congress. 

♦ What role does the Bureau of Oceans and International Environment and Scientific Affairs have in the international climate change negotiations? 

Answer. The Office of Global Change in the Bureau of Oceans and International 

Environmental and Scientific Affairs handles a large portfolio of issues. In relation 

to the international climate change negotiations, the office provides staff-level 

support and technical expertise for the Special Envoy and support for high-level 

diplomatic meetings to advance U.S. objectives, and its staff serve as working-level 

negotiators. 

♦ What role will you play in the negotiations? What specific advice, analysis, 

information, and support is the Office of Climate providing for the international 

climate negotiations? 

Answer. It is my understanding that over the past 14 years, under this administration and the Bush administration, the OES Assistant Secretary did not play a 

direct, formal role in the international climate change negotiations. 

The Office of Global Change in the OES Bureau provides staff-level support and 

technical expertise for the Special Envoy and Deputy Special Envoy in the negotiations. That includes expertise on issues such as climate change mitigation, adaptation, sustainable landscapes, finance, science, and technology, as well as program 

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management and support for high-level diplomatic meetings. Office staff also serve 

as working-level negotiators. 

Question. In November 2014, President Obama announced a pledge of $3 billion 

to create a brand new Global Climate Fund. His fiscal year 2016 budget request 

asks for $500 million to start funding that pledge. 

♦ What was the process the administration used for determining the appropriate 

commitment to the Global Climate Fund? What consultations did the administration have with Congress on this commitment? 

Answer. It is my understanding that the administration undertook an interagency 

discussion among staff of the Department of Treasury, Department of State, Office 

of Management and Budget and the National Security Council to determine what 

the U.S. pledge should be as a good base of funding in the Green Climate Fund’s 

initial few years. The key reference point was the Bush administration’s $2 billion 

pledge to the Climate Investment Funds (CIFs), which that administration had 

planned to provide over a 3-year period. In light of a legislative requirement related 

to a multiyear pledge, I understand that the administration consulted with relevant 

House and Senate staff 10 days before the GCF pledge was announced, and then 

met with staff on multiple other occasions during those 10 days. 

♦ What impact evaluations have been completed on the previous $2 billion in U.S. 

funding for international climate change already provided to the Climate Investment Funds? 

Answer. My understanding is that an independent evaluation of the Climate 

Investment Funds (CIFs), carried out by the independent evaluation departments 

of the multilateral development banks, was released in June 2014 and is available 

at http://www.cifevaluation.org. Because of the early stage of most CIF investments 

(many of which are of very long duration), the evaluation focused more on institutional issues such as the process for developing country investment plans. Further 

CIF project-level evaluations will be conducted in the future. Each multilateral 

development bank that participates in the CIFs is including CIF programs or 

projects into their evaluation work program. Funding is being set aside in the CIF 

budget to support impact evaluations and other evaluation tools. 

♦ When will the Climate Investment Funds be closed down? What will happen to 

the funding that remains or comes back into the fund? 

Answer. My understanding is that the Trust Fund Committees of the Climate 

Investment Funds will make a decision in the future about the sunset of the CIFs, 

and when not to accept new contributions into the Funds. Then, once all contributions have been committed to projects, no new projects will be approved. Because 

the Climate Investment Funds are intended to sunset, my understanding is that 

financial reflows will probably not be used to finance future projects. 

♦ Why is it responsible for the administration to recommend closing down the current Climate Investment Funds and creating a larger brand new Global Climate 

Fund if no evaluations have been done on the impact and results of U.S. funding to the current international climate change programs? 

Answer. My understanding is that the administration supports having a robust 

evaluation program for the CIFs in order to inform future programs at the Green 

Climate Fund and elsewhere. An independent evaluation of the CIFs was released 

in June 2014 and is available at http://www.cifevaluation.org. Because of the early 

stage of most CIF investments (many of which are of very long duration), this evaluation focused more on institutional issues such as the process for developing country investment plans. We expect that further CIF project-level evaluations will be 

conducted in the future. 

RESPONSES OF MARCIA DENISE OCCOMY, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. DIRECTOR OF THE

AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE OCCOMY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question. Do you believe the African Development Bank should equally support 

all types of energy resources in order to provide sub-Saharan Africa with the electricity it needs to grow their way out of poverty? 

Answer. Facilitating energy access and energy security for the people of Africa is 

a priority for the African Development Bank and the United States. I understand 

that energy access is essential to promoting the growth of African economies. If conFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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firmed, I will be committed to promoting energy access through an appropriate mix 

of energy resources consistent with U.S. laws and policies and the African Development Bank’s own operating guidelines and policies. 

Question. When reviewing projects at the African Development Bank, what criterion is used in determining whether the United States will support the project? 

Answer. In reviewing projects at the African Development Bank (AfDB), the 

United States takes into account a range of different factors to determine whether 

or not to support a specific project. These factors include the degree to which the 

project will support a country’s efforts to reduce poverty, whether the project is welldesigned and mitigates foreseeable risks, whether the project is as sustainable 

(financially and economically) as possible, and whether the project meets both the 

AfDB’s policies and U.S. legislative provisions. 

Question. Do you believe economic feasibility and the potential to provide maximum access to energy with maximum efficiency must be the biggest factors when 

evaluating projects? 

Answer. Economic feasibility and the degree to which a project increases energy 

access are important, but not the only factors in evaluating energy projects. The 

design of effective energy projects will also take into account other factors, such as 

improving the long-term financial sustainability of the country’s energy sector; 

reducing the potential for corruption in the project; and mitigating the environmental, health, and social impacts of the project. 

Question. Coal provides a low cost and reliable energy source which is important 

to countries looking for assistance in poverty alleviation and economic development. 

Do you agree with this statement? If not, why not? 

Answer. The U.S. Government is committed to providing energy access and energy security to people around the globe as an important element of economic development. In the poorest countries, where energy needs are often the greatest, I 

understand that the President’s Climate Action Plan allows for support for new coal 

power-generation projects under certain conditions that focus on promoting the most 

efficient coal technologies and where no other economically viable alternative exists. 

In wealthier countries, the U.S. may support new coal-fired power projects that 

deploy carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) technologies. 

Question. Please list and provide information on all the countries in the African 

Development Bank that have oil, natural gas, and coal resources. 

Answer. According to the latest data available from the Energy Information 

Agency at the Department of Energy, the African Development Bank’s regional 

member countries with the largest reserves of oil are Libya, Nigeria, Algeria, and 

Angola. The largest proved reserves of natural gas are in Nigeria, Algeria, Mozambique, Egypt, Libya, and Angola. The largest recoverable reserves of coal are in 

South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Nigeria. Complete data for all 

countries with any proven reserves are below [Figure 1.] . 

Question. What proportion of procurement contracts at the African Development 

Bank and the African Development Fund is awarded to U.S. businesses? What proportion of these contracts is awarded to Chinese businesses? What specific steps 

would you advocate for at the African Development Bank and the African Development Fund to increase the percentage of contracts awarded to U.S. companies? 

Answer. In 2014, U.S. businesses received 0.54 percent of all procurement contracts by number and 0.26 percent of procurement contracts by value. Chinese business received 1.94 percent of contracts by number and 24.28 percent by value. If 

confirmed, I will advocate for maintaining transparent and competitive procurement 

practices and an increased focus on a value-for-money approach that considers costs 

over the full life cycle of projects rather than merely the lowest priced bid. U.S. 

firms are typically better positioned when such a value-for-money approach is taken. 

I understand that the African Development Bank is currently reviewing its procurement policies, which provides an opportunity to encourage a better focus on valuefor-money approach to be reflected in the African Development Bank’s updated procurement policies. 

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Figure 1. 

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Question. What do you believe is an appropriate role for China to play at the African Development Bank and African Development Fund? 

Answer. China is a nonregional shareholder of the African Development Bank and 

a donor to the African Development Fund. China should continue to engage constructively with other AfDB shareholders and AfDB Management to support Africa’s 

development. As China’s income and role in the global economy grows, it should 

support the poorest countries by contributing more to the concessional window, the 

African Development Fund. 

Question. What is your view of China’s recently launched Asian Infrastructure 

Investment Bank and the Chinese investment efforts in Africa? How will these 

efforts complement or duplicate efforts at the African Development Bank? 

Answer. It is widely acknowledge that there is a pressing need to enhance infrastructure investment in Africa and around the world. China can provide an important contribution to Africa’s development through its infrastructure investments, 

provided they maintain high-quality standards and operate within strong safeguards including established fiduciary, economic, and social safeguards. I believe 

that any new multilateral financial institution should share the international community’s strong commitment to the high-quality standards of the existing multilateral development banks, including the African Development Bank. My understanding is that the AIIB intends to focus exclusively in Asia. However, if confirmed, I 

would encourage the African Development Bank to seek to ensure that any institution providing financing in Africa maintains these high-quality standards and operational safeguards. 

Question. Please describe the planned $2 billion African Development Bank—People’s Bank of China African Common Growth Fund and the U.S. view of this initiative. Is the United States considering a similar arrangement for the administration’s 

Power Africa Initiative? 

Answer. China created and will contribute $2 billion, over 10 years, to the Africa 

Growing Together Fund (AGTF) that will be housed at the AfDB. The AGTF will 

cofinance projects eligible for AfDB financing using a variety of funding modalities. 

The United States welcomes the additional financing that China will be making 

available to support Africa’s development through the AGTF, especially as all 

projects financed from the AGTF must use the AfDB’s standards, including those 

related to environmental and social safeguards and procurement rules. 

While the United States has not considered a designated funding mechanism for 

its Power Africa partnership with the AfDB, the AfDB itself has pledged $3 billion 

of its own funds toward reaching the goals set by Power Africa. Power Africa is 

working closely with the AfDB to identify priority Power Africa transactions and 

allocate resources accordingly. In addition, both the AfDB and Power Africa have 

seconded staff members to the other’s organization to enhance coordination. Power 

Africa has also provided $3 million to the African Legal Support Facility, an AfDB 

initiative that strengthens African countries’ legal expertise and negotiating capacity in debt management and litigation, natural resources and extractive industries 

management and contracting, investment agreements, and related commercial and 

business transactions. 

Question. The African Development Bank President Kaberuka recommended combining the African Development Bank and the African Development Fund lending 

windows into a single facility. 

♦ Do you support this proposal? Did the 13th replenishment of the African Development Fund replenishment negotiations address this matter? What are the 

benefits and risks of providing market-rate and concessional assistance through 

the same facility? 

Answer. I understand that while President Kaberuka expressed interest in this 

idea, AfDB Management has not actively proposed it during the negotiations on the 

13th replenishment of the African Development Fund (AfDF) or since. The United 

States welcomes ideas from the multilateral development banks on how they can 

use innovative financial options to expand their lending capacity without additional 

resources from shareholders, and I understand that Asian Development Bank shareholders unanimously approved a similar proposal recently. I also understand that 

this approach would be more difficult for the AfDB due to the status of the AfDB 

and the AfDF as separate legal entities. The main benefit of such an approach is 

that the equity built up in the concessional window can be leveraged to create additional concessional and nonconcessional lending capacity. Risks include the need to 

ensure that the extra resources generated continue to benefit poorer countries and 

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the need to maintain an appropriate level of concessionality in lending to these 

countries. 

Question. The elections for a new President of the African Development Bank is 

taking place on May 28, 2015. 

♦ Who is currently running for President of the African Development Bank and 

what are the main priorities of each of the candidates? 

Answer. Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, the Minister of Agriculture from Nigeria, was 

elected as the next President of the AfDB on May 28, 2015. The other candidates 

were: 

Jaloul Ayed, former Minister of Finance, Tunisia; 

Sufian Ahmed Beker, Minister of Finance, Ethiopia; 

Kordje Bedoumra, Minister of Finance, Chad; 

Cristina Duarte, Minister of Finance, Cabo Verde; 

Samura Kamara, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sierra Leone; 

Thomas Zondo Sakala, former Vice President of the AfDB, Zimbabwe; and 

Birama Sidibe, Vice President of the Islamic Development Bank, Mali. 

Each candidate’s vision statement is available at www.afdb.org/en/news-andevents/article/eight-candidates-in-the-running-for-the-next-afdb-presidency-submittheir-vision-for-the-bank-and-africa-14111/. All of the candidates prioritized building 

on the legacy of President Donald Kaberuka, supporting the private sector in Africa, 

reducing Africa’s infrastructure deficit, enhancing inclusive growth and creating jobs 

for youth and women, building the capacity of fragile and conflict-affected states, 

and attracting the staff that the AfDB needs to play a leading role in these areas. 

Question. What criterion does the United States use when deciding who to vote 

for as President of the Bank? What is your evaluation of these candidates? 

Answer. The United States seeks candidates with a strong vision for supporting 

private sector-led growth and poverty reduction in Africa, a sound understanding of 

the AfDB’s comparative advantages, a clear agenda for implementing the institutional reforms needed to make the AfDB more effective and to attract and retain 

high-quality managers and staff, and the ability to represent the AfDB as a leading 

development institution in Africa and globally. I welcome that there were several 

qualified candidates contesting the election. 

Question. Which of the candidates is the United States supporting at the May 28, 

2015 election? 

Answer. The United States welcomed that there were several well-qualified candidates that contested the election. I was not involved in the voting process for the 

United States. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Dr. Adesina to continue 

strengthening the AfDB so that it remains a leading contributor to Africa’s development and a key partner for U.S. development efforts. 

RESPONSES OF BRIAN JAMES EGAN, NOMINATED TO BE LEGAL ADVISER TO THE

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

BRIAN EGAN’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Congress has long understood that the 2001 AUMF covered: (1) alQaeda; and (2) ‘‘associated forces’’ of al-Qaeda. Please describe the administration’s 

legal view of why it is that ISIS is covered by the 2001 AUMF. 

Answer. The 2001 AUMF authorizes the use of force against al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces. Based on ISIL’s long-standing relationship with al-Qaeda 

and Usama bin Laden; its long history of conducting, and continued desire to conduct, attacks against U.S. persons and interests; the extensive history of U.S. combat operations against ISIL dating back to the time the group first affiliated with 

al-Qaeda in 2004 and was known as al-Qaeda in Iraq; and ISIL’s position—supported by some individual members and factions of al-Qaeda-aligned groups—that 

it is the true inheritor of Usama bin Laden’s legacy, the administration has concluded that the President may rely on the 2001 AUMF as statutory authority for 

the use of force against ISIL, notwithstanding the public split between al-Qaeda’s 

senior leadership and ISIL. A contrary interpretation of the statute would allow alQaeda and its cobelligerents, rather than the President and the Congress, to control 

the scope of the AUMF by splintering into rival factions while still continuing to 

prosecute the same conflict against the United States. 

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Question. Does the administration currently have statutory or article II authority 

to defend U.S.- or coalition-trained forces in Iraq and Syria if those forces come 

under direct threat from ISIS, al-Nusra, Assad regime forces, Hezbollah, or any 

other armed groups? 

Answer. The administration’s position is that the 2001 AUMF would provide 

authority to conduct military operations in defense of U.S.- or coalition-trained 

forces against ISIL, the Nusrah Front, and other groups who are either part of or 

associated forces of al-Qaeda, in the same manner as it does for ongoing U.S. operations against those groups. The administration also believes that the 2002 Iraq 

AUMF would provide legal authority for military operations in some circumstances 

against ISIL in defense of U.S.- or coalition-trained forces in Syria. 

The question whether the 2001 AUMF, the 2002 AUMF, or the President’s article 

II authority would provide legal authority to defend those forces against Assad 

regime forces or other armed groups would be more difficult. 

The 2001 AUMF authorizes the President to use ‘‘all necessary and appropriate 

force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, 

authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 

2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts 

of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations 

or persons.’’ To be an ‘‘associated force’’ of al-Qaeda a group must be both (1) an 

organized, armed group that has entered the fight alongside al-Qaeda, and (2) a cobelligerent with al-Qaeda in hostilities against the United States or its coalition 

partners. The determination that a particular group is an associated force is made 

at the most senior levels of the U.S. Government, following reviews by senior government lawyers and informed by departments and agencies with relevant expertise 

and institutional roles, including all-source intelligence from the U.S. intelligence 

community. 

The 2002 AUMF authorizes the President to ‘‘use the Armed Force of the United 

States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to—(1) defend the 

national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; 

and (2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding 

Iraq.’’ Although the threat posed by Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq was the focus 

of the 2002 AUMF, the statute, in accordance with its express goals, has always 

been understood to authorize the use of force for additional purposes. Those purposes include helping to establish a stable, democratic Iraq to succeed Saddam Hussein’s regime and addressing terrorist threats emanating from Iraq. At a minimum, 

to the extent that military operations against ISIL in Syria are necessary in order 

to achieve these purposes, they are authorized by the 2002 AUMF. 

The President has authority under the Constitution to use force not amounting 

to ‘‘war’’ in the constitutional sense, where he reasonably determines that such force 

serves a sufficiently important national interest, at least insofar as the Congress 

has not specifically restricted it by statute. Whether the use of military force constitutes a ‘‘war’’ within the meaning of the Declaration of War Clause would, as 

described in previous opinions from the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel, involve the need for a fact-specific assessment of the anticipated nature, scope, 

and duration of the planned military operations and of the exposure of U.S. military 

personnel to significant risk over a substantial period. 

As a policy matter, the nature and extent of the support that the United States 

is prepared to provide to U.S.-trained Syrian forces is critically important and under 

active consideration, but as of this point has not been decided. If confirmed as Legal 

Adviser, I would look forward to working closely with this committee to explain the 

legal issues related to any decision that is made. 

Question. With U.S. forces on the ground in Iraq and conducting activities in both 

Iraq and Syria, what authority to protect and defend those forces, if any, is currently available under the 2001 or 2002 AUMFs, and is there something additional 

you gain under the 2002 AUMF but not the 2001 AUMF? 

Answer. The administration’s position is that the 2001 AUMF and, at least in 

some circumstances, the 2002 AUMF provide legal authority for the ongoing U.S. 

military operations in Iraq and Syria, including the authority to use military force 

in defense of U.S. forces. 

The 2001 AUMF authorizes the President to use ‘‘all necessary and appropriate 

force against those nations, organizations, or persons’’ he determines were responsible for the 9/11 attacks, and it is not limited to a specific country or geographic 

region. This authorization clearly covers Usama bin Laden and al-Qaeda, and Congress and the federal courts have confirmed the Executive branch’s view that the 

AUMF also authorizes the use of force against associated forces of al-Qaeda, each 

of which must be both (1) an organized, armed group that has entered the fight 

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alongside al-Qaeda, and (2) a cobelligerent with al-Qaeda in hostilities against the 

United States or its coalition partners. 

The 2001 AUMF authorized the use of force against ISIL beginning in at least 

2004, when ISIL, then known as al-Qaeda in Iraq, pledged its allegiance to Bin 

Laden. Bin Laden then publicly endorsed the group as al-Qaeda’s official affiliate 

in Iraq. After its formal affiliation with al-Qaeda, the group conducted numerous 

terrorist attacks against the United States and its coalition partners, and in 

response, the United States engaged in extensive combat operations against it. 

The 2002 Iraq AUMF provides an alternative source of legal authority for U.S. 

military operations against ISIL in Iraq and, at least in some circumstances, in 

Syria. Among other things, the 2002 AUMF authorizes the use of force to ‘‘defend 

the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by 

Iraq,’’ including in defense of U.S. forces. 

The President has made clear that he would welcome bipartisan congressional 

action on a new, limited authorization for the use of military force that would specifically address the threat posed by ISIL. The President’s AUMF proposal, among 

other things, would repeal the 2002 AUMF because the President believes the 

authority he would have under his proposal and the 2001 AUMF would be sufficient 

to conduct the operations that are ongoing in Iraq and Syria, including any operations to protect and defend the U.S. Forces who are part of those operations. 

Question. The administration believes it has authority under the 2001 AUMF to 

use ‘‘all necessary and appropriate force’’ against ISIS. Does the administration have 

article II authority, on its own, to conduct the military activities we are currently 

engaged in against ISIS, or is congressional authorization necessary? 

Answer. The administration has concluded that the 2001 AUMF provides legal 

authority to use military force against ISIL in Iraq and Syria. The administration 

has also concluded that the 2002 Iraq AUMF provides legal authority for military 

operations against ISIL in Iraq and, in at least some circumstances, against ISIL 

in Syria. The military activities against ISIL in which the United States is currently 

engaged in Iraq and Syria are being conducted pursuant to those statutory authorities. Because of its conclusion that the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs provide the necessary 

legal authority for the President, the administration has not developed a legal position on the question posed; namely, whether the President could rely on article II 

authority alone to continue to conduct the ongoing military activities we are currently engaged in against ISIL. 

The Constitution recognizes important roles for both the President and the Congress in relation to the use of military force by the United States. As the administration has previously indicated to this committee, the President has authority 

under the Constitution to use force not amounting to ‘‘war’’ in the constitutional 

sense where he reasonably determines that such force serves a sufficiently important national interest, at least insofar as the Congress has not specifically restricted 

it by statute. Any analysis of the President’s constitutional authorities to conduct 

these same operations in the absence of the AUMFs would therefore require a factspecific assessment of the national interests served by these operations and their 

anticipated nature, scope, and duration, among other factors. 

The administration has been clear in describing the critical national interests that 

are served by our ongoing efforts to degrade and ultimately defeat ISIL in Iraq and 

Syria. At the same time, this and previous administrations have recognized the congressional interest, including as reflected in the War Powers Resolution, in providing express congressional authorization for the use of force by the U.S. military 

in major, prolonged conflicts such as the wars in Vietnam and Korea. 

Regardless, the President has made clear that he believes that it is important 

that decisions to send members of our military into harm’s way enjoy the support 

of Congress and the American people. This is the reason that the President has 

submitted the proposed ISIL AUMF to the Congress. I share that view, and, if 

confirmed, I would use my voice within the administration to support robust consultation with Congress on such matters, and to ensure that deliberations and consultations with Congress are fully informed by the important constitutional responsibilities of both branches of government in this area. 

BRIAN EGAN’S RESPONSE TO A

QUESTION FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Given the foreign policy objectives of the section 1504 rule, please discuss how you intend to engage with the SEC to ensure that they issue a strong rule 

that serves U.S. foreign policy goals. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. Section 1504 of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act requires reporting issuers engaged in the commercial development of oil, 

natural gas, or minerals to disclose in an annual report certain payments to the 

United States or foreign governments for the commercial development of oil, natural 

gas, or minerals. Section 1504 advances U.S. foreign policy interests by ensuring 

transparency and reducing corruption in the extractives sector, supporting international initiatives related to extractive industry transparency, and more broadly, 

promoting energy security and supporting global economic development. 

If confirmed as Legal Adviser, I will work with the State Department’s policy 

bureaus to ensure that the SEC is appropriately aware of these foreign policy interests so that they may be given due regard in the rulemaking process. 

BRIAN EGAN’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question #1. Do you believe a resolution adopted by the U.N. Security Council can 

preempt U.S. law? 

Answer. No. U.N. member states are required under international law to accept 

and carry out decisions of the Security Council in accordance with the Charter of 

the United Nations. This does not, however, preempt the obligation to comply with 

applicable provisions of U.S. domestic law. When deciding whether to support or 

oppose proposed Security Council resolutions, the Department of State, working 

with other departments and agencies, carefully considers whether actions that 

would be required under the resolutions would be consistent with U.S. law. The 

United States has the right, under Article 27 of the U.N. Charter, to veto resolutions that would impose requirements that would be inconsistent with U.S. domestic 

law and thereby prevent their adoption. 

Question #2. Could the executive branch use a U.N. Security Council resolution 

to justify action that U.S. law would otherwise not allow? 

Answer. No. The executive branch cannot take actions that it is prohibited from 

taking under U.S. law. Thus, the fact that a U.N. Security Council resolution 

authorizes a particular action will not enable the executive branch to carry it out 

if the action is impermissible under U.S. law. 

Question #3. If the U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution requiring countries 

to lift sanctions on Iran, would the U.S. be obligated to comply? 

Answer. In the case of Iran, the Security Council adopted a series of resolutions 

beginning in 2006 requiring U.N. member states to impose certain sanctions on 

Iran. When the Security Council makes a decision requiring U.N. member states to 

impose sanctions, U.N. member states are required under international law to 

accept and carry out that decision in accordance with the Charter of the United 

Nations. A Security Council decision to lift these requirements would relieve U.N. 

member states of their international legal obligation to maintain the sanctions on 

Iran that were the subject of the Security Council resolutions, but would not prevent 

the United States or other U.N. member states from continuing to impose sanctions 

on a national basis under their domestic law. In any event, as explained in response 

to Question #1, the United States has the right, under Article 27 of the U.N. Charter, to veto resolutions that would impose requirements that would be inconsistent 

with U.S. domestic law and thereby prevent their adoption. 

Question #4. What types of agreements are constitutionally required to take the 

form of a treaty and must be submitted to the Senate for advice and consent to 

ratification? 

Answer. The Constitution’s text does not specify particular types of agreements 

that must take the form of a treaty. As a matter of practice, the United States has 

entered into a variety of agreements approved by statute rather than through the 

procedures specified in the Constitution’s Treaty Clause. These include the United 

Nations Headquarters Agreement; agreements establishing the World Bank, the 

International Monetary Fund, and other international financial institutions; the 

agreement establishing the International Labor Organization; the SALT I Interim 

Agreement; and trade agreements including NAFTA and the agreement establishing 

the World Trade Organization. This practice suggests that the executive branch, 

Senate, and House of Representatives together have understood themselves to have 

significant latitude to use regular legislative procedures as an alternative to the procedures specified in the Treaty Clause for the approval of international agreements 

when collectively they deem it appropriate to do so. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

121 

If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with this committee on 

issues related to the approval of treaties and other forms of international agreements. Administrations of both political parties have a history of working with the 

Congress to identify international agreements that would be subject to the Constitution’s Treaty Clause and agreements that could be concluded with other forms of 

congressional approval or as a sole executive agreement. 

Questions #5 & #6. Is the President only able to enter sole Executive agreements 

concerning matters under his exclusive constitutional authority, or may these agreements also concern matters over which authority is shared with Congress? 

What domestic or international legal effect do ‘‘sole executive agreements’’ have 

when there is a conflicting federal statute? 

Answer. In analyzing the scope of the President’s authority with respect to international agreements, the Supreme Court has referred to the framework outlined in 

Justice Jackson’s concurrence in Youngstown Sheet and Tube v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 

579 (1952). That framework indicates that the President’s authority is at its maximum when he acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization from Congress; 

that when he acts in the absence of either a congressional grant or denial of authority, he can only rely upon his own independent powers; and that when the President 

takes measures incompatible with the expressed or implied will of Congress, his 

power is at its lowest ebb, for then he can rely only upon his own constitutional 

powers minus any constitutional powers of Congress over the matter. Id. at 635– 

638. 

Consistent with this framework, the validity of any particular Executive agreement as a matter of U.S. law would depend on factors including the particular matter addressed by the agreement, the extent of the President’s independent constitutional authority with regard to that matter, and whether Congress had legislated 

with respect to the matter. For example, where an Executive agreement conflicts 

with a federal statute, Justice Jackson’s concurrence indicates that ‘‘Courts can sustain exclusive Presidential control in such a case only by disabling the Congress 

from acting upon the subject.’’ It further observes that ‘‘Presidential claim to a 

power at once so conclusive and preclusive must be scrutinized with caution.’’ 

The fact that an international agreement may conflict with a federal statute does 

not affect the status of the agreement as a matter of international law. In Medellin 

v. Texas, the Supreme Court observed that, although the President lacked the authority as a matter of U.S. law to give effect to an obligation under an international 

agreement at issue in the case, ‘‘no one disputes that it constitutes an international 

law obligation on the part of the United States.’’ 552 U.S. 491, 536 (2008). 

Question #7. Under existing law, the United States is required to suspend direct 

foreign assistance to the government of any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup d’etat or decree or a coup d’etat or decree in 

which the military plays a decisive role. How is a coup d’etat defined under existing 

U.S. law? 

Answer. The annual Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Acts provides that certain funds in the Act may not ‘‘be obligated or expended to finance directly any assistance to the government of any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed by military coup d’etat or 

decree or, after the date of enactment of this Act, a coup d’etat or decree in which 

the military plays a decisive role.’’ This ‘‘military coup restriction’’ contains three 

elements that must be met in order to trigger the restriction: (1) whether the head 

of government was duly elected; (2) whether the head of government was removed 

from office, and (3) whether the removal was effectuated by the military or whether 

the military played a decisive role in the removal. Whether the military coup 

restriction could be triggered in connection with a particular change in government 

requires a detailed factual inquiry into all of the relevant circumstances. 

Question #8. As noted, appropriations law requires the termination of certain foreign assistance if an elected head of government is deposed by a coup. At the time, 

an administration official was asked if it is ‘‘still U.S. policy that we are not determining that a coup was carried out in July in Egypt.’’ He replied: ‘‘Nothing has 

changed in terms of approaching what you called the coup restriction; didn’t make 

a determination, haven’t made a determination, don’t think we need to make a determination, are acting consistent with the provisions of the law and we’ll continue 

to do so.’’ 

♦ In your opinion, did a coup occur in Egypt when Egyptian President Morsi was 

deposed from power? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

122 

Answer. The military coup restriction in the annual Department of State, Foreign 

Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act does not require a determination to be made with respect to a particular change in government, so long as any 

assistance provided to the relevant government could be provided even if the restriction were triggered. Accordingly, the administration took action to restrict certain 

assistance to Egypt consistent with the military coup restriction until new legislation was enacted with regard to assistance for the Government of Egypt. 

The administration decided it was not in U.S. foreign policy or national security 

interests to characterize the events in Egypt as either a military coup or not a military coup. Such a characterization would implicate a highly polarized debate in 

Egypt. The administration concluded that inserting the United States into that 

debate would undermine U.S. interests in a peaceful resolution to the crisis, risk 

alienating roughly half of the population in Egypt, and potentially put U.S. facilities 

and personnel in the region at increased risk. 

Question #9. After a head of government is deposed from power, how long does 

the State Department have to determine if a coup took place? 

Answer. The military coup restriction in the annual Department of State, Foreign 

Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act does not require a determination to be made with respect to a particular change in government, so long as any 

assistance provided to the relevant government could be provided even if the restriction were triggered. 

As explained in response to Question #7, three elements must be met in order to 

trigger the restriction: (1) whether the head of government was duly elected; (2) 

whether the head of government was removed from office, and (3) whether the 

removal was effectuated by the military or whether the military played a decisive 

role in the removal. Whether this restriction could be triggered in connection with 

a particular change in government requires a detailed factual inquiry into all of the 

relevant circumstances, and in some instances the facts on the ground may not be 

clear for a period of time. 

Questions #10 & #11. How is it consistent with the law to never make a determination whether a coup actually happened when a leader is deposed from power? 

What other statutory regimes is this method of legal analysis applied to? 

Answer. The military coup restriction in the annual Department of State, Foreign 

Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Acts provides that certain funds 

in the Act may not ‘‘be obligated or expended to finance directly any assistance to 

the government of any country whose duly elected head of government is deposed 

by military coup d’etat or decree or, after the date of enactment of this Act, a coup 

d’etat or decree in which the military plays a decisive role.’’ If the standard in the 

legislation is met, assistance must be restricted consistent with the military coup 

restriction. On the other hand, so long as any assistance provided to the relevant 

government could be provided even if the military coup restriction were triggered, 

it is consistent with the law not to make a determination. Many countries receive 

no assistance from the U.S. Government; others receive assistance that would not 

be impacted by the military coup restriction (for example, assistance only for nongovernmental activities). Therefore, the applicability of this provision varies with 

respect to the nature of our assistance. The Department of State’s efforts to ensure 

compliance with the military coup restriction are consistent with its broader efforts 

to ensure compliance with all applicable funding restrictions. 

Question #12. There has been a lot of discussion about the type and form of a comprehensive agreement on Iran’s nuclear program. The administration claims that a 

final deal on Iran’s nuclear program will be an Executive agreement instead of a 

treaty requiring the advice and consent of the Senate for ratification. What is the 

legal basis for this position? 

Answer. The administration has made clear that the P5+1 discussions with Iran 

are directed toward the conclusion of a nonbinding arrangement. Nonbinding 

arrangements are not Executive agreements in that they do not create legal obligations under U.S. or international law. As White House Chief of Staff Denis 

McDonough indicated in a March 14, 2015, letter to Senator Corker, such nonbinding arrangements have been utilized by Presidents of both parties throughout 

our history to address a range of diplomatic and national security matters and do 

not require congressional approval. 

Question #13. What conditions or provisions in a new climate change agreement 

would not require the advice and consent to ratification by the Senate? 

Answer. It is my understanding that the international discussions on a new climate change agreement are continuing and have not resulted in any final decisions 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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on any conditions or provisions of the new agreement. Accordingly, I am not in a 

position to speculate as to whether any of the terms of the final agreement will 

require Senate advice and consent. 

The administration will continue to consult with the committee regarding the 

negotiations. During his confirmation hearing, Secretary Kerry assured this committee that any international agreement brought into force for the United States 

will be done consistent with the U.S. Constitution. 

Question #14. What form of agreement is the United States advocating for during 

the international negotiations? Has the administration been pushing for the agreement to be legally binding during the negotiations? 

Answer. A 2011 decision of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, adopted in Durban, South Africa, launched a process to 

develop a ‘‘protocol, another legal instrument, or an agreed outcome with legal force 

under the Convention applicable to all Parties. . . . ’’ 

The Durban decision makes clear that the purpose of a future Paris agreement 

is to further the objective of the Convention (i.e., to avoid dangerous anthropogenic 

interference with the climate), yet leaves the Parties with substantial flexibility 

regarding its form and the legal nature of its provisions. 

It is my understanding that at this stage the international discussions are more 

focused on the substance of the agreement than on issues related to its form, such 

as whether it should be a protocol or whether particular provisions should be legally 

binding. The administration has indicated that the United States seeks an agreement that is ambitious in light of the climate challenge; that reflects nationally determined mitigation efforts in line with national circumstances and capabilities; that 

provides for accountability with respect to such efforts; that takes account of evolving emissions and economic trends; and that promotes adaptation by Parties to climate impacts. 

Question #15.Will the final agreement be legally binding on the United States and 

other countries, including funding commitments for any provision contained within 

the agreement? 

Answer. Please see response to Question #14. 

Question #16. Can the administration enter into a politically binding international 

agreement without congressional approval? 

Answer. I understand the term ‘‘politically binding’’ to refer to arrangements that 

do not give rise to legal obligations under U.S. or international law. As White House 

Chief of Staff Denis McDonough indicated in a March 14, 2015, letter to Senator 

Corker in response to questions regarding negotiations with Iran, such nonbinding 

arrangements have been utilized by Presidents of both parties throughout our history to address a range of diplomatic and national security matters and do not 

require congressional approval. 

Question #17. What state, local governing entity, or community would not be subject to a politically binding agreement? 

Answer. I understand the term ‘‘politically binding’’ to refer to arrangements that 

do not give rise to legal obligations under U.S. or international law. Accordingly, 

any such nonbinding arrangements would create no legal obligations for any state, 

local governing entity, or community. 

Question #18. Has the Palestinian accession and acceptance of the International 

Criminal Court jurisdiction triggered this prohibition on the Economic Support 

Fund assistance? 

Answer. The administration continually reviews its assistance to ensure compliance with U.S. law, including those provisions pertaining to assistance to the Palestinian Authority. 

At this stage, the administration does not believe that any of the legislative 

restrictions on Economic Support Fund (ESF) assistance to the Palestinian Authority have been triggered. At the same time, in light of the latest developments, the 

administration has indicated that it is reviewing our assistance for the Palestinian 

Authority to ensure that it supports our policy. 

Question #19. Has the International Criminal Court Prosecutor’s opening of a preliminary examination of the situation in the Palestinian territories, enabled by the 

Palestinian ad hoc declaration, triggered the prohibition on Economic Support Fund 

assistance? If the prohibition has not been triggered, what steps would the Palestinians or the International Criminal Court have to take for the prohibition to take 

effect? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The administration strongly disagreed with the decision by the ICC Prosecutor to open a preliminary examination of the situation in ‘‘Palestine’’ and has 

indicated that it will continue to oppose actions against Israel at the ICC as counterproductive to the cause of peace. 

At this stage, the administration does not believe that legislative restrictions on 

ESF assistance to the Palestinian Authority have been triggered. At the same time, 

in light of the latest developments, the administration has indicated that it is 

reviewing our assistance for the Palestinian Authority to ensure that it supports our 

policy. 

It is difficult to predict how events may develop in the future and an assessment 

of whether particular restrictions have been triggered would need to take into account the specific circumstances as they may evolve. If confirmed, I would expect 

to work with Secretary Kerry and other officials at the State Department to monitor 

the situation closely. 

Question #20. What are the defects in Palestinian claims to statehood or sovereignty? What steps is the United States taking or planning to take to challenge 

Palestinian accession to the Rome Statute and acceptance of ICC jurisdiction? 

Answer. The view of the United States is that the Palestinians have not yet established a state and are not eligible to become a party to the Rome Statute. We remain committed to achieving a negotiated two-state solution that would result in 

two states living side by side in peace and security. We continue to believe that the 

conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians ultimately should be resolved by 

the parties reaching an agreement on final status issues. 

With respect to the ICC, the United States has made clear its opposition to Palestinian action in seeking to join the Rome Statute of the International Criminal 

Court. This step is counterproductive, will damage the atmosphere with the very 

people with whom Palestinians ultimately need to make peace, and will do nothing 

to further the aspirations of the Palestinian people for a sovereign and independent 

state. Our actions have included formal submission by the United States of a diplomatic note to the treaty depositary for the Rome Statute setting forth our view that 

the Palestinians are not eligible to become a party to the treaty, and of a notification to the Registry of the Court itself to make clear that the Palestinians are ineligible to accept the jurisdiction of the Court under Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. 

The United States issued a public statement strongly disagreeing with the decision 

by the ICC Prosecutor to open a preliminary examination of the situation in ‘‘Palestine’’ and indicating we will continue to oppose actions against Israel at the ICC 

as counterproductive to the cause of peace. The United States continues to make 

our opposition known to the Palestinians and the international community. 

Question #21. Do you believe Russia is in ‘‘material breach’’ of its obligations 

under the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty? What are the differences 

between an activity described as a ‘‘material breach’’ versus a violation? 

Answer. The international legal doctrine of material breach allows one party to 

terminate a treaty or suspend its operation in whole or in part based on inter alia 

another party’s violation of a provision essential to the accomplishment of the object 

and purpose of the treaty. 

The administration has made clear its extremely serious concerns about Russia’s 

violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty’s ban on the possession, production, and flight-testing of intermediate range missiles. However, the 

administration does not believe it is in the interest of the United States to suspend 

the INF Treaty at this time. As a result, the administration has not invoked the 

doctrine of material breach. The administration’s current efforts are focused on 

convincing Russia to return to compliance and preserving the viability of the 

INF Treaty, which the administration believes continues to serve U.S. and allied 

interests. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Gregory T. Delawie, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Kosovo 

Ian C. Kelly, of Illinois, to be Ambassador to Georgia 

Nancy Bikoff Pettit, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia 

Julieta Valls Noyes, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Croatia 

Azita Raji, of California, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of 

Sweden 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:20 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson, presiding. 

Present: Senators Johnson, Gardner, Shaheen, Kaine, and Murphy. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN 

Senator JOHNSON. This hearing is called to order. 

I would like to first recognize—the Ambassador from Georgia 

who is here in the audience today. Welcome. 

I am pleased to be holding this hearing to confirm some very 

qualified individuals who are willing to serve this Nation in the capacity of Ambassadors to Kosovo, to Georgia, to Latvia, to Sweden, 

and to Croatia. 

I have been in the Senate now for 4 years, on Senator Foreign 

Relations for 21⁄2, and I just have to say that I have always been 

very impressed with the quality of career Foreign Service individuals and people who serve this Nation in the capacity of Ambassadors. From my standpoint, it is such an important position, in 

terms of being able to convey our values around the world. I hope 

you all take that responsibility—I am sure you will—very seriously, 

conveying that America, although we are not perfect, has been a 

phenomenal force for good in the world. I certainly always ask our 

Ambassadors to think of how you can utilize this committee, 

whether it is holding hearings or potentially passing resolutions to 

reinforce the work you are doing in those countries that you are 

representing America for. I also point out to our Ambassadors that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

126 

you are representing those countries back to America. It is really 

a two-way street. I certainly appreciate your willingness to serve. 

I know Senator Shaheen has a tight schedule, so I will not say 

anything further until I introduce the nominees. 

Senator Shaheen. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Welcome. I want to congratulate each of you on your nominations, and express my appreciation to you for your willingness to 

serve this country and take on these new responsibilities at such 

a critical time. 

I also want to welcome all of your families who are here today. 

And I hope that you will introduce them as you are starting your 

statements. 

You have all been named for ambassadorial posts in important 

countries in strategic areas of Europe. We are considering your 

nominations and our relations with these countries against the 

backdrop of an aggressive Russia in Europe’s east and growing instability in its south, in the Middle East and in North Africa. I look 

forward to discussing a wide range of issues regarding the countries that you are going to serve, and other challenges facing Europe today, and hope that you will be confirmed to these very important posts. 

Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Kaine, would you like to make a comment, or—— 

Senator KAINE. No, thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay. 

With that, I will just introduce you one at a time before your testimony. And we will start from my right, going left, with Mr. 

Delawie. Mr. Greg Delawie is currently the Deputy Assistant Secretary within the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance at the State Department. He is a career member of the 

Senior Foreign Service, and he is the nominee for Ambassador to 

Kosovo. 

Mr. Delawie. 

STATEMENT OF GREGORY T. DELAWIE, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO 

Mr. DELAWIE. Thank you very much, Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, Senator Kaine. 

It is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today as the 

President’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. 

I deeply appreciate the confidence President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry have placed in me. 

I am accompanied today by my wife, Vonda Delawie, a retired 

Foreign Service officer, and, further back, my daughter, Torrence, 

and my son, Fred, all of whom have shared with me the joys and 

challenges of bouncing from one country to the next. For all of us, 

it has been an honor to work for the American people and to represent them to the rest of the world. 

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127 

The United States relationship with Europe’s youngest democracy is based on a shared vision of Kosovo’s legitimate place in a 

Europe whole, free, and at peace. Indeed, Kosovo has made remarkable progress since declaring independence. It has drafted and 

implemented modern laws, economic growth has been steady, and 

security throughout the country has improved, creating an atmosphere that allows the EU-led dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia 

to flourish. 

Despite these significant achievements, Kosovo continues to face 

many obstacles. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will lead a wholeof-government U.S. effort to help it surmount the remaining challenges to its becoming a fully democratic, multiethnic, sovereign 

nation. 

If confirmed, I will focus on three central and highly interdependent areas: strengthening the rule of law, increasing regional 

security, and promoting economic reforms. I would like to share 

what I see as our priorities, beginning with the rule of law. 

First, corruption hampers Kosovo’s democratic and economic development. The Government of Kosovo must develop a coordinated 

approach to addressing it. If confirmed, I will intensify interagency 

support for Kosovo’s anticorruption efforts and help restore citizens’ 

faith in their government. 

Next, Kosovo must respond appropriately to allegations of serious crimes committed between 1998 and 2000. Kosovo must uphold 

its commitments by adopting, soon, the necessary legal measures 

to set up a special court to handle any potential indictments stemming from the ongoing investigation into the alleged crimes committed during this period. I will, if confirmed, encourage the Government of Kosovo to diligently support the court’s judicial proceedings. 

Third, Kosovo confronts a significant human trafficking problem, 

despite having good antitrafficking and victim-protection laws. If 

confirmed, I will work with Kosovo to implement these laws and 

intensify the fight against this modern form of slavery. 

In terms of regional security, normalization of the Kosovo-Serbia 

relationship is a fundamental requirement for lasting stability in 

the Balkans. We continue to fully support the EU-led dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, and full implementation of all elements 

of the April 2013 Agreement on Normalization. If confirmed, I will 

champion minority rights and promote integration throughout 

Kosovo. We must also find durable solutions for thousands of displaced persons. 

I applaud Kosovo for its robust efforts to confront the threat 

posed by foreign terrorist fighters heading to Syria and Iraq, and 

Kosovo’s participation in the counter-ISIL coalition. With U.S. assistance, the Government of Kosovo is improving its capacity to 

prosecute terrorism cases and developing a national plan for countering violent extremism. If confirmed, I will continue backing this 

important work. 

Kosovo is in the process of transitioning from the Kosovo Security Force to the Kosovo Armed Forces. If confirmed, I will ensure 

that the United States guides this transition in a way that increases regional stability, strengthens democratic institutions in 

Kosovo, and positions it to qualify for eventual NATO membership. 

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Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, encouraging Kosovo’s economic reform and development will be one of my highest priorities. This 

will be key to reducing high rates of poverty and unemployment, 

to promoting regional ties, and to expanding opportunities for U.S. 

firms. The lack of dependable electrical power is widely considered 

Kosovo’s greatest obstacle to sustained economic growth. If confirmed, I will work with Kosovo to implement its energy strategy, 

including promoting significant growth in renewable energy. 

This is a daunting agenda, but I know from my 30-plus years in 

the Foreign Service that I will not have to pursue it alone. I will 

be able to draw on the experience of the talented team of Americans and local staff in Embassy Pristina, as well as on partners 

from multiple agencies in Washington, and on so many others who 

want to see Kosovo succeed. I look forward to remaining in close 

consultation with the legislative branch and this committee to advance U.S. interests in the Balkans. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will do my utmost to promote a 

democratic Kosovo whose citizens trust its institutions, which is at 

peace with its neighbors, and which is making a sustainable contribution to the global economy. 

Thank you very much for your attention. I hope you will place 

your trust in me and confirm me as Ambassador to Kosovo. I am 

happy to take any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Delawie follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GREG T. DELAWIE

Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the committee, 

it is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee 

to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I deeply appreciate the confidence that 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. I hope the committee and 

the Senate will share that confidence and confirm me. I am accompanied today by 

my wife, Vonda Delawie, a retired Foreign Service officer, my daughter, Torrence, 

and my son, Fred, all of whom have shared with me the joys and challenges of a 

lifetime bouncing from one country to the next. Wherever we have served, we have 

always remembered what an honor it is to work for the American people and to represent them to the rest of the world. 

Our relationship with Europe’s youngest democracy is based on a shared vision 

of Kosovo’s legitimate place in a Europe whole, free, and at peace. The government 

and people of Kosovo deeply respect the United States, and are grateful for our role 

in ending the ethnic cleansing of the late 1990s. Over the past 16 years, with our 

strong support, Kosovo has made remarkable progress. Concrete examples of that 

progress include Kosovo’s 2008 Declaration of Independence and the end of international supervision in 2012. 

A democratic, fully sovereign, and multiethnic Kosovo must become an integral 

part of the international community. The United States has worked and continues 

to work closely with Kosovo toward that end. Although Kosovo faces enormous challenges in the interconnected areas of rule of law, regional security, and economic 

development, it has made progress. I would like to highlight some successes: 

♦ With U.S. and international support, Kosovo has drafted and implemented modern laws to bring Kosovo’s criminal legislation in line with international standards, to establish the rules of criminal procedure mandatory for court proceedings, and to reform the judicial system. The European Rule of Law Mission, 

EULEX, is building capacity in the judicial system, with the vital help of U.S. 

police, prosecutors, and judges. 

♦ The NATO Kosovo Force, or KFOR, makes a multinational contribution to regional security. KFOR is uniquely trusted by Albanians and Serbs alike and its 

presence creates an atmosphere that allows the EU-led Dialogue between 

Kosovo and Serbia to flourish. The United States provides some 700 troops to 

KFOR. 

♦ With U.S. guidance, Kosovo has moved up 42 places on the World Bank’s ‘‘Ease 

of Doing Business’’ ranking, from 117th in 2011 to 75th in 2014. We have 

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helped Kosovo privatize its national airport management and energy distribution companies. U.S. technical assistance helped Kosovo conclude a landmark 

$460 million public-private partnership deal for the Brezovica ski resort complex.Our USAID economic programs in the last 5 years alone have generated 

17,500 new jobs, $330 million in increased sales, and $37.6 million in new revenues across multiple sectors. 

As impressive as these recent achievements are, Kosovo continues to face many 

obstacles. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will devote my time and energy to leading 

a whole-of-government U.S. effort to help Kosovo surmount these obstacles. We will 

focus on measurable improvement in three central and highly interdependent areas 

[the three ‘‘R’’s]: strengthening the rule of law, increasing regional security, and promoting economic reforms to reduce poverty, unemployment, and energy insecurity. 

I’d like to share just a bit about what I see as our priorities, beginning with the 

rule of law. 

Rule of law 

Corruption hampers Kosovo’s democratic and economic development. It deters 

investment, spurs emigration, and weakens confidence in public institutions. This 

in turn can create fertile ground for the growth of violent extremism. The Government of Kosovo must develop a more coordinated approach to addressing corruption, 

engaging all government agencies in the effort. If confirmed, I will intensify interagency support for Kosovo’s efforts to combat corruption and restore citizens’ faith 

in their government. 

Kosovo must respond appropriately to allegations of serious crimes committed 

between 1998 and 2000. Under the auspices of the EU-established Special Investigative Task Force (SITF), an American prosecutor found evidence that indictable 

offenses were committed by a small number of former Kosovo Liberation Army 

(KLA) senior leaders. Kosovo must resolve these serious allegations if it is to close 

this chapter of its history and move forward with democratic development and EuroAtlantic integration. The government is currently adopting the necessary constitutional amendments, legislation, and agreements to establish a Special Court to adjudicate SITF cases in line with international standards. While I hope that these 

measures will soon be in place, I will, if confirmed, encourage the Government of 

Kosovo to maintain a high level of support and cooperation throughout the judicial 

proceedings. 

Kosovo confronts a significant human trafficking problem. It has antitrafficking 

and victim-protection laws, as well as a shelter for victims, but does not yet meet 

minimum standards for enforcement of antitrafficking laws or victim protection. To 

improve enforcement, the U.S. Embassy has provided antitrafficking training to 

Kosovo Government officials, and successfully encouraged the foreign ministry to include training on human trafficking as part of the standard preparation for all of 

Kosovo’s diplomatic personnel. Kosovo’s fight against trafficking is also supported 

more generally by U.S.-organized training for law enforcement, prosecutors, and 

judges in Kosovo. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy’s work with Kosovo to 

implement these laws and intensify the fight against this modern form of slavery. 

Regional security 

Normalization of the Kosovo-Serbia relationship is a fundamental requirement for 

enduring regional security and is effectively a precondition for Kosovo to be able to 

thrive over the long term. We continue to support the EU-facilitated Kosovo-Serbia 

High-Level Dialogue and full implementation of all elements of the April 2013 

agreement on normalization, which have been a landmark joint achievement of U.S. 

and European Union diplomacy in the Balkans. This Dialogue success reflects great 

credit on the political leaders of Kosovo and Serbia alike for making tough compromises for the good of their two countries. Dismantling parallel structures and 

integrating the predominantly Kosovo Serb northern municipalities into Kosovo’s 

legal and institutional framework are key to full normalization of relations. Kosovo 

has made significant progress: voters of all ethnicities participated in recent municipal and parliamentary elections; municipal governments in northern Kosovo are 

now elected and constituted under Kosovo law; the main Serb political group, 

Srpska List, is part of the governing coalition. Outside the Dialogue context, bilateral contacts increasingly take place at all levels, from interministerial dialogue to 

joint training for customs officers. Some aspects of normalization remain difficult to 

achieve, such as the planned creation of an Association of Serb Majority Municipalities. 

If confirmed, I will champion minority rights and promote integration throughout 

Kosovo, including more proportional minority representation in the national and 

municipal civil services. Kosovo must find durable solutions for the thousands of 

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vulnerable persons displaced from Kosovo, many of whom now live in Serbia. U.S. 

programs assist some of those displaced in Serbia as well as returnees to Kosovo, 

but additional political and programmatic efforts are needed. Kosovo must also do 

more to protect the rights of Kosovo’s other minorities, including the Roma, Ashkali, 

and Balkan Egyptian population, and promote their societal inclusion. 

I applaud Kosovo for its robust efforts to confront the threat posed by foreign terrorist fighters heading to Syria and Iraq, and its participation in the Counter-ISIL 

Coalition. Kosovo passed legislation making it illegal for Kosovo citizens to join foreign terrorist organizations. Since November 2013, Kosovo authorities have arrested 

over 80 suspects for participation in, or recruitment for, terrorist groups in Iraq and 

Syria. With U.S. assistance, the Government of Kosovo is improving its capacity to 

prosecute terrorism cases. The U.S. is also supporting Kosovo’s effort to develop a 

‘‘whole of government’’ approach to countering violent extremism. If confirmed, I will 

continue our backing for this important work. 

As recommended in its U.S.-facilitated Strategic Security Sector Review, Kosovo 

is in the process of transitioning from the Kosovo Security Force to the Kosovo 

Armed Forces, with the stated mission of protecting the nation’s territorial integrity, 

providing military support to civil authorities in disaster situations, and participating in international peacekeeping operations. The KAF is expected to develop 

capabilities in line with EU and NATO standards. If confirmed, I will ensure that 

the United States continues to guide and support this transition in a manner that 

is consistent with increasing regional stability, strengthens democratic institutions 

in Kosovo, and positions Kosovo to qualify for eventual NATO membership. 

Energy security and economic development 

Mr. Chairman, I can guarantee that one of my highest priorities, if confirmed, will 

be to continue to press for the reforms needed to develop Kosovo’s economy. This 

is key to reducing high rates of poverty and unemployment, to promoting regional 

ties, and to expanding opportunities for U.S. exporters and investors. The government’s reform agenda includes strengthening the legal environment necessary to 

attract and retain foreign investors, who are already drawn by Kosovo’s relatively 

young population, low labor costs, and abundant natural resources. Anticorruption 

efforts are also vitally important. 

The lack of dependable electrical power is widely considered Kosovo’s greatest 

obstacle to achieving sustained economic growth. The government has made it a priority to modernize and improve the energy sector through a comprehensive energy 

development and security plan. If confirmed, I will work with Kosovo to implement 

its energy strategy, help meet its commitment to join the EU’s common energy market, and to have a substantial share of its energy come from renewable energy 

sources by 2020. 

Conclusion 

This is a daunting agenda. But I know from my 30-plus years in the Foreign Service that I will not have to pursue it alone. I will be able to draw on the experience 

of the talented team of Americans and locally employed staff at Embassy Pristina, 

the experienced partners from multiple agencies in Washington, support from the 

legislative branch, and the contributions of private Americans and citizens of so 

many other nations who also want to see Kosovo succeed. 

Mr. Chairman, for the past seven decades, the United States has been committed 

to building a Europe whole, free, and at peace. The work is not complete, but we 

know that we can achieve success because we have already accomplished so much. 

The history of the last 25 years has demonstrated how important it is for the United 

States to be involved in the Balkans. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to promote 

our mutual goal: a democratic Kosovo whose citizens trust its institutions, which is 

at peace with its neighbors, and which is making a sustainable contribution to the 

global economy. 

Thank you very much for your attention. I hope you will place your trust in me 

and confirm me as Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I am happy to take any 

questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Delawie. 

Our next nominee is Ambassador Ian Kelly. He is the nominee 

for the Ambassador to Georgia. Ambassador Ian Kelly is a career 

member of the Foreign Service and currently serves as the Department of State’s Diplomat in Residence at the University of Illinois—Chicago. Prior to that, he served as U.S. Ambassador to the 

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Kelly. 

STATEMENT OF HON. IAN C. KELLY, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO GEORGIA 

Ambassador KELLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, Senator Kaine. I am deeply honored to appear before you as 

President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to Georgia. It is a 

particular privilege for me to have a second opportunity to be considered by this committee and serve the American people in this 

way. 

If confirmed, I pledge to devote all of my efforts to advancing 

U.S. interests and promoting the security of the American people. 

For all 30 years of my government service, my wife, Francesca, 

has been by my side, and I am pleased that she is behind me right 

now. 

Nearly 40 years ago, after spending several months studying in 

the U.S.S.R., I visited Tbilisi and was immediately struck by the 

vitality and independent spirit of the Georgian people. A few years 

later, the Georgian people were in the forefront of the movement 

to free the captive nations of the Soviet Union. We supported their 

desire for independence then, and we support it now. 

The United States stands firm in its commitment to Georgia’s 

sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. We condemn 

the ongoing occupation of Georgia’s Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions by Russian forces. Furthermore, Russia’s so-called ‘‘treaties’’ 

with the de facto authorities in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have 

absolutely no legitimacy. 

In Georgia, an important principle is at stake: the right of all 

sovereign nations to choose their own alliances and associations. 

The United States and our allies support Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic 

aspirations, including NATO membership and EU integration. No 

third party has the right to veto those aspirations. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Georgian Government and my Embassy colleagues in realizing these aspirations. 

I will also urge all Georgians who believe in their country’s EuroAtlantic goals to unite in supporting them and move their country 

forward. 

On the road to Euro-Atlantic integration, Georgia has made substantial progress toward becoming a fully democratic state. Its 

2012 and 2013 elections resulted in the first constitutional changes 

of government in post-Soviet Georgia. While progress has been real 

and substantial, more work needs to be done for Georgia to realize 

its goal of an environment fully conducive to political pluralism. We 

will work with all parties in Georgia to help ensure the next parliamentary elections are the freest and fairest in Georgia’s history. 

The United States has been a partner in this effort, with a robust 

assistance program to help Georgia strengthen accountable government and consolidate its democratic institutions. 

If Georgia’s quest to integrate with the West is to succeed, it is 

critical that we improve the climate for trade and investment. This 

is an area where the government and opposition should be able to 

come together. Georgia needs to take advantage of the great opportunity that its association agreement with the European Union repFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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resents, particularly increased trade between Georgia and Europe 

through the agreement’s deep and comprehensive free trade area. 

The United States appreciates Georgia’s growing role as a regional business, trade, and logistics hub, and its contributions to 

the revitalization of East-West trade routes along the New Silk 

Road connecting European and Asian markets. If confirmed, I will 

support Georgia’s focus on the future, particularly economic development, to create jobs and contribute to the long-term stability of 

the country and the region. 

Mr. Chairman, there is a lot of work to do. And if the Senate confirms my nomination, I look forward to rolling up my sleeves and 

getting down to it, advancing the mutual interests of the American 

and Georgian peoples. 

Thank you. And I welcome your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Kelly follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF IAN C. KELLY

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply honored 

to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to serve as Ambassador to 

Georgia. It is a particular privilege for me to have a second opportunity to be considered by this committee, and serve the American people in this way. If confirmed, 

I pledge to devote all my efforts to advancing U.S. interests and promoting the security of the American people. For all 30 years of my government service, my wife 

Francesca has been by my side, and I am pleased to introduce her to you today. 

Nearly 40 years ago, after spending several months studying in the U.S.S.R., I 

visited Tbilisi, and was immediately struck by the vitality and independent spirit 

of the Georgian people. A few years later, the Georgian people were in the forefront 

of the movement to free the captive nations of the Soviet Union. We supported their 

desire for independence then, and we continue to support it today. 

The United States stands firm in its commitment to Georgia’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. We condemn the ongoing occupation of Georgia’s 

Abkhazia and South Ossetia regions by Russian forces. Furthermore, Russia’s socalled ‘‘treaties’’ of alliance with the de facto authorities Abkhazia and South 

Ossetia have absolutely no legitimacy. 

An important principle is at stake here—the right of all sovereign nations to 

choose their own alliances and associations. The United States and our allies support Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations, including NATO membership and EU integration. No third party has the right to veto those aspirations. If confirmed, I look 

forward to working with the Georgian Government and my Embassy colleagues in 

realizing these aspirations. I will also urge all Georgians who believe in their country’s Euro-Atlantic goals to unite in supporting them and moving their country 

forward. 

On its road toward Euro-Atlantic integration, Georgia has made substantial 

progress toward becoming a fully democratic state. Its 2012 and 2013 elections resulted in the first constitutional changes of government in post-Soviet Georgia. 

While progress has been real and substantial, more work needs to be done for Georgia to realize its goal of an environment fully conducive to political pluralism. We 

will work with all parties in Georgia to help ensure the next parliamentary elections 

are the freest and fairest in Georgia’s history. The U.S. has been a partner in this 

effort, with a robust assistance program to help Georgia strengthen accountable government, and consolidate its democratic institutions. 

If Georgia’s quest to integrate with the West is to succeed, it is critical that it 

improve the climate for trade and investment. This is an area where the government and the opposition should be able to come together. Georgia needs to take 

advantage of the great opportunity that its Association Agreement with the European Union represents—particularly increased trade between Georgia and Europe 

through the Agreement’s Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area. The United 

States appreciates Georgia’s growing role as a regional business, trade and logistics 

hub, and its contributions to the revitalization of East-West trade routes along the 

New Silk Road, connecting European and Asian markets. If confirmed, I will support Georgia’s focus on the future, particularly economic development, to create jobs 

and contribute to the long term stability of the country and the region. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Chairman, there is a lot of work to do, and if the Senate confirms my nomination, I look forward to rolling up my sleeves and getting down to it, advancing the 

mutual interests of the American and Georgian peoples. Thank you, and I welcome 

your questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ambassador Kelly. 

Our next nominee is Mrs. Nancy Pettit. Am I pronouncing that 

right? Good. I am generally bad about that 30 percent of the time. 

[Laughter.] 

Mrs. Pettit is our nominee for Ambassador to Latvia. She is currently the Director of the Western European Affairs Office within 

the State Department and is a career Foreign Service officer. Mrs. 

Pettit’s past positions include the Director of Policy Planning and 

Coordination of the State Department’s Bureau of International 

Narcotics and Law Enforcement and positions at posts in Kiev, 

Moscow, and Vienna. 

Mrs. Pettit. 

STATEMENT OF NANCY BIKOFF PETTIT, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA 

Ms. PETTIT. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the 

committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic 

of Latvia. 

I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence and trust they have placed in me. If confirmed by 

the Senate, I pledge to devote my time, energy, and expertise to advancing America’s interests in Latvia and strengthening relations 

between our two countries. I commit myself to working closely with 

the committee, your staffs, and your congressional colleagues to 

build on our shared interest in a strong and vibrant U.S.-Latvian 

partnership. 

I would like to thank my family, friends, and colleagues for providing encouragement and support throughout my career. In particular, special thanks to my husband, Jim, the current Ambassador to Moldova; daughters, Sarah and Liz Pettit; and son-in-law, 

Josh Katzenstein, who are watching this online. I would like to introduce my sisters, Ellen Phipps and Barbara Bikoff, and brother, 

Russ Bikoff, who are here with me today. Thank you for coming. 

I have spent the bulk of my 33-year career as a public servant 

working on issues related to Europe and Transatlantic relations. 

From my early days as a desk officer in the Office of Soviet Union 

Affairs to my most recent position as Director of the Office of Western European Affairs, I have devoted my professional life to advancing our shared vision of a Europe that is whole, free, and at 

peace. I believe these experiences have prepared me well to lead 

our mission in Riga, and, if confirmed, continue our work with the 

Republic of Latvia on a forward-looking, ambitious global agenda. 

The United States and Latvia share a long history of friendship 

and cooperation. From the darkest days of the Soviet occupation 

through the end of the cold war, the United States commitment to 

the Latvian people never wavered. Following the restoration of Latvia’s independence in 1991, the country embarked on an ambitious 

path toward Euro-Atlantic integration, joining NATO and the EU 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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in 2004, adopting the Euro in 2014, and setting a powerful example 

for other countries aspiring to be free. 

As allies, United States and Latvian troops have fought together 

and died together in Iraq and Afghanistan. Through our cooperation in Afghanistan, Latvia has become one of only seven countries 

certified as Joint Terminal Attack Controllers who provide essential targeting expertise for NATO combat missions. With U.S. support, Latvia has also increased its development assistance to countries around the world. Whether it is contributing humanitarian 

assistance to fight the spread of ebola or supporting international 

efforts to combat ISIL, Latvia has always stepped up to the plate. 

Without a doubt, Russia’s continued aggression in Ukraine has 

challenged the vision of a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace, 

threatening the security of Latvia and all of our regional allies. 

This is why the United States has deployed company-sized units to 

Poland and the three Baltic States since April 2014 under Operation Atlantic Resolve. Through President Obama’s $1 billion European Reassurance Initiative, we will maintain this rotational presence for as long as necessary, and fund military infrastructure improvement projects. These efforts embody the United States commitment to Latvia’s security under NATO’s article 5. 

Meanwhile, Latvia has enacted legislation to meet its NATO defense spending commitment of 2 percent of GDP by 2020, and is 

using its role as the current EU-presidency country to maintain 

international pressure on Russia while also offering Moscow a diplomatic off-ramp, should it choose peace over further escalation. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed by the Senate, I will continue to grow 

our partnership with Latvia to the benefit of our shared security 

and prosperity. 

Latvia has made advancing the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, TTIP, a top priority. If confirmed, I will work 

with my Latvian counterparts to build Latvian support for a comprehensive TTIP agreement that boosts economic growth, creates 

jobs, and sets a new standard for trade that reflects our shared values. 

While Latvia has made great strides over the past 20 years implementing democratic reforms and rule of law, I believe more 

work needs to be done in the areas of combating corruption, addressing Holocaust-era legacies, such as Jewish communal property 

restitution, and taking advantage of Latvia’s rich cultural diversity. 

Almost 25 years ago, Latvia emerged from captivity seeking the 

democracy, prosperity, and security that we in the transatlantic 

community have enjoyed for nearly seven decades. Through sheer 

determination, sacrifice, and an enduring commitment to the principles of freedom, the Latvian people persevered and succeeded in 

building a vibrant, flourishing democracy. If confirmed, I promise 

to further enrich the bonds between our countries and continue 

confronting global challenges together as close partners and NATO 

allies. 

Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you today, 

and I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Pettit follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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PREPARED STATEMENT OF NANCY BIKOFF PETTIT

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to 

appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia. I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have placed in me in this nomination. 

If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to devote my time, energy, and expertise to 

advancing America’s interests in Latvia and strengthening the relations between 

our two countries. I also commit myself to working closely with the committee, your 

staffs, and your congressional colleagues to build on our shared interest in a strong 

and vibrant U.S.-Latvian partnership. 

I have spent the bulk of my 33-year career as a public servant working on issues 

related to Europe and trans-Atlantic relations. From my early days as a desk officer 

in the Office of Soviet Union Affairs to my most recent position as Director of the 

Office of Western European Affairs, I have devoted a considerable amount of my life 

to advancing our shared vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. I believe these 

experiences have prepared me well to lead our mission in Riga and—if confirmed— 

continue our work with the Republic of Latvia on a forward-looking and ambitious 

global agenda. 

The United States and Latvia share a long history of unbroken friendship and cooperation. From the darkest days of the Soviet occupation through the end of the 

cold war, the United States commitment to the Latvian people never wavered. Following the restoration of Latvia’s independence in 1991, Latvia embarked on an ambitious path toward euro-Atlantic integration: joining NATO and the EU in 2004; 

adopting the euro in 2014; and setting a powerful example for other countries aspiring to be free. 

Today, Latvia is one of our most reliable and valued partners. As allies, U.S. and 

Latvian troops have fought together and died together in Iraq and Afghanistan. 

Through our cooperation in Afghanistan, Latvia has become one of only seven countries that are certified as Joint Terminal Attack Controllers (JTAC), providing 

essential targeting expertise for NATO combat missions. With U.S. support, Latvia 

has also increased its development assistance to countries around the world. For 

example, through the State Department’s Emerging Donors Challenge Fund, the 

United States and Latvia are cofinancing a project in Uzbekistan to enhance export 

control and border security capabilities. Whether it is contributing humanitarian 

assistance to fight the spread of Ebola or supporting international efforts to combat 

ISIL, Latvia has always stepped up to the plate. In short, Latvia is a global partner 

of first resort. 

Without a doubt, Russia’s continued aggression in Ukraine has challenged the 

vision I referenced earlier of a Europe whole, free, and at peace, threatening the 

security of Latvia and all of our allies in the region. This is why the United States 

has deployed company-sized units to Poland and the three Baltic States since April 

2014 under Operation Atlantic Resolve. Through President Obama’s $1 billion European Reassurance Initiative (ERI), we will sustain this persistent, rotational presence for as long as necessary.ERI will also fund military infrastructure improvement 

projects, including at Latvia’s Lielvarde airbase and Adazi training grounds. These 

efforts embody the United States commitment to Latvia’s security under NATO’s 

Article 5. Meanwhile, Latvia has enacted legislation to meet its NATO defense 

spending commitment of 2 percent of GDP by 2020 and is using its role as the current rotating EU Presidency country to maintain international pressure on Russia, 

while also offering Moscow a diplomatic off-ramp should it choose peace over further 

escalation. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed by the Senate, I will continue to grow our partnership 

with Latvia to the benefit of our shared security and prosperity. Latvia has made 

advancing the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) a top priority of its EU Presidency. If confirmed, I will work hand in hand with my Latvian 

counterparts to build Latvian support for a comprehensive TTIP agreement that 

boosts economic growth, creates jobs, and sets the global gold standard for trade 

that reflects our shared values. In 2014, bilateral trade in goods between the United 

States and Latvia totaled $702 million. While significant, I think there is a tremendous potential to further cultivate our economic ties. If confirmed, I will work to increase our bilateral trade and investment. While Latvia has made great strides over 

the past 20 years implementing democratic reforms and rule of law, I believe more 

work needs to be done in the areas of combating corruption, addressing Holocaustera legacies such as Jewish communal property restitution, and taking advantage 

of Latvia’s rich cultural diversity. 

Almost 25 years ago, Latvia reemerged from captivity seeking the democracy, 

prosperity, and security that we in the transatlantic community have enjoyed for 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

136 

almost seven decades. Through sheer determination, sacrifice, and an enduring commitment to the principles of freedom, the Latvian people persevered and succeeded 

in building a vibrant, flourishing democracy. If confirmed, I promise to further 

enrich the bonds between our countries and to continue confronting global challenges together, as close partners and NATO allies. Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you today, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mrs. Pettit. 

Our next nominee is Ms. Azita Raji. She is our nominee for Ambassador to Sweden. Ms. Raji has served as a member of the President’s Commission on White House Fellowships since 2013. She is 

also trustee of Barnard College and a member of the advisory 

board of the Social Enterprise Program at Columbia Business 

School. As a former investment banker, Ms. Raji specialized in European emerging markets. 

Ms. Raji. 

STATEMENT OF AZITA RAJI, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN 

Ms. RAJI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, and Senator Kaine. 

I would like to begin by recognizing my parents for their wisdom, 

strength, and encouragement—which are fundamental to my being 

here today. I am deeply grateful to my husband, Gary Syman, who 

is here. And four out of our five daughters are here, and I am 

grateful to all of them. Our son-in-law, and especially our grandson, Theo—7-year-old Theo is here. And I have to admit that I am 

a little bit nervous today, because I really have not had a chance 

to prepare for his questions, which will undoubtedly come afterward. [Laughter.] 

Ms. RAJI. I am here as a woman whose family endured the lifealtering upheaval of the Iranian Revolution and found new hope 

and new life in the United States of America. Throughout my life, 

while working or studying in countries as different as Iran, Switzerland, Japan, and the United States, I arrived at the realization 

that I had been, in principle and sensibility, quintessentially American all along. So, I have never taken for granted the freedom to 

speak my mind, the protection of the rule of law, or our belief in 

unity within diversity, which is expressed in our country’s de facto 

motto, E Pluribus Unum. That is the belief that has made me effective in what I have chosen to do in business, in philanthropy, in 

the political arena, and even in my own family life. 

So, it is specially meaningful for me to find myself here before 

this distinguished committee, trusted by President Obama and Secretary Kerry to represent the United States of America, and to be 

asked to do so in Sweden, a valued partner and close friend of the 

United States, but also a country where respect for the rule of law, 

individual freedoms, human dignity, and gender equality are hallmarks of national identity and defining pillars of government policy. 

So, if confirmed, I pledge and look forward to working closely 

with you to enhance our cooperation with Sweden by focusing on 

four priorities: 

First, Sweden is an engaged and effective partner of the United 

States and NATO in promoting global peace and security. Our close 

cooperation in Ukraine as it fights against Russian aggression and 

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seeks to implement ambitious reforms is vital and greatly appreciated. Elsewhere, whether in Africa, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and 

Kosovo, or in fighting ISIL, corruption, and global terrorism, Sweden is a valued and reliable partner. So, if confirmed, I will work 

to further strengthen our bilateral partnership with Sweden in security, as well as supporting their cooperation with NATO. 

Second, as a strong and long-standing economic partner of the 

United States—Sweden is the 11th-largest direct foreign investor 

and one of the fastest growing and largest investors per capita in 

the United States. Our economic partnership with Sweden supports 

over 190,000 American jobs. And, if confirmed, I will continue our 

focus on promoting bilateral trade and investment, specially focusing on emerging industries like clean energy, biotech, and information technologies. 

Third, we have a very strong cooperation on environmental 

issues with Sweden, including our cooperation in the increasingly 

important Arctic region. If confirmed, I will continue our focus on 

addressing environmental challenges with Sweden, stewardship of 

the Arctic region, and scientific research. I also look forward to engaging with our Swedish partners both in the private sector and 

the government, to explore opportunities to leverage Sweden’s energy leadership in the EU and its global leadership in environmental and clean energy technologies to advance our shared interest in an energy secure Europe. 

Fourth, our friendship with Sweden is anchored in the close affinity between our peoples and the shared commitment that we 

have to democratic ideals and institutions around the world. That 

is manifested through our development cooperation, where Sweden 

is a strong and global leader, and we advance our interests in democracy promotion, human rights, gender equality, governance, 

and transparency around the world. There are—today there are 4 

million Americans in the United States who claim a Swedish descent. They contribute to our culture and society and have been 

part of our economic development and success from the beginning 

by building successful companies, such as Nordstrom, Walgreens, 

and Greyhound. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to advance this 

enduring friendship by taking a multistakeholder approach to developing partnerships outside of the government between our peoples and institutions and leveraging technology and public-private 

partnerships to reach new audiences. 

Finally, we have an excellent, strong, dedicated, and talented 

Embassy team in Stockholm. And, if confirmed, I look forward to 

working with them and facilitating their continued success and 

being their biggest advocate. Their safety, as well as that of all 

Americans, will be my first priority, and most important priority. 

Thank you very much. I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Raji follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AZITA RAJI

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of the committee. 

I would like to begin by recognizing my parents for their wisdom, strength, and 

encouragement, which are fundamental to my being here today. I am grateful to my 

husband, Gary Syman, for his unwavering support, and to our five daughters and 

seven grandchildren, for the joy and inspiration they bring me. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I appear before you as a woman whose family endured the life-altering upheaval 

of the Iranian Revolution, and found new hope and new life in the United States 

of America. Throughout my life, while living, studying or working in countries as 

different as Iran, Switzerland, Japan, Italy, France, and the United States, I arrived 

at the realization that I had been, in principle and sensibility, quintessentially 

American all along. And so, I have never taken for granted the freedom to speak 

my mind, the protection of the rule of law, and the opportunities to benefit from 

the similarities and differences that create the transformative mosaic that is America. Our country’s de facto motto, E Pluribus Unum, speaks to our belief in unity 

within diversity, a belief that has made me effective in what I have chosen to do 

in business, in philanthropy, in the political arena, and even in my own family life. 

And it also speaks to a world that in its differing views has never been in greater 

need of commonality, kinship, and partnership. 

Which is why it is an especially meaningful honor for me to find myself here, 

before this distinguished committee, and to have the trust of President Obama and 

Secretary Kerry to represent and serve the United States of America, and to be 

asked to do so in Sweden, an important partner and close friend of the United 

States and a country where respect for the rule of law, individual freedoms, human 

dignity and gender equality are hallmarks of national identity and defining pillars 

of government policy. 

If confirmed, I pledge to serve our country to the best of my ability and to work 

closely with you to deepen the friendship and expand the cooperation between the 

United States and Sweden. I will focus on four priorities. 

First, security challenges. Sweden is an engaged and effective strategic partner 

of the United States and NATO in promoting global peace and security. Our close 

cooperation with Sweden in support of Ukraine, as it fights against Russian aggression and seeks to implement ambitious reforms, is vital and greatly appreciated. 

Elsewhere, whether in Afghanistan (where Sweden made significant contributions 

to the ISAF mission, and currently provides assistance to Resolute Support Mission 

and support to Afghan democracy), or Africa (where Sweden is one of the largest 

contributors to Power Africa and to the global fight against Ebola), or Syria, Iraq, 

and Kosovo, or in fighting ISIL, global terrorism and corruption, Sweden is valued 

and respected as a reliable partner in advancing peace. If confirmed, I will seek to 

further strengthen our bilateral cooperation in addressing regional and global security challenges, and to support Sweden’s partnership with NATO. 

Second, economic prosperity. As a strong and long-standing economic and trading 

partner since 1783, Sweden is the 11th-largest direct investor and one of the fastest 

growing and largest investors per capita in the United States. Our economic partnership supports over 190,000 American jobs across 50 States. If confirmed, I will 

continue our focus on promoting bilateral trade and investment opportunities, particularly in emerging industries, such as information technology, biotech, and clean 

energy. 

Today our economic focus must not just be bilateral, but also multilateral. The 

Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an important building block of 

the wider trade policy agenda between the EU and the United States and will be 

an important focus of our work in the coming months. Sweden is a strong supporter 

of TTIP and a logical partner in this effort, having relied on free trade to become 

one of the world’s most globalized, competitive, and innovative modern industrial 

economies. If confirmed, I will encourage Sweden to highlight and leverage its economic success in creating prosperity through trade to promote our shared objective 

of a comprehensive TTIP agreement. 

Third, environmental challenges. The United States and Sweden have an active 

partnership on environmental and climate change issues, including our close cooperation in the increasingly important Arctic region. Sweden chaired the Arctic 

Council from 2011 to 2013, and its accomplishments included a historic marine oil 

pollution preparedness and response agreement. The United States assumed chairmanship of the Arctic Council in April 2015. If confirmed, I will prioritize our continued bilateral cooperation on environmental and climate change issues, stewardship of the Arctic region, and scientific research. As a global leader in environmental 

sustainability and clean energy technologies, Sweden derives more than half of its 

energy from renewable sources, making it less dependent on energy imports than 

most EU countries. If confirmed, I will engage with our partners in Swedish Government and private sector to explore innovative ways to leverage Sweden’s energy 

leadership in the EU to advance our shared priorities in addressing climate change 

and European energy security. 

Fourth, shared values. Our growing friendship with Sweden remains anchored in 

the genuine affinity between our peoples and our strong commitment to democratic 

values and institutions, a commitment expressed in our global partnership to proFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tect and advance human rights and civil society. It is a friendship based on a shared 

heritage that dates back to 1638, when the first generation of Swedish immigrants 

arrived on the shores of what is now the State of Delaware. Today over 4 million 

Americans claim Swedish descent. They continue to enrich our culture and society 

and have been part of our economic success from the beginning, by building such 

successful companies as Walgreens, Greyhound, and Nordstrom. If confirmed, I will 

dedicate myself to deepen this enduring friendship, by encouraging understanding 

of our similarities and respectful debating of our differences, and by taking a multistakeholder approach to building innovative partnerships outside the government 

between our peoples and institutions and leveraging technology and public-private 

partnerships to connect with new audiences. 

Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to meeting the talented and dedicated professionals of our Embassy in Stockholm. I will support their continued success and be 

their biggest advocate, as we work side by side to advance our vision of a deeper 

friendship and stronger partnership between the United States and Sweden. The 

safety and security of our team, and that of all Americans in Sweden, will always 

remain my top priority. 

Thank you very much for your consideration. I look forward to your questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Raji. 

Now, our next nominee is Ms. Julieta Noyes. She is our nominee 

to become Ambassador to Croatia. Ms. Noyes currently serves as 

Deputy Assistant Secretary within the Bureau of European and 

Eurasian Affairs at the State Department, and is a career member 

of the Foreign Service. Her past positions include Deputy Chief of 

Mission at the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See and Director of the 

Office of Multilateral and Global Affairs at the State Department’s 

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 

Ms. Noyes. 

STATEMENT OF JULIETA VALLS NOYES, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA 

Ms. NOYES. Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, Senator Kaine, it 

is a privilege to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia. 

I am honored by the confidence placed in me by the President 

and by Secretary Kerry. If confirmed, I look forward to working 

with this committee and with the Congress to advance United 

States-Croatian relations. 

I am a first-generation American, the daughter of Cuban refugees who had to come to this country to build a new life. And I am 

profoundly grateful for the opportunity to repay that debt with 

service to our great Nation. 

It is a personal pleasure for me to be here with my husband, 

Nick, a recently retired Foreign Service officer, and our children, 

Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew. With 30 years as a Foreign 

Service family, we have many happy memories of times spent together overseas and here at home. 

For the last 2 years, I have managed U.S. relations with the European Union and worked on trade, energy, security, and other 

issues with the EU. I have also overseen the work of U.S. Embassies in 15 Western European countries, managing a broad range of 

political, economic, security, and consular issues, and doing broad 

outreach. My work with nine NATO countries on security issues 

and defense sales has provided valuable lessons that I would apply, 

if confirmed, as the Ambassador in Croatia. 

As Deputy Chief of Mission to the Holy See, I learned how to engage the Catholic leadership, which is important in Croatia. And 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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in all my assignments, I have worked hard to develop and empower 

my teams to foster high performance and high morale. I would do 

the same in Zagreb. 

Mr. Chairman, our bilateral relationship with Croatia is strong 

and productive. Just last week, Assistant Secretary Victoria 

Nuland met with Foreign Minister Vesna Pusic to discuss how our 

partnership can advance our many common interests. In April, Embassy Zagreb and private-sector partners hosted the fifth Brown 

Forum in Croatia, a regional conference convened to focus on how 

to spur entrepreneurship and increase trade and investment between our countries and with the region. 

Croatia has come a long way since its hard-won independence, 

becoming a NATO member in 2009 and the European Union’s 28th 

and newest member in 2013. The citizens of Croatia deserve warm 

congratulations for all that they have achieved. 

And Croatia has generously shared the lessons that it has 

learned assisting its western Balkan partners and neighbors in 

their aspirations for Euro-Atlantic integration. We encourage the 

Government of Croatia to press forward and, in so doing, help address the remaining bilateral and regional legacies of the Balkans 

conflict. 

Croatia is an active and committed EU member. A Croatian commissioner leads the EU’s work on international cooperation and development. Croatian members of the European Parliament serve on 

the critical budget, economic, foreign affairs, and other committees. 

Croatia’s leaders have endorsed a U.S./EU Transatlantic Trade and 

Investment Partnership. 

As a reliable NATO ally, Croatia makes valued contributions to 

global security. We appreciate its commitment, first, to the international Security Assistance Force and now the Resolute Support 

Mission in Afghanistan, as well as to the Kosovo Force, where Croatia provides valuable helicopter lift support. Croatia is a member 

of the global coalition to fight ISIL, and it was among the first 

countries to send observers into Crimea, and continues to provide 

monitors in eastern Ukraine for the OSCE mission. Brave Croatian 

men and women are serving in 11 peacekeeping missions around 

the world. 

Croatia now enjoys a mature democratic society, yet there is 

more to be done. It continues to be challenged by sluggish growth 

and far too high unemployment. The Croatian Government has recognized the urgent need for reforms to welcome business investment, eradicate excessive redtape, and increase transparency and 

predictability for businesses. 

If confirmed, I will seek to further solidify our partnership with 

Croatia, building on the exemplary work of our outgoing Ambassador and my good friend Ken Merten and our terrific country 

team in Zagreb. 

As Ambassador, I will promote several interconnected priorities 

in Croatia: fostering economic growth and prosperity, helping Croatia realize its potential to become a regional energy hub, strengthening the capabilities of a willing security partner, and advancing 

regional stability. If confirmed, I will encourage Croatia’s contributions to U.S.-EU relations in pivotal areas, such as transatlantic 

trade, energy security, and collaboration in the digital sphere. I 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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will also actively uphold our strategic alliance in NATO, the Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, the Counter-ISIL Coalition, 

and more. 

Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, Senator Kaine, thank you for 

this opportunity to appear before you. I would welcome any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Noyes follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JULIETA VALLS NOYES

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before 

you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador 

to the Republic of Croatia. I am honored by the confidence placed in me by the 

President and Secretary Kerry. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this 

committee and the Congress in advancing U.S. interests in Croatia. 

I am a first generation American, the daughter of Cuban refugees who built a new 

home in the United States, and I am profoundly grateful for the opportunity to 

repay that debt with service to our great country. It is a personal pleasure to be 

accompanied today by my husband, Nick, a recently retired Foreign Service officer, 

and our children, Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew. As a Foreign Service family 

of 30 years we treasure many happy memories from our time living in Italy, Panama, Spain, Guatemala, and Mexico, as well as here at home. 

For the last 2 years, I have managed U.S. relations with the European Union and 

have worked on trade, energy, security, and other issues in the EU. I also have 

overseen the work of 12 U.S. embassies and 19 consulates, covering 15 Western 

European countries, managing a broad range of political, economic, security, and 

consular issues, and carrying out outreach to publics and governments. My work 

with nine NATO members on security issues, defense sales, and participation in the 

Pentagon’s review of force realignment in Europe has provided me useful lessons for 

directing the mission in Croatia. As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the 

Holy See, I learned how to engage the Catholic leadership, which is important in 

Croatia. In all my assignments, I have worked hard to develop and empower my 

teams, and to foster high performance and strong morale; I would do the same in 

Zagreb. 

Our bilateral relationship with Croatia is strong and productive. Just last week, 

Assistant Secretary Victoria Nuland met with Foreign Minister Vesna Pusic to discuss how our partnership can advance our many common interests. In April, the 

United States Embassy and private sector partners hosted the fifth Brown Forum 

in Croatia, a regional conference convened to focus on how to spur entrepreneurship 

and increase trade and investment between the United States, Croatia, and the 

region. 

Croatia has come a long way since its hard-won independence, becoming a NATO 

member in 2009 and the European Union’s 28th and newest member in 2013. The 

citizens of Croatia deserve warm congratulations for all they have accomplished. 

And Croatia has generously shared the lessons it has learned, assisting its western 

Balkan neighbors in their aspirations for Euro-Atlantic integration. The United 

States supports the strides Croatia has made toward nurturing regional cooperation. 

We encourage the Croatian Government to continue to press forward and, in so 

doing, help address the remaining bilateral and regional legacies of the Balkans 

conflict. 

Croatia is an active and committed EU member. A Croatian Commissioner leads 

the EU’s important work on international cooperation and development. Croatian 

members of the European Parliament participate on the critical Budget, Economic, 

Foreign Affairs and other committees. Croatia’s leaders have endorsed a U.S.-EU 

Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, or TTIP. 

As a reliable NATO ally, Croatia makes valued contributions to global security. 

We appreciate its commitment to the former International Security Assistance Force 

(ISAF) and now in the Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, and in the Kosovo 

Force (KFOR), where Croatia provides vital helicopter lift support. Croatia is a 

member of the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. It was among the first countries 

to send OSCE observers into Crimea, and continues to provide monitors for eastern 

Ukraine. Brave Croatian men and women are participating in 11 peacekeeping missions around the world. 

Croatia now enjoys a mature democratic society, yet there is more to be done. It 

continues to be challenged by sluggish growth and far-too-high unemployment. The 

Croatian Government has recognized the urgent need for reforms to welcome busiFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

142 

ness investment, eradicate excessive redtape, and increase transparency and predictability for businesses. The United States will support Croatian reforms that lead 

to sustainable economic growth and prosperity. We want to strengthen the foundation for mutual economic expansion and trade relations. 

If confirmed, I will seek to further solidify our partnership with Croatia, building 

on the exemplary work of our outgoing Ambassador and my good friend, Ken 

Merten, and our country team in Zagreb. As Ambassador, I will promote several 

interconnected priorities in Croatia: championing economic growth and prosperity, 

helping Croatia realize its potential to become a regional energy hub, strengthening 

the capabilities of a willing security partner, and fostering regional stability. My 

experience working directly with the European Union and its western European 

members has afforded me insights into our highest objectives with Europe. If confirmed, I will foster Croatia’s contributions to U.S.-EU relations in pivotal areas 

such as the transatlantic trade deal, energy security, and collaboration between our 

countries in the digital sphere. I will also actively uphold our strategic alliance in 

NATO, the Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, the Counter-ISIL Coalition, 

the State Partnership Program with the Minnesota National Guard, and more. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to 

appear before you. I welcome any questions you may have. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Noyes. 

Again, thank you all for your testimony and your willingness to 

serve our Nation. I would also like to join our ranking member, 

Senator Shaheen, in welcoming all of the family members here in 

the committee room, as well as those watching online. 

So much of a country’s success, whether it is for peace and stability or otherwise, really relies on economic prosperity. What I 

would like to do is go right down the panel, starting with you, Mr. 

Delawie. I would like each nominee to talk about the economic opportunities in the countries that you are going to represent the 

United States to, as well as the economic challenges. What is the 

greatest opportunity for cooperation between your country and the 

United States? 

Mr. Delawie. 

Mr. DELAWIE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Right now, the economic situation in Kosovo is improving. It is 

one of the poorest countries in Europe. Gross domestic product is 

about $7 billion a year. It has significant challenges, as I outlined 

in my testimony, but it also has significant opportunities. It has a 

very young population. It has significant natural resources that remain largely untapped. And it has a very, very talented population, 

which is demonstrated by the fact that the biggest export of Kosovo 

is its talented population that is elsewhere in—mostly in Western 

Europe, and that is sending billions of dollars in remittances home 

every year. 

The opportunities for cooperation are, at present, limited by corruption, which I addressed in my testimony. And that is something 

that we have to work with the Kosovar Government to address. 

And I will do so, certainly vigorously, if confirmed. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Delawie. 

Ambassador Kelly. 

Ambassador KELLY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for that question. 

Our bilateral assistance program is very much focused on trade 

and investment and enhancing opportunities for American businesses to invest in Georgia. And we very much see a growing economy as very much a part of our foreign policy priority promoting 

stability and security in the region. 

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I think, in terms of the greatest opportunities for Georgia, I 

think it is—I mentioned, already, its recent agreement with the 

EU, to increase trade with the EU. And I think that is a tremendous opportunity for Georgia. And also, I think the—Georgia’s strategic position as—between Asia and Europe—and I think that it 

can really gain a lot from being this East-West corridor for energy, 

in particular, but also for transporting goods from Central Asia to 

Europe. And, if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and 

with the Congress in identifying more opportunities. 

Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ambassador Kelly. 

Mrs. Pettit. 

Ms. PETTIT. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

Deepening deepening trade and investment with Latvia is one of 

the highest priorities in our relationship. Last year, our total bilateral trade investment was about $700 million. If I am confirmed, 

I will work to expand that. 

In terms of opportunities, I think the Northern Distribution Network, where Riga served as a hub for materiel going to Afghanistan, could possibly be developed into a new economic opportunity 

for Latvia. That is an area I would explore with them, if confirmed. 

Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mrs. Pettit. 

Ms. Raji. 

Ms. RAJI. Thank you. 

In many ways, we already have a very strong and long-lasting 

trade and investment partnership with Sweden that goes back to 

1783. We have a robust—as I mentioned earlier, they are a strong 

foreign investor in the United States, and we have a—strong trade 

relationships. 

Bilaterally, the opportunities lie in looking at industries where 

there is potential. For example, in the smart-grid industry in the 

United States, we are one of the leaders—export leaders—I think, 

the third-leading export leader of transmission and distribution 

equipment, electrical equipment. It is an area that was identified 

by the National Export Initiative as an area of high growth and potential for the United States to grow. Because of the interest, internationally, in investing in dated electricity infrastructure, that is 

an area that we can explore with Sweden that they possibly could 

be interested, as well as energy efficiency in the built environment. 

So, that is just to pick one sector. 

Sweden presents a successful example in building prosperity 

through trade. It has managed to transform its once agricultural 

society over the last 150 years into one of the world’s most prosperous, competitive, and innovative modern industrials economies, 

largely relying on trade, where it is now over 50 percent of its 

GDP. 

So, we will explore the bilateral opportunities. But, I think there 

is also a multilateral opportunity. Because of Sweden’s strong example in building prosperity through trade, I will look for opportunities to explore with our Swedish partners to see how we can 

highlight and leverage that strong example in Europe in reaching 

our shared objective of a Transatlantic and Pacific partnership. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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And finally, I want to just say that my background in business 

and finance, especially in emerging markets, have made me realize 

the important connection between economic prosperity and political 

stability and civil society. So, I share Secretary Kerry’s view that 

foreign policy is—economic policy is foreign policy. And if confirmed, I will use my skills in business and finance towards economic statecraft to open new markets for the United States, encourage foreign investment in the United States, and increase exports. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Raji. 

Ms. Noyes. 

Ms. NOYES. Thank you, Senator 

Croatia has suffered from recession for the last 6 years, and is 

only barely now coming to a position of positive growth. Its unemployment rate ranges from about 181⁄2 percent for the general population to about 48 percent for youth. Its deficit is 5.7 percent of 

GDP, and its debt-to-GDP ratio is about 85 percent. Clearly it has 

a lot of economic issues that it needs to address in addition to its 

difficult investment climate. 

But, Croatia also has some real advantages. It is breathtakingly 

beautiful country, very attractive to tourists. If confirmed, I hope 

that you will come to visit. [Laughter.] 

Ms. NOYES. But, it is also—it has an enormously motivated, educated population. Its recent admission into the European Union has 

given it additional resources and expertise that it can draw upon. 

And Croatia also has energy resources of its own. It is these energy 

resources that the Croatian government is trying to expand on, in 

creating and making itself into a regional energy hub. 

If confirmed, I would seek to work with the Croatian Government to tackle some of these very difficult economic issues, working 

with our government here, but also with the European Union and 

with Brussels and with other countries in the neighborhood, because a number of these are issues that need to be tackled regionally. 

Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Noyes. 

Senator Shaheen. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Delawie, I had the opportunity to visit Kosovo in February 

of 2010 on their Independence Day—their second Independence 

Day. And I remember the people on the streets waving flags from 

Kosovo and from America, thanking Americans. It was very moving 

to see that. 

I was very encouraged when I heard that there had been an 

agreement reached between Kosovo and Serbia to lessen tensions 

between the two countries. Can you give us an update on how the 

relationship with Serbia is going and what additional progress has 

been made since that accord was signed? 

Mr. DELAWIE. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen. And, if 

confirmed, I certainly hope you will come back and see what has 

changed since February of 2010. 

The relationship between Kosovo and Serbia is going pretty well. 

We are firm supporters of the EU-sponsored dialogue. There was 

an agreement in 2013 that lead—is on a path toward normalization 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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of relations between the two countries. There has been a lot of 

progress in the last couple of years. The police are integrated now. 

The Serbs and Albanians are integrated in the same police department. Judicial structures are merged. The Serbian parallel courts 

in the northern chunk of the country are no longer taking new 

cases. There are liaison offices between the two countries. And the 

EU has been very enthusiastic in helping to promote this, using 

the idea of a potential path for both countries ultimately into EU 

integration. 

The new EU High Rep. Mogherini was in Kosovo, actually, in 

March. She helped initiate some additional progress on judicial 

issues. So, progress is going pretty well, and I think we can all be 

happy of the role that the United States has played in promoting 

that progress. 

Thank you. 

Senator SHAHEEN. I agree, I think we should be very proud of 

that. 

Can you also talk about the Serbian church? Because, as I remember, one of the concerns was the fact that many of the churches—Serbian churches were a concern, in terms of potential protection in the future. 

Mr. DELAWIE. That is certainly one of the issues the Embassy in 

Pristina pays close attention to. They are talking about it. Protecting the Serbian orthodox heritage in Kosovo is certainly one of 

the key elements of this normalization dialogue, something our 

Embassy pays close attention to. And, as far as I know, that has 

been going relatively well. And I believe the Embassy has even put 

some money from the Ambassador’s fund into remodeling and protecting some of the Serbian orthodox churches in Kosovo. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. That is very encouraging. 

Ms. Noyes, can you—you mentioned the importance of Croatia in 

the region, in the Balkans, in terms of its future economic prosperity. Can you talk about what you, as Ambassador, would be able 

to do to encourage economic prosperity with the region, and also 

what the United States is doing to promote economic prosperity? 

Ms. NOYES. Thank you, Senator. 

Yes. One of the things that Croatia is seeking to do is to become 

a regional energy hub. It has resources of its own. It provides about 

60 percent of its own gas for domestic use, but it also has a great 

geographic location and some infrastructure that already exists 

that would allow it, if it could build an LNG import terminal—and 

they are looking at building one on the Krk Island—that would 

allow it to be a hub for the exportation—or the importation of LNG, 

and then the exportation to other countries in the region. This 

would not only help with regional needs, but it would also reduce 

reliance on Russian gas. 

And Croatia has also been very engaged and active within the 

EU and in NATO in advancing the Euro-Atlantic integration of its 

partners, and seeking to have greater relations between the EU 

and other countries in the Balkans. 

So, if confirmed, I would certainly seek to promote both of those 

objectives—the LNG terminal, the creation of the regional energy 

hub—but also to support Croatia’s advocacy and its emphasis on 

making all of the countries of the Balkans oriented toward the 

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West, both in terms of their democratic behavior, and their economic growth and their free-market orientation. 

Senator SHAHEEN. And to what extent has Croatia been affected, 

or has it been affected, by the financial difficulties in Greece? 

Ms. NOYES. Well, Senator, Croatia and Greece are the only two 

countries in the EU that have suffered from a recession for the last 

6 years. In each case—and I know this a bit on Greece because of 

my current job, working with the European Union—there are factors in each country that are specific to the country, but there is 

no doubt that both countries were also affected by the greater economic downturn in Europe. As we see now with dropping energy 

prices—frankly, the drop in the value of the Euro—we are starting 

to see growth turning around in Europe. And, in fact, we are now 

seeing Croatia coming out of the recession and doing better. 

So, they are not necessarily linked to each other, but they both 

have been affected by greater trends, as well as by macroeconomic 

issues that they need to tackle independently, both in Zagreb and 

in Athens. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. 

Mr. Kelly, one of the issues that I have had the opportunity to 

raise with Georgian officials when they have been here is concern 

about the perception that arrests of some former political leaders 

raise questions about the rule of law and the judicial system in 

Georgia. And to what extent do you think it is—what can we do, 

in the United States, to encourage Georgia to continue to move forward with democracy and to address the potential to see former political opponents as subject to arrest, as opposed to what they are, 

which is former political opponents? 

Ambassador KELLY. Well, thank you very much for that question. 

Our top foreign policy priority for Georgia is helping it attain its 

aspirations, join Euro-Atlantic institutions. And, of course, we 

would not want to see anything degrade that trajectory toward 

Euro-Atlantic integration. And in our bilateral contacts, I know 

that Ambassador Norland has had many good consultations with 

the Georgian Government, and we have stressed the importance of 

not even having the perception of any kind of political use of any 

kind of judicial levers. 

Having said that, we also have a very strong cooperation with 

Georgia to ensure that the judicial process, in all cases, is transparent and accountable. And I think Georgia has made great 

strides in ensuring the independence of the judiciary. 

But, you have put your finger on one of the issues, that, if you 

do confirm me, that I am going to keep a very close eye on. So, 

thank you very much for raising that. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you. And my time is up, but let 

me just say how much I appreciate the close relationship that 

America and Georgia have had, and their contributions to our efforts in Afghanistan have been significant. So, I think they have 

made tremendous progress, and want to see them continue to succeed. 

Ambassador KELLY. I second that. Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

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Ms. Noyes, you talked a little bit about the security cooperation 

between the U.S. and Croatia. And I not—have not been to Croatia, 

so, when my staff and I were digging—it is pretty impressive. Croatia participates in U.N. peacekeeping operations in the Golan 

Heights, Cyprus, Sudan, Liberia, Lebanon, Western Sahara, and 

the Kashmir, supports NATO-led Kosovo Force, and also the ISAF 

in Afghanistan. Kind of feel funny saying that and saying, Are 

there things we can do to even strengthen the relationship? I am 

very impressed with the commitment of Croatia to peacekeeping 

through U.N. and other multinational organizations. But, are there 

remaining opportunities for us to deepen that tie? 

Ms. NOYES. Thank you, Senator. 

Yes, Croatia definitely punches above its weight on the security 

front. It participates in 11 peacekeeping operations. It is been with 

us in Afghanistan since 2003. It provided ammunition and weapons 

to both Iraqi forces and the peshmerga. It assisted with the removal of Syrian chemical weapons. And it is absolutely a critical 

support to KFOR through its provision of lift support. 

That said, there is always more that can be done. And, if confirmed, I would look forward to working further with the forces in 

Croatia. One of the biggest priorities that we have there is to help 

Croatia modernize its equipment. It still has too much reliance on 

Soviet-era equipment, and still relies on Russia for spare parts and, 

in some cases, servicing of that equipment. So, one of my priorities, 

if confirmed, would be to help Croatia modernize its forces and its 

equipment to make them more interoperable with NATO forces, 

and to continue to support the efforts of this very willing ally. 

Senator KAINE. Great. 

Ms. Raji, I look forward to working with you on the economic 

issues. Virginia has a huge amount of direct investment from 

Swedish companies. The only vehicle manufacturing plant in Virginia is a Volvo truck plant in Dublin, VA. 

But, I want to ask you about something else. You talked a little 

bit about the Arctic Council. I—this is something that I was not too 

aware of before I came to the Senate, but the United States has 

just taken on the chairmanship of the Arctic Council for the coming 

year. Talk a little bit about initiatives that you think the United 

States and Sweden can do together as the Arctic really changes in 

its strategic importance. 

Ms. RAJI. Senator, thank you for that question. 

The Arctic region, in fact, is an area of increasing importance. 

With the melting of the Arctic ice, there are new opportunities and 

challenges in shipping, commerce, trade, environmental protection, 

fishing, hunting, and the livelihood and the living conditions of the 

4 million indigenous Arctic people that live there. 

Correctly stated, we just took over the chairmanship of the Arctic 

Council. We have a very strong partnership with Sweden in the 

Arctic region and other environmental issues that I mentioned. 

But, focusing on the Arctic Council, we have a scientific cooperation 

with Sweden. We were cofounders of the Clean Air and—Climate 

and Clean Air Coalition, which focuses on reducing so-called shortlived climate pollutants, or black carbon, which is a concern in the 

Arctic. And Sweden has particular expertise and knowledge in that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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area. We cooperate with them on that, and on that Council. Scientific research is another area. 

And, broadly speaking, I would say that we share the values that 

the Arctic Council is the preeminent intergovernmental forum for 

cooperation. The Arctic has always been a region of no conflict and 

cooperation on scientific research and environmental issues. And 

all of the members are interested in maintaining that practical cooperation in our mutual goals. 

Senator KAINE. Great. Thank you so much for that. 

Ms. Pettit, I am interested in Latvia, with all of the challenges 

we deal with on this committee with Russian influence and their 

sort of more bellicose recent posture. Latvia—I guess, 38 percent 

of Latvians claim Russian as their mother tongue, and there are 

strong Russian cultural ties. What is the view of the, kind of, Latvian population about Russian expansionism in the Baltic region 

and elsewhere in Europe? 

Ms. PETTIT. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

As you said, there are a large number of Russian speakers in 

Latvia. However, those Russian speakers are very supportive of 

Latvia’s participation in Euro-Atlantic institutions. For example, 

the political party that represents these Russian speakers believes 

that Latvia should be a member of the EU. And there are many 

advantages to Latvia and all Latvians being members of the EU. 

I think one of the areas of concern is Russian propaganda. The 

Latvian Government is addressing this issue. They are addressing 

it by increasing the number of Russian-language TV programs. 

They have a new television studio for their Russian-language programs. The United States is working closely with Latvia on this. 

VOA and RFE/RL now have a nightly Russian language program 

that is available online for Russian speakers who are looking for 

objective, truth-based media. And I—if confirmed—will continue to 

work with Latvia to address these issues. 

I think the message we have to share is—as Azita mentioned and 

Julieta mentioned—is our strength through diversity. And we have 

a great message to share with Latvia. 

Thank you. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Mr. Kelly, talk a little bit about the delicate situation that Georgia’s in with Russia in the—a posture that they are in, contrary to 

international law, on the two areas of Georgia that you described. 

Georgia still has been a participant with NATO in missions. I think 

there is one underway, or recently, Noble Partner, on the borders 

of Russia, 300 American soldiers accompanied by 14 Bradley tanks 

transported across the Black Sea from Romania. NATO is scheduled to open a training center in Georgia later this year. How does 

Georgia manage this with the challenge with Russia now? And 

what can we do to shore them up? 

Ambassador KELLY. Thank you very much, Mr. Senator. 

I think you actually identified one of the most tangible examples 

of the way we are shoring up their aspirations to join NATO, and 

that is the training exercises going on right now, Noble Partner, 

where we have hundreds of American troops from 173rd Brigade 

who are helping the Georgians become interoperable with the 

NATO Response Force. And that is a—it is a real token of our supFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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port for this bedrock principle that every nation has the right to 

choose its own alliances. And Georgia has overwhelmingly chosen 

to join NATO. 

So, much of our bilateral assistance, of course, is designed to help 

Georgia become interoperable with NATO. You also, I think, very 

sensitively pointed out the very difficult position they are in, with 

20 percent of their territory under occupation and with the Russian 

troops there, digging in, showing no signs of living up to the terms 

of the cease-fire agreement in 2008 which called for Russian troops 

to return to their previous positions. They are actually hardening 

the border, putting up fences and surveillance cameras. They are 

denying monitors from—the international community, like the EU 

monitoring mission, from coming in, which was also agreed to in 

the 2008 cease-fire. 

And I think, in general, we have to keep saying, over and over 

again, that we support their aspirations to integrate with Europe— 

to join NATO, to integrate with the EU. And, of course, we need 

to have tangible support, as well. And we are doing it. The Congress has made Georgia one of the largest recipients of foreign military financing. It is also one of the largest recipients of IMET, the 

International Military Education and Training. So, we really are, 

I think, you know, walking the walk as well as talking the talk. 

And, if confirmed, I will, as I say, continue to make this our priority, to support their Euro-Atlantic aspirations. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Mr. Chair, could I ask Mr. Delawie just one brief question? 

Thank you. I am over my time, but—— 

Mr. Delawie, I am curious about Kosovo, the number of foreign 

fighters that go from Kosovo into the ISIL theater in Syria and 

Iraq—per capita, among the highest in the world. I am puzzled by 

that. Could you educate the committee about why that is? What is 

it about Kosovo—it is geographic or sort of ideological positioning 

that leads that to be the case? 

Mr. DELAWIE. I do not think there is one easy answer, Senator 

Kaine. They are—Kosovo is the poorest country in Europe. Unemployment, around 40 percent; among youth, it is probably in the 

neighborhood of 60 percent. So, there is this economic factor. There 

are some—some people are going for ideological reasons. Some people are going for excitement and adventure, unfortunately. So, 

there are a variety of challenges that Kosovo faces. 

Fortunately, Kosovo passed a law, just 2 months ago, in March, 

that would criminalize many of the aspects of going to Syria and 

Iraq to join with ISIL. And we are working with the Embassy in 

Pristina very hard with the justice authorities, the police authorities, to train prosecutors, and to help the government get a grip on 

the problem. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

Appreciate all of your testimony. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Good to 

see you in the Chair’s spot. I enjoyed our 2 years sitting at the 

head of this subcommittee. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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And we have got a really fantastic group of nominees here today, 

all going to very interesting countries, many of them in transition. 

So, a few questions. 

Maybe, Mr. Kelly, I will start with you to extend this conversation about Georgia’s future. So, I am a believer that we are starting 

to compromise NATO’s open-door policy without a real, tangible 

plan for enlargement that includes Georgia, understanding that it 

is a very difficult nut to crack with respect to the occupied and contested territories. But, that does not seem impossible. And so, I 

want to ask you, sort of, What are the preconditions from our 

standpoint right now, from the U.S.’s standpoint, as to what has 

to happen in order for Georgia to get NATO membership? And do 

you foresee a circumstance in which you could give the portion of 

Georgia that is not contested, is not occupied, membership, or give 

a type of membership with reservations concerning the extent of 

the occupied and contested territories? 

Ambassador KELLY. Thank you. Thank you very much. 

Of course, you know NATO is a consensus organization with all 

28 members. I think, you know, the United States has a good story 

to tell, in terms of our support for Georgia’s desire to join NATO. 

And I think that we really are doing a lot to help them prepare 

for membership. And so, I think a lot of what we have to do, and 

what we have to continue to do, because I think the Embassy is 

already doing it, is highlighting what the United States is doing, 

in terms of training Georgians, of integrating them into NATO missions. But, you have—you know, you have put your finger on the 

really hard part of it, of course, which is the fact that Russia occupies 20 percent of Georgia and has compromised its territorial integrity. And so, I think that we just have to stay focused on the 

overall goal of supporting Georgia in becoming more interoperable 

with NATO, in reforming its defense institutions—and we have 

multiple programs through State and through the Defense Department to do that—and also be very steadfast in rejecting Russia’s 

illegal occupation of 20 percent of Georgia’s territory. 

Senator MURPHY. But, does that not effectively result in Russia 

having veto power over Georgia’s accession to NATO? If we do not 

hold out the possibility that there is a pathway for them to join 

while the occupation continues, do we not essentially put the decision in Russia’s hands? 

Ambassador KELLY. I do not think that Russia or any other country has a veto on a country’s desire to join NATO. We do have 

good—I think, a good dialogue through NATO with Georgia, 

through the NATO-Georgia Commission. I think that the path is 

clear to any aspirant to join NATO. Obviously, the occupation of 

South Ossetia and Abkhazia is a very difficult issue. But, this overarching principle, that all countries should be able to choose their 

own alliances and associations, is something that has to be really 

defended, and the United States has to do everything it can—and, 

of course, is doing everything it can—to help Georgia realize its aspirations. 

Senator MURPHY. I think we have been halfhearted in our attempts to lead the way to Georgia’s membership in NATO. I hope 

that we change at least the volume of our tune. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Delawie, you got big shoes to fill. Ambassador Jacobson has 

done really important work for us at a very critical time. I visited 

with her in Pristina last fall at a moment in which I think she 

showed immense discretion in forcing the different parties surrounding the government to make their own decisions about a coalition moving forward, resisting the temptation that sometimes 

comes with that position to get too involved. 

I also visited the American University there, and one of the answers to the question about the roots of extremism is a real sense 

of hopelessness amongst young people in Kosovo, you know, large 

numbers of youth unemployed and very little access to higher education. The American University there is a unique asset that provides a pathway into the middle class for young people in Kosovo. 

I just hope that you will support their mission, support the work 

that the new government is trying to do to expand opportunities for 

higher education. It is really a—it is really stunning, the lack of 

opportunities to get advanced degrees in Kosovo. AUK is, right 

now, their best bet to do that, but, hopefully, that experience can 

be modeled, moving forward. 

Mr. DELAWIE. Thank you very much, Senator. 

I know Ambassador Jacobson has done an incredible job. And I 

am looking forward to doing my best to fill her shoes. But, it will 

be hard. 

Fortunately, USAID has devoted a fair amount of resources to 

supporting the access to higher education for Kosovar citizens. You 

are right, there is a long way to go. And I certainly agree with you 

about this—the hopelessness. We have—we saw another example 

of that, not just in the ISIL direction, but also, in the winter, there 

were a fair number of Kosovo citizens who were attempting to emigrate, basically, to Germany. Another symptom of that. So—— 

Senator MURPHY. And I think we need to help the Kosovar Government understand that this is not just about law enforcement. 

They have really done some impressive things when it is come to 

standing up law enforcement’s capabilities. But, they have, I think, 

got to understand the holistic strategy. 

Just one question, Ms. Raji. Good to see you. I do not know if 

this question has been asked, but—Sweden stepped up their participation with NATO. They are obviously—have agreements with 

NATO through memorandums of understanding for training and 

military exercises. Important, given the forward positioning of Russia in and around the region, to have that dialogue continue. I assume that they are going to continue to be an active participant 

with NATO in whatever joint exercises are appropriate, and that 

we will encourage them to increase their level of military integration so that we can send a coordinated message, even with nonNATO partners, to Russia that, if they are going to continue to run 

submarines and jet planes over our friends’ heads and to our 

friends’ shores, that there is going to be a coordinated response. 

Ms. RAJI. Great to see you, Senator Murphy, and thank you for 

that question. 

As you know, Sweden is not an ally of NATO, but it is one of 

the—only five recently designated Enhanced Opportunities Partners. It has made significant contributions to the missions of 

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NATO, and, in fact, other multilateral institutions, such as the EU 

and the U.N. in peacekeeping and military exercises and so forth. 

With regard to NATO, Sweden currently has troops under allied 

command in Kosovo and Afghanistan, and played a significant role 

in protecting the no-fly zone in Libya in 2011. And it continues to 

increase, as you said, some of its involvement with NATO in the 

exercises. For example, it joined the NATO Response Force in 2013, 

which will enhance joint capabilities. And it did sign an MOU for 

a Host Nation Support Agreement in 2014, which will regulate exercises and military transits on its soil, that has not been ratified, 

however. 

We very much have a strong partnership with Sweden on NATO 

missions. And, if confirmed, I will continue their cooperation and 

partnership with NATO. 

Senator MURPHY. Great. 

If I—just one quick question I forgot to ask Mr. Delawie. The 

Riga summit starts tomorrow. There was an expectation that there 

might be an extension of visa liberalization for Georgia coming. It 

does not look like that may happen. I hope I—I ask you whether 

it is going to be part of your mission to continue to work with Georgia and with the Europeans to try to—I am sorry—Mr. Kelly—I am 

sorry—to Mr. Kelly—although you can respond to that question, as 

well, if you would like—— 

[Laughter.] 

Senator MURPHY [continuing]. Mr. Delawie. Be happy to know 

what the Kosovar’s Ambassador’s position is on Georgia visa liberalization. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Kelly, what is the role that we can play in trying to help 

them come to a better place on the question of visa liberalization, 

vis-a-vis the European Union, post-Riga? 

Ambassador KELLY. Yes, thank you very much. 

Yes, as I said before, the—our—really, our top foreign policy priority is to keep Georgia on a good trajectory. And I think that it 

will be important that the Euro-Atlantic community sends signals 

that Georgia is progressing on this path. And I think this will help 

address some of the concerns you mentioned before, obviously, 

about NATO’s open door, too. 

But, we—you know, a lot of our assistance program has been sort 

of reoriented to help Georgia implement the terms of the Association Agreement. And that is because it is really in our U.S. national interests that Georgia become integrated into the European 

Union and into European institutions, in general. So, we can help 

them bilaterally, with the EU, obviously, in pushing Georgia’s case 

forward. But, we can also help them with our bilateral assistance 

program. And I know that we are doing that. 

And if I am confirmed, I will make it a real priority to ensure 

that that trajectory stays on a nice steep path toward Euro-Atlantic 

integration. And, of course, that includes the EU. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to 

go over time. 

Senator JOHNSON. Not a problem. 

I am going to ask one other question before I close it out, so did 

you have any further questions before—— 

Senator MURPHY. That is okay. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

153 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay. 

This question is really directed at Ambassador Kelly and Mrs. 

Pettit, but if any of the other nominees have anything to add, 

please do. 

My first congressional delegation trip was in the spring of 2011, 

before I was on the Foreign Relations Committee, and we visited 

Georgia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. Back in 2011, 

the representatives from all of those countries were talking about 

what Russia was trying to do to undermine those fledgling democracies. 

We are seeing that, obviously, in spades today. I personally do 

not think Vladimir Putin is looking for off-ramps. I think Vladimir 

Putin is looking for on-ramps. I am highly concerned about Latvia. 

I am not sure what he is going to be doing in Georgia. I was up, 

by the way, right at the border, and I was able to look through binoculars at the Russians in the occupied areas. 

The question I have is, What concerns do you have, in terms of 

what Russia is doing in Latvia or within the region, to undermine 

those democracies? 

We will start with you, Mrs. Pettit. 

Ms. PETTIT. Thank you, Senator. 

I do not think I can say it any better than President Obama said 

it in Tallinn, right before the Wales summit in 2014, when he said 

that the defense of Tallinn and Riga and Vilnius is as important 

as the defense of Berlin, London, and Paris. And that is our very 

strong message. 

Latvia is our NATO ally. And, through our bilateral security assistance and through our NATO activities—including the Baltic air 

policing, the IMET program, our FMF program, Section 2282, all 

of the Wales commitments that we are in the process of implementing, the establishment of the command-and-control unit in 

Latvia—each of the Baltic States will get a command-and-control 

unit, the Very High Readiness Task Force that is also being implemented—there is a lot going on. And I think this sends a very 

strong message of deterrence. 

Senator JOHNSON. Again, that is what we are doing—— 

Ms. PETTIT. Right. 

Senator JOHNSON. I am more interested, in terms of your knowledge of what Russia is doing. And I will throw out there the propaganda. I know I have gone over to Ukraine a couple of times with 

Senator Murphy, and with the bipartisan delegations, and it has 

always struck me how the Senators are shocked at how effective 

Vladimir Putin and Russia’s propaganda is without any pushback, 

or virtually no pushback, on the part of the West. 

Ms. PETTIT. Well, I—— 

Senator JOHNSON. So, again, I guess I am looking just for your 

knowledge of what Russia—— 

Ms. PETTIT. Right. 

Senator JOHNSON [continuing]. Is doing—— 

Ms. PETTIT. There—— 

Senator JOHNSON [continuing]. To undermine—— 

Ms. PETTIT. There is—— 

Senator JOHNSON [continuing]. The democracy. 

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Ms. PETTIT. There is plenty of propaganda directed towards Latvia’s Russian-language speakers. This is absolutely true. But, Latvia is addressing this issue. As I mentioned earlier, they have 

greatly enhanced the number of TV news programs they offer in 

the Russian language. Russian journalists are leaving Russia and 

moving to Riga. For example, a former editor of one of the biggest 

news platforms in Russia opened her own new platform in Riga, 

where there is press freedom. And she has gotten literally thousands and thousands of hits on her Russian-language Web site. 

The BBG, here in the United States, is working with—the Broadcasting Board of Governors—is working with Radio Free Europe 

and Radio Liberty and making available new Russian-language 

programs online. Our goal is provide objective, truth-based media 

to the Russian speakers in Latvia. This is an issue of concern also 

within the EU. And I believe, that shortly, the EU will also be 

working on this matter and addressing this matter. 

If I am confirmed, I will travel to the Russian-speaking areas of 

Latvia and engage directly with this population. And I think this 

is a great opportunity, again, to discuss or to present the U.S. view 

that there is strength in diversity. 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay, again, I am concerned with the hybrid 

or ambiguous war. And obviously, propaganda is part of that. 

Maybe the first part. But, there may be other actions Russia might 

be taking. 

Ambassador Kelly, are you aware of anything not even just in 

Georgia, but elsewhere in the Baltic States or—that ring of democracies around Russia? We obviously know it is happening in 

Ukraine. 

Ambassador KELLY. Yes, I—you know, as someone who has followed Russia for many, many years, and am a bit of a Russia 

media junkie, I am appalled by the kind of—well, let us just—let 

us call it by its real name—by the lies that are being spread about 

what our intentions are in supporting these countries and about 

what Russia is actually doing in some of these countries. 

And in the case of Georgia, I think that they are ramping up 

their outreach to Georgia, in terms of media. There are some NGOs 

that are active in Georgia. And I think this gets back to what Senator Murphy was talking about, about our concern about the— 

maintaining the level of support within Georgia. And we do not 

want to see that level fall. And so, we would be concerned about 

messages that run contrary to our values, that we are seeing in the 

Russian media. And we need to, as I say, ensure that Georgians 

appreciate that we stand behind them in supporting their desire to 

join NATO and to join European institutions. 

And I know that Ambassador Norland has been very active in 

highlighting U.S. assistance for Georgia, in all of our public pronouncements, highlighting our support for their territorial integrity. And, as somebody who has dealt quite a bit in public diplomacy, I, too, will relish being able to go around Georgia and really 

show the Georgians that we are behind them. 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay. 

Any of the other nominees want to add anything on that subject? 

Sure. Mr. Delawie. 

Mr. DELAWIE. Thank you, Senator, just very briefly. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Two of the major streets in Kosovo, in Pristina, are named 

George W. Bush Street and Bill Clinton Street. I do not think there 

will be fertile ground for any—too much Russian propaganda, in 

Kosovo at least. 

Senator JOHNSON. We rely on you to make sure that remains 

that way. 

Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, one final question that I meant 

to ask Ms. Noyes. 

The Croatians are currently flying Russian-made helicopters and 

are very interested in buying American-made Black Hawk helicopters, something that I spoke to their Defense Minister about 

when I was there, on the same trip where I visited Pristina. Can 

you commit to us that you are going to work with the Croatians 

to make a significant upgrade to their helicopter fleet, such that 

they are no longer reliant on Russian technology? 

Ms. NOYES. Thank you, Senator. 

I am delighted to report that this year we are working with Croatia to get them some Kiowas. And I understand that discussions 

are underway with regard to the Black Hawks. And, if confirmed, 

I would be delighted to support those efforts. 

Senator MURPHY. Black Hawks are much better than Kiowas. 

[Laughter.] 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Murphy. 

Again, I would like to thank all of our witnesses for your testimony, for your thoughtful questions to our answers, and for your 

willingness to serve this Nation. I would like to thank your families 

for their willingness to support your service to this Nation. 

If there is anything we can, as a subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, do to help you succeed in your mission 

as our Ambassadors to those countries, please let us know. We 

really do not think often enough about how what this committee 

says, what we do, and resolutions we may be able to pass, how that 

can actually aid you. Think of this committee and keep in communication with us. Again certainly wish you the best. 

With that, the record will remain open for questions and statements until the close of business on Friday. 

This hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:40 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

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NOMINATION 

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Gayle Smith, of Ohio, to be Administrator of the United States 

Agency for International Development 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:03 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Risch, Johnson, Gardner, Perdue, 

Cardin, Menendez, Coons, Murphy, Kaine, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will come to order. 

And I am going to go ahead and get rolling, and I am sure that 

Senator Cardin will be here in just a minute. 

USAID oversees 20 billion dollar’s worth of aid to over 100 countries. It is a very important organization. Gayle Smith, who has 

been nominated, will have 18 months to have an impact on this organization. And I will say that I think it is beneficial that she has 

served with the President’s National Security Council and therefore 

inside the main building. She is someone that is trusted and not 

coming from the outside, and I know has been involved in these 

kinds of issues for a long, long time. 

I do hope that in your testimony you will talk about some of the 

priorities that we have had here. I think you know the committee 

passed out on a unanimous vote an effort to end modern slavery. 

I know it is something that you for years have been involved in and 

care about, but I hope you will speak to that in your testimony. 

I think you also know that there is a significant effort underway 

to reform the Food for Peace program. I know we talked about that 

some in our office. It is very important to many members. I think 

you know that some of us share the belief that it is a travesty that 

we are not serving the millions of people that could be served by 

reforming this program and being held hostage to various groups 

that benefit in ways that are not beneficial to the people that we 

are trying to serve. 

And then thirdly, Power Africa. There is a significant effort underway to make sure that the millions of people that do not have 

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electricity even in their homes are able to do that in Africa, in particular, as I mentioned. And in the past, we have had some environmental issues that have said that, look, it is more important. 

We would rather people not have any electricity in their homes if 

it is going to produce 1 ounce of carbon, which is not exactly, I 

think, a policy or a value that most Americans adhere to. And I 

think we have been able to get to a place that achieves a balance 

between the environmental concerns, which I understand are real, 

but also the concern for human beings. And hopefully, you will talk 

a little bit about that. 

I am glad that in your testimony you are going to refer to the 

tremendous need to deal with the organizational issues within the 

organization. This year we hope to pass into law a State Department authorization. We passed it out of committee unanimously 

last week. We are attempting, still, to deal with that through 

NDAA. At some point we need to do the same with USAID, but you 

internally will be able to do much. 

So, I want to thank you for being here. I want to thank you for 

your willingness to serve. Again, I am glad the executive branch 

has nominated someone that has the kind of experience that you 

have. 

And when Senator Cardin arrives he may want to make some 

opening comments, but I think short of that it would probably be 

best—unless one of the other committee members would like to address—if you would go ahead and give your testimony. We would 

appreciate it. 

STATEMENT OF GAYLE SMITH, NOMINATED TO BE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your 

comments on those important issues. 

Chairman Corker, Senators Menendez and Coons, I am honored 

to appear before you today as the nominee for Administrator of the 

United States Agency for International Development. It is truly a 

privilege for me to come before this committee, and I am grateful 

to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their trust and confidence. 

I would also like to thank my family: my mother who is watching 

from Columbus, OH; my brother Jay and sister-in-law Marianne; 

Ben and Sarah; and my father and sister, who though they may 

not be with us, will always be part of a family that has continued 

to provide me with support and encouragement. 

Since being nominated, I have had the opportunity to consult 

with several members of this committee, and I have appreciated 

your guidance and counsel to ensure that USAID remains the 

world’s top development agency. 

In this time of great need and opportunity, USAID is working 

with a diverse array of partners to end extreme poverty, foster sustained and inclusive growth, and promote resilient democratic societies both as an expression of our values and to transform them 

into peaceful, open, and flourishing partners of the United States. 

These are principles that have driven my own approach to interFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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national development across a 35-year career and principles that I 

will continue to uphold as Administrator. 

If confirmed, it would be an honor and privilege to support the 

USAID mission alongside the more than 9,000 selfless men and 

women who serve the American people in some of the world’s most 

challenging environments. 

Should I have the honor of being confirmed, I will pursue four 

priorities. 

First, I will focus the Agency on programs that are achieving results and will be selective about initiating new commitments. I will 

work with Congress to institutionalize successful programs, including Feed the Future, Power Africa, and our efforts in maternal and 

child health. 

Second, I will provide the leadership, guidance, and tools needed 

to enable USAID staff in Washington and in the field to deliver 

against our most urgent priorities. This includes expanding the 

Agency’s work on democracy, rights, and governance. This also 

means expanding the Agency’s impact on human trafficking and on 

corruption, laying the groundwork for the success of a critically important strategy for Central America, and ensuring an equally important transition in Afghanistan. 

Third, if confirmed, I will act quickly to ensure that the Agency 

maintains global leadership and agility in responding to increasingly complex humanitarian crises. When a natural disaster strikes 

or a humanitarian catastrophe is imminent, USAID should be 

among the first on the ground to help those in need. I will also 

work with this committee and other stakeholders to pursue meaningful food aid reform that will enable us, as you, sir, suggest, to 

reach more people more quickly and while maintaining our historic 

partnership with U.S. farmers and maritime. 

Fourth and perhaps most important, I will focus on further 

strengthening the institution. This will involve expanding the capacity of the Agency to mobilize resources and engagement from 

other partners; to draw on science, technology, and innovation to 

address development challenges; and to increase investment in effective local solutions. 

Strengthening USAID also means tackling some of the management and operational challenges facing an agency that manages resources across more than 80 countries, often in complex environments. The Agency must ensure that American taxpayer dollars 

are spent responsibly. It must identify successful programs, learn 

from prior mistakes, apply lessons learned, and share best practices, all in an open and transparent way. If progress is not being 

made, it must take corrective action or terminate projects. 

But strengthening USAID also means supporting and listening to 

its people both here and overseas. These are men and women with 

knowledge, institutional memory, and invaluable insight. Indeed, 

they take on some of the most daunting tasks and aspirational missions one can imagine, all on behalf of our Government and our 

country. It is my goal to give them the visibility, respect, and gratitude that they deserve. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I thank you for 

considering my nomination, and I look forward to your questions. 

Thank you very much. 

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[The prepared statement of Ms. Smith follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GAYLE E. SMITH

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you today as the nominee for Administrator of the United 

States Agency for International Development. It is a privilege to come before this 

committee, and I am grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their 

trust and confidence. 

I would also like to thank my family—my mother, who is watching from Columbus, Ohio, my brother Jay and sister-in-law Marianne, Ben and Sarah, and my 

father and sister, who though they may not be with us, will always be part of a 

family that has supported and encouraged me—a family from which I draw strength 

and humor each and every day. 

Since being nominated, I have had the opportunity to consult with several members of this committee, and I have appreciated your guidance and counsel to ensure 

that USAID remains the world’s preeminent development agency. From the humanitarian emergency in Syria and ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine, to the pressing 

needs in Central America and the Ebola virus in West Africa, today’s world demands creative solutions to increasingly complex problems. 

Over the past two administrations, we have seen unprecedented bipartisan support for the Agency’s key initiatives, from global health and food security to humanitarian assistance and science and technology—as well as a recognition that the 

Agency’s work must be informed by a rigorous use of evidence and data to guide 

decisionmaking. These are principles that have driven my own approach to international development across a 35 year career, and principles that I will continue 

to uphold as Administrator, if confirmed. 

In this time of great need and opportunity, USAID is working with a diverse 

array of partners to end extreme poverty, foster sustained and inclusive growth, and 

promote resilient democratic societies, both as an expression of our values and to 

help build them into peaceful, open, and flourishing partners of the United States. 

If confirmed, it would be an honor and privilege to support the USAID mission 

alongside the selfless men and women who serve the American people in some of 

the world’s most challenging environments. 

With more than 9,000 men and women and a strong field presence in over 80 

countries, USAID is uniquely positioned to flexibly respond to humanitarian crises 

with agility and to provide enduring leadership to solve the world’s most intractable 

development challenges—all for less than 1 percent of the federal budget. 

Over the past 5 years, USAID has embraced a new model of development shaped 

by data and evidence that brings together an increasingly diverse community—private sector companies, entrepreneurs, local civil society organizations, universities, 

NGOs, and communities of faith—to deliver meaningful results. 

By using assistance to support capacity-building and reform critical policies, the 

Agency has led a government-wide effort to mobilize domestic and foreign private 

sector investments, including more than $10 billion of private commitments through 

Feed the Future and more than $20 billion through Power Africa. USAID has 

worked with entrepreneurs through its Global Development Lab to develop new 

technologies that address longstanding development challenges. It has partnered 

with a vibrant implementing partner community here in the United States that has 

made its own pledges to support reconstruction in Haiti, economic development in 

Africa, and global food security. And it has elevated the importance of local solutions, investing in the role and wisdom of partners on ground. 

Against this backdrop, USAID has responded to an unprecedented number of 

humanitarian crises spawned by earthquakes and typhoons, droughts and famines, 

the Ebola epidemic, and chronic and new conflicts. In the past year, the Agency has 

simultaneously operated an unprecedented five Disaster Assistance Response 

Teams, bringing new knowledge and creativity to bear, whether by building resilience even while providing emergency relief or adapting data and technology to enable a faster and more efficient response. 

USAID has taken great strides to improve operations, increase transparency, embrace accountability and ensure that the Agency is both responsive and responsible. 

There is much more to be done, but as someone who has worked with and observed 

this Agency and our foreign assistance programs for decades, I can sincerely offer 

that it is well on a path of reform and revitalization that is yielding and can yield 

greater and more potent returns for the United States and millions of men, women, 

and children around the world. 

I believe that we share the view that both development and responding to humanitarian crises are in our national interests and that these pursuits reflect our valFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ues. I also believe that we share the view that we need a strong, capable, effective, 

and responsible USAID to pursue these interests and values. It would be an honor 

to serve as the USAID Administrator, and to turn my qualifications and experience 

to the task of leading the Agency. 

Over a 35-year career in development and international affairs, I have spent two 

decades in the field, much of that time well outside capital cities. As a journalist 

for the BBC, American and European outlets, I spent months at a time in active 

war zones, covering conflicts that had escaped the world’s attention. 

I have consulted for the World Bank, UNICEF and major American foundations. 

I have worked with several NGOs, including members of the World Council of 

Churches when they mounted a cross-border emergency relief operation during the 

Ethiopian famine. I cofounded two NGOs, and today, the Modernizing Foreign 

Assistance Network and the ENOUGH Project remain active and effective advocates 

for a robust U.S. policy in support of development and human rights. 

I have served on a congressional commission—the Helping to Enhance the Livelihood of People around the Globe (HELP) Commission—which was established to 

review U.S. foreign aid, and I worked for USAID, based in East Africa. I have 

served two Presidents, as Senior Director for African Affairs on President Clinton’s 

National Security Council staff and as Senior Director for Development, Democracy, 

and Humanitarian Affairs under President Obama. I have traveled and worked with 

former President Carter and provided advice and assistance to President George 

H.W. Bush’s National Security Council staff. 

Over the last 6 years, as a member of the Obama administration, I have coordinated administration policy on global development and foreign assistance programs, 

democracy, governance and anticorruption efforts, and humanitarian crisis response. 

Early in my tenure, I spearheaded efforts to develop the Presidential Study of 

Global Development Policy and the first-ever Presidential Policy Directive on Global 

Development, which elevated development alongside defense and diplomacy as pillars of American foreign policy. 

Responding to humanitarian crises has been a significant focus of my time at the 

National Security Council, including the Nepal earthquake, major typhoons in Asia, 

the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, and ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq. 

Working with departments and agencies, including USAID, I have assumed the 

primary role at the National Security Council for all major development priorities, 

including Feed the Future, Power Africa, ending the HIV/AIDS epidemic, maternal 

and child health, the Open Government Partnership, and the Partnership on Illicit 

Finance. I have co-led, with colleagues, the development of the Global Health Security Agenda, the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, and the President’s Stand with Civil 

Society Initiative. 

Should I have the honor of being confirmed, I will pursue four priorities. 

First, I will focus the Agency on programs that are achieving results and will be 

selective about initiating new commitments. Further, I will work with Congress to 

institutionalize these programs. I will also work with this committee and other 

stakeholders to pursue meaningful food aid reform that will enable us to reach more 

people, more quickly, in times of need—all while maintaining our historic partnership with U.S. farmers and maritime. 

Feed the Future and the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition have 

together elevated food security on the global agenda, registered direct impact on 

reducing poverty and improving nutrition, and mobilized billions of dollars in direct 

assistance and private resources. In 2013 alone, Feed the Future reached more than 

12.5 million children with nutrition interventions and helped more than 7 million 

farmers and food producers use new technologies and management practices on 

more than 4 million hectares of land. If confirmed, I will ensure that Feed the 

Future and related nutrition programs continue to deliver these evidence-based 

results. 

With a long-term goal of doubling access to cleaner, reliable, and efficient electricity in sub-Saharan Africa, Power Africa has already brought more than 4,100 

megawatts worth of power transactions to financial close and raised over $20 billion 

from more than 90 private sector partners. At the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, 

President Obama tripled our initial goal to 30,000 megawatts, aiming to bring electricity to 60 million homes and businesses in Africa. If confirmed, I will support 

Power Africa as it closes more power transactions, partners with additional businesses, and expands into new countries. 

If confirmed, I will continue the Agency’s leadership in the global effort to end 

preventable child and maternal deaths. USAID has led an international coalition 

that developed targeted action plans in 24 priority countries that will save the lives 

of 15 million children and 600,000 women by 2020. I will also work closely with the 

Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator, the Centers for Disease Control, the National 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Institutes of Health, and international and local partners to ensure that USAID 

does all it can to contribute to a goal that is within reach: ending the HIV/AIDS 

epidemic. 

Second, I will provide the leadership, guidance, and tools needed to enable 

USAID’s staff in Washington and the field to deliver against our most urgent priorities. This includes expanding the Agency’s work and impact on democracy, rights, 

and governance by securing and mobilizing additional resources to strengthen institutions and the rule of law, support and build the capacity of civil society organizations, enable free and fair elections, foster dialogue and promote transparency, and 

build on the successes of, for example, the recent elections in Nigeria. This also 

means, as I have discussed with several of you during our consultations, expanding 

the Agency’s impact on human trafficking and corruption, laying the groundwork for 

the success of a critically important strategy for Central America, and ensuring an 

equally important transition in Afghanistan. 

Third, if confirmed, I will act quickly to ensure that the Agency maintains global 

leadership and agility in responding to increasingly complex humanitarian crises 

around the world. In 2014 alone, USAID responded to 49 disasters in 42 countries. 

In addition to the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, these included major crises in 

Syria, Iraq, South Sudan, Central African Republic, and, most recently, the earthquake in Nepal. 

The Agency has developed an effective relationship with the Department of 

Defense, which has on multiple occasions deployed in support of USAID. USAID 

also continues to build the capacity and resiliency of governments to respond to disasters themselves. When a natural disaster strikes or a humanitarian catastrophe 

is imminent, the Agency is and should be among the first on the ground to help 

those in need, and in a world rife with crises, I believe it is critical to ensure that 

USAID remains one step ahead. 

Fourth, and perhaps most important, I will focus on further strengthening the 

institution. That means building on the reform agenda launched by Administrator 

Rajiv Shah. This will involve expanding the capacity of the Agency to mobilize 

resources and engagement from other partners; to draw on science, technology, and 

innovation to address development challenges; and to increase investment in effective local solutions. 

Strengthening the institution involves tackling some of the management and operational challenges facing an agency that manages resources across over 80 countries, often in complex environments. It is my view, and one that is shared by the 

staff of USAID, that the Agency must ensure that American taxpayer dollars are 

spent responsibly. It must identify successful programs, learn from prior mistakes, 

apply lessons learned, and share best practices—all in an open and transparent 

way. If progress is not being made, it must take corrective action or terminate 

projects. 

USAID has already implemented critical reforms to safeguard taxpayer dollars, 

ensure greater accountability and oversight, and focus on sustainable results. In 

2013, the Agency issued new guidance for awarding contracts that increased the 

weight of past performance in identifying potential contractors. Its new compliance 

unit has already executed over 200 suspension and debarment actions since its 

inception in 2011. If confirmed, I will build on these and other components of the 

reform agenda that strive to make the Agency more accountable to Congress and 

the American people. I will always be fully transparent about what is working and 

what is not, and I will ask for your help in solving problems and seeking opportunities. 

Strengthening USAID also means supporting and listening to its people, both here 

in Washington and overseas. These are men and women with knowledge, institutional memory, and invaluable insight. Indeed, they take on some of the most 

daunting tasks and aspirational missions one can imagine, all on behalf of our government and our country. It is my goal to give them the visibility, respect, and gratitude that they deserve. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, should 

I have the honor of serving as Administrator, you have my word that I will be ambitious but focused; that I will not downplay challenges but seek your help; that I will 

strengthen a growing bipartisan consensus on development that serves us and the 

world so well; and that I will pass on to my successor an Agency that is strong and 

effective, responsive and responsible, and transparent and accountable—an Agency 

worthy of its dedicated men and women and those around the world that they aim 

to serve. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for being here. 

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And our distinguished ranking member—I do not know if you 

want to make some opening comments. Okay. 

As we have mentioned and you have mentioned, we have been 

working on some human trafficking issues and certainly hope to do 

something to majorly affect modern day slavery. What approaches 

has USAID identified and tested that demonstrably contribute to 

reducing modern day slavery? 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator, for the question and also for 

your leadership on this issue. 

I think USAID to date has done a lot to contribute to this in the 

areas of training on rule of law, information and education through 

the media, through NGOs, through new applications, and new technologies, through also responding to the victims of human trafficking. 

As you and I have discussed, I think that there is a foundation 

to build on and that we could actually do much more. If confirmed, 

I hope that we can expand on the work the agency has done to integrate the fight against human trafficking into its programs 

around the world to take full advantage of its presence in over 80 

countries, to work on, importantly, the supply chains that USAID 

focuses on frequently as it is working on economic development and 

which, as you know, are among the places that human traffickers 

hide and exploit the most vulnerable. 

So if confirmed, this is something that I will make a priority. I 

believe the men and women of the Agency believe it is a priority, 

and I very much look forward to working with you and others on 

the committee to explore what more we can do on this important 

agenda. 

The CHAIRMAN. We, as you know, have been working on the Food 

for Peace program that I alluded to earlier. There is always a tug 

between working on this and making sure that the United States 

agriculture community is on board because, obviously, it matters 

relative to putting these reforms in place. 

There are a lot of people out there that are trying to allude to 

the fact if we create more flexibility, that much of what we will be 

buying we will be buying from Russia and/or China, which is not 

true. But I wonder if you could expand on that non-fact? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, I think on this issue the facts show us a few 

things. One, Food for Peace has been an enormously valuable program for many, many decades. And I think we want to preserve—— 

[Audience disruption.] 

The CHAIRMAN. One of your supporters, I guess. 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. [Laughter.] 

Anyway, if I may continue, Senator. Food for Peace has been a 

vital program. I have spent a lot of time in the field and have seen 

cases where food aid made an important difference, but also cases 

where the greater flexibility to which you allude would be enormously valuable in reaching more people more quickly. It is my belief that in consultation with key partners, constituents, and supporters of that program over time—it is my hope that we can find 

a way forward that would give USAID and particularly our people 

in the field that flexibility and ensure that at the same time we reflect and take into full account the very legitimate and important 

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interests of our communities here. I am optimistic that we can find 

a way forward. I am very encouraged by the number of Senators, 

yourself included, who have raised this during the consultations 

prior to this hearing. And so it is my intent, if confirmed, to work 

very closely with all of you to see if we can get this done. 

The CHAIRMAN. Your predecessor had worked on, in essence, a 

$95 million transfer from food aid to the maritime industry in 

order to give ourselves the flexibility to feed more people. And as 

bad as that sounds—I actually wish every American could be aware 

of that—but as bad as that sounds, if there is a way to phase that 

out over a period of time so that it got to zero, there may be a way 

of dealing with this. I just wonder if you might give some editorial 

comments regarding that? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, I am a little bit hesitant to get too specific 

on the particulars. But I do think in principle—and I followed very 

closely Administrator Shah’s work on this—that we can find ways 

to transition toward a program that is mutually beneficial to all involved. And I think considerable time has been given to thinking 

through how to do that within the Agency, even after Administrator Shah’s departure, and I know among members of this committee. So I would be happy to sit down with you and with others 

to work through what exact calibration might be most appropriate 

and to consult, again, with all stakeholders so we can find a way 

to do this. 

The CHAIRMAN. On Power Africa—the administration has spent 

a great deal of time talking about renewables being sort of the base 

delivery system in Africa. Not unlike our own country, there are 

places where renewables work decently well and there are places 

where they just do not. Does the administration support the development of fossil fuel energy as an integral and indispensable part 

of Power Africa acknowledging that, at its base, it is more important that we ensure that people have access to electricity than promoting goals that just do not agree with the particular area that 

we are in, and actually are not feasible? 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator, again for your interest in Power 

Africa. 

Let me say a couple of things about how we have structured this 

initiative and address your particular question. 

Power Africa, in identifying priority transactions, looks at a number of things. It looks at private sector demand, the potential for 

transformational projects, buy-in from the government, opportunities to exploit the vast resources on the continent, project viability, 

and overall impact. 

Now, within that, it is our belief that like any modern power sector, we need to rely on a broad array of generation sources, including wind, solar, hydropower, geothermal, and natural gas. 

On the particular issue you raised, except in the poorest countries or where those plants are equipped with carbon capture and 

storage technology, the United States does not provide public financing for new coal-fired power plants pursuant to President 

Obama’s Climate Action Plan of June 2013. 

Now, I want to be very clear that this is with the exception of 

the poorest countries, many of which are on the African Continent. 

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The CHAIRMAN. So you are saying in those areas that are very 

poor, that we are trying deal with the people in most need, that 

the Obama administration would support coal facilities to produce 

power? 

Ms. SMITH. I think if these met the other criteria that we have 

designated as key for identifying projects, according to the terms 

of the Climate Action Plan in those poorest countries, it would be 

worthy of consideration. 

The CHAIRMAN. If you do not mind, what are some of those other 

criteria? 

Ms. SMITH. As I said at the start, we try to look at need, where 

we are going to have transactions that will have impact, where we 

have investor interest, buy-in from the government, where our experts take a look and think that the project is likely viable and it 

can make a meaningful contribution to the ultimate goal of Power 

Africa to double access to electricity. So those would be the individual project criteria. 

The CHAIRMAN. So almost any of the countries we are dealing 

with would meet that criteria? 

Ms. SMITH. Most countries in Africa would meet that criteria. I 

think there are a few where it is a little bit difficult, given the current conditions. 

The CHAIRMAN. And again, natural gas. There are all kinds of 

other ways of dealing with it. I am not here to push one particular 

area. But obviously, when you are living in a place with zero electricity, getting that is important, and maybe some of these other 

criteria need to move away. So I think you have said that you 

agree with that—that the Obama administration agrees. 

Ms. SMITH. I think it is critically important. And I think the 

other thing that Power Africa has done very well is an initiative 

called Beyond the Grid, which also looks at people in some of the 

poorest areas of Africa and the most remote and where new technologies and innovations can be deployed through micro-grid, or 

off-grid solutions. So that is another option for reaching some of the 

most vulnerable. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, Mr. Chairman, first thank you for scheduling this hearing. I think it is very important that we move forward in the nomination process and have a confirmed Administrator for USAID. This is a critically important position, and I 

thank you for your cooperation in scheduling this hearing. 

I want to thank Mrs. Smith for her willingness to continue to 

serve and her willingness to step forward with this very important 

position. And I want to thank your family because we know this 

is a joint sacrifice, and we thank you very much for that. 

We have been debating for 3 weeks on the floor of the Senate our 

national security budget for the Department of Defense. The role 

that we play in development assistance is equally important part 

of our national security budget. So we consider the responsibility 

of this position to be one of the highest in our national security interests. So we thank you again for stepping forward. 

Yesterday under Chairman Gardner, we had a hearing in the 

East Asia and The Pacific Subcommittee dealing with trade in the 

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region, and USAID was present to talk about capacity-building for 

trade. If we are going to have successful opportunities there, countries need to have the capacity to deal with modern trade agreements, and USAID plays a very important role there. And I could 

keep on going on about additional areas in which the responsibilities of the agency that you are being considered to lead plays. 

Under Administrator Shah, there were new initiatives that many 

of us supported, including the Global Development Lab which allowed us to do more with the recognition that our resources are 

limited, by leveraging the help of private companies, universities, 

and NGOs. All of that is important. And I know that you understand how critically important it is to prioritize. And you and I had 

conversations about that, and you mentioned that in your preliminary statement. 

I want to talk a little bit about human rights. You are not going 

to be surprised to learn that, because I think USAID can play a 

critically important role in advancing human rights, I want to talk 

about three priorities within that. 

First, what efforts do you believe we can make to fight corruption? What will be our anticorruption strategies? When we look at 

stability globally, we find the countries that have not been able to 

deal with corruption are going to have a problem. Many believe 

that the Ukraine revolution was not so much about Russia’s influence but more about people who wanted an honest government. We 

could go on—the Arab Spring was also a condemnation of governments that were corrupt and denied their people basic human 

rights. 

The second issue I want you to talk about is the role of women. 

We have also found that the way a country treats its women is a 

good indicator of a nation’s strength. And I am interested in your 

commitment and ideas and vision as to how USAID can be more 

effective in advancing the rights of girls and women globally as we 

look for greater stability and more reliable strategic partners. 

And the third issue—and I put all three on the table—is that 

World Refugee Day is coming up. We are approaching 60 million 

refugees today, one of the highest numbers of refugees in modern 

history. When you look at the number of displaced people around 

the world, we have a crisis, and USAID needs to be actively engaged in what we are doing to deal with this humanitarian crisis. 

So I would like to hear your vision in regards to how we will advance anticorruption measures as part of any program within 

USAID, how you plan to make advancing the rights of women and 

girls the highest priority within your agency, and what are we 

doing to carry out our responsibility in regards to the world refugee 

issue. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator. And I was thrilled when you 

raised in our meeting and as you raise right now the issue of corruption. I could not agree with you more, that it is perhaps the 

greatest enemy to development. 

The flip side of that, of course, is if we can tackle corruption in 

meaningful ways, it frees up significant resources for development. 

This is something that is a priority for the Agency. It is something 

I would like us to build on through some terrific things the Agency 

has done over the years. 

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The first is, obviously, transparency. Now, that means transparency for USAID but also encouraging and calling for greater 

transparency from its partners. As you know, it makes a huge difference when citizens can see where resources go. So I think that 

is the first thing. 

I think the second area—and this is where I think we are seeing 

some significant—insufficient but significant—momentum around 

the world is on greater adherence to norms and standards. We 

have been able, through multilateral organizations and other 

means, to work with countries to sign up to the international laws, 

rules, obligations, and treaties that require norms and standards 

on corruption. 

The third—and I mentioned this to you in our meeting—is something called the Open Government Partnership, which the United 

States was a founder of with several other countries and has now 

grown to over 65 country members. What is quite interesting in 

that initiative is that it requires governments to join in publishing 

their budgets. Publishing the budget makes a huge difference and 

breaks the ice, if you will. I think we can build on that. Some countries have used it more effectively than others. A critical piece is 

that it entails a partnership between governments and civil society 

where civil society holds the government accountable for meeting 

the terms of its open government plan. 

We are also working on—and this is something we would like to 

build on—a partnership to deal with illicit finance. There are huge 

losses in capital to the developing world to illicit finance. So that 

is also a priority on the corruption side. 

Let me turn to your two other issues, if I may. 

I think USAID has made the rights and well-being of women and 

girls a priority for many, many years, and that is a priority I would 

very much like to build on, whether it be in global health where 

it is a primary focus, in Feed the Future where there has been a 

particular focus on women farmers, but also in the areas of rights, 

access, and critically important, in training. I have traveled around 

the world and seen a lot of USAID missions. I have seen a lot of 

leaders in civil society and government. I have been very proud to 

see that some of those people were trained by USAID. So I think 

the training mission is critical, and support raising this issue at 

every opportunity. 

Finally, USAID is also participating in the First Lady’s initiative 

called Let Girls Learn, which is about enabling more young women 

to pursue their secondary education. 

World Refugee Day is daunting. The numbers are staggering. 

USAID works closely with partners in the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration on this issue. It is my 

very strong view that we have to give a lot more attention to this 

so there is a better understanding of the consequences of conflict 

and violations of human rights. So, again, this is something that 

I think is in the Agency’s humanitarian mission—while my hope is 

to strengthen the Agency’s ability to stay a step ahead and respond, it is also to give much greater visibility to these issues. 

Senator CARDIN. Let me just point out—and I appreciate not only 

your response but the conversations that we have had on these 

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subjects. You give me great confidence that these all will be highest 

priorities in your agency. 

We need to be very strict about how we use our aid programs in 

countries that have challenges in dealing with corruption. We have 

got to make sure that the United States aid program is not contributing to a corrupt government or corrupt officials. And it is critically important that the Administrator send a very clear message 

and have clear directions on how not to participate in or fund corruption within governments. 

Ms. SMITH. I could not agree with you more, Senator, and if confirmed, you will have that. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Gardner. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you for being here today. It is great to have a University of Colorado graduate testifying before the panel. So welcome. 

And I just wanted to follow up some of the conversations we had 

in my office. 

Yesterday we did have a hearing—Senator Cardin and I—with 

Jason Foley, the Deputy Assistant Administrator for Asia for the 

Agency. It was a good conversation. 

One of the things we talked about is just where priorities are for 

the Asia-Pacific region. If you could just spend a little bit of time 

talking about that, I would appreciate it. 

Ms. SMITH. And I think the greater emphasis on Asia has been 

reflected in an increase in resources and personnel. As we discussed the other day, I think there are some other things that we 

can explore in Asia. And I am interested in the reference to trade 

capacity-building. That is one of them. I think that is something 

USAID makes huge contributions to around the world whether it 

is at the level of petty trade, local trade, national, regional, or in 

fact global trade. 

What I would like to do, if confirmed—and Senator, I would love 

to work with you and others on this—is do more of in Asia and 

elsewhere of what USAID has done very well in other parts of the 

world, and that is to help work on the constraints to private capital 

flows and increase private capital flows in support of development 

in Asia. That is number one. 

Number two, work with governments again to build on what 

USAID has done to date to build the capacity to run and sustain 

economies that are inclusive and deliver for their citizens. I think 

that there is a lot that we can build out on, some of it aided by 

resources, which are critically important, as you have pointed out; 

some of it by taking the lessons the agency has learned in other 

initiatives in other parts of the world and applying them more effectively there. 

So these are all things I think we can do. I am quite interested— 

as I say, I have less experience in Asia than other parts of the 

world—in consulting with you and with others and obviously our 

men and women in the Agency here in Washington, particularly 

those in the field, to see what more can be done. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

Last year, the GAO, the Government Accountability Office, produced an assessment of USAID’s trade capacity-building efforts and 

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concluded—and I will quote the report. The U.S. Agency for International Development’s 2003 trade capacity-building strategy does 

not directly guide TCB activities and parts of the strategy no 

longer reflect the current TCB environment. 

If confirmed, do you plan to update the TCB strategy? 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. I think that is something we can do, Senator— 

I have worked with USAID on this in my current capacity, and I 

think USAID has learned a great deal. One of the things USAID 

has also done a phenomenal job of over the last few years is, again, 

taking those lessons and then figuring out how to apply them. So 

I think that could be a very, very good exercise. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. And I would love to follow up with 

you on some of the ideas for doing just that. 

Ms. SMITH. Great. Thank you. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator, I noticed her staff was somewhat 

alarmed that she would answer a question off the cuff like that. So 

thank you for doing that. [Laughter.] 

There was quite a shock in the back. [Laughter.] 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator GARDNER. That is the training of a University of Colorado graduate right there. [Laughter.] 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, welcome. All my questions are off the 

cuff. No. 

First of all, as someone who has been and is a huge supporter 

of USAID, this is an incredibly important nomination. I congratulate you on being nominated. And I appreciate having listened to 

you here at the hearing describe your priorities in the same way 

that you did in the private meeting that we had. 

And there are a lot of issues I have, some which I will submit 

for the record. But the one that I want to pursue with you is the 

question of democracy and governance, and following on to Senator 

Cardin’s questions of human rights. 

I am concerned that democracy and governance at USAID under 

the President’s tenure has been cut by 38 percent, and I think 

there are a lot of critical countries in the Middle East, North Africa, Latin America, and Africa as a whole that have great needs 

that are woefully underfunded. And part of our challenge is, yes, 

economic growth and giving people greater opportunities, but in 

part that comes from more transparent democratic governance at 

the end of the day in countries, which is a longer term proposition, 

but nonetheless incredibly important to stop, because when in the 

Middle East you are facing a future that is so dismal that you can 

have your mind converted to believe that dying is more glorifying 

than living, that is a real challenge. It is a challenge to our national security and interests. It is a challenge in the region. And 

unless we change the dynamics of what is happening in those countries over time, we will continuously be in a perpetual war. And so 

I think it is important to be thinking about that in the long term, 

but it has got to start in a more significant way. When you cut democracy and governance by 38 percent, it does not lead us in the 

right direction. 

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So, one, I would like to get your sense of how you will try to stem 

the tide here. Two, I would like to get a sense from you that—and 

you and I talked about this a little bit, about those who would say 

that stability is more important than democracy and governance, 

that we are willing to look the other way on democracy and governance in order to have stability. 

And three, do you believe that if a country resists or attempts 

to thwart our democracy initiatives that we should simply end 

those programs in that country, as we are seeing such challenges, 

for example, in Pakistan, where several members of this committee 

and others of the Senate have written about NGOs, the NDI, The 

Republican Institute, and Save the Children, and others having 

challenges in Pakistan? Give me a sense on those issues. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator, and thank you both for the conversation we had the other day and your leadership on these 

issues. 

I agree with you on the importance of resources, and I believe 

you are aware that the President’s request includes an increase in 

resources for democracy and governance. 

But I think there are several other things we need to do. 

One is press others to also increase their resources. I think 

worldwide, if you look at investments in democracy, governance, 

and human rights, they are far below where they should be, and 

I think we are in agreement that this is essentially the backbone 

that is needed to ensure that the gains of development are sustained. 

I would also like to look at the potential impact of having additional personnel on the ground, particularly democracy and governance officers, who often, with technical assistance—but not necessarily large quantities of assistance—can play a hugely important role in training and using their convening power and other 

tools to build capacity. I think USAID’s record on training at the 

institutional level for civil society and NGOs is something we can 

build out. I know the Agency is looking at how to make greater use 

of regional platforms where more people and more organizations 

can be trained at once and where also, and importantly, networks 

can be built. 

I also believe, sir, that a government that is credible in the eyes 

of its citizens is a government that delivers transparently and in 

ways that are meaningful and impact the lives of those citizens. So 

in the areas where USAID has a very big presence and budget in 

health and in food security, the Agency has worked on—and I 

think we can expand—also looking at governance in those sectors. 

Is it transparent? Are the budgets transparent? Are citizens able 

to avail themselves of the equivalent of a feedback loop to ensure 

that, again, those services are delivered but in a way that is effective and transparent? 

As I mentioned in response to Senator Cardin the Open Government Partnership, I have been quite impressed by what that has 

provided in terms of triggering a worldwide debate on what open 

governance means and what the obligations of governments are, 

while also exercising the muscles of some governments in transition, with their civil societies to see what it is actually like to both 

cooperate and have civil society hold governments accountable. 

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I believe as well that USAID is in a very good position, along 

with the State Department, to play the role of broker or facilitator 

in dialogue between governments and civil society. 

I appreciate that you also made, sir, the point about this being 

a long-term proposition. I think the importance of our investing as 

a nation through USAID and by any other means in institutionbuilding is ultimately the key because it is when we have got 

strong, effective, and transparent institutions that I think we have 

the greatest assurance. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Let me make one observation before my time 

runs out, as well as one final question. 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. 

Senator MENENDEZ. And your answer, which I appreciate, a lot 

of it was focused on governance, and I agree that is an important 

issue. But I also think we have to decide whether USAID is going 

to play a role in democracy-building or not. And if it is, then it 

needs to be robust, and if it is not, then we need to think about 

how we move those resources to an entity that would, which brings 

me to my final question. 

I am pleased to see that the administration has its traditional re- quest for Cuba democracy programs at $20 million. And I have 

clearly a very different view of United States-Cuba policy than the 

administration. But the one thing, I would think, that we can all 

come together on are programs that ultimately we pursue worldwide in other countries that are undemocratic, and that we do not 

allow the entities in those countries, whether they are autocratic 

dictatorships or other authoritarian regimes, to just stop our programs at the end of the day because they do not like it, otherwise 

we would have given up a long time ago and would not have been 

successful in Eastern Europe at the time of Vaclav Havel, Lech 

Walesa, and so many others. 

So the question is, as it relates to Cuba democracy programs, can 

you make a commitment that you will prioritize programs that 

strengthen independent civil society, defend human rights, and expand democratic space and increased access to information inside 

of Cuba? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, yes. Let me address a couple of things you 

have said. 

First, I believe that the U.S. Agency for International Development is and must be an agency that is about supporting democratic 

institutions, expanding democracy and democratic practices. So I 

think that is and must remain a priority. 

With respect to Cuba, my understanding is USAID is continuing 

programs in democracy, governance, human rights, and the free 

flow of information, and intends to do so. And that is certainly my 

intention if confirmed. 

I also believe you make a very important point with respect to 

the situations where we find that governments reject, close space, 

or take other measures that constrain the evolution of democracy. 

I think we need to respond in those cases. I think we may respond 

differently in different cases and must do what is effective. In some 

cases, we may not be supporting an actual government. We may be 

working primarily with local civil society or other groups. But I do 

think it is something we must respond to, and I will, if confirmed. 

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Thank you. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Coons. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Chairman Corker. 

And welcome, Ms. Smith. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you. 

Senator COONS. I very much look forward to your confirmation 

and to continuing to work with you in what I hope will be your new 

role in leadership of USAID. 

And I appreciate and just want to join with the chairman in 

questioning about food aid reform and then talk a little bit more 

about effectiveness, monitoring, and economic development, if I 

could. 

What role do you see for local and regional procurement and for 

readjusting some of the commodity and cargo preferences in the 

path forward toward a reasonable and balanced reform to our food 

aid program? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, again, as you know, the President in his 

budget made a proposal for food aid reform. So I certainly believe 

that this is something we need to pursue. 

I believe there are ways to do it. I think there is probably some 

sort of equation that will be the ultimate solution. I am a little bit 

hesitant to get exactly into the particulars because in my current 

role I have not been directly consulting with all the parties. 

But I do think we can and should find a balance that does a 

number of things: enables the Agency to respond more quickly and 

meet the needs of more people while maintaining those very important, vital parts of a program that have served us well over many 

years and also meet the needs and concerns of a broad range of 

constituencies. I think it is entirely possible. It is something I 

would make a priority, if confirmed. 

Senator COONS. Great. Well, I look forward to working with you, 

the chairman, and other members on achieving that right balance 

between a lot a different interests and concerns. 

There is a number of initiatives that you may well get to carry 

forward that are, in no small part, focused on economic development in a part of the world we have both spent a fair amount of 

time in, whether Power Africa, Trade Africa, Feed the Future, 

Global Health Initiative. I have a concern about Power Africa that 

it has largely been funded out of democracy and governance programming funds, and my hope is that we will get an authorization 

and then dedicated sources of funding for the long term. But speak 

to those initiatives, if you would, in terms of which you think has 

been most successful in the last 5 years and which you would 

prioritize your focus on, if confirmed as Administrator, to try and 

advance both economic development and human development. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for your engagement on Africa, but also your engagement on development. 

I believe Feed the Future is one of the most successful initiatives 

we have seen in a long time. And I would point out that it was 

originally built as an initiative that started in Africa and has now 

expanded. There are Feed the Future countries outside of Africa 

that follow the same model, which include countries having a comFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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prehensive plan and their own investing in that plan. I think this 

is something we can build on. I think it is something that has influenced the rest of the world. I think we have put food security 

and agricultural development back on the world’s map, both 

through Feed the Future and support for that initiative. So I think 

anything we can do to ensure that it not only achieves as much impact as possible over the next 18 months but also well beyond that. 

I sincerely hope that Feed the Future is an initiative that will be 

continued, and I think it is worthy of it. 

Power Africa—and I would be delighted, if confirmed, to work 

with you on any resource issues—I think is something that has 

shown us that the development model that USAID and the other 

agencies and departments that are part of that initiative, because 

there are 12 all together, have figured out. I think there has been 

a search for the silver bullet on energy or infrastructure. I do not 

believe there is one, but I do think that we have come up with 

something that allows us to identify viable projects, interested investors, and importantly, break down the constraints and build the 

capacity that is necessary to get a transaction done that not only 

yields greater access to electricity but exercises the muscles of 

trade and investment and also demonstrates success. Because, as 

you know very well, in Africa, risk perception is a very powerful 

thing, and I think over time we are reducing it. 

I think it is also important that Power Africa is not overwhelmingly assistance-driven. The team has USAID at the lead, but 

again, all of those agencies and departments have done a phenomenal job of leveraging private sector capital and working with 

other countries. Sweden has put $1 billion behind this. The World 

Bank is engaged with us. So, again, using our leadership and a 

good idea to get others involved has been key. 

I think Global Health, if I may, Senator, is and will remain a top 

priority I certainly hope for this administration, as it has for past 

administrations. 

Senator COONS. Thank you. Across those few, if I might, I am 

pleased to hear that you think Feed the Future is scalable—— 

Ms. SMITH. I do. 

Senator COONS [continuing]. And can expand just its early success in Africa and is worth working together to sustain and grow. 

Second, I hope within Global Health that the development of an 

HIV vaccine will continue to be an area of priority and focus. Although it has a long trajectory, it would have an enormous cumulative impact. 

I also just wanted to recognize that the value of partnering with 

other development entities from around the world, with the private 

sector, as demonstrated in your comments, I see real value in. The 

Millennium Challenge Corporation I think in a number of countries 

where I have had the opportunity to visit with its sites and when 

I have had the chance to meet with their leadership has turned me 

from a skeptic to a real advocate because I think that long-term 

model of having metrics and accountability and measurable results 

and of doing development in partnership with other governments 

in a way that builds their capacity I think is really promising. 

Let me, as a last question, just mention the Paul Simon Water 

for the World Act. I joined a number of my colleagues, Chairman 

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Corker and Senator Durbin, Flake as a cosponsor. I think access 

to clean water and sanitation is one of those sort of foundational 

concerns like access to electricity. Just tell me, if you would, how 

USAID will seek to improve access to clean drinking water and 

sanitation in the developing world under your tenure if you become 

the Administrator. 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, let me just echo your endorsement of MCC. 

I have enjoyed working with MCC and look forward to continuing 

to do so in a new capacity, if I am confirmed. 

On the issue of water and sanitation, that is really one of 

USAID’s strengths, whether it is in the development field or if you 

look at emergency responses around the world. The Agency is terrific at moving quickly and also on a long-term developmental footing. 

My understanding is the Agency has been working on a much 

broader strategy and identified priority countries where our experts 

believe that USAID can have the greatest impact. It is something 

I am very eager to dive into further, including in support of the act. 

So I think it is something that I would like to come back to you 

on. I cannot claim to have exhaustive knowledge of it yet, but as 

I say, it is something the agency does very well. And my understanding is that they have been working very hard on plans to look 

at how it can be expanded but also how they can prioritize, again, 

in key countries where they can achieve the greatest impact. 

Senator COONS. Well, if I could simply, while Senator Perdue settles in, let me just say in closing that on my trip to Liberia last 

December, I was really impressed with the DART team and with 

how USAID was not just delivering disaster relief, humanitarian 

relief, but helping coordinate across international and private sector and volunteer organizations and how the incident management 

system that really was, in large part, deployed through the DART 

team made a lasting and compounding difference in how a complex, 

broad humanitarian crisis was being dealt with. And I just wanted 

to commend the great work that USAID has done and I believe will 

continue to do under your leadership in responding to complex humanitarian crises. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you for that, Senator. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Perdue. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ms. Smith, good to see you again. 

Ms. SMITH. Good to see you. 

Senator PERDUE. Well, thank you very much for your career service. And I find this role of USAID Administrator, as we talked, to 

be tremendously important. And I was very impressed with our 

conversation. I appreciate your forthrightness and candor in our 

brief time together. I look forward to maintaining that open dialogue. I think there is nothing better in trying to establish our foreign policy around the world than what we do with our philanthropy, and I know you share that as well. You said that in our 

meeting. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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In our fiscal environment, obviously, we want to know that every 

dollar is—we are getting the most productive use out of that that 

we can. I know you share that as well. 

Assuming you are confirmed, though, I would love to have you 

talk about it—and I am sorry I missed earlier testimony, but I 

would love for you to talk about your priorities in the next 18 

months, if confirmed, and talk about are there private priority 

areas that you would see yourself focusing on in particularly the 

first year. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator. Thanks again for our meeting. 

Yes. Let me briefly go through priorities. 

The first is achieving maximum impact in the areas where I 

think we can achieve the greatest scale. And we have talked a bit 

about some of those, Power Africa, Feed the Future, and Global 

Health. 

The second is a set of urgent priorities, including expanding the 

agency’s work on democracy, human rights, and governance, obviously a critical strategy in Central America, and for transition in 

Afghanistan. 

The third—and Senator Coons just referred to this. I believe that 

USAID is the best in the world in responding to crises anywhere. 

They are flexible. They are adaptive. They are creative. I think we 

need to make sure that the teams are able to keep one step ahead 

in a world where we are unfortunately seeing too many crises. 

The last, but I think in many ways the most important and 

something you and I talked about, is the management operations 

of the agency. We put huge expectations on the men and women 

who serve this agency to operate and manage huge amounts of 

money often in very complex environments. They do an excellent 

job. I think they are committed to being fully responsible with taxpayer dollars. I think you will find with me that I will be totally 

and utterly frank with you about what goes well and what does 

not, but as I said to you in our private meeting, I will also come 

to you and ask for help when we need to fix things that may not 

work so well. 

So on the operations and management of the Agency, I think 

USAID does a terrific job of doing assessments on the front end, 

looking at risk mitigation, evaluation and monitoring, and responding to oversight. I would like to work with the team—and it is a 

very dedicated team—to get out in front and ahead of some of these 

things to see if we can identify problems and challenges earlier, but 

also again to be able to come to you and other members of this 

committee with some options we may develop, and ask for your 

help and partnership in seeing if we can work together to make 

this agency as effective, as responsive, as responsible and agile as 

it needs to be in the world we live in. 

Senator PERDUE. I look forward to that. 

Another thing I want to follow up on is to have you speak to us 

a little bit about how do we get other partner nations around the 

world to help us in this role. I know they do now, but there are 

more needs than we can meet. And as one country, we cannot meet 

them all. This is not a budget conversation. It is really more of a 

conversation philosophically. From your role as the leading, I 

guess, contributor in this effort around the world, how would you 

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use this position to help influence other countries to step up their 

support of philanthropy the way we are? 

Ms. SMITH. First of all, I am not shy about asking for money. 

But, Senator, I think there are a couple things. And one great 

example of this has been the work on food security and agriculture 

where agencies and departments, including USAID, including the 

State Department—all of us rallied together to look at what the 

world was investing in agriculture, looking at what we could do, 

and then literally going country to country and saying here is what 

we expect you to put on the table. And we challenged other countries to triple their investments. We were polite, we were evidencebased, and we were relentless. Ultimately we mobilized $33 billion. 

Now, I think we can do that as a matter of practice. I think part 

of it is, again, challenging countries, looking at the evidence of 

where the investments are lacking, figuring out what is appropriate, and pushing politely until we get there. I think our convening power helps us enormously as does our success. Again, with 

Power Africa, the fact that Sweden announced last summer $1 billion in support of this enterprise is because it is a good idea and 

it is working. So I think the power of our example works. 

The last thing I would like to mention, Senator—and I think this 

is a trend we should build on—is that in a number of countries, 

we are seeing the important recognition by governments that something called domestic resource mobilization is key, that it is critical 

that they invest more in health, in education, in agriculture, and 

rely more on their own budgets. Now, some of that means that they 

need assistance in things like how to manage an effective tax administration. I think we need to capitalize on this trend, build on 

it where we have got countries that are stepping up and being real 

leaders on it, and then using that to challenge other countries to 

meet us at least part way. So I think that is another way that we 

can mobilize additional resources. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

If confirmed as Administrator, what would you do to ensure the 

priorities identified at the mission level are incorporated into final 

budget submissions to Congress and that presidential initiatives, 

while important, do not distort necessarily—I know they are important and they need to be taken into consideration, but they do not 

distort the type of assistance that you as the Administrator determine to be of utmost importance. I guess what I am looking for is 

the priorities in making sure that we all agree on those priorities 

with regard to meeting the needs that USAID is charged to do. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you for that question. And, Senator, I will not 

fool you. This is not easy. There are huge demands. There are huge 

opportunities, and it always is ultimately a question of tradeoffs 

and prioritization. 

So I think the first thing is to look carefully at what the Agency’s 

priorities are, to lean in the direction of those places we are getting 

the greatest impact and meeting the greatest need. Again, that is 

not easy because it means letting some things go. I am prepared 

to do that if that is what, again, the people in the Agency and others agree with, but I think that is something we have to look at. 

The other is I think listening to the field. We send teams out in 

the field to run USAID missions. They have got eyes and ears on 

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the ground. They have got a sense and the experience to know 

what is working and what is not and where we can have real impact. So I think factoring that in at the end of the day is important. 

And finally, I think we have got to continue to leverage and draw 

in other resources because, as you said yourself—and I strongly 

agree—we cannot do everything. I think something we can do more 

of is mobilize, quite frankly, other people’s resources to match our 

own. 

Senator PERDUE. Well, thank you for your testimony. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Welcome. I look forward to working with you in your new position. You have done very well today. Thank you for taking the time 

to meet with all of us. 

I am glad to hear in response to a question from Senator Perdue, 

you are not shy about asking for money because I wanted to ask 

you a question about resources. 

Interestingly, you skirted the issue a little bit in response to a 

question from Senator Menendez. You said resources are important, but let me tell you all the ways that we can get around needing more resources. And it speaks to a fear that I at least have 

about the aid community. 

I mean, the Defense Department is never shy about coming up 

to Capitol Hill and telling us when they do not have the resources 

to meet their operational demands, and they tell us routinely the 

risk at which we are putting the Nation if we do not fund the Department of Defense’s budget to the amount that meets their defined objectives overseas. 

I do not always feel the same way about the aid community, and 

often it is just a question of how we allocate scarce resources and 

how we draw on other partners. And all of that is important. 

But does USAID have the resources today to meet its operational 

demands? How much of this can continue to be just robbing Peter 

to pay Paul? Do we not have to have a pretty fundamental conversation about the growing number of crises across the world and 

the fact that today we are spending 1.1 percent of our GDP on foreign aid, when back in the 1950s we were spending 3 percent of 

our GDP on foreign aid? At some point we have got to reckon with 

that number. Right? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, I welcome your comments, and I think absolutely that we do. I think, if confirmed, I will also function as a 

member of the administration that is responsible for putting together an entire budget and take those factors into account. 

But I think there is something key that you are getting to. I 

think we are in a position now to make the case certainly to the 

American people. I have been encouraged by the conversations I 

have had with members of this committee that foreign aid is a worthy investment, that we get a return, that it impacts our influence 

and our standing around the world, and that we can prevent more 

crises than those to which we have to respond. So I think it would 

be a wonderful thing to start making the case that this a worthy 

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investment and one that we should consider over time increasing. 

I would be delighted to work with you on that. 

I do also want to say—and I certainly was not attempting to 

skirt something, but I also believe that assistance is one of the 

tools we have, but it is not the only one. The Agency has done a 

phenomenal job at a time when ideally it would have a much bigger budget, of figuring out, again, how do you mobilize other people’s resources, how do you work with the NGO community, which 

has made huge commitments of its own, and how do we, again, leverage what is now billions of dollars in private capital. So I think 

regardless of where the budget is, that is something that we have 

got to focus on. 

You did mention the word ‘‘operational,’’ so I just want to make 

one quick plug of something that, if confirmed, I hope that we can 

discuss, and that is USAID’s operating budget, which is also one 

of the key elements of its ability to function around the world and 

is absolutely critical. I would want to rely more fulsomely on the 

experts in the Agency to come back to you on that. But that is one 

of the, if you will, force multipliers to the effectiveness of the Agency over time. 

Senator MURPHY. One of the issues that we talked about, which 

I would love to hear your thoughts on in open committee, is the 

issue of flexibility. One of the things that I routinely hear from 

mid-level and upper-level operators in the field is that partially by 

internal processes, partially by congressionally directed earmarks, 

that we compartmentalize funding on a geographical basis and 

then on an operational basis, a categorical basis such that it is 

hard to move money as fast as the crises move our attention. 

Are there things that can be done internally? Are there things 

that we need to work with you on to make sure that you have the 

flexibility to move money as quickly as events on the ground demand it? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, that is an issue I would love to come back 

to you on, if confirmed. I think it is vital. 

USAID has a lot of people who are masters of figuring out how 

you move between the various pieces to move money as quickly as 

possible, but also respond to requirements that the Agency is obligated to and wishes to respond to, whether they come from the legislative or executive branch. I think if we could talk about how to 

provide the Agency with greater flexibility, that would be of enormous value. I think part of that equation is also working with you 

on how USAID can ensure that it will be fully responsible with 

that greater flexibility. 

I have known this agency for a long time. I have watched it go 

through a lot of permutations. I think it is better positioned today 

than at any time I have seen in 20 years to assume the responsibility for and act on that greater flexibility. And if that is a conversation that we could have, if I am confirmed, I would be delighted. 

Senator MURPHY. And then lastly, I just wanted to get your 

thoughts about the way in which USAID can be built more tightly 

into the overall national security infrastructure. There is a really 

fascinating report that one of your former colleagues, Gen. Jim 

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mirals, as well as a number of policy-thinkers, talking about the 

better ways to integrate both State Department resources and 

USAID resources into the strategic commands to make sure that 

we have a more coherent conversation happening out in the field 

so that we can have a coordinated response to crises. 

I think about the movement of an organization like al-Shabaab 

out of Somalia into Kenya. If we had been able to all think about 

the ways ahead of time to try to buttress those sections of Kenya 

which were vulnerable to the movement of al Shabaab, we might 

have been able to prevent a little bit more of the seepage that 

ended up happening. 

Are there some opportunities to try to connect strategic commands and USAID? They are some of your biggest boosters, frankly, and there seems to be a need to maybe have a little bit more 

coherence in the field. 

Ms. SMITH. Well, I think that is a very good point. And the Department of Defense has been a big champion of USAID largely for 

the reasons you suggest. USAID is the agency best positioned to 

pursue the prevention that is needed so we have fewer crises. 

I think USAID and the Department of Defense have a very good 

relationship. It is one that has expanded including because of joint 

responses in humanitarian crises. I know that on the Sahel and 

other parts of the world, the two agencies have together looked at 

roles and responsibilities but also how to think about what might 

be done on the side of prevention. And I think that is something 

I am very interested in pursuing further. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Can you give us the 1 minute on geothermal in Ethiopia? 

Ms. SMITH. Sure. Thank you, Senator. 

Geothermal in Ethiopia has a huge potential. All along the Rift 

Valley, as you and I discussed, there is the potential to provide 

electricity for a huge chunk of the continent. It is not easy to exploit, but we are finding that there is increased interest. Power Africa is behind transactions in Kenya and in Ethiopia that we hope 

to see significant progress on, including in the coming weeks. I 

think it is something that could be a profound game-changer for 

the region again. 

Senator MARKEY. We were told by the President of Liberia, a 

country of 6.5 million people, that her whole country only has 40 

megawatts of electricity. 

Ms. SMITH. Exactly. 

Senator MARKEY. What can one geothermal facility in Ethiopia 

do? 

Ms. SMITH. You could go from 500 to 1,000 megawatts. 

Senator MARKEY. A thousand megawatts. 

Ms. SMITH. Potentially. There are lots of megawatts in that geothermal rift there along the valley, sir. 

Senator MARKEY. Right. So ultimately we are looking at something that is potentially 25 times bigger—one plant, one facility— 

than all of the electricity in Liberia today. 

Ms. SMITH. But we are looking at some serious impacts. And 

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tation of geothermal. But I think we are seeing increasing evidence 

of its potential, of the interest by investors, and of the viability of 

some of these projects. We still have to focus on the Liberias that 

do not have that potential and have the kind of acute shortages 

you talk about, particularly at a time when, after having survived 

decades of war and now an Ebola epidemic, they are able, fortunately, to focus again with our Power Africa team on turning the 

lights on there. 

Senator MARKEY. The numbers are just so exponentially larger 

that they just match up with the cell phone wireless revolution in 

Africa. I mean, it is almost like a perfect analogy of how we are 

not talking about a doubling or a tripling. We are talking about 

something with one facility in Ethiopia that is 50 times bigger than 

everything that is going on in Liberia. So that is something that 

we just, again, continually have to focus on and understand that 

it is transformational. When a place has all the telecommunications they need and all of the electricity they need, capitalism, 

commercial activity is going to flourish and similarly the education 

of the kids, the health of the kids, all the way down the line. 

Let us talk about health systems post-Liberia. What can USAID 

do to make sure that there is a better infrastructure in place on 

an ongoing basis in these countries so that they can be the front 

line and effective in making sure that these diseases just do not 

spike out of control? 

Ms. SMITH. That is a really important question, Senator, and 

thank you for asking it. Senator Coons mentioned the DART team 

deployed, and even from the initial deployment of that disaster assistance response team, looking at the health systems has been a 

priority, building on some significant progress made over the years, 

but obviously insufficient progress given the impact that the Ebola 

epidemic has had. I think there are several things that can be 

done. 

One is transferring some of the capabilities that have been developed in Liberia out of misfortune to other places and making sure 

those are retained. There are now people who are trained as lab 

technicians to track the data on an epidemic, to do some of the 

treatment and prevention. 

The second is part of something called the Global Health Security Agenda, which was launched by the President with an eye to 

doing two things, both getting countries to adhere to the norms and 

standards that are required to manage global health threats, but 

also and importantly build the capacity of countries like Liberia to 

be able to prevent, detect, and respond to global health threats. 

Lastly, I think for USAID, for the Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator for the CDC, and for all the U.S. Government agencies 

that work in health, there have been some important lessons. I 

think about the importance of health system strengthening. This 

has been a priority since the beginning of the administration. I will 

admit it has not been the easiest thing to market. Health system 

strengthening really did not capture a lot of imagination I think 

until we saw the Ebola epidemic. But the teams are working now 

on how we can do as much as possible—— 

Senator MARKEY. Can you take tuberculosis as an example—— 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. 

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Senator MARKEY [continuing]. And talk about what USAID can 

do in terms of detection and prevention of tuberculosis in the countries that you have an ability to influence? Can you talk about that 

a little bit? 

Ms. SMITH. I think many of these are the same systems. And 

what is needed and I think what USAID does very well across the 

board on health is how do you have the education in place, train 

the people who you need on the ground, provide the education, and 

then put in the extra training and capabilities that are needed for 

diagnostics, for treatment, in TB for sustaining treatment because 

one of the biggest challenges there is that if people fall off their 

treatment, you have got a recurrence or even worse. So I think, 

again, it all comes back to health systems, to training, and to putting in place those things that enable local communities to play a 

central role. 

And one last thing on tuberculosis, if I may. It also means mobilizing other countries to do more because if you look at where the 

evidence of tuberculosis is today, much of it is in the world’s poorest countries. A great deal of it is in the BRICS. And so I think 

the other piece is going back and pressing other countries to do 

more. 

Senator MARKEY. And finally, USAID has partnered with MIT in 

working on a comprehensive initiative on technology evaluation in 

order to ensure that we are using the smartest technologies effectively in order to aid in development in these countries. Can you 

talk a little bit about that and how we can continue to advance 

that effort to maximize working smarter, not harder to extract all 

of the economic opportunities in these countries? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, I am not familiar with that particular 

project. I am familiar with the extraordinary work that has been 

done by—if I am confirmed—my predecessor. 

Senator MARKEY. You have my vote. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, sir. 

Dr. Shah is a real expert in science and technology and did a 

great deal to create, as you know, the Global Development Lab. 

I think the partnerships with universities are key. Those are already yielding significant results. I think how to use data more effectively both in running the organization but also in terms of 

tracking solutions and what is working and what is not. 

The Grand Challenges that USAID has run have been some of 

their greatest successes. My personal favorite is one that was to develop a set of protective gear for people who are working in environments like Ebola epidemics where they can work for longer periods than 45 minutes. It was Johns Hopkins and a wedding dressmaker in Maryland that came up with the solution on that. 

I think there is enormous potential out of what has been done 

to bring science, technology, and innovation into USAID. I think 

the challenge is to look at how we can get some of these things to 

scale. 

Senator MARKEY. I think your whole life has prepared you to sit 

in that chair, and I think our country and the world is lucky to 

have you being willing to take on this job. So thank you so much. 

Ms. SMITH. Thank you, Senator. 

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The CHAIRMAN. I am sure that Senator Markey knows that his 

whole life has prepared him to sit in his chair. [Laughter.] 

So with that, Senator Cardin I know has some additional questions. 

Senator CARDIN. If I could return to a point I raised earlier from 

the hearing we had yesterday in the East Asia and The Pacific 

Committee dealing with capacity-building and using USAID programs as they are related to capacity-building for trade, I want to 

talk a little bit about labor capacity issues and how you see the 

tools you have available being used to maintain and expand those 

opportunities. 

If we move forward—and I hope we do—with the agreement with 

the Trans-Pacific Partnership, there are several countries there 

that have significant challenges as relating to their capacity to 

comply with a quality trade agreement such as TPP, particularly 

on labor issues. How do you see your aggressiveness in using the 

labor capacity tools that are available to help us meet these needs? 

Ms. SMITH. Senator, this is something I have talked to USAID 

about. USAID has a long history of working with labor organizations to build up to both norms and standards and build capacity. 

I think there is every intention of continuing those programs. If it 

is possible to expand those, I think that is worth looking at. But 

this is something I think the Agency has got a long track record 

of working on around the world and in Asia, and I certainly think 

in the Asia-Pacific that is a place where, if confirmed, we would 

certainly want to continue to do that. 

I would be happy to talk to you further and get your thoughts 

and more details on any specific ideas you may have. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, I appreciate your commitment on this. I 

think it is going to require the agency’s initiatives in some of these 

areas, and I look forward to working with you in that regard. 

Ms. SMITH. That would be great. 

Senator CARDIN. There has been some conversation about the use 

of the Global Development Lab. I mentioned it and Senator Coons 

mentioned it. Do you have thoughts as to how that program could 

be strengthened so that we can leverage the program for stronger 

involvement from the private sector in helping achieve the missions 

of USAID? 

Ms. SMITH. Sure. I think the partnerships that the Global Development Lab has already built are part of what is going to anchor 

it and allow it to succeed. One of those is, again, with universities 

around the country, and also with the private sector. I think there 

is some real potential in looking at how we can take some of these 

innovations to scale. There is the capacity within USAID to provide 

some initial small capital to entrepreneurs, for example, or to ideas 

that seem to be viable enough to work. I think part of the challenge 

will be then getting with the private sector to figure out how we 

can take some of these things to market. And that is something I 

would very much like to do. I will rely on its experts, if confirmed, 

to determine what the best examples might be. 

But I genuinely believe that this kind of lab, that kind of innovation, those kind of entrepreneurs or the ideas that have come out 

of grand challenges—that if we use our convening power, the relationships that the Global Development Lab already has to work 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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with the private sector to take these solutions to market—we will 

not only innovate, but do something the lab was built for and that 

is to get to scale. 

Senator CARDIN. I think it is excellent. I would also urge you to 

put a bigger spotlight on what you are doing. I think this is a story 

that is not well understood yet, particularly in our country. So I 

think you should. This is a success, and you should really put a 

spotlight on it. 

One last point. Senator Corker and I have had many conversations about moving the President’s nominees through our committee in an efficient way. And today’s hearing is an indication of 

us moving forward on nominations. 

It is my understanding that there are several senior positions in 

USAID that require Senate confirmations where nominations have 

not been yet submitted to the United States Senate, including the 

top position in Africa and some others. If you are confirmed, can 

we have your commitment that you will do everything you can to 

make sure that we get these appointments in a timely way? It is 

frustrating for many of us who are pushing to say we need to confirm positions when the administration has not submitted their 

nominees. 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. I will happily make you that commitment, sir. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. I am glad to see that he is pushing in two directions, not just one. [Laughter.] 

Senator Perdue. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I do have one last 

question. 

Ms. Smith, with your operational background, I cannot resist this 

and I ran out of time earlier. But Senator Murphy reminded me 

just how important it is that we set priorities. We mentioned that 

we are only spending about 1 percent of our budget as opposed to 

maybe 3 percent in the past. I want to look at that. I am not 

knowledgeable about the 3 percent. 

But I do look at the last 6 years where we have spent $21 trillion 

in our Government. We borrowed $8 trillion of that. That means 

of the $20 billion, which I believe is in 2015’s budget for USAID— 

and put that in perspective. The State Department is $51 billion. 

So this is $20 billion of the $51 million. That means that we borrowed $8 billion in order to meet needs around the world. 

And this goes back to my question about how do we get other 

players to step up and how can we leverage what we are doing. But 

the reality is right now we are borrowing 40 percent of what we 

are using to support philanthropy around the world. I do not know 

any other country in history that has ever done that. 

And so the question I have that comes behind that is, operationally how do you look at the priorities? Right now, five efforts, as 

I understand it—and I would love to be corrected, but I think this 

is right. Five programs represent 90 percent of that $20 billion. 

Health, humanitarian needs—health is the third. Humanitarian 

needs is about 20 percent. Democracy and governance is 13 percent. So those three things are about two-thirds of the money we 

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culture are only about 20 percent, a little more than 20, about 23 

percent. 

So the question is—you do not have to answer today because you 

have not had a chance to get into the budget and all that. But one 

of the things I would look forward to is an active conversation 

about what you see the allocation needing to be relative to the 

needs that are out there, the objectives and the mission of USAID, 

given that 40 percent of what we are funding is borrowed. I mean, 

that puts a perspective on it I think that makes—it just puts every 

dollar in play relative to how important it is that we make every 

dollar count. So would you respond to that please? 

Ms. SMITH. I will. I also took note of your saying that you would 

be happy to talk to me about this later when I have had a chance 

to review the budget in great detail. 

I think this issue of prioritization is key. And again, I do not 

want to understate how difficult it is. USAID has a lot of important 

initiatives and programs. 

What I would really like to do is sit down with the men and 

women who run these programs both here in Washington and in 

the field, get their honest assessment of what they think is the 

most effective, what they think should be prioritized, how they 

think about that, be able to work that through with the agencies, 

with others in administration who have views on this, and come 

back to you and talk it through. 

Senator PERDUE. That is acceptable. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

If there are no other questions—do you have any, Senator Markey? You are good? I just have a couple and we will close. 

Ms. SMITH. Sure. 

The CHAIRMAN. Again, thank you for your testimony and your 

willingness to serve in this capacity. 

I was interested in your exchange with Senator Markey and just 

the order of magnitude change that can take place when we have 

power production of that magnitude in a country with so little. And 

we have so many countries in Africa that have that kind of situation. Sometimes administrations on both sides of the aisle try to 

tout the amount of output that is created, but as you know—and 

we talked about this in the office—what is important is to ensure 

you have a distribution system, and you have that power, and you 

have a cost recovery mechanism or a tariff system in place so that 

it can be sustained for the long haul and will be there. So many 

of us have seen—I know you have seen—projects that were completed but they serve no purpose. 

I wonder if you could just talk a little bit about that? 

Ms. SMITH. Yes. I think there a couple of issues there, Senator. 

And thank you for the question. 

One of the things that Power Africa also focuses on is some of 

the policy issues, which are key to sustainability. So I think that 

is vital. 

I also think that something, if confirmed, we can do more of and 

a better job of is looking at that sustainability up front and making 

sure that the policies are in place, figuring out things like recurrent expenditures that sometimes are not factored in are factored 

in so that we know that we are not investing in something that 5, 

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10, 15 years later is going to prove to be dormant or ineffective. So 

I think that is critically important. It is something that is a priority of mine. 

With respect to Power Africa in particular, one of the great 

things about having not only USAID but all of these other departments and agencies involved is that it is a real opportunity to get 

to the policy issues that are necessary alongside those very exciting 

investments to make sure that these are sustainable over time, and 

that the investments include all of the other cost recovery and 

pieces that you mentioned. 

The CHAIRMAN. While you were at the NSC, you praised the administration’s transparency efforts. And we noticed that with the 

foreign assistance website, we still are not getting full reporting 

from all Federal agencies relative to that. And while I am sure our 

friends in China have access to that data, I wonder if you 

would—— 

[Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. If you would commit to going ahead 

and bringing that up to a full-scale basis and make sure that all 

of that reporting is taking place? 

Ms. SMITH. Sure. Senator, I will continue to work on that. And 

I will confess to you that several colleagues and I made a priority 

of really looking at foreign aid transparency. I think in all honesty, 

we were not fully aware of what we were getting into when you 

look at the complexity of the full range of departments and agencies that provide foreign aid and their different systems and how 

one translates all of that information. That is a work in progress. 

It is something I will certainly lend my support to and continue to 

work on. And I appreciate your support for it because I think it is 

absolutely vital. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you for being here today. I appreciate the time you took with committee members in advance. 

Without objection, if the record could remain open until close of 

business Friday and if you would respond to those questions, we 

would appreciate it. 

Ms. SMITH. Yes, sir. 

The CHAIRMAN. And without further ado, the meeting is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:23 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF GAYLE SMITH, NOMINATED TO BE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED

STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Water, sanitation, and hygiene 

Question. The 2012 U.S. National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) determined that a 

lack of access to clean water in the developing world will increase the risk of state 

failure and global instability over the next decade, which in turn will pose strategic 

issues for the United States. In light of the recent passage of the Water for the 

World Act and its emphasis on prioritizing help for the most in need, what efforts 

would you undertake to ensure water and sanitation funding is not used as a strategic bargaining chip but that appropriate prioritization takes place as required by 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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law, increasing access to clean drinking water and sanitation where it’s needed 

most, as part of a global strategy to engender goodwill toward the United States 

and reduce the risk of global instability? 

Answer. Thank you for your leadership on this issue, including your sponsorship 

of the Senator Paul Simon Water for the World Act, which I was pleased to see 

signed into law. 

It is my understanding that the act aligns with USAID’s 2013 Water and Development Strategy, in that both prioritize USAID’s water investments based on (1) country needs (targeting countries with the least access to safe drinking water, improved 

sanitation and hygiene, and highest rates of death of children under 5 due to diarrheal diseases); and (2) opportunities (focusing on countries with host-government 

commitment to supporting water, sanitation, and hygiene). 

As you may know, the majority of USAID’s priority WASH countries and the 

majority of the Agency’s WASH funding can be found in sub-Saharan Africa, a region that has historically suffered from the lowest rates of access to safe drinking 

water and sanitation in the world. 

The country prioritization and funding trends both demonstrate USAID’s commitment to supporting the water needs of the very poor, and providing a foundation 

for sound governance of water resources that helps contribute to stability in priority 

countries. 

If confirmed, I will focus on sustainably expanding access to safe water, sanitation, and hygiene to the neediest countries in an increasingly water scarce world 

and look forward to consulting with the Congress and relevant stakeholders to 

ensure we are meeting the intent of the Water for the World Act. 

Freedom promotion 

Question. Where do you see democracy and liberty promotion fitting into the 

agenda of USAID? 

♦ a. What percentage of USAID funds and staff time should be spent on democracy and liberty promotion? 

♦ b. How does that compare to the current allocation of staff time and funds for 

democracy and liberty promotion? 

Answer. Democracy promotion is central to development, and an integral part of 

the U.S. national security strategy. This is highlighted in the President’s two published strategies as well as in the two Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development 

Reviews issued by the State Department and USAID. Within USAID, a new strategy on democracy, human rights, and governance (DRG) frames the importance of 

an integrated approach to programming within the sector, and equally on a holistic 

approach between this sector and the economic and social sectors. If confirmed, I 

intend to make democracy promotion a top priority. 

As stated during my testimony, to advance implementation of the new DRG strategy, if confirmed, I will support a greater presence of DRG officers in the field. 

Democracy officers are on the front lines each day, convening and networking civil 

society organizations, finding innovative ways to promote human rights, and working to ensure our programs in health, food security, climate change, and economic 

growth incorporate elements of citizen participation and government accountability. 

With respect to USAID managed and comanaged accounts, the President’s FY 

2016 request includes a substantial increase in democracy funding when compared 

to the FY 2015 request. If confirmed, I look forward to reviewing funding and staffing levels and working with Congress to ensure appropriate resources are available 

for this critical area. 

Question. As space for civil society continues to shrink globally, how will you put 

President Obama’s ‘‘Stand with Civil Society’’ initiative into action? 

Answer. USAID has been a key player in the President’s Stand with Civil Society 

agenda, a global call to action to support, defend, and sustain civil society amid a 

rising tide of restrictions on its operations globally. As a result of Stand with Civil 

Society, USAID has augmented programs that strengthen legal and regulatory environments for civil society; held numerous consultations all over the world with civil 

society; and made bold calls to strengthen regional coalitions, improve donor coordination and promote innovative partnerships, and engage local governments to collaborate with civil society to solve community problems. 

USAID is also exploring innovative ways to support civil society. For example, in 

partnership with the Government of Sweden and private philanthropy, the Agency 

is supporting an effort to connect civil society across the globe through the Civil 

Society Innovation Initiative. Through a constructive, cocreation process with civil 

society, USAID and its partners will work together with local and regional CSOs 

to design up to six regional Hubs that will be connected at the global level. These 

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regional Hubs, intended to add value to and augment existing support to civil society, will encourage cooperation, innovation, research, learning, and peer-to-peer 

exchanges. They will feature virtual and physical components that can aggregate 

existing tools and resources, including on leadership capacity and regionally based 

resource mobilization, as well as serve as a support platform for civic activists that 

could provide on-demand legal aid. 

These are the types of activities I will continue to support to ensure that USAID 

is supporting the U.S. Government’s efforts to respond to the backlash on democratic principles occurring around the world. 

Program impact 

Question. U.S. assistance has had many successes, but too often USAID is focused 

on dollars spent, rather than impact. If confirmed, how will you push USAID to be 

focused on development outcomes? 

Answer. In order to maximize the impact of every development dollar, and as part 

of the USAID Forward reform agenda, USAID has introduced new operational policies related to strategic planning, program design, and monitoring and evaluation. 

As you know, this suite of reforms was designed to increase the Agency’s strategic 

focus and development impact by ensuring that programs are designed to respond 

to local contexts, and that USAID learns from experience and adapts programs 

accordingly for better development outcomes. 

USAID’s Evaluation Policy, released in 2011, is one of the key operational policies 

that is bringing new methodologies for measuring impact to the design and evaluation of development activities. Since 2011, over 950 evaluations, and expanded 

training in evaluation for over 1,400 USAID staff, have bolstered active management by missions and operating units in evidence-based decisionmaking. 

USAID has strengthened its ability to plan and implement strategically, to monitor and evaluate impact, and continuously feed what is learned back into planning 

and implementation processes to improve outcomes. Another operational reform that 

has strengthened strategic planning for improved outcomes is the use of Country 

Development Cooperation Strategies (CDCS) to ensure analysis of changes in country situations and status in the medium term, and support evaluations and interim 

Agencywide assessments to inform decisions about adjustments in resource allocations. If confirmed as Administrator, I will work to further institutionalize these 

reforms across the Agency. 

Question. What are your thoughts on innovative pay-for-performance contracts, 

such as Cash-on-Delivery Aid, where U.S. taxpayers would only be footing the bills 

for measurable achievements? 

Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to utilizing the most effective and 

efficient means for incentivizing, attaining, and sustaining development results. 

Examples include: 

(A) Acquisition and Assistance: For acquisition (contracts), USAID has several options to incentivize contractors by tying payment to performance, including cost plus 

award fee, fixed price award fee, cost plus incentives fee, and fixed price incentive 

fee contracts. For assistance (grants and cooperative agreements), a fixed amount 

award, which was previously referred to by USAID as a fixed obligation grant, is 

the main pay-for-performance mechanism. I understand that USAID strives to use 

these mechanisms when appropriate. 

(B) Government-to-Government (G2G) Assistance: Most of USAID assistance to 

local governments is ‘‘projectized’’ which means that the Agency’s funding is for a 

specific project, not simply budget support, and financed via either cost reimbursement, fixed amount reimbursement, or resource transfers (i.e., cash transfers in a 

few select countries). 

If confirmed, I would be interested in looking at other innovative pay-for-performance approaches, including Cash on Delivery. 

If confirmed, I am committed to achieving results that sustain in the most efficient and effective way. However, in pursuing this results focus, I also want to ensure that the approaches we use do not undermine or distort current systems such 

that the countries on their own are not able to sustain this assistance. 

Africa 

Question. At a time when China and other countries are making huge inroads into 

Africa, often displacing American influence, how would you advance American interests in this competitive environment? 

Answer. I believe America can continue to assert influence as a global leader in 

Africa, even as sub-Saharan Africa attracts significant investment from China and 

many other countries. At the U.S.-Africa Leader’s Summit (ALS) President Obama 

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told the largest gathering of African leaders ever held in Washington, ‘‘We don’t look 

to Africa simply for its natural resources. We recognize Africa for its greatest resource which is its people and its talents and its potential.’’ The United States relationship with Africa is about much more than extracting minerals from the ground 

for our growth. The United States seeks to build partnerships that create jobs and 

opportunity for all our peoples, and unleash the next era of African growth. The U.S 

approach provides a mix of investments in Africa representing a comprehensive 

American agenda that promotes influence in the forms of democracy, individual liberties and respect for the rule of law as well as soft power influence where we have 

a significant undisputed edge in working with African governments. 

USAID can demonstrate leadership and advance American interests in Africa 

through development programming that engages and empowers Africans. USAID invests heavily in programs that ensure Africans have a stake in their own development and continues to engage in Africa on a large scale. In its first year, the Power 

Africa initiative made significant progress toward achieving its initial goal of adding 

10,000 megawatts (MWs) and 20 million business and household electrical connections in six countries in sub-Saharan Africa. During the ALS, President Obama 

announced a tripling of Power Africa’s goals—Power Africa partners would work 

together to add 30,000 MW and 60 million connections across all of sub-Saharan 

Africa. Through Power Africa, USAID is coordinating a total of 12 U.S. Government 

agencies and working with over 100 private sector partners, multilateral development institutions, bilateral partners, and African governments to increase power 

generation across sub-Saharan Africa. To date, Power Africa has helped projects 

expected to generate over 4,100 megawatts of electricity generation capacity reach 

financial close. 

Through the Feed the Future initiative, USAID is working with African governments, the African Union, and the private sector in Africa and abroad to address 

the root causes of hunger, poverty, and food crises. U.S. leadership is ensuring that 

the fight against hunger and poverty is a global endeavor. Indeed, our L’Aquila commitment of $3.5 billion over 3 years, which the United States met and surpassed, 

spurred other partners to pledge more than $18.5 billion. And the United States was 

instrumental in the development of five key principles that were subsequently 

adopted at the Rome World Summit on Food Security in November 2009. Now 

known as the Rome Principles, they constitute the foundation for collective, global 

action on agricultural development and food security. If confirmed, I will ensure 

that USAID continues to show such leadership on the continent through bilateral 

and regional partnerships with African institutions, and through the USG’s power 

to convene global responses to African challenges. 

Through the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI), the U.S. Government is empowering a new generation of young Africans to contribute to solving challenges in 

their communities and around the world. YALI works in partnership with a robust 

network of stakeholders from across the continent and in the United States to support young African leaders as they spur growth and prosperity, strengthen democratic governance, and enhance peace and security across Africa. This initiative also 

builds lasting linkages between the United States and Africa in government, business and civil society. 

At the same time, since China is the largest single trading partner with the African region, it is important that the United States engage the Chinese to channel 

global development resource flows toward more transparent, accountable, and transformative development objectives in line with our values. Through this engagement, 

the USG has an opportunity to encourage compliance with international standards 

for environmental and social risk assessments. If confirmed, I will work with the 

Department of State on developing a strategic framework for enhancing this engagement. 

As outlined in the President Obama’s U.S. Strategy toward sub-Saharan Africa, 

the United States commitment to Africa is long-standing and deep. The United 

States has invested in development partnerships with Africans to foster sustained 

economic growth, promote food security, increase resilience to climate change, and 

improve the capacity of countries and communities to address HIV/AIDS, malaria 

and other health threats. This is the foundation of a continuing strong relationship 

between the U.S. and African nations. 

Yemen 

Question. Earlier this year, USAID suspended its conflict resolution programming 

in Yemen due to an escalation of conflict. What are your views of the proper role 

for USAID in Yemen and how USAID might be able to restart these important 

programs? 

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Answer. As you know, USAID supports local, civilian-led conflict mitigation programs and efforts to foster dialogue throughout many countries worldwide. Yemen 

currently faces a humanitarian crisis, with conditions deteriorating rapidly, and 

USAID is focused on addressing this crisis through its continued life-saving humanitarian assistance. Since FY 2014, the Agency has provided $158 million in humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected and vulnerable populations in Yemen. USAID 

works through trusted humanitarian partners that are seasoned professionals with 

many decades of experience working in conflict zones and difficult operating environments, such as Somalia and Afghanistan. 

In light of the extremely difficult security and operational situation in Yemen, 

some USAID programs, including social and economic development programs, have 

been suspended. The safety and security of USAID implementing partners, beneficiaries, and local staff in Yemen is USAID’s first priority and the Agency does not 

want to put them at risk unnecessarily. I understand that USAID has worked diligently to ensure that this suspension will allow the Agency to keep programs in 

place so that it can quickly restart activities—including conflict management and 

mitigation activities—at any point when the situation is permissive, civil society 

partners can meet in a safe environment, and USAID can ensure sufficient program 

oversight. 

Risk assessments missing in program planning 

Question. While USAID has increased its partnerships with local partners in 

country-led programming, the Government Accountability Office reports risk assessments that are carried out by USAID are many times not used during program 

planning in order to mitigate those risks. How would you address this as Administrator? 

Answer. It is my understanding that USAID has addressed the concerns raised 

in the GAO report regarding the alignment of its fiduciary risk assessments with 

its program planning process. If confirmed as Administrator, I am committed to creating the conditions whereby countries can lead, resource, and sustain their own development. To the extent that effective government systems are key to sustaining 

desired results, under my leadership, the Agency will continue to invest directly in 

those systems to improve their function. I will ensure that the Agency continues to 

conduct in-depth fiduciary risk assessments at the country level, as well as at the 

institutional level for those organizations in which the Agency is directly investing. 

My understanding is that in 2014 USAID revised its internal regulations to align 

its processes for fiduciary risk assessment and program planning, and accompanied 

that revision with a worldwide training program. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 

that USAID staff worldwide are familiar with and implementing these regulations 

so that these fiduciary risk assessments are used in program planning in order to 

mitigate such risks. 

Grants vs. contracts 

Question. In order to achieve maximum accountability for results, efficient use of 

resources, and the incorporation of lessons learned from prior development efforts, 

what do you think the appropriate balance is between contracts, grants, and cooperative agreements in acquisitions associated with development? 

Answer. To achieve maximum accountability and results, I believe that the appropriate choice of instrument will vary from activity to activity. The decision to use 

a grant, contract, or cooperative agreement should be based on a rigorous program 

design in which intended results, efficiencies, and lessons learned are incorporated. 

I understand that USAID has a history of robust use of all three mechanisms 

with assistance instruments such as grants and cooperative agreements receiving 

60–70 percent of USAID obligations and contracts receiving 30–40 percent. I also 

understand that USAID’s official policy states that there is no preference for acquisition instruments over assistance instruments or vice versa. 

In addition, I believe it is important to ensure that the choice of instrument is 

made in accordance with principles found in the Federal Grant and Cooperative 

Agreement Act. 

Please be assured that if confirmed, I will ensure that results, efficiencies, and 

lessons learned are used in each of these implementing mechanisms. 

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ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Country ownership 

Question. Americans are proud that our country is the world’s most generous provider of assistance to save lives in emergencies and help people and countries work 

their way out of poverty. Over the years this assistance has helped other countries 

achieve some incredible results—including 1 billion people being lifted out of poverty 

in this century. 

♦ How do we make sure that our aid is leaving lasting results that countries can 

build upon, so they can grow their economies, strengthen their institutions and 

the rule of law, and get to the point where they are eventually funding their 

needs with their own economic growth? 

♦ What administrative reforms can we expect you to prioritize to ensure that we 

make sure we are getting the furthest mile on every U.S. taxpayer dollar going 

overseas—and what can Congress do to alleviate the pressure to burn money 

too quickly, measure quantitative outputs versus impact, etc.? 

♦ How would you invest to increase the impact of successful efforts like the Local 

Solutions initiative? 

Answer. USAID is committed to creating the conditions whereby countries can 

lead, resource, and sustain their own development, a commitment that I share and 

will prioritize, if confirmed. I agree that country ownership—mutually agreed-upon 

priorities, direct implementation through local systems as the default choice, and 

domestic resourcing by local governments, civil society, and the private sector— 

should be at the core of how USAID does business. My understanding is that the 

Agency is delivering on this commitment through the following organizational and 

programmatic reforms, which I will prioritize if confirmed: 

♦ The Agency has put in place policies and a program planning process that 

enable it to project results over a longer timeframe and align its staffing and 

resources accordingly. 

♦ USAID is ensuring that its country strategies and project designs prioritize and 

measure sustainability through country ownership, regardless of the sector. 

This increasingly entails broad local stakeholder involvement in the Agency’s 

planning processes. It also entails analysis (e.g. political economy analysis) and 

action (i.e. improved governance) on the constraints to sustainability, all of 

which may not be fully in the Agency’s manageable control. 

♦ The Agency has put in place the appropriate controls to prudently invest 

directly in local governments, civil society, and bolstering the private sector (as 

relevant) to ensure that those stakeholders are accountable, effective, and can 

sustain results on their own. 

♦ USAID has introduced new guidance and methodologies for monitoring and 

evaluating project performance. USAID programs are closely and actively monitored in-country—including through the use of objective, third-party evaluations—to track results at every level (input, output, outcome) and to make room 

for midcourse correction when changes are needed. In addition, through the use 

of rigorous methodologies the Agency is able to evaluate the impact of its programs and the extent to which outcomes can be attributed to USAID interventions. 

♦ The Agency has almost doubled its Foreign Service staffing to increase its ability to engage directly with local governments, civil society, and private sector; 

negotiate policy reforms; leverage the local private sector; build capacity; innovate; and manage its assistance programs. 

♦ USAID is promoting the mobilization of local resources in countries where it 

works through tax modernization; coinvestments and guarantees with the local 

private sector; budding philanthropy; and alternative business models such as 

social enterprises and social impact investment. 

Health workforce 

Question. What is the overarching vision and strategy for helping the Ebolaaffected countries and other developing country partners to build a well-trained, 

well-equipped and well-supported health workforce that can stop threats like Ebola, 

and at the same time help achieve other major priorities like ending preventable 

child and maternal deaths? 

Answer. USAID has worked closely with the national governments of the Ebolaaffected countries as well as with other U.S. Government agencies and bilateral and 

multilateral donors to develop a health country plan for each country, which directly 

supports national strategies and reaches the most vulnerable populations. USAID’s 

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programs focus on restoring non-Ebola essential primary health services delivery 

while supporting the rehabilitation of health systems, including the capacity to prevent, detect, and respond to future outbreaks before they become epidemics, in line 

with our Global Health Security Agenda. 

To support service delivery, USAID will focus its efforts on health promotion and 

behavior change and communication at the community level. These efforts will help 

to reduce the fear of returning to health clinics and promote primary health services, particularly maternal and child health services. Support will also focus on the 

reopening of community health facilities in USAID-targeted communities which follow new established standards and norms for infection prevention and control, 

training of health care workers, and ensuring the availability of essential health 

commodities at the facility level. Additional support will also be provided for service 

delivery through existing nontraditional, community platforms, such as national 

health weeks and immunization campaigns,which will help to serve as a stop-gap 

measure until community-based facilities are up and running. 

USAID will focus on a variety of activities to improve health systems in both the 

short- and long-term in each country. Priority programs will include capacity-building for health care worker training programs to better support the recruitment, 

training, supervision, and retention of health care workers at all levels. Support will 

also be provided for curriculum development, training tools and materials, helping 

to develop a professional training track for community health care workers, and integration of new health workers recruited and trained during the crisis. Significant 

efforts will also be made to support the supply chain management efforts from forecasting and procurements to storage and delivery at the community level. Additional 

efforts will be considered to help support the local Ministries of Health on governance, health care financing (to help manage the additional influx of resources from 

donors), management and oversight. All three affected countries have requested 

support in setting up an infection prevention and control unit within the Ministry 

of Health to ensure the quality control and implementation of standards and norms 

for infection prevention and control implementation throughout all clinical settings. 

USAID-supported recovery efforts will build upon systems and activities put in 

place during the emergency response efforts to further enhance each country’s 

capacity in detecting, preventing, and responding to further outbreaks of Ebola and 

other infectious disease threats. 

These efforts, combined with the efforts of other donors, will collectively support 

the national recovery strategies in each country and help to support overall efforts 

to end preventable maternal and child death. 

Maternal and child health 

Question. In 2012, the United States led on the Survival Call to Action roadmap 

that identified key barriers that we needed to address to bend the curve on ending 

child deaths and increase child survival and health. 

♦ How is the United States moving this agenda forward? 

♦ How can you deepen or expand that commitment or vision? 

♦ How will you ensure that we are working with the highest-burden countries and 

promoting equity for children across the globe to ensure we are reaching all 

children? 

Answer. Since 2009, the Obama administration has been strategically focusing its 

maternal and child health programs on countries with the highest burdens of maternal, newborn, and child deaths and where the United States had the opportunity 

to make a difference in this outcome. By focusing on countries and populations with 

the highest need, U.S. programs have helped save millions of lives, contributing to 

greater equity and more inclusive development. In USAID’s 24 priority countries 

that account for more than 70 percent of global child and maternal deaths, nearly 

800,000 more children survived in 2013 than in 2008, contributing to a cumulative 

total 2.4 million lives saved. 

USAID’s 2014 report ‘‘Acting on the Call: Ending Preventable Child and Maternal 

Deaths’’ outlined an evidence-based plan to accelerate progress in USAID priority 

countries-sharpening field programs, realizing efficiencies, and improving accountability to yield the greatest number of lives saved, while building systems and partnerships to sustain progress. Building on this momentum, USAID appointed a Child 

and Maternal Survival Coordinator in 2015, focused on: (1) continuing to sharpen 

the Agency’s work toward Ending Preventable Child and Maternal Deaths; (2) intensifying external engagement with Congress and partners, advocates, civil society, 

faith groups, and partner country leaders that are critical to progress; and (3) increasing financing for EPCMD. 

USAID is working to accelerate its action through a new framework to track success, support missions, and ensure that resources are in place to sustain the effort. 

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By enhancing existing internal processes such as the annual operational plan development, USAID can improve its performance and ensure that our investments are 

focusing on the highest priorities. Dashboards have been developed to rigorously 

measure progress at both the outcome level and input level. The dashboards facilitate a more organized, coordinated system for tracking, and managing progress, and 

are a supporting tool in a comprehensive approach to measuring progress. 

I understand USAID is working to release the second ‘‘Acting on the Call’’ report 

in summer 2015, following up on commitments and targets set in the 2014 report. 

Through dashboards and these annual reports, USAID is holding itself and its partners accountable for accelerating our impact on ending preventable child and maternal deaths. 

Ending Preventable Child and Maternal Deaths cannot be accomplished by 

USAID alone. In 2012, the Governments of Ethiopia, India, and the United States, 

in collaboration with UNICEF, hosted the Call to Action to unite the global community around this achievable goal. The same partners convened again in 2014 to 

assess progress and identify challenges. This year, the Government of India will 

host a followup global conference in August, cohosted by the Governments of Ethiopia and the United States, and UNICEF. Since 2012, 20 governments have committed to—and most have developed—national plans to accelerate progress, set clear 

priorities and costs and scorecards to systematically track outcomes. 

Since the beginning of the Obama administration, the U.S. Government has 

increased investments in global child and maternal survival with the strong, bipartisan support of Congress. Worldwide, government health expenditures and donor 

contributions have seen meaningful growth. There still remains a gap in financing 

needed to build on progress to date and bridging that gap will require strategies 

that incorporate domestic resource mobilization, global engagement, USAID’s 

Health Financing Framework, and targeted country-specific interventions. As countries experience unprecedented economic growth, a new transitional model of aid 

can better mobilize domestic public, private, and other innovative sources of funding 

to create a bridge toward equity, sustainability, and self-sufficiency. If confirmed, I 

am committed to building on the successes of USAID’s efforts to end preventable 

maternal and child deaths. 

Question. As you know, land tenure is a critical element of food security. However, 

smallholder farmers, particularly women farmers, are often at risk of having their 

land seized without their consent in large land acquisitions. This has been a challenge in efforts to promote food security and helped drive the development of the 

land tenure guidelines, which I am pleased that the United States supported. 

♦ What are your thoughts on how USAID can ensure a strategy that includes participation of small-scale farmer’s organizations and prioritizes their needs? 

♦ Will USAID continue to support policies favoring large agribusiness and largescale land acquisition in Africa? 

♦ How will USAID avoid being involved in projects that fail to respect the legitimate tenure rights of local people, especially in post-disaster or post-conflict 

assistance where communities are especially vulnerable? 

♦ What role do you see for the U.S. Government/USAID in fostering increased 

investments by donor and host governments in the agricultural sector of countries facing food insecurity, specifically investments geared toward benefiting 

smallholder farmers? 

Answer. I fully agree that land tenure is a critical element of food security. 

Indeed, smallholder farmers, particularly women farmers, are often at risk of having 

their land seized without their consent in large land acquisitions. This has been a 

challenge in efforts to promote food security and helped drive the development of 

the land tenure guidelines you reference. 

USAID has taken steps to ensure that land-based investments are responsible, 

inclusive, and sensitive to the interests and concerns of local communities. USAID 

supports efforts to combat hunger, poverty, and malnutrition through the U.S. 

Government’s Feed the Future initiative, which prioritizes improving smallholder 

farmer access to tools, technologies, and markets as they are the backbone of rural 

economies. If confirmed, I will ensure that Feed the Future continues to prioritize 

country ownership, and backs strategies developed by host country governments 

with input and ongoing engagement across a range of important stakeholders, 

including smallholder farmer organizations, local private sector, and research organizations, to ensure inclusive agricultural growth. 

USAID, through Feed the Future, supports the principles of the New Alliance for 

Food Security and Nutrition, a shared commitment among African governments, 

donors, development partners, and the private sector that was launched in 2012 to 

encourage responsible private sector engagement in promoting inclusive growth in 

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the agriculture sector for sustainable impact against poverty and malnutrition. If 

confirmed, I will ensure that the Agency continues to reinforce efforts to create an 

enabling environment for responsible investment that include commitments among 

participating parties to adhere to the Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food 

Security. 

I understand that USAID has developed Operational Guidelines for Responsible 

Land-Based Investment, which serve as guidance to the private sector on how to 

ensure that land-based investments protect local communities and do not displace 

or disadvantage local populations. Through training and technical assistance, research and evaluation, policy reform, and pilot projects, USAID is committed to implementing the principles set forth in the Principles for Responsible Investment in 

Agriculture and Food Systems and Voluntary Guidelines for the Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries, and Forests. These international law instruments create important standards of practice that protect people and communities 

and create an enabling environment that promotes broad-based economic growth 

and reduces extreme poverty. If confirmed, I will promote the full utilization of 

these instruments in all USAID’s economic growth programs. 

USAID plays a lead role globally in promoting agriculture sector and food security 

investments through development partnerships at all levels. Data indicate that the 

agriculture sector is more than twice as effective in reducing poverty and increasing 

food security as other economic growth activities. A focus on reducing poverty and 

undernutrition requires a clear focus on improving the status of smallholder farmers. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID investments focus clearly on the needs 

and opportunities of small-scale farming families and communities, where the great 

majority of the poor and food-insecure live. With its emphasis on sustainability 

through country-led partnerships, I understand that Feed the Future has helped 

spur significant increases in host-country investments in agriculture and food security. At their recent summit in Malabo for example, Africa’s leaders adopted agriculture and food security as a main development focus, committing to invest 10 percent of national budgets in agriculture. Evidence-based partnerships are occurring 

in other food-insecure regions as well. Feed the Future is clearly contributing to 

reductions in both poverty and child stunting in countries where USAID works. If 

confirmed as USAID’s Administrator, I will strengthen partnerships with both 

beneficiary countries, donor countries, and other investors to ensure that a clear 

priority on agriculture and food security continues to emphasize gains in small-farm 

communities. 

USAID is uniquely placed to drive gains for smallholder farmers, producers, and 

rural families that work in goods and services around agriculture-based value 

chains. Through partnerships with the U.S. university community for example, Feed 

the Future Innovation Labs are leading the way in developing new technologies and 

sustainable management practices that focus on increasing productivity and reducing risk in small-scale farming. Through global research alliances that link scientists and students in the United States with counterparts in partner countries 

and key international research organizations, USAID is leveraging the best of global 

science to enhance the lives and livelihoods of rural producer communities across 

Africa, Asia and Latin America. If confirmed, I will continue and enhance a focus 

on increasing both productivity and profitability of their enterprises and the private 

sector value chains that depend on them. I will work to ensure that USAID investments continue to drive agriculture and food security gains in ways that also 

enhance employment opportunities for the young—men and women—both on farm 

and off. 

Countering violent extremism 

Question. Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) has emerged as a top White 

House priority, as evidenced by the February summit. And the State Department 

just released the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, which highlighted a CVE strategy that stressed the need for good governance and the importance of addressing corruption. 

♦ What were the key outcomes/take-aways of the Kenyan CVE summit? 

♦ How will the strategies discussed there inform broader prevention efforts in 

sub-Saharan Africa? 

♦ In your view, what are USAID’s strongest tools when it comes to CVE? How 

does USAID plan to utilize tools to address the root causes of radicalization in 

the West African and Sahel contexts to counter the ideology of groups such as 

Boko Haram and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)? 

Answer. The Kenya Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) summit will be held in 

Nairobi on June 25–28. This will be one of several regional summits held in the 

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wake of the White House summit in February and in the leadup to the Senior 

Leader summit to be held in New York around the U.N. General Assembly. 

This summit builds on a foundation of existing engagements aimed at building 

cooperation in the East Africa region, such as the Global Counter Terrorism—Horn 

of Africa Working Group and the Partnership for Regional Counterterrorism in East 

Africa. The participants for the Kenya CVE summit will represent a broad spectrum 

of government and civil society from throughout the region. The objective is to 

enhance further regional cooperation and coordination, as well as develop a joint 

understanding of how violent extremists gain and sustain support among some local 

populations. By sharing knowledge and best practices, the conference will help 

strengthen the response to violent extremism in the East Africa region and beyond. 

USAID is a key member of the U.S. delegation to the Kenya summit and will participate in all the other planned regional summits. 

The White House CVE summit and the regional summits have highlighted the 

value of USAID’s approach to addressing violent extremism as part of a whole-ofgovernment response to terrorist threats in Africa and worldwide. In 2011, USAID 

released an agency-level policy, the Development Response to Violent Extremism 

and Insurgency, that outlines best practices from several years of CVE programming, as well as from research on the factors that drive violent extremist recruitment and how development assistance can help mitigate these root causes. A critical 

aspect of effective CVE programming is building community resilience, which is particularly key in areas at recurring risk of exploitation by violent extremist groups. 

At its core, USAID’s approach is based on understanding the legitimate concerns of 

minority populations in areas most at risk to violent extremism; working with local 

community organizations and government officials to address those concerns; building respect for human rights and the rule of law among all parties; and promoting 

respected, moderate voices who can encourage peaceful solutions to expressed grievances. I understand that based on evaluations of USAID programs in Chad, Niger, 

Mali, and Kenya, these programs have made a measurable impact among local populations by undermining support for violent extremist rhetoric and activities. 

It is my belief that the United States needs a broad array of tools in its toolkit 

to counter terrorism effectively. USAID’s programs attempt to address problems at 

their source by decreasing the momentum and rationale behind violent extremist recruitment while reducing local sympathies and support for extremists. These efforts 

complement our Nation’s ongoing diplomatic, defense, and intelligence assets aimed 

at reducing the terrorist threat to ourselves and our partners. 

The Europe and Eurasia Bureau 

Question. With the rise of a belligerent Russia, the E&E Bureau has taken on new 

prominence and significant budget responsibilities especially with respect to 

Ukraine, yet the E&E Bureau does not have offices in the main headquarters building. This sends a bad message and hampers the Bureau’s ability to coordinate with 

the rest of USAID. 

♦ What can be done to address this issue? 

♦ Would you consider at least moving the leadership of the E&E Bureau into the 

main USAID building? 

Answer. I have not been involved in any decisions related to space within 

USAID’s headquarters. If confirmed, I look forward to receiving a briefing from the 

relevant personnel on the Agency’s plans with respect to the allocation of space and 

will ensure that our plans are consistent with Agency priorities and staffing requirements. 

MENA 

Question. In 2011 the Arab Spring protests and calls for nonviolent reform offered 

tremendous hope for the potential of the Middle East region. Four years later we 

face a long, cold winter with many states reverting to old bad habits of closing off 

all avenues for nonviolent political expression or economic opportunity. Worse yet, 

we are facing failed or close to failing states in Yemen, Libya, and Syria. In the face 

of such unpredictability, instability, and violence the U.S. diplomatic presence and 

USAID field offices have been forced to draw down or close. In other areas, governments are actively confronting USAID funded programs and projects. 

♦ How are you thinking about U.S. assistance and development engagement in 

the Middle East and North Africa against this depressing and alarming backdrop? 

♦ Do we need to change the way we do business, or the missions we pursue, in 

the region? 

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Answer. USAID works with local and international partners to address the tremendous needs in the Middle East and North Africa. USAID recognizes that capable 

and accountable governance institutions are crucial to the sustainability of our 

development investments, which is why the Agency seeks to integrate democracy, 

human rights and governance principles and practices across all programming. 

USAID’s approach in the Middle East is twofold; the Agency works not only with 

governments, but also at a grassroots level, changing the lives of individuals and 

transforming communities. USAID works closely with national governments where 

that is possible, and where national-level governance institutions are lacking, 

USAID works at the local level, with municipal councils or local civil society, to help 

meet the immediate needs of the people in the region as well as build sustainable 

local governance structures that can support a move to resilient democratic societies. Local- and municipal-level governance issues are an increasingly important 

component to USAID’s work in the region, especially in communities affected by 

conflict and crisis. Key elements in all USAID programs are a deep analysis of the 

political context, supporting citizen engagement in policymaking and service delivery, and promoting the rights of all citizens and groups to ensure equitable development gains. USAID programs represent a long-term investment in the people and 

communities of the Middle East and North Africa and build on the Agency’s mission 

to partner to end extreme poverty and promote resilient, democratic societies while 

advancing our own security and prosperity. 

USAID is constantly reassessing the way it does business and the specific programs in which it invests. Each country and regional program begins with a careful 

assessment of local needs and capacity for reform. Once programs are implemented 

they are carefully monitored and evaluated for effectiveness and lessons learned. 

Security concerns remain a significant challenge, and the security of USAID staff 

and implementing partners is paramount. In places where USAID has no direct-hire 

staff on the ground, the Agency uses local and international partners as well as 

remote management techniques to continue and ensure close oversight of USAID 

programs. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with Agency personnel, the Congress, and 

our implementing partners to ensure our programming is achieving maximum impact and effectiveness. 

Humanitarian response (Syria) 

Question. In addition to the recently closed $10 million USAID/DCHA/OFDA 

Annual Program Statement to support local capacity-building and emergency 

response efforts in Syria, in what other ways can USAID best support long-term 

efforts to more effectively reach the over 12.2 million IDP’s inside Syria that are 

in need of humanitarian assistance? 

Answer. USAID continues to work through all channels—including the United 

Nations (U.N.), international organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), 

and local Syrian organizations and networks—to maximize the reach of critical, lifesaving assistance to conflict-affected populations throughout Syria. This includes 

assistance that originates in Syria as well as cross-line and cross-border assistance. 

By using all means possible to get lifesaving assistance to those in need throughout 

the country—including in regime, contested, and opposition—held areas—USAID is 

reaching all 14 governorates of Syria. 

The aministration’s ultimate humanitarian priority is to provide lifesaving assistance to all that we are able to reach and continue to push for consistent, safe, and 

secure access for humanitarian aid workers. As part of ongoing efforts to address 

the increase in humanitarian needs in an extremely fluid conflict, USAID continues 

to identify and support opportunities to strengthen and maximize the reach of 

humanitarian assistance throughout Syria. As part of all humanitarian programs, 

including USAID’s Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) Annual Program Statement, USAID partners provide technical assistance to local organizations 

to strengthen their ability to meet the needs of affected populations. USAID works 

with other donors and implementing partners to identify opportunities to transition 

from emergency response to longer term early recovery and development programs. 

The Agency’s humanitarian experts coordinate closely with development counterparts to help ensure that, when humanitarian assistance programs end, basic social 

services can be maintained. 

The needs in Syria are significant and USAID has had to balance these needs 

with those of other crises around the world, prioritizing the most immediate lifesaving assistance first. I understand that USAID is working closely with the State 

Department as well as other international donors to encourage countries to follow 

through on pledges made at the Kuwait conference, especially Gulf States. 

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Egypt 

Question. President Sisi has made economic stabilization a priority for his administration and has committed to creating employment through megaprojects like the 

expansion of the Suez Canal. U.S. assistance has focused supporting education, entrepreneurs, and small and medium-sized enterprises, most notably through the 

Higher Education Initiative and the Egyptian American Enterprise Fund. 

♦ In what ways do U.S. assistance and Egyptian economic development initiatives 

complement each other? 

Answer. U.S. economic assistance to Egypt is designed to work across all sectors 

to support and strengthen Egyptian actors who advance democratic ideals. Improved 

employment and economic opportunity are cornerstones of stability in Egypt. Poverty and economic exclusion, when unaddressed, inhibit the ability of individuals to 

invest in their own future and make them vulnerable to forces of instability as they 

struggle to provide for their daily needs. 

I understand that USAID supported Egypt’s Ministry of Planning in developing 

the country’s Sustainable Development Strategy, released in March 2015. The strategy has four principal goals: (1) improved economy, including macroeconomic, tax, 

and subsidy reforms to reduce the deficit and lower inflation; (2) improved business 

enabling environment through regulatory and institutional reforms; (3) better access 

for all Egyptians to services and employment opportunities; and (4) increased investment in human capital, specifically reforming education and health systems. 

The strategy also emphasizes improving social safety nets and promoting opportunity for women and youth. 

USAID is positioned to support the Government of Egypt’s vision outlined in its 

Sustainable Development Strategy. USAID programs in economic growth, education, 

health, and democracy and governance are designed to address the core development issues identified in the Government of Egypt’s strategy. USAID supports 

major themes of the strategy, including macroeconomic policy reform, small and medium enterprise development, vocational and technical education, and social justice 

and inclusion. 

For example, building skills in Egypt’s private sector workforce, particularly in 

small business, tourism, and agriculture, is a key component of USAID’s development approach. USAID also recognizes the need to work within the health care system to provide better care in rural community clinics and promote infection control 

programs in hospitals.USAID’s technical and vocational school interventions and 

programs that support science, technology, engineering, and mathematics education 

promote private sector growth and enterprise development. Many of USAID’s activities target underserved areas, mainly in rural Egypt. All of these interventions are 

supportive of the Government of Egypt’s Sustainable Development Strategy. 

♦ How can U.S. assistance help to promote political reform, in addition to economic reform? 

Answer. Consistent with U.S. foreign policy objectives, assistance activities in 

Egypt are designed to promote both political and economic reform. U.S. assistance 

focuses on various aspects of the enabling environment needed both for inclusive 

economic growth and improved governance. Support also assists in making public 

institutions more accountable and effective, and in empowering Egypt’s citizens. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will ensure USAID’s continued commitment to 

promoting essential democracy and governance principles in Egypt. While advancing 

certain democracy, rights and governance issues is a challenge in the current environment, the Agency is moving forward with support to civil society organizations 

to combat gender-based violence, promote women’s empowerment, counter trafficking in persons, promote religious tolerance, and support rights of people with 

disabilities. Many international and Egyptian civil society organizations remain 

committed to working with USAID. The Agency also works to empower Egyptian 

civil society actors across its assistance programs, including in education, economic 

development and health. 

The Egyptian Government has also specifically requested USAID assistance in 

key areas such as election administration reforms, training Egyptian judges, and decentralizing Egypt’s Government in line with provisions of Egypt’s new Constitution. 

USAID also has mechanisms in place to support parliamentary strengthening once 

a new Parliament is elected. 

Question. There is solid evidence that early malnutrition, especially during the 

1,000 day window from pregnancy to age 2, is an obstacle to cognitive and physical 

development. It affects long-term health, learning and earning potential. Malnutrition, in other words, is a constraint to economic growth. 

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Malnutrition is also the underlying cause of half of all deaths of children before 

they reach their 5th birthday. Having the benefit of the recently launched USAID 

Multi-Sectoral Nutrition Strategy and the soon-to-be launched U.S. Whole of Government Nutrition Coordination Plan, how would you build upon global momentum 

on maternal and child nutrition to achieve and increase U.S. nutrition commitments 

and high impact interventions that help children to survive and thrive? 

Answer. USAID’s multidisciplinary approach to addressing malnutrition works 

across the Agency’s programs, including the U.S. Government’s Feed the Future and 

Global Health activities, the Office of Food for Peace development programs, resilience efforts, and nutrition investments through economic growth, water and sanitation, and other sectors. USAID’s focus is primarily on the prevention of undernutrition during the first 1,000 days—from pregnancy through a child’s second 

birthday—through comprehensive programs in health, humanitarian assistance, and 

food security. Last year, the Agency’s efforts reached over 12.5 million children 

under 5 with nutrition interventions. Over the past 18 months, USAID has led the 

development of a consolidated U.S. Government Nutrition Coordination Plan to harness the power of the diverse investments across the U.S. Government through better communication and collaboration, and to create stronger links between research 

and program implementation. This plan is expected to be launched this fall. 

The Agency’s high level goal to End Preventable Child and Maternal Deaths has 

nutrition at its core with renewed investments to promote breastfeeding, improve 

maternal nutrition for mothers’ health and for the healthy growth and development 

of babies, and for better feeding practices for infants and young children. Better 

nutrition includes clean water, better hygiene and sanitation to prevent the vicious 

cycle of infection and chronic undernutrition. 

Multisectoral attention in nutrition interventions is producing positive results. In 

Bangladesh, 2014 survey results show an almost 15 percent average reduction in 

stunting during the past 3 years across priority geographical areas where Feed the 

Future programs are concentrated. In Ethiopia, through Feed the Future and Food 

for Peace development and emergency programs, USAID is supporting progress 

toward achieving real reductions in stunting, with rates declining by 9 percent over 

the past 3 years, resulting in 160,000 fewer stunted children despite a growing population. 

If confirmed, I will continue to scale up USAID’s successful multisectoral programs and exercise strong leadership, including through its critical role in the global 

Scaling Up Nutrition—or SUN—Movement, to leverage the combined efforts and 

commitments of multiple donors and countries to drastically reduce chronic malnutrition globally. SUN is a global movement comprised of 55 country governments, 

civil society, private sector, and donors and provides a global spotlight on the challenges and progress in eliminating undernutrition. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BOXER

Question. Supporting Women Globally.—This year marked the 20th anniversary 

of the 4th World Conference on Women. Over the past 20 years, the international 

community has made important progress on advancing the rights of women worldwide. However, as long as women and girls around the globe continue to face violence and discrimination and are denied the opportunity to exercise their most basic 

rights, the United States must continue to focus on women and girls as a cornerstone of its foreign policy and development. 

♦ How do you see the role of women and girls in development? 

♦ If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that USAID programs continue to 

advance women’s equality, health, political participation, and rights globally? 

Answer. Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to initiatives that empower 

women and girls. Gender equality and women’s empowerment must be at the core 

of all of our development programs. Water, energy, agriculture, health, and education all affect men and women differently. These differences are not barriers but 

opportunities to maximize the impact of our work by delivering development in a 

more targeted, effective and sustainable way. 

Over the past several years, the Agency has made important strides to elevate 

women and girls in its approach and programming. The U.S. National Action Plan 

(NAP) on Women, Peace, and Security (2011) and the subsequent USAID Implementation Plan are an integral part of the Agency’s architecture for advancing gender 

equality and female empowerment. In 2012, USAID released the Gender Equality 

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grated throughout all programs and initiatives. To help facilitate integration, 

USAID developed accompanying policy implementation guidance, a series of in-person and online gender training courses to build staff capacity, and a suite of technical resources and tools that have been disseminated to staff worldwide. 

Now that the foundation has been established, the remaining challenge is to ensure that gender is truly integrated across all of the sectors in which the Agency 

works, including global initiatives such as eradicating extreme poverty, resilience, 

countering violent extremism, and responding to climate change. Doing so will 

require a deeper understanding of the challenges in each sector through in-depth 

gender analysis and impact measurement as well as the necessary resources to 

advance the solutions. 

USAID has a major role in the White House’s new Let Girls Learn initiative, 

which addresses the complex and varied barriers preventing adolescent girls from 

attending and completing school, and from realizing their potential as adults. 

USAID’s Let Girls Learn approach is comprised of three main pillars: Increasing 

Access to Quality Education; Reducing Barriers such as school fees and the threat 

of violence; and Empowering Adolescent Girls. 

If confirmed, I will work with Congress and with the talented men and women 

of USAID to build on this important progress. 

Question. Improving Education for Adolescent Girls.—Globally, 62 million girls 

are not in school and approximately 17 million will never go to school. Of these 

girls, 35 million are adolescents who should be in or nearing secondary school. Statistics show that increased levels of girls’ education support improved health, economic status, and political participation. 

In 2013, I introduced legislation, named for Malala Yousafzai, which was designed 

to expand scholarship opportunities for disadvantaged young women in Pakistan 

through USAID’s Merit and Needs Based Scholarship Program. In response to this 

legislation, I was pleased that USAID committed to provide 50 percent of all future 

program scholarships to women and is on track to meet that goal in calendar year 

2015. 

♦ If confirmed, how will you work to continue to expand educational opportunities 

for women and girls in Pakistan? 

Answer. Pakistan’s ability to educate its population is critical to the country’s 

long-term stability and prosperity. I understand that, despite recent measures taken 

to expand Government of Pakistan spending and performance in this sector, Pakistan’s challenges remain daunting. School-aged girls, specifically, face additional 

challenges; 55 percent of children out of school are girls. For those who do attend 

school, many are not learning what is needed to find employment and function in 

Pakistan’s economy. 

In line with Pakistan’s Vision 2025, U.S. assistance helps Pakistan address obstacles to accessing quality basic and higher education, including for women and girls. 

Programming also provides ample opportunity to build collaborative relationships 

between U.S. and Pakistani individuals and institutions, which will have a longterm impact on Pakistan’s trajectory and U.S.-Pakistan cooperation. If confirmed, I 

will ensure USAID’s basic and higher education programs will continue to work to 

improve access to education for young Pakistanis, including women and girls. For 

example, I understand that in basic education, the Pakistan Reading Project (PRP) 

is USAID/Pakistan’s flagship reading program, and will continue to support Pakistani-led efforts to introduce and institutionalize improvements in reading instruction and reading assessment in the first and second grade levels in public schools 

across Pakistan. The project will train more qualified female teachers for girls’ and 

mixed gender primary schools, and will reach approximately 754,000 students, of 

which half are girls and, of the girls, 27 percent are adolescents. 

In Sindh, I understand that USAID’s Sindh Basic Education Project will continue 

to strengthen the capacity of the Government of Sindh to deliver quality education 

and empower communities to become more involved in their children’s education. To 

improve educational outcomes and increase community involvement in education, 

the project will help construct schools, train teachers in early grade reading and 

mathematics instruction and provide basic reading and math skills to students. The 

program is projected to benefit over 82,000 adolescent girls. 

In higher education, I understand USAID has seen an increase from 48 percent 

to 58 percent of university scholarships under USAID/Pakistan’s Merit and NeedsBased Scholarship Program awarded to women. To date, 507 scholarships have been 

awarded to students; of these, 293 were given to female students. Pakistan also remains the largest Fulbright Scholars program country in the world, with half of all 

scholarships going to women. 

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♦ Will you commit to make girls’ education—especially adolescent girls’ education—a priority during your tenure at USAID? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID will remain strongly committed 

to ensuring that girls succeed and stay in school. Advancing girls’ education can 

unlock human potential on a transformational scale. Girls’ education is key in the 

global effort to end extreme poverty. Investing in girls’ education could boost agricultural output in sub-Saharan Africa by 25 percent, and if 10 percent more girls 

attend school, a country’s GDP increases by an average of 3 percent. 

Advancing girls’ access to, and success in, education is integrated throughout the 

Agency’s education portfolio. By integrating gender considerations across all 

USAID’s education programs, the Agency has the potential to transform gender 

norms and achieve equality for all learners in a scalable and sustainable manner. 

USAID provides substantial support and funding aimed at ensuring that girls and 

adolescent females have increased equitable access to quality education, particularly 

in crisis and conflict-affected environments. Specifically in education, I understand 

that promoting gender equality remains a top priority in each of the three Education Strategy goal areas: increasing primary grade reading; youth and workforce 

development; and education in crisis- and conflict-affected areas. 

One of the first USAID programs announced under Let Girls Learn is the one the 

First Lady announced during her trip last week in the Democratic Republic of the 

Congo, where USAID has partnered with the United Kingdom’s Department for 

International Development (DFID) to provide girls who are not in school with access 

to accelerated and alternative learning programs in the conflict-affected areas of 

North Kivu, South Kivu, and Katanga. This program aims to benefit more than 

755,000 girls ages 10 to 18 over the next 5 years, providing up to $180 million (up 

to $125 million by USAID and £36M committed by DFID). Through programs like 

this, and throughout the Agency’s portfolio, USAID supports adolescent girls in getting the education they deserve. 

Question. U.S. Efforts to Support International Family Planning.—Statistics 

clearly show that a woman’s ability to decide when, whether, and how many children to have is fundamental to her ability to thrive and fully realize her rights and 

potential. 

♦ How do you see access to voluntary family planning services as part of broader 

efforts to support women’s health and rights? 

Answer. Access to voluntary, affordable, and high-quality family planning services 

is an essential part of USAID’s broader effort to support women’s health and rights. 

When women are able to delay their first birth until at least age 18 and to space 

subsequent births at least 2 years apart, both mother and baby are more likely to 

survive. Some 225 million women in the developing world say they want to delay 

their next pregnancy or stop childbearing altogether but are not using a modern 

method of contraception. Fully meeting this unmet need by expanding access to, and 

use of, voluntary family planning would result in 52 million fewer unintended pregnancies, 70,000 fewer maternal deaths, and 500,000 fewer infant deaths annually. 

In addition, girls who can avoid pregnancy while in school are more likely to finish 

school. 

Question. U.S. Efforts to End Preventable Maternal and Child Deaths.—In your 

testimony, you mentioned that continuing efforts to end preventable child and 

maternal deaths would be a priority for you if you are confirmed to be the Administrator of USAID. 

It is more important than ever that the United States continue to make robust 

investments in maternal and child health. As a result of U.S. leadership, real and 

measurable progress has been made. In the 24 countries where U.S. involvement 

has been the greatest, maternal mortality has declined an average of 4 percent each 

year, faster than the global average. 

♦ With this progress in mind, if confirmed, how will you work to continue and 

expand these effective investments to work toward achieving the global goal of 

ending preventable maternal and child deaths by the year 2035? 

Answer. Since 2009, the Obama administration has been strategically focusing its 

maternal and child health programs on countries with the highest burdens of maternal, newborn, and child deaths and where the United States had the opportunity 

to make a difference in this outcome. By focusing on countries and populations with 

the highest need, U.S. programs have helped save millions of lives, contributing to 

greater equity and more inclusive development. In USAID’s 24 priority countries 

that account for more than 70 percent of global child and maternal deaths, nearly 

800,000 more children survived in 2013 than in 2008, contributing to a cumulative 

total 2.4 million lives saved. 

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USAID’s 2014 report ‘‘Acting on the Call: Ending Preventable Child and Maternal 

Deaths’’ outlined an evidence-based plan to accelerate progress in USAID priority 

countries—sharpening field programs, realizing efficiencies, and improving accountability to yield the greatest number of lives saved, while building systems and partnerships to sustain progress. Building on this momentum, USAID appointed a Child 

and Maternal Survival Coordinator in 2015, focused on: (1) continuing to sharpen 

the Agency’s work toward Ending Preventable Child and Maternal Deaths; (2) intensifying external engagement with Congress and partners, advocates, civil society, 

faith groups, and partner country leaders that are critical to progress; and (3) increasing financing for EPCMD. USAID is working to accelerate its action through 

a new framework to track success, support missions, and ensure that resources are 

in place to sustain the effort. By enhancing existing internal processes such as the 

annual operational plan development, USAID can improve its performance and ensure that our investments are focusing on the highest priorities. Dashboards have 

been developed to rigorously measure progress at both the outcome level and input 

level. The dashboards facilitate a more organized, coordinated system for tracking, 

and managing progress, and are a supporting tool in a comprehensive approach to 

measuring progress. 

I understand USAID is working to release the second ‘‘Acting on the Call’’ report 

in summer 2015, following up on commitments and targets set in the 2014 report. 

Through dashboards and these annual reports, USAID is holding itself and its partners accountable for accelerating our impact on ending preventable child and maternal deaths. 

Ending Preventable Child and Maternal Deaths cannot be accomplished by 

USAID alone. In 2012, the Governments of Ethiopia, India, and the United States, 

in collaboration with UNICEF, hosted the Call to Action to unite the global community around this achievable goal. The same partners convened again in 2014 to 

assess progress and identify challenges. This year, the Government of India will 

host a followup global conference in August, cohosted by the Governments of Ethiopia and the United States, and UNICEF. Since 2012, 20 governments have committed to—and most have developed—national plans to accelerate progress, set clear 

priorities and costs and scorecards to systematically track outcomes. 

Since the beginning of the Obama administration, the U.S. Government has 

increased investments in global child and maternal survival with the strong, bipartisan support of Congress. Worldwide, government health expenditures and donor 

contributions have seen meaningful growth. There still remains a gap in financing 

needed to build on progress to date and bridging that gap will require strategies 

that incorporate domestic resource mobilization, global engagement, USAID’s 

Health Financing Framework, and targeted country-specific interventions. As countries experience unprecedented economic growth, a new transitional model of aid 

can better mobilize domestic public, private, and other innovative sources of funding 

to create a bridge toward equity, sustainability, and self-sufficiency. If confirmed, I 

am committed to building on the successes of USAID’s efforts to end preventable 

maternal and child deaths. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

On democracy, rights, and governance 

Question. What guarantees can you give the committee that you will consult the 

democracy, rights, and governance (DRG) community on USAID’s strategic objectives and program implementation? Are you willing to provide the committee with 

periodic reports on your consultations with the DRG community? 

Answer. The community of implementing organizations—including grantees, contractors, universities, private sector organizations, labor, human rights and women’s 

rights advocacy groups and other organizations—is essential to accomplishing 

USAID’s mission to promote prosperous, resilient democratic societies. I believe that 

consultation with international and local partners is fundamental to the successful 

implementation of the Agency’s programs. In developing strategies, programs, and 

implementing strategies, USAID policy calls for consultation with stakeholders and 

if confirmed, I will strongly support these efforts and will commit the Agency to providing periodic reports to the committee on our consultations with the democracy, 

rights and governance community. 

Question. The United States has developed a strong nonprofit sector to implement, 

through cooperative agreements, programs in support of those seeking freedom and 

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genuinely participatory governance. How will you ensure that funding for DRG programming will be maintained through the cooperative agreement mechanism? 

Answer. I understand that cooperative agreements, as one form of assistance, are 

widely used and represent a successful approach for accomplishing objectives across 

many development sectors, particularly in the Democracy, Rights and Governance 

(DRG) sector. I further understand that contracts also have an appropriate role to 

play in implementing DRG assistance. My understanding is that the Agency is currently working to develop supplemental guidance for the DRG sector to assist field 

officers in determining the choice of mechanism in light of what they are trying to 

achieve and what in their judgment will produce success in that country setting. If 

confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress and our implementing partners to ensure we are getting this mix right. 

Question. USAID has attempted to ‘‘mainstream’’ democracy and governance by 

claiming to incorporate it into traditional development programs (e.g., health, education, environment), yet the record is mixed on whether that actually works. What 

are your intentions to work with the DRG community on the incorporation of 

participatory mechanisms in traditional development programming? 

Answer. ‘‘Mainstreaming’’ or what the Agency has defined as ‘‘Democracy, Rights 

and Governance (DRG) integration’’ involves the use of DRG approaches across 

other development sectors. This initiative is based on the understanding that technical solutions alone may be ineffective or unsustainable without a strong foundation based on good governance and effective, transparent, and accountable institutions. Indeed, the Agency’s programs in health, food security, climate change, 

economic growth all need to have components of citizen participation and government accountability to be successful. 

If confirmed, I am committed to consulting partners in the DRG community on 

an ongoing basis to maximize the effectiveness and impact of our programs and 

ensure that democratic principles underpin all of our work. 

Question. Specifically in the case of closed societies or countries where space for 

political activity and civil society is closing, what is your vision for USAID’s role in 

providing support in those instances? What specific steps would you implement to 

achieve your vision? 

Answer. I believe that USAID has a critical role to play in supporting reform 

within closed societies. In doing so, however, the Agency must maintain an appropriate balance between the transparency of USAID’s programming on the one hand 

and the security of our implementing partners and program beneficiaries on the 

other hand. It is my understanding that over the past year, and in consultation with 

Congress and implementing partners, USAID has formulated and begun to implement a new policy in this area, which is available on its public Web site. The new 

guidance sets out core principles and detailed processes to govern the Agency’s work 

in this small set of countries. For example, USAID will work with prospective partners to identify all possible sources of risk to a proposed program. And the Agency 

will undertake senior-level quarterly reviews to ensure that all of our programs in 

these countries are sufficiently addressing risk and sufficiently fulfilling our obligation to transparency. 

I think this represents a sensible approach, and if confirmed, look forward to 

working with the Agency, Congress, and our implementing partners to provide careful stewardship of these critical programs. 

On Central America 

Question. The State Department is asking for $1billion dollars for 1 year to improve security, advance good governance and stimulate the economy of El Salvador, 

Guatemala, and Honduras which are collectively known as the Northern Triangle 

Countries. 

♦ What programs does USAID currently have in Central America? 

Answer. Much of USAID’s assistance in recent years has focused on crime and 

violence prevention through the Central America Regional Security Initiative 

(CARSI). Results from a Vanderbilt University impact evaluation of USAID’s CARSI 

community-based interventions in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama 

show that USAID’s programs are reducing crime victimization and residents’ sense 

of insecurity. For example, in communities with USAID interventions, compared to 

control communities with no USAID intervention, there was a 51-percent decrease 

in residents’ awareness of murders in their own neighborhoods, 51-percent decrease 

in residents’ reports of extortions, 25-percent decrease in residents’ reports of illegal 

drug sales, and 19-percent decrease in residents’ reports of robberies. 

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USAID’s governance programs focus on strengthening institutions at the national 

and subnational levels and improving citizens’ and civil society’s public participation. USAID has supported efforts to improve delivery of basic services, to incorporate citizen participation into public policy, to increase citizens’ access to justice, 

to decrease impunity, and to improve governments’ capacity to generate and collect 

their own revenue. For example, USAID/El Salvador’s tax administration and expenditure management programs set up automated audits, one-stop shops for taxpayers, improved enforcement of tax policies, which have resulted in a 30-percent 

overall increase in revenue collections from 2010–2013. In terms of revenue collected 

as a percentage of GDP, USAID has helped El Salvador achieve an increase from 

13.5 percent in 2010 to 15.5 percent in 2014. 

Current USAID economic growth programming in Central America is limited in 

scope. In Guatemala and Honduras, USAID’s Feed the Future programs promote 

food security, increase incomes, and enhance nutrition by improving production of 

staple and higher value crops, linking producers to markets, and supporting targeted nutrition interventions. In Honduras, over 3 years, USAID has helped to double incomes (from $0.62/day to $1.21/day) of over 22,000 farming families or 125,000 

people in one of the poorest regions. Programs in El Salvador support the Partnership for Growth Joint Country Action Plan and include improvements to the business enabling environment, support to small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and 

efforts to boost market relevant skills in the labor force. In El Salvador, over 3 

years, USAID has helped SMEs generate over $57 million in new sales and exports. 

Central America Regional programs are helping to reduce the time and cost to trade 

goods across borders. The Central America Strategy envisions greater investments 

in areas such as promoting regional integration, improving the business climate, 

supporting SME development, creating a productive workforce, and reducing 

poverty. 

The Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central America broadens USAID’s vision 

for how it achieves security. USAID will balance its previous and ongoing citizen 

security-focused investments with proportional investments in prosperity and governance. USAID has prioritized three interconnected objectives: prosperity, governance, and security. A secure, democratic, and prosperous Central America will provide an environment in which all of its citizens choose to remain and thrive. 

Question. Considering the history of corruption in some Central American countries, how does the administration plan to account for the $1 billion dollars? 

Answer. My understanding is that all foreign assistance programs administered 

by USAID are required to have oversight processes in place to ensure the effectiveness of activities, to monitor funds spent by our partners, and to ensure compliance 

with federal regulations. USAID regularly evaluate its activities. Nearly all of its 

current resources are programmed through nongovernmental organizations and 

development companies, which are audited on a regular basis. 

Going forward, I understand the Department of State and USAID intend to calibrate assistance in response to real reform efforts to send a clear message at the 

outset that resources will follow reform, and that they will reward the countries 

that are the most serious about reform. In my view, USAID programming cannot 

succeed without the right policy environment. Funding flexibility will enable the 

Department and USAID to support programs with the greatest potential and to ensure senior U.S. Government officials can press partner governments on the needs 

to make tough reforms. 

USAID is developing a results framework for the U.S. Strategy for Engagement 

in Central America that identifies the key goals the strategy will advance. The 

framework will assess progress on three levels: programmatic, political will, and 

national level trajectory. USAID will prepare regular reports for U.S. Government 

principals to inform ongoing policy discussions. 

Programmatic: The Department and USAID use both formal and informal methods to continuously monitor and evaluate the performance of its programs. A program tracker will allow USAID to determine what works and where its programs 

face obstacles. If necessary, principals will be able to intervene in order to accelerate 

or adjust implementation and to remove obstacles. 

Political Will: While the United States is investing significant resources, success 

in Central America is first and foremost dependent on the Central American governments themselves taking ownership for creating the conditions for positive change 

in their countries. U.S. engagement and the possibility of a new U.S. approach to 

assistance has already leveraged greater efforts by Central American nations, and 

they are solidifying their 2016 budget plans to include significant financial contributions to programs. Initial political will indicators are derived from the March 3, 

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vador, Guatemala, and Honduras as well as from the ‘‘Alliance for Prosperity.’’ This 

category will reflect an ongoing conversation with senior U.S. officials and leaders 

from the region; new indicators will be added based on these conversations. 

National Level Trajectory: I believe it is important to bear in mind the desired 

outcome of a deepened and sustained U.S. engagement in Central America. While 

national-level indicators will not likely change on a quarterly basis—and may not 

change year to year—USAID is ultimately seeking to advance the most important 

indicators such as GDP growth, poverty rates, homicide rates, and perceptions of 

corruption throughout the region. 

USAID measures good governance in a number of ways, and over the long term 

will rely on indicators from respected organizations such as Transparency International, Freedom House and the World Bank. Citizens’ trust in state institutions, 

increased collection and effective and transparent use of public revenue, and actions 

by the government that hold officials accountable are all indicative of the strength 

of government institutions. 

USAID’s prosperity interventions will be measured by such illustrative indicators 

as income levels and the ability of citizens to participate in the formal economy. 

On Haiti 

Question. The planned funding by USAID for Haiti in fiscal year 2015 is $274 mil- lion. According to foreignassistance.gov, approximately $64 million has been obligated in the first 9 months of the year. 

♦ Why has less than a quarter of the aid budgeted been spent when many Haitians continue to sit in emergency camps and desperately need our help? 

Answer. As with all of our assistance programs, I believe it is critical that we 

strike the right balance between ensuring that our interventions are carried out in 

a timely manner while also performing appropriate due diligence, oversight and 

planning. I understand that as of March 31, 2015, USAID had approximately $1.8 

billion available for long-term reconstruction and development in Haiti, of which 

$1.5 had been obligated; with disbursements totaling $1.3 billion or 72 percent of 

overall funds provided. In addition, I am told that 100 percent of the $1.2 billion 

provided for humanitarian assistance has been disbursed. 

Regarding internally displaced persons, it is important to note that, as of March 

2015, nearly 94 percent of the 1.5 million internally displaced people have left temporary camps for alternative housing options. USAID, for its part, provided shelter 

solutions to more than 328,000 people through transitional shelters (t-shelters), 

repairs to damaged houses, financial support to host families who housed displaced 

people, and provided short-term rental vouchers to affected families. USAID’s longterm strategy for the shelter sector is to support cost-effective ways to increase 

durable housing stock through private sector engagement and urban planning. This 

includes providing low-income households with access to housing finance and better 

infrastructure, and working in existing neighborhoods, and the Government of Haiti 

to expand access to basic services. 

Question. As Haitian nationals are being repatriated by the Dominican Republic, 

is the aid currently being sent sufficient to help Haiti resettle these nationals? Or 

will additional funds be requested? 

Answer. The administration continues to press for a diplomatic solution to the 

repatriation issue that will mitigate the need for a humanitarian response related 

to repatriated persons. 

I understand that USAID is closely monitoring this situation but is not at the 

point of requesting additional funding. 

Palestinian steps at the United Nations and the ICC 

Question. On April 1, 2015, the Palestinians formally became a member of the 

International Criminal Court (ICC). Under current U.S. law, the administration is 

required to cut off Palestinian aid if the Palestinians pursue or support charges 

against Israel in a judicially authorized ICC case at the ICC. 

The Palestinian Authority has also taken a series of detrimental steps at the 

United Nations over the past year, including an effort last year to push for a onesided United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolution that called for a final 

agreement within 12 months requiring total Israeli withdrawal to the pre-1967 lines 

by 2017, regardless of Israeli security concerns. 

♦ If confirmed, will you continue to oppose the ICC’s politicization of these issues, 

as is current U.S. policy? 

♦ What impact do you think President Mahmoud Abbas’s move should have on 

current U.S. aid to the Palestinians and America’s willingness to provide future 

assistance? 

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♦ What role is USAID currently playing in Gaza and what do you believe is the 

appropriate role for USAID going forward? 

♦ There are troubling reports that some of the money that has made it into Gaza 

for reconstruction has been diverted for continued construction of Hamas terrorist tunnels. Is this true? If confirmed, what mechanisms will you put in place 

to ensure U.S. aid reaches its intended recipients? 

♦ What steps will USAID take to employ proper auditing requirements on aid to 

the Palestinians? Will you ensure proper strict procedures are in place to ensure 

U.S. aid reaches its intended targets and is not abused to support Hamas or 

other Palestinian entities that support violence? 

Answer. I understand that USAID, in conjunction with the State Department, 

continues to review U.S. assistance to the Palestinians. Although the administration’s view is that the legislative restrictions related to Palestinian initiation or 

active support for an ICC judicially authorized investigation have not been triggered 

to date, we are deeply troubled by Palestinian action at the ICC and continue to 

voice our opposition to further actions to both the Palestinians and the international 

community. 

The administration continues to believe that U.S. assistance to the Palestinian 

people is an important tool in promoting regional stability, economic development, 

and increased security for both Palestinians and Israelis. 

Since the onset of the July–August 2014 conflict in Gaza, the United States has committed more than $231 million in humanitarian assistance to Gaza. This assistance has been provided to established U.N. and nongovernmental organizations, 

including the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the 

Near East (UNRWA), the World Food Program, the United Nations Development 

Program, UNICEF, the International Committee for the Red Cross, and others. My 

understanding is that USAID is not currently aware of any reports that U.S. assistance for humanitarian aid in Gaza, including reconstruction, has been diverted for 

other purposes. The United States takes very seriously any reports of diversion of 

its assistance, and USAID has long required its partners in Gaza to take appropriate steps to prevent U.S. funding from being diverted for nonintended purposes. 

Consistent with statutory requirements, USAID has appropriate procedures in 

place to ensure that Economic Support Fund (ESF) assistance for the West Bank 

and Gaza is not provided to or through, or diverted to, any individual or entity that 

is known to be involved in or advocating terrorism, including Hamas. USAID’s vetting process checks non-U.S. individuals and entities within certain thresholds 

against law enforcement and intelligence community systems prior to local prime or 

subaward issuance. Worldwide, USAID requires grantees to sign its Certification 

Regarding Terrorist Financing in order to receive funds. In the West Bank and Gaza 

specifically, the annual Appropriations Act requires annual audits of all USAID 

direct awardees, as well as an annual Government Accountability Office audit of the 

use of all ESF assistance. USAID will continue providing humanitarian and other 

assistance to Palestinians in Gaza, in line with the administration’s national security objectives, and in compliance with U.S. law. 

I am committed to strong oversight of and accountability for the administration 

of foreign assistance funds entrusted to the Agency and preventing waste, fraud, or 

abuse, and if confirmed, this will be a top priority. 

Egypt 

Question. What is the current status of U.S. economic aid to Egypt? How can our 

aid to Egypt be better targeted to strengthen Egyptian actors that support democratic ideals? How will economic assistance to Egypt be used? Do you support current conditions on U.S. aid to Egypt, including the maintenance of the Egypt-Israel 

peace treaty? 

Answer. U.S. economic aid to Egypt is designed to work across all sectors to support and strengthen Egyptian actors who advance democratic ideals. Poverty and 

economic exclusion, when unaddressed, inhibit the ability of individuals to invest in 

their own future and make them vulnerable to forces of instability as they struggle 

to provide for their daily needs. 

Economic assistance to Egypt aims to help foster rapid, inclusive, and sustainable 

economic growth. USAID’s economic growth programs focus on supporting sound 

macroeconomic management, improving the climate for private sector businesses, 

developing small and medium enterprises to create jobs, and promoting bilateral 

trade. Assistance in the education sector will strengthen basic skills in elementary 

school and adult literacy to increase the employability of young Egyptians. The U.S.- 

Egypt Higher Education Initiative provides scholarships to economically disadvantaged men and women and builds the capacity of Egyptian higher education institutions to meet the demands of a modern global economy. Programming across sectors 

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in Egypt supports access to quality social services, including those related to education and health. Funding also aims to strengthen democratic governance in Egypt 

by working with civil society, improving the rule of law and enhancing efficiency of 

service delivery and transparency in government. 

U.S. aid to Egypt across all sectors is targeted to strengthen Egyptian actors and 

institutions that support democratic principles, transparency and offer access to government services inclusively to Egyptian citizens. USAID works with the Government of Egypt on institutional reform initiatives in several sectors in order to 

improve transparency, accountability, and access. For example, to support more 

inclusive economic growth—essential for a stable and democratic Egypt—the Agency 

works with public and private actors to strengthen the enabling environment to 

allow Egyptian firms, particularly smaller ones, to take full advantage of profit 

opportunities in the market. At the request of the Government of Egypt, USAID 

also supports decentralization of the Egyptian public sector through work reforming 

Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Planning systems to increase transparency and 

allow for inclusion of Egyptian citizens at the local levels, including in budget oversight.This program seeks to identify reform leaders in the legal sector in order to 

build capacity and provide Egyptian citizens improved access to justice. 

Support for a vibrant civil society is a cornerstone of any strong democracy, and 

an important priority across the USG, in line with President Obama’s Stand with 

Civil Society agenda. USAID works to empower Egyptian civil society actors across 

all sectors of its assistance programs, including in education, economic development 

and health. Education programming supports the active leadership role of parents 

in communities through parent teacher associations which allow for engagement 

and advocacy with schools and the government. Through a one-stop-shop model 

piloted by USAID and managed by Egyptian business associations, businessowners 

can register businesses with local government in a transparent and efficient manner, which minimizes opportunities for corruption. USAID also supports advocacy 

groups working to facilitate the enabling environment for small and medium entrepreneurs. 

All of this work helps the USG build productive relationships with key public and 

private actors while supporting the foundations for an inclusive, democratic society. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will ensure USAID’s continued commitment to promoting stability through fostering rapid, inclusive, and sustainable economic growth 

and essential democracy and governance principles in Egypt. 

On Cuba 

Question. Recent media reports indicate that the Cuban Government has objected 

to the use of free Internet and the training of independent journalists, pursuant to 

USAID’s democracy programs, at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana. Moreover, 

that this is one of the current obstacles in the establishment of diplomatic relations. 

♦ a. Can you ensure the committee that the legally mandated U.S. democracy programs will not be restricted or readjusted pursuant to the ongoing negotiations 

with the Cuban Government? 

♦ b. Can you ensure the committee that the legally mandated U.S. democracy programs will not be subject to any preapproval or collaborative process with the 

Cuban dictatorship? 

Answer. As I mentioned in my testimony, I remain committed to programs that 

promote democracy, empower civil society, and foster independent media in Cuba. 

As you know, the Agency helps facilitate the free flow of uncensored information to, 

from, and within the island, as well as provide connectivity to the Internet for the 

millions who remain without access. 

USAID works to promote free expression by supporting independent journalists 

around the world, particularly in closed countries where freedom of the press is 

lacking or independent journalists are under threat. 

USAID democracy programs in closed societies around the world, including in 

Cuba, are not and will not be subject to preapproval by governments. 

Question. As you are aware, Section 109 of the LIBERTAD Act authorizes the use 

of funds ‘‘to support democracy-building efforts for Cuba.’’ These include: 

(1) Published and informational matter, such as books, videos, and cassettes, on 

transitions to democracy, human rights, and market economies, to be made available to independent democratic groups in Cuba. 

(2) Humanitarian assistance to victims of political repression, and their families. 

(3) Support for democratic and human rights groups in Cuba. 

(4) Support for visits and permanent deployment of independent international 

human rights monitors in Cuba. 

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♦ Can you ensure the committee that none of these funds authorized for ‘‘democracy-building efforts’’ will be used to support business promotion activities, of 

any sort, in Cuba? 

Answer. USAID will continue with its traditional program areas of humanitarian 

assistance to political prisoners, marginalized groups, and their families, support for 

civil society and human rights, and the free flow of uncensored information to, from 

and within the island. 

It is my understanding that the Agency does not anticipate supporting any new 

programs focused on business promotion activities. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to work with your office as well as others in the Congress to ensure the effectiveness and impact of these programs. 

Supplementary question 

Question. Do you believe that USAID has a role to play in supporting a democratic transition in Cuba? If so, what types of programs in Cuba would you support 

as Administrator? 

Answer. My understanding is that USAID will continue to support efforts to promote democracy in Cuba, which is in keeping with the USG’s enduring objective— 

the emergence of a democratic, prosperous, and stable Cuba. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will support programs for democracy, civil society, and independent media in Cuba. These programs are consistent with the administration’s desire to empower the Cuban people to exercise their fundamental 

civil and political liberties by providing humanitarian assistance and support to civil 

society, and through promoting the increased flow of information to, from, and within Cuba. 

If confirmed, I commit to continuing to work with your office and others in the 

Congress to further our shared goal of enabling the Cuban people to freely determine their own future. 

On family planning 

Question. If confirmed, can you guarantee there will be no change in USAID’s policy toward family planning services? In particular, continued strict adherence to the 

Helms amendment? 

Answer. As you know, this is a complex issue and there are deeply held views 

among a diverse array of stakeholders. This administration and I are committed to 

improving the health and safety of women and girls around the globe, including survivors of sexual violence. If confirmed, I can guarantee that I will listen to your 

concerns. 

Supplementary question 

Question. Can you clarify your views on existing law? If confirmed, will you faithfully execute the law as it pertains to the Helms amendment? 

Answer. Let me assure you that, if confirmed as Administrator, I will listen to 

your concerns, I will consult with you and other Members of Congress, and I will 

faithfully execute the law across the full range of my responsibilities, including all 

laws pertaining to restrictions on the use of foreign assistance funds. 

Supplementary question 

Question. Please elaborate. 

Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID fully abides by U.S. law, including 

the Helms amendment, which precludes USAID from using its resources to pay for 

the performance of abortion as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce 

any person to practions. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. U.S. Assistance is not a blank check, especially not to the Palestinian 

Authority. I am concerned that our assistance seems to continue as usual, when the 

reality is that Palestinian leaders will still not commit direct negotiations for a twostate solution and even undermine them through maneuvers at the U.N. and the 

International Criminal Court. 

♦ What will be your approach to U.S. assistance for the Palestinian Authority and 

how you will address this with your Israeli and Palestinian counterparts, if confirmed? What changes can I expect to see in how we are reprogramming our 

assistance in FY15 to make clear that this is not business as usual? 

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Answer. Let me begin by saying that the administration is deeply troubled by Palestinian action at the ICC and we continue to voice our opposition to further actions 

to both the Palestinians and the international community. 

I understand that USAID, in conjunction with the State Department, continues 

to review U.S. assistance to the Palestinians. In FY 2014, I understand that a 

majority of USAID assistance for the West Bank and Gaza went to programs that 

directly support the Palestinian people, including humanitarian assistance following 

the conflict in Gaza. In FY 2015, USAID programs will focus on sectors that the 

administration believes support our national interest and benefit average Palestinians such as education, healthcare and water infrastructure programs. 

Building the institutions of a viable future Palestinian state is a core U.S. 

national security objective and the long-term focus of our programs. The administration continues to believe that U.S. assistance to the Palestinian people is an important tool in promoting regional stability, economic development, and increased security for both Palestinians and Israelis. 

Question. Last year Congress unanimously passed the Ukraine Freedom Support 

Act, which authorized assistance in support of democracy, civil society, and energy 

security to Ukraine and throughout in the region. The bill authorized $50 mil to 

help improve Ukraine’s energy security; $20 mil to strengthen civil society, support 

independent media, and reduce corruption; $10 mil for Russian language broadcasting throughout the region; and $20 mil to support democracy and civil society 

in Russia. I would urge the appropriators to fully fund these efforts as we look to 

bolster Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. I’ve seen reports that there is 

some apprehension, especially in Europe, but perhaps within our own government, 

to provide more robust assistance to Ukraine for fear that it will fall victim to 

endemic corruption. As the lead on this important legislation, I am supportive of 

this critical assistance but it must be held accountable. 

♦ How will you work to ensure that our assistance to Ukraine is accountable and 

transparent? 

Answer. Ukraine remains the USAID’S top priority in the Europe and Eurasia 

region. The Agency continues to allocate resources to support the reforms that the 

Ukrainian Government and civil society have prioritized, including anticorruption, 

local governance and decentralization, and deregulation and competitiveness of the 

private sector, especially agriculture and energy reform. USAID integrates anticorruption activities into every project design in Ukraine. For example, anticorruption 

measures are included in programs to support the judiciary, education, health/pharmaceutical procurement, e-governance, permitting, financial disclosure, and energy. 

USAID is starting to see progress on implementation of anticorruption reforms in 

Ukraine. More than a dozen key pieces of legislation have been passed, including 

laws to establish the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the National 

Anti-Corruption Prevention Agency (NAPC). The Ukrainian Government is in the 

process of standing up these two agencies, which are critical to fighting corruption. 

USAID has bolstered monitoring and independent evaluations in the region by 

organizing monitoring workshops for implementing partner staff, and contracting 

for independent evaluations of its programs to ensure intended impact, including 

three such evaluations in Ukraine last year. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure 

that USAID continues to build on its efforts to strengthen monitoring and evaluation of the Agency’s programs, including in Ukraine. 

Question. In light of the recent news reports of human rights and labor rights in 

Southeast Asia, in particular the modern slavery camps along the Thai-Malaysian 

border, and the anticipated completion of negotiations on TPP, please provide an 

account of any USAID labor capacity programs and funding that are currently in 

place to raise the labor standards in Malaysia and Vietnam, anticipated TPP partners, and Thailand, a prospective TPP partner. 

Answer. USAID works across the Asia-Pacific region to protect and promote fundamental human rights, such as the freedoms of expression and assembly, to ensure 

that citizens have a voice and the ability to choose their own leaders and influence 

the decisions that affect their lives. These efforts help ensure that the solutions to 

the challenges facing the region ultimately come from the people of the region. 

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) offers the United States Government an 

opportunity to make progress in human rights, but to also help reduce poverty and 

promote environmental and labor safeguards in the Asia-Pacific, a region that is inextricably tied to our own future stability and prosperity. 

In Vietnam, the TPP is both strategically important to U.S. Government relations 

with Vietnam, and also very important to Vietnam’s own development, as it serves 

as a force for important reforms and improved accountability and transparency. As 

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part of broader TPP-related assistance, USAID’s work complements robust technical 

assistance provided by other U.S. Government entities, such as the Department of 

Labor. USAID provides technical assistance to the Government of Vietnam and the 

legal community to increase understanding of TPP commitments including international labor standards and the enforcement of laws and decrees in areas such as 

social dialogue, while also supporting civil society efforts. USAID continues to 

closely coordinate with the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative and the interagency to assess and identify future labor-related assistance needs. 

Additionally, through USAID’s Global Labor Program, the Agency is supporting 

labor rights across the broader Asia region through programs that work to reduce 

child labor, improve industrial relations, support labor monitoring and training in 

apparel factories, and promote freedom of association and collective bargaining. For 

example in Cambodia, USAID supports union leaders and activists and works to improve working conditions and protect freedom of association for vulnerable workers 

in the garment, hotel and hospitality, and construction industries. In part due to 

USAID facilitation, garment worker unions negotiated a 28-percent increase in the 

minimum wage that was approved in November 2014. In addition, a new health 

project in Cambodia focused on garment factory workers will improve worker-management dialogue on factory compliance with health standards. 

USAID also works to combat labor trafficking, a significant issue for the AsiaPacific, where incidents of migrants on land and sea in need of humanitarian protection remain a serious concern for the U.S. Government. The Asia-Pacific region also 

suffers from the largest forced labor and sex trafficking market in the world. USAID 

is working to address these issues on several fronts. Through its assistance to regional institutions, the Agency stands ready to help Association of Southeast Asian 

Nations (ASEAN) member states meet the standards for protection of victims and 

other areas outlined in the ASEAN combating trafficking in persons convention— 

expected to be endorsed in November 2015. 

USAID is also addressing issues surrounding labor trafficking in the fishing industry through assistance for repatriation and victim support services for fishermen, 

many of whom have spent years working on boats in harsh conditions and without 

pay. Last month, the Agency provided such assistance to 59 Cambodian fishermen, 

who, along with hundreds of others from Cambodia, Burma, Laos, and Thailand, 

were rescued after being stranded in Eastern Indonesia. These efforts will be supplemented by the new USAID OCEANS project, which will improve the conditions 

of workers in the fishing industry. 

Finally, through regional programming to counter trafficking in persons, USAID 

is continuing a partnership with the International Office of Migration to support a 

project that builds upon years of successful interventions to prevent trafficking in 

persons through the use of social media and information and communications technology. This project will raise awareness among the general public and inspire social 

action to prevent the most vulnerable from being trafficked. 

All USAID antitrafficking efforts are closely aligned and coordinated with prosecution and law enforcement efforts implemented by the U.S. Department of State 

and other governments. 

Question. In light of the anticipated completion of TPP negotiations, are any plans 

in place to meet increased demands on the Global Labor Program? 

Answer. I understand that USAID is currently working with the State Department to identify any gaps related to programmatic needs and resource requirements 

in this area, and that new activities will depend in part on proposals received in 

response to a solicitation for a new 5-year program. 

With respect to the USAID Global Labor Program specifically, since 2011, the program has supported country programs in 10 countries (Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, 

Honduras, Liberia, South Africa, Cambodia, Bangladesh, Ukraine, and Georgia), as 

well as regional and subregional programs in Central America/Latin America, 

southern Africa, south Asia/Asia, and Eastern Europe. It has strengthened capacity 

of trade unions and other labor-focused CSOs, supported legal representation for 

workers to promote access to justice, and facilitated advocacy on gender, labor 

migration and countertrafficking. If confirmed, I will recommit the Agency to ensuring that there will be no gaps in programming, the follow-on will be awarded competitively and budget permitting, the program will be funded robustly. 

Question. Please provide an outline of the current Global Labor Program activities 

administered by USAID, by country and expenditure—no detail requested at this 

time. 

Answer. USAID has a strong tradition of supporting global labor programs 

designed to foster democratic development and inclusive economic growth. The 

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Agency’s labor programming directly serves these priorities by strengthening independent and democratic worker organizations and other labor-related civil society 

organizations, and promoting international labor standards. The current Global 

Labor Program is a 5-year (2011–2016) award implemented by Solidarity Center. In 

FY 2015, USAID is programming $7.5 million for work in nine countries and also 

regional and subregional programs in Latin America, southern Africa, and South 

and Southeast Asia. This funding supports four thematic research and advocacy programs on gender, migration and trafficking, informal work, and rule of law. This 

core programming is supplemented by an associate award in Colombia, administered by USAID/Colombia. 

The breakdown of expenditures for FY 2015 by country, region and for the global 

thematic programs is as follows: 

Africa regional: $332,661; Liberia: $325,905; South Africa: $810,249; 

Americas regional: $187,570; Brazil: $626,200; Mexico: $592,708; Honduras: 

$392,230; Central America subregional: $91,623; Georgia: $562,262; 

Ukraine: $654,611; Asia regional: $181,620; South Asia subregional: 

$207,836; Cambodia: $527,427; Bangladesh: $516,102; Global Technical: 

$816,343; Operating Expenses: $674,653. 

Question. As you know, the labor and environmental chapters of our free trade 

agreements are particularly important to me and a lot of my Senate colleagues. But 

I am afraid that USAID does not take the issue of trade capacity-building seriously 

enough. With the exception of a few places where Congress requires it, USAID has 

chosen to spend little or no money called for in our trade agreements to support 

labor capacity-building. USAID has an opportunity to use trade capacity-building 

funds to support labor capacity-building within its Global Labor Program, which is 

currently funded only with democracy, rights, and governance funding. I need your 

assurance that trade capacity-building funds will be used as we intended—to support labor rights on the ground with our trading partners who lack the capacity and 

sometimes the will to take that on themselves. I believe we need to step up and 

use trade capacity-building funds to increase USAID’s Global Labor Program from 

its current $7.5 million to $10 million. 

♦ If confirmed, will you agree to work with my office to ensure that the appropriate funds are disbursed and included in the Global Labor Program so that 

we can implement the labor provisions in our trade agreements? 

Answer. I strongly share your view of promoting labor rights in the context of our 

trade priorities and if confirmed, I would be pleased to work with the committee 

to see that USAID’s Global Labor Program is responsive to these priorities. 

I understand that in response to congressional direction to provide labor capacitybuilding support for countries in the Western Hemisphere with which the United 

States has free trade agreements, USAID has supported projects that have worked 

with business and civil society to strengthen the demand for effective implementation of labor standards. USAID’s review of these programs confirmed that the Agency’s strengths are best deployed in demand-side programming with industry to build 

the case for better labor practices that enhance competitiveness, and with civil society to strengthen the ability of workers to play a constructive role in monitoring and 

improving labor standards. 

If confirmed, I will review the current level of funding with your recommendation 

in mind and will consult with the committee as we determine the appropriate funding levels for current and future global labor capacity building. 

Question. The Review on Antimicrobial Resistance, convened by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, has projected that of all the antimicrobial infections, 

TB is projected to account for a quarter of the 10 million deaths expected from these 

infections due to antimicrobial resistance by 2050. The G7 Group of Counties 

recently highlighted Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) as a top priority, and there is 

growing momentum for a United Nations High-Level Meeting on AMR to be held 

at U.N. Headquarters in New York in 2016. 

♦ Will you commit to working to ensure, if confirmed, that drug resistant tuberculosis (TB) has a prominent place on the agenda of this High-Level Meeting 

as well as any political declaration coming out of the meeting? 

Answer. Yes, if confirmed as USAID Administrator, I will commit to working to 

ensure drug-resistant TB has a prominent place on the agenda. Drug-resistant TB 

is the one of the largest antimicrobial resistance issues globally. If confirmed, I will 

ensure USAID, as the lead U.S. Government agency for international TB, continues 

to lead coordination of U.S. Government global TB efforts, support for global initiatives, and support to countries to ensure the further development and expansion of 

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quality programs to address TB and drug-resistant TB using the best tools and 

treatments available. 

Question. The White House is leading the development of an interagency action 

plan on drug resistant tuberculosis as a companion to the White House’s National 

Action Plan for Combating Antibiotic-Resistant Bacteria. 

♦ How will USAID’s contribution to this plan ensure accountability and specify 

clear and ambitious milestones for reducing drug resistant TB? Will you commit 

to ensuring, if confirmed, that the USAID proposal specifies the additional funding necessary to reach these milestones and get ahead of the growing crisis of 

drug resistant TB? 

Answer. The White House action plan on drug-resistant tuberculosis (DR–TB) will 

have clear and ambitious milestones. The plan will build on the current USAID TB 

portfolio and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB, and Malaria. TB grants will accelerate progress toward achieving the goals laid out in the U.S. Government TB Strategy and contribute to the global effort to end the pandemic. USAID will be leading 

the international part of the plan. It will focus on the development and implementation of faster and better quality diagnostics and treatment regimens, prioritizing 

countries with the highest burdens of drug-resistant TB to maximize limited resources and to end TB as a major cause of morbidity and mortality, and as a global 

health security threat. The rollout of new drugs and regimens will be critical to saving lives and preventing the development and transmission of deadly drug-resistant 

TB. The next step in this fast-track process is a stakeholder forum to ensure input 

from a wide spectrum of partners. While I cannot guarantee future funding levels, 

I will, if confirmed, help ensure USAID continues its efforts to curb the epidemic 

by ensuring good quality TB programs that appropriately treat and cure patients 

of the disease, and prevent the emergence and spread of drug-resistant strains. 

Question. According to Freedom House, after a decade and a half of increasing 

democratic trends, Africa experienced significant backsliding between 2005 and 

2013. It is clear the White House is interested in, and committed to, maintaining 

good relations with Africa as evidenced by initiatives such as Feed the Future, 

Power Africa, the Young African Leadership Initiative, and the Partnership for 

Growth, which includes two African countries. I am concerned, however, that we are 

not focused enough on traditional development priorities, specifically in the area of 

Democracy and Governance. 

♦ a. To your knowledge, does USAID have a medium to long-term democracy and 

governance strategy for Africa? If so, what is it, and does it need to be updated 

or changed in any way in your estimation? 

♦ b. If confirmed, will you commit to work with the committee to devise a robustly 

funded democracy and governance strategy for Africa? 

♦ c. Elections are an important indicator of the democratic health of a country, 

but support for elections alone does not build the institutions that support democracy. What has been our approach to ensuring the investments we are making to support key elections in Africa, such as those made in Nigeria earlier this 

year, are followed by programs and activities that help citizens ensure that 

those they elect are accountable to the people they are supposed to represent? 

♦ d. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that the elections support we provide in Africa is incorporated into a broader governance strategy? 

Answer. USAID has been a leader in supporting the President’s policies on human 

rights and democratic governance as fundamental objectives of a whole-of-government strategy toward Africa. I am aware that during this administration USAID 

has issued a new strategy on democracy, human rights, and governance. The new 

strategy codifies a more holistic approach to USAID’s programming in this sector 

by focusing on participation, inclusion, and accountability, while elevating human 

rights and integration of programming across economic and social sectors. 

One of USAID’s unique strengths is its field-based orientation, in which its missions abroad are the incubators and operational nerve centers of its work. With policy guidance and technical support from Washington, USAID bilateral missions in 

Africa develop their own multiyear country development cooperation strategies. 

They do so in close collaboration with U.S. Embassy counterparts, host-country partners, and often with other donors, foundations, and the private sector. To my knowledge, virtually every USAID mission in Africa has a medium to long-term strategic 

objective focused on supporting democracy, human rights, and governance. These 

objectives vary significantly based on the specific challenges faced in each country, 

while aligning with the new strategy on democracy, human rights, and governance. 

They can also change over time in response to democratic breakthroughs or backsliding. 

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For example, in Ghana, one of the models of democratic governance in Africa, 

USAID works in close partnership with national government officials and civil society to strengthen local district government institutions and improve service delivery. 

In post-conflict countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, USAID programs reconcile communities separated by war, support key governance reforms, 

and help extend state authority to the people. In Zimbabwe, under constant threat 

of closing political space, USAID and its partners provide critical support to human 

rights defenders and civil society activists who are trying to maintain their basic 

freedoms. 

And in Nigeria, as well as more than a dozen other African countries, USAID 

focuses and concentrates its resources to ensure that election assistance is embedded in long-term democracy, rights, and governance strategies. Doing so allows 

USAID to support reformers who can seize the window of opportunity provided by 

free, fair, and credible elections to promote policy changes, strengthen governance 

institutions, expand basic freedoms, and improve the systems of checks and balances that hold leaders accountable to the people who elected them. 

In my estimation, USAID’s current process for achieving its democracy strategy 

in Africa is appropriate: setting broad policy and strategy goals in Washington, and 

allowing USAID missions to develop their own country-specific responses to achieving those goals, for which they are then held accountable. I also believe that 

USAID’s election assistance programs are most effective and appropriate as part of 

a holistic democracy, human rights and governance strategy. 

If confirmed, I will make this area one of my priorities and I look forward to working with Congress to maximize the impact and effectiveness of this program. 

Question. As I am sure you are aware, I have been working with State Department and USAID to ensure that our Foreign Service adequately represents the diversity of our population. With 18 months left in this administration, do I have a 

commitment from you that you will make recruitment and retention of diverse candidates a priority at USAID? 

Answer. Recruiting and retaining a diverse and skilled workforce is critical to 

meeting the mission of USAID, and is of great importance to me personally. If confirmed as Administrator, I will work with USAID leadership to strengthen efforts 

to ensure that USAID’s workforce is reflective of our population. 

I am pleased that the 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review 

(QDDR) specifically addresses the need to increase our diversity and provides specific focus areas that I fully support. These areas include enhancing work requirements for USAID managers about the need to foster diversity and inclusion in the 

workplace, increasing outreach to our veterans, sustaining the numbers of fellowships offered, and initiating an early identification program, focusing on students 

from underrepresented communities who have an interest in public service. 

USAID is engaging in targeted outreach activities and programs that are focused 

on building a diverse workforce, which I will look to support and expand. This outreach is designed to increase the diversity of applicants who apply for direct-hire 

positions at USAID, as well as to other qualified applicants who may apply through 

the Disability Employment Program, the Veterans Employment Initiative, and 

USAID’s Internship Program. 

The Donald Payne International Development Fellowship Program (Payne Fellowship Program) has resulted in three classes of fellows with a highly diverse representation. These fellows enter USAID’s Foreign Service upon completion of the 

program. 

If confirmed, I will work with USAID leadership to improve retention of diverse 

employees (and all employees) through several actions including: (1) increasing 

training for managers and employees tailored specifically to the issues of diversity 

and inclusion; (2) implementing exit interviews and surveys to provide the Agency 

with data regarding why employees resign, as well as their impressions of diversity 

and inclusion at USAID, so that the Agency can take appropriate action; and, (3) 

piloting programs that focus on diversity and inclusion, such as the Office of Personnel Management’s Diversity and Inclusion Dialogue Program. 

If confirmed, I am committed to making recruitment and the retention of diverse 

candidates a high priority of my tenure with USAID. 

Question. I am very concerned by the state of civil society in Egypt. At a time 

when analysts are reporting that the suppression of nonviolent political dissent in 

Egypt is now worse than at any time during the Mubarak regime, only $5 million 

out of a total of $150 million in Economic Support Funds to Egypt is designated for 

democracy and governance in the administration’s FY 2016 request. In comparison, 

the administration has requested $47 million for democracy and governance programming in Jordan, a country whose population is roughly 8 percent of Egypt’s. 

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♦ If confirmed, how would you be able to support democracy and governance in 

Egypt and counter the erosion of civil society there, given the subject’s seemingly low priority in the administration’s budget request? 

Answer. USAID resources in Egypt are targeted toward supporting democratic 

principles and civil society across all sectors. The Agency works to empower Egyptian civil society actors throughout its assistance program, including in education, 

economic development and health. USAID programming works to reinforce democratic principles, transparency and provide access to government services by all 

parts of Egyptian society. USAID supports decentralization of the Egyptian Government through work reforming the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Planning systems to increase transparency and allow for inclusion of Egyptian citizens at the 

local levels, including in budget oversight. This program seeks to identify reform 

champions in the legal sector and provide Egyptian citizens improved access to justice. Education programs support the active leadership role of parents in communities through parent/teacher associations which allow for engagement and advocacy 

with school principals and local government officials. Through a one-stop-shop model 

piloted by USAID and managed by Egyptian business associations, businessowners 

can register businesses with local government in a transparent and efficient manner, which minimizes opportunities for corruption. USAID also supports advocacy 

groups working to facilitate the enabling environment for small and medium entrepreneurs. 

While advancing certain democracy, rights, and governance issues is a challenge 

in the current environment, USAID is moving forward with a significant direct 

grants program to advance the role of civil society in promoting human rights. Civil 

society organizations are working to combat gender-based violence, promote women’s empowerment, counter trafficking in persons, promote religious tolerance, and 

support rights of people with disabilities. Bilateral programs include support to civil 

society organizations that promote youth empowerment and youth engagement in 

leadership roles in the communities in which they live. For example, civil society 

organizations offer students the opportunity to participate in programs that promote 

youth values of tolerance and peace within the Egyptian identity and teach principles of sustainable development and citizenship. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will ensure USAID’s continued commitment to 

promoting essential democracy and governance principles in Egypt as consistent 

with President Obama’s Stand with Civil Society agenda. 

Question. Continued progress in Tunisia’s democratic transition is critical and economic reform will be essential to the ongoing success of that transition. Tunisia 

needs assistance in building a regulatory environment that facilitates both foreign 

and domestic investment, especially in providing access to capital for small- and medium-sized enterprises. 

♦ In your view, how can U.S. assistance most effectively help create this environment? If confirmed, how will you prioritize this assistance? 

Answer. I share your interest in ensuring that the U.S. Government provides robust and targeted assistance during this critical period in Tunisia’s history. I believe 

Tunisia demonstrates great potential for a successful transition, and last year, 

USAID reopened its office in Tunis after 20 years—a clear demonstration of the U.S. 

Government’s continued support for a democratic Tunisia. 

USAID is supporting the Government of Tunisia’s economic reform agenda in tax 

and customs policy which will help create a more attractive investment climate for 

both domestic and international investors. During President Caid Essebsi’s visit, 

Secretary of Commerce Pritzker convened a roundtable of CEOs from top U.S. corporations, including Google, Bechtel, and General Electric. Encouraged by the Government of Tunisia’s progress, U.S. companies are poised to take advantage of 

investment opportunities in Tunisia. Additionally, USAID’s work with the Government of Tunisia on customs policy reform will advance the implementation of the 

World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade Facilitation (Bali, 2012) which 

expedites the movement, release and clearance of goods. 

USAID programs support the Tunisian people as they lay the foundation for economic prosperity and democratic governance. USAID is creating job opportunities 

for Tunisian youth by helping small- and medium-sized enterprises to increase productivity and expand employment; and then matching and coaching young Tunisian 

men and women to fill these new jobs. USAID is also providing financing to smalland medium-sized enterprises through the Tunisian-American Enterprise Fund. 

Question. Hundreds of thousands of Christians, Yezidis, and other religious 

minorities have been made homeless by ISIL’s depravity and continue to live as displaced persons without adequate access to shelter, food, medical care or education. 

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Many women from these communities have been kidnapped and subjected to horrific 

sexual violence. 

♦ If confirmed, how will you work with host governments to ensure that assistance reaches these communities and that survivors of sexual violence at the 

hands of ISIL are given the help they need to rebuild their lives? 

Answer. USAID strives to include and be sensitive to the needs of religious and 

ethnic minorities in all of its programming. All U.S. Government humanitarian 

assistance is delivered on an impartial basis and is open to every household and 

community in acute need, regardless of ethnicity or faith. If confirmed as USAID 

Administrator, I will ensure that the Agency continues to uphold these principles. 

In both Syria and Iraq, USAID humanitarian assistance is provided on a countrywide basis and is focused on the populations in greatest need who can be reached 

by the Agency’s humanitarian partners. USAID has provided over $2 billion in 

humanitarian assistance for displaced Syrians since fiscal year 2012 and nearly $76 

million in humanitarian assistance for displaced Iraqis since the start of FY 2014. 

In Syria, USAID humanitarian assistance reaches into all 14 governorates and 63 

districts, including those in which religious minority communities reside or are 

hosted as internally displaced persons (IDPs). In Iraq, the majority of humanitarian 

assistance is provided to address acute needs among the IDP population in the Iraqi 

Region of Kurdistan (IRK), which accounts for over 40 percent of that country’s total 

displaced population. For example, approximately 70 percent of all humanitarian 

aid provided by USAID’s Office for U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance since FY 2014 

has served Iraqi IDPs in the IRK—where the majority of displaced Iraqi religious 

minorities are seeking shelter. 

USAID humanitarian assistance inside Syria and Iraq is focused on provision to 

vulnerable IDPs of food and other relief commodities, shelter (including repairs), 

water and sanitation, health care, education, protection (including specialized services for women, children, and survivors of sexual and gender-based violence), and 

humanitarian coordination and logistics. 

In all its programs in Syria and Iraq, the Agency strives to address the protection 

needs of the most vulnerable—including women, girls and boys in displaced communities. For example, in Iraq, USAID supports humanitarian assistance programs 

that both mainstream protection and deliver direct, specialized services to vulnerable communities. 

Specific activities include recruitment of female health workers, to ensure health 

services are equally accessible for women and girls as well as men and boys, mobile 

‘‘child-friendly’’ spaces and psychosocial first aid for traumatized children, emergency aid focused on the immediate needs of pregnant women in vulnerable conditions, and provision of specialized counseling and referral services to survivors of 

sexual and gender-based violence. 

USAID has also provided funding to the International Organization for Migration 

(IOM) to support its wider protection activities, which reached nearly 1 million IDPs 

in Iraq. As a component of outreach to the wider IDP population, this included 

direct psychosocial support to Christian and Yezidi IDPs in transit sites in northern 

Iraq. 

In those neighboring countries hosting large numbers of displaced Syrians and 

Iraqis, USAID’s nonhumanitarian programming also seeks to address the needs of 

religious minority communities within the context of the wider crisis. The Agency 

views inclusion of minorities as a key component of advancing democracy and 

stability. 

For example, I understand that since 2007 USAID has provided over $40 million 

in economic and development assistance directly benefiting Iraq’s minority communities including Christian, Yezidi, Shabak, and Sabean-Mandaean groups. The 

Agency’s Jordan community engagement program works with communities hosting 

Syrian refugees, and, in Egypt, USAID works with faith-based organizations to promote religious tolerance and diversity. 

In addition, USAID has hosted various delegations of Iraqi religious minorities to 

discuss and coordinate the U.S. Government humanitarian response to their displacement as a result of ISIL actions. This has included, inter alia, representatives 

of the Assyrian, Chaldean, Orthodox, Catholic, and Yezidi communities. In the field, 

USAID humanitarian assistance teams meet regularly with representatives of ethnic and religious minority diaspora and local groups serving displaced communities, 

as well as with international partners serving IDPs. They also coordinate closely 

with the U.N. and relevant government institutions in Iraq and those host countries 

for displaced Syrians and Iraqis in order to ensure all IDP communities’ needs are 

taken into account. 

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Question. In 2011 the Arab Spring protests and calls for nonviolent reform offered 

tremendous hope for the potential of the Middle East region. Four years later we 

face a long, cold winter with many states reverting to old bad habits of closing off 

all avenues for nonviolent political expression or economic opportunity. Worse yet, 

we are facing failed, or close to failing, states in Yemen, Libya, and Syria. In the 

face of such unpredictability, instability, and violence the U.S. diplomatic presence 

and USAID field offices have been forced to draw down or close. In other areas, governments are actively confronting USAID funded programs and projects. 

♦ How are you thinking about U.S. assistance and development engagement in 

the Middle East and North Africa against this depressing and alarming backdrop? Do we need to change the way we do business, or the missions we pursue, 

in the region? 

Answer. USAID works with local and international partners to address the tremendous needs in the Middle East and North Africa. USAID recognizes that capable 

and accountable governance institutions are crucial to the sustainability of our 

development investments, which is why the Agency seeks to integrate democracy, 

human rights, and governance principles and practices across all programming. 

USAID’s approach in the Middle East is twofold; the Agency works not only with 

governments, but also at a grassroots level, changing the lives of individuals and 

transforming communities. USAID works closely with national governments where 

that is possible, and where national-level governance institutions are lacking, at the 

local level, with municipal councils or local civil society, to help meet the immediate 

needs of the people in the region as well as build sustainable local governance structures that can support a move to resilient democratic societies. Local- and municipal-level governance issues are an increasingly important component to USAID’s 

work in the region, especially in communities affected by conflict and crisis. Key elements in all USAID programs are a deep analysis of the political context, supporting 

citizen engagement in policymaking and service delivery, and promoting the rights 

of all citizens and groups to ensure equitable development gains. USAID programs 

represent a long-term investment in the people and communities of the Middle East 

and North Africa and build on the Agency’s mission to partner to end extreme poverty and promote resilient, democratic societies while advancing our own security 

and prosperity. 

USAID is constantly reassessing the way it does business and the specific programs in which it invests. Each country and regional program begins with a careful 

assessment of local needs and capacity for reform. Once programs are implemented 

they are carefully monitored and evaluated for effectiveness and lessons learned. 

Security concerns remain a significant challenge, and the security of USAID staff 

and implementing partners is paramount. In places where USAID has no direct-hire 

staff on the ground, the Agency uses local and international partners as well as 

remote management techniques to continue and ensure close oversight of USAID 

programs. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Congress and our implementing 

partners to maximize the efficacy and impact of our work in the Middle East and 

elsewhere throughout the world. 

Question. In response to the question about USAID’s contribution to the U.S. Government TB strategy, you mentioned that you would ‘‘help ensure USAID continues 

its efforts to curb the epidemic by ensuring good quality TB programs that appropriately treat and cure patients of the disease, and prevent the emergence and 

spread of drug-resistant strains.’’ As its contribution to the interagency action plan 

on drug-resistant tuberculosis, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention submitted recommendations that clearly identify the funding needed to carry out the 

activities. 

♦ Has USAID identified funding needs, given the objectives of the plan? If not, 

why not? 

♦ How meaningful can a strategy be unless resources needs are identified, to 

enable the agency to not only continue efforts but intensify them and rapidly 

build country capacity to have a much greater impact on TB? 

Answer. The White House National Action Plan on multidrug resistant tuberculosis (MDR–TB) will have clear and ambitious milestones. USAID will lead the 

international component of the plan, building on the current USAID TB portfolio 

and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. It will focus on the 

development and implementation of faster and better quality diagnostics and treatment regimens, prioritizing countries with the highest burdens of drug-resistant TB 

to maximize limited resources and end TB as a major cause of morbidity and mortality and as a global health security threat. The rollout of new drugs and regimens 

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will be critical to saving lives and preventing the development and transmission of 

deadly drug-resistant TB. 

The process includes critical opportunities to receive feedback from the broader 

global health community, including a stakeholder forum, on important aspects to 

include in the plan. Guided by the strategy, stakeholder feedback, and data and evidence, USAID will do its part to identify the resources needed to implement the 

plan and focus on how to maximize the effectiveness of those resources. However, 

combating TB is a global problem and a shared responsibility that requires commitments from other donor partners and countries themselves to do more. As I testified, 

it is also critical to mobilize other countries to do more in this area—both with 

respect to TB and to health systems more broadly. If confirmed, I will play a leadership role in this regard and ensure that USAID continues its efforts to curb the epidemic by ensuring good quality TB programs that appropriately treat and cure 

patients of the disease, and prevent the emergence and spread of multidrug resistant strains. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. In addition to the devastating loss of life and breakdown of the affected 

countries’ health care systems, we have seen the economies of these countries near 

collapse as economic activity ground to a halt, investors and contractors fled, farming ceased, and building and maintaining of key infrastructure projects was suspended. As private investments in airports, roads, seaports, and electricity generation and distribution will be vital to for economic recovery, what is USAID doing 

in these areas to reinvigorate private economies that will be necessary for the longterm stability of affected countries? 

Answer. Having coordinated the USG’s international response to the Ebola epidemic while at the National Security Council, I am personally committed to working 

in the Ebola-affected countries to help reinvigorate their economies, using both 

Ebola emergency funds and base development assistance funds. If confirmed, I will 

ensure USAID continues these important efforts. Examples of USAID’s support to 

revive the economies of the Ebola-affected countries include: 

♦ Through the Power Africa Initiative, USAID is engaging in a variety of areas 

that will improve electricity generation and distribution. 

Æ USAID/Liberia replicates appropriate scale private models to supply energy 

to unserved rural areas through the design and build of small-scale facilities that demonstrate renewable energy technologies. This work is buttressed by a cooperative agreement with the National Rural Electrification 

Cooperative of America (NRECA), which is working with rural communities 

to manage electrical generation and distribution. Æ USAID/Liberia is working to engage in active diplomacy and dialogue with 

local governments, other donors, and their implementing partners to 

encourage and facilitate the rapid completion of work on the Mt. Coffee 

hydropower station; three new power plants to add 38 MW of affordable 

electricity to the grid; the extension of the West Africa Power Pool; and 

other key public sector infrastructure projects. Æ USAID/Liberia is working with local banks to demonstrate the business 

case for affordable, sustainable, renewable energy solutions beyond the 

grid. Furthermore, USAID technical assistance has helped with the development of draft legislation that will allow for the entry of private sector 

actors in generation and distribution. 

Æ USAID/Guinea is exploring public private partnership (PPP) opportunities 

in the energy sector in both Guinea and Sierra Leone through collaboration 

with the member agencies in Power Africa. 

♦ In addition, USAID is supporting efforts to rebuild critical infrastructure in the 

Ebola-affected countries in order to attract private investment and improve the 

lives of those impacted by the crisis. 

Æ USAID/Liberia is working to rehabilitate rural farm to market roads and 

build the capacity of the Ministry of Public Works to maintain them, which 

will stimulate broader private sector activity in agricultural value chains, 

including transportation and marketing. 

Æ In all three countries, USAID is supporting investments in digital infrastructure by working with donors and partners to adopt a ‘‘dig once’’ strategy for appropriate road construction projects intended to reduce the combined costs of road construction and broadband connectivity access and 

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advancement. Investments in digital infrastructure support roads, airports, 

seaports, and electricity generation. 

Æ Through advancement in e-payments platforms, USAID/Liberia is working 

to enable and increase ease of payments for on-grid electricity, as well as 

pay-as-you-go models in all three countries using emergency funds. In order 

to advance infrastructure, policy reforms are required to support the development of public-private partnerships (PPPs) across all infrastructure. 

USAID is collaborating with multiple teams and stakeholders to define a 

combined vision and requirements for the affected country governments in 

order to catalyze and spur PPPs that will create infrastructure growth. 

Æ USAID/Liberia’s efforts to increase access to potable water in three cities 

will contribute to a healthier and more productive workforce attractive to 

the private sector, as well as facilitate development of industry and agriculture in those locations. 

Æ USAID/Liberia and partners are completing the construction of 85 kilometers of feeder roads in support of other USG-funded agricultural activities designed under the Feed the Future Initiative and food security 

programs. 

♦ USAID is also actively engaging the private sector to leverage their ideas and 

encourage private sector investment in the three affected countries. 

Æ USAID recently published two new calls for proposals under its Global 

Development Alliance that focus on all three countries to prioritize coinvestment with the private sector to harness ideas, capacity, and private 

resources to bolster economic activities and investments in infrastructure, 

improve local health systems, and promote global health security, all of 

which are aimed at accelerating recovery and building resiliency in the 

West African communities affected by the Ebola epidemic. 

Æ In addition, the Agency seeks to harness capacity and resources from the 

local, regional, and international private sector around partnerships that 

strengthen information and communications technology, energy infrastructure, social programming, health care, and education. 

Æ Through the Feed the Future initiative, the Agency is working to engage 

the infrastructure, and resources of the private sector, foundations, and 

other partners, including in-country partners, to foster broad-based food 

security in the short, medium, and long term. 

Æ The PPP strategy in 2015 focuses on reestablishing private sector confidence to resume business operations through continuous communication 

and updates about market conditions. USAID is also providing technical 

assistance to help Liberia develop a PPP policy that will attract investment 

across a range of industry and infrastructure projects. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

On Smith’s priorities 

Question. Assuming you are confirmed, you will only have 18 months in office 

once you come into office, and there are certainly a host of issues you could dive 

into. Can you talk about some of these priority areas where you would really like 

to make a change? 

Answer. Should I have the honor of being confirmed, I will pursue four priorities. 

(1) If confirmed, I will focus the Agency on programs that are achieving results 

and will be selective about initiating new commitments. I will work with Congress 

to institutionalize successful programs, including Feed the Future, Power Africa, 

and our efforts in maternal and child health. 

(2) If confirmed, I will provide the leadership, guidance, and tools needed to 

enable USAID’s staff in Washington and the field to deliver against our most urgent 

priorities. This includes expanding the Agency’s work and impact on democracy, 

rights, and governance. This also means expanding the Agency’s impact on human 

trafficking and corruption, laying the groundwork for the success of a critically 

important strategy for Central America, and ensuring an equally important transition in Afghanistan. 

(3) If confirmed, I will act quickly to ensure that the Agency maintains global 

leadership and agility in responding to increasingly complex humanitarian crises 

around the world. When a natural disaster strikes or a humanitarian catastrophe 

is imminent, the Agency is and should be among the first on the ground to help 

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those in need, and in a world rife with crises, I believe it is critical to ensure that 

the Agency remains one step ahead. 

I will also work with this committee and other stakeholders to pursue meaningful 

food aid reform that will enable us to reach more people, more quickly, in times of 

need—all while maintaining our historic partnership with U.S. farmers and maritime. 

(4) If confirmed, I will focus on further strengthening the institution. That means 

building on the reform agenda launched by Administrator Rajiv Shah. This will 

involve expanding the capacity of the Agency to mobilize resources and engagement 

from other partners; to draw on science, technology, and innovation to address 

development challenges; and to increase investment in effective local solutions. 

Strengthening the institution involves tackling some of the management and operational challenges facing an agency that manages resources across over 80 countries, often in complex environments. The Agency must ensure that American taxpayer dollars are spent responsibly. It must identify successful programs, learn from 

prior mistakes, apply lessons learned, and share best practices—all in an open and 

transparent way. If progress is not being made, it must take corrective action or terminate projects. 

Strengthening USAID also means supporting and listening to its people, both here 

in Washington and overseas. These are men and women with knowledge, institutional memory, and invaluable insight. It is my goal to give them the visibility, 

respect, and gratitude that they deserve. 

On leveraging partners to make American aid go further 

Question. Ms. Smith, how do you recommend we use our leadership to work with 

other nations to do more? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage other nations to join USAID in addressing 

the world’s development and humanitarian challenges—especially in this time of 

unprecedented need when no country can—or should—singlehandedly meet global 

demands. 

Leveraging our development resources is a key step to successfully achieving 

USAID’s goals as a 21st century development agency. If confirmed as Administrator, 

I will work with USAID leadership to more deeply integrate partnership and 

leveraging of external resources into USAID program design and implementation. 

Using U.S. development assistance in a way that catalyzes additional financing 

for development from other countries, the private sector, multilateral institutions, 

and foundations is a key pillar of the U.S. approach to development, as is the recognition that sustainable development requires host-country buy-in and leadership. 

These elements are embodied in initiatives such as Power Africa and Feed the 

Future. They are also core priorities for the U.S. Government heading into the Third 

U.N. Conference on Financing for Development in July. 

I am aware that USAID has progressed substantially over the last several years 

in developing closer coordination with a number of other international donors. Sweden, the United Kingdom, and Australia have become even more important partners. If confirmed, I will continue to support and expand these relationships as a 

priority. 

At the invitation of President Obama, the Government of Sweden recently committed $1 billion to Power Africa, an initiative to double access to energy in subSaharan Africa. The early success of Power Africa—transactions expected to generate more than 4,100 megawatts have already reached financial close—played a 

critical role in securing Sweden’s commitment. If confirmed, I will ensure that 

USAID uses this power of example to bring in more donors for Power Africa and 

other successful initiatives. 

On effectiveness and efficiency of aid 

Question. I certainly understand that if our efforts in assistance are a mile wide 

and an inch deep, we will not be very effective. 

♦ How do you plan to focus in certain areas to make our aid go the furthest? 

♦ What will your methods be for determining where to double down on American 

aid so we can achieve maximum impact? 

Answer. Focusing resources—both financial and staffing—in priority countries is 

essential for maximum impact. If confirmed as Administrator, I will strengthen the 

Agency’s Selectivity and Focus process. This process was launched in 2012 in response to Presidential Policy Directive (PPD–6), which mandated that the Agency 

focus development efforts by being more selective about the countries and sectors 

in which it works. Since 2010, the Agency’s efforts in Selectivity and Focus have 

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reduced the number of sectoral program areas by 40 percent, enabling country missions to be more focused on top priority activities. 

If confirmed as Administrator, USAID will continue to make hard choices about 

how to allocate attention and resources across countries, regions, and sectors. Under 

my leadership, if confirmed, the Agency will closely consider issues of fragility and 

weigh the impact and potential savings of investing in resilience. It will continue 

to concentrate resources through better alignment of staffing and funding in support 

of those countries and programs that yield the greatest impact. Further, I will continue to strengthen the use of Country Development Cooperation Strategies (CDCS) 

to ensure analysis of changes in country situations and status in the medium term, 

and support evaluations and interim Agencywide assessments to inform decisions 

about adjustments in resource allocations. 

Question. A recent Office of Inspector General’s report noted that Presidential initiatives—not just Congressional Earmarks—are stymieing USAID Missions from 

allocating the correct type of funding to meet needs identified in country as the most 

important. Ms. Smith, as a development expert, you know the importance of ‘‘country ownership’’ and ensuring our assistance programs are actually reflecting the top 

priorities of the countries in which USAID works. 

♦ If confirmed as Administrator, what would you do to ensure that priorities identified at the mission level are incorporated into final budget submissions to Congress and that Presidential initiatives—while important—do not distort the type 

of assistance USAID ends up providing to countries? 

Answer. I understand that it is a critical priority at USAID to ensure that its missions receive the funding they need, despite the constrained budget environment in 

which they operate. If confirmed as Administrator, I will continue to refine our planning and strategy processes and ensure that mission priorities are integrated into 

our budget development process. 

I believe that it is important to the national security of our country that USAID 

continues to be a global leader in addressing the world’s most critical development 

challenges. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these efforts are mutually reinforcing with the local priorities specific to a country or region, and reflect the onthe-ground knowledge and expertise of the Agency’s field staff. 

Question. What percentage of your budget is spent on overhead versus directed 

to assistance? Are there efficiencies that can be found in overhead savings? 

Answer. Based on my initial briefings, I understand that in FY 2015, the Agency’s 

Operating Expense (OE) appropriation accounted for approximately 6.2 percent of 

its total program budget. 

I understand that USAID continues to implement ambitious operational reforms 

to improve management processes and achieve efficiencies in areas such as information technology, travel, real property disposals, insourcing, and space optimization. 

If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing these as well as other areas where we 

might identify additional efficiencies. 

On increasing transparency 

Question. USAID has committed to improving transparency in government. 

♦ What are your plans for improving the quality and availability of data about 

USAID spending, so that anyone can trace each dollar right down to the specific 

project or activity where it is spent? 

Answer. Aid transparency is essential for helping recipient governments manage 

their aid flows, for empowering citizens to hold governments accountable for the use 

of assistance, and for supporting evidence-based, data-driven approaches to foreign 

aid. 

The administration has placed great emphasis on transparency and openness 

across the government and USAID is taking a leading role in helping the U.S. Government further its commitment to enhancing aid transparency as a way of increasing the efficacy of development efforts and promoting international accountability. 

In October 2014, USAID released its first ever Open Data policy and regularly posts 

datasets to www.usaid.gov/data. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will work with USAID leadership to advance 

efforts that are currently under way to increase the transparency of our funding and 

programming, on both the development and humanitarian fronts. In particular, if 

confirmed, I am committed to increasing the number and quality of evaluations 

posted online, as well as regularly posting more and improved data to the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) and ForeignAssistance.gov. 

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On results-driven aid 

Question. Can you tell us what systems should be in place to ensure that foreign 

aid evaluations are used to feed back into the loop? To be used to guide program 

design and policy decisionmaking? 

Answer. USAID has established systems to ensure that quality evaluations are 

undertaken and that results are used for program improvements and redesigns. If 

confirmed as Administrator, I will work to elevate the quality and use of monitoring 

and evaluations in USAID. I will also ensure that new officers continue training in 

evaluation, monitoring, and integrating findings to ensure impact. 

It is my understanding that between 2011 and 2014, USAID trained over 1,400 

USAID staff in sound evaluation methods and practices, created templates and tools 

to support evaluation design and performance management plans, and worked with 

missions to implement an approach that allows for collaboration with partners and 

adaptation of projects based on learning. During that time, over 950 evaluations 

have contributed to evidence-based decisionmaking by missions and operating units. 

I also understand that USAID is undertaking an independent evaluation to examine evaluation utilization across the Agency, which will provide rich data on trends 

and practices in evaluation use. This study is due to be completed in September 

2015. 

If confirmed, I will focus on this critically important aspect of USAID programming and ensure that evaluations are used to inform budget decisions, project 

design changes, and midcourse corrections in development programming. 

Question. What steps will you take to ensure that these evaluations are high quality and transparent? 

Answer. USAID released an extremely rigorous Evaluation Policy in 2011, which 

seeks to ensure high-quality and transparent evaluations. The Evaluation Policy 

established protocols and procedures for ensuring that all USAID evaluations are 

transparently conducted, unbiased, integrated into project design, relevant for decisionmaking, methodologically sound, and oriented toward reinforcing local capacity. 

It is my understanding that the USAID Evaluation Policy has institutionalized 

several additional safeguards to ensure a commitment to unbiased measurement 

and reporting, as well as to promote transparency. For both internal and external 

evaluations, statements of work/terms of reference and draft evaluation reports 

must undergo a peer review, which is aimed at increasing quality and transparency. 

In addition, evaluation team members must submit disclosure of conflict of interest 

forms which are part of the final evaluation report. Lastly, findings from external 

and internal evaluations must be publicly shared via the Development Experience 

Clearinghouse (DEC) online data system. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will ensure continued implementation of this policy and periodic assessments to verify its continued effectiveness. 

On USAID reforms 

Question. As you know, former USAID Administrator Shah initiated reforms in 

2010 under a program called USAID Forward. In your view, what have been the 

most lasting results of the USAID Forward reform effort? 

Answer. Although the USAID Forward reform agenda was launched by former 

Administrator Rajiv Shah in 2010, I understand that many elements of what 

became USAID Forward were proposed at a conference of career Mission Directors 

that was conducted with the participation of senior Agency leadership in November 

2009. This early investment in, and continuing ownership of, the reforms by 

USAID’s senior career officers is a key ingredient for ensuring the sustainability of 

these reforms. 

I believe that through USAID Forward’s focuses on results, partnership, and innovation, the Agency has significantly strengthened its capacity in each of these areas 

over the past 5 years. USAID now has in place a rigorous and transparent process 

for designing strategies and projects while evaluating their impact to achieve results 

in a more focused and selective manner. Its partnership agenda has grown substantially, almost doubling the amount of direct work with local partners, as well as 

significantly increasing its partnership with the private sector, particularly small 

businesses. Moreover, USAID has greatly increased its emphasis on innovative 

approaches through the use of science, technology, and open innovation through 

such platforms as the Development Innovation Ventures (DIV) and Grand Challenges for Development, which have been incorporated into the Agency’s Global 

Development Lab. Each of these reforms under USAID Forward is already demonstrating a strong, durable impact on USAID’s ability to lead the international 

community in achieving sustainable results. 

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Question. What further reforms are needed to make USAID more effective? 

Answer. While I understand USAID has made significant progress as a result of 

the reform effort launched in 2010, known as USAID Forward, I believe that USAID 

can be more effective if the Agency further strengthens its Foreign Service, improves transparency when it comes to results, and bolsters local solutions. 

I understand that approximately 50 percent of Foreign Service officers (FSOs) 

have less than 5 years of experience with USAID. If confirmed, I will make it a high 

priority to invest in the professional development of new FSOs so they can operate 

and implement programs effectively. 

Second, USAID Forward and its reforms require staff to partner, innovate, and 

deliver results while transparently reporting on foreign assistance to Congress, the 

public, and external stakeholders. If confirmed, I will work to streamline these processes to achieve even greater effectiveness and continue to strengthen USAID’s commitment to accountability. 

Third, if confirmed, I will ensure that USAID continues to invest in local solutions 

that achieve sustainable results and build local capacity and knowledge. USAID 

must remain committed to creating the conditions whereby countries can lead, 

resource, and sustain their own development. 

Question. In your view, does the recently released 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy 

and Development Review (QDDR) support ongoing USAID Forward reforms? 

Answer. Yes. From the outset of the second QDDR process, USAID focused on advancing and institutionalizing the significant initiatives and reform efforts already 

underway, including USAID Forward. The first QDDR set in motion USAID Forward, a suite of reforms focused on budget management, policy capacity, implementation and procurement reform, monitoring and evaluation, innovation, science and 

technology, as well as talent management. 

The 2015 QDDR emphasizes USAID’s commitment to a new way of doing business 

that brings partnership, local ownership, innovation, and a relentless focus on 

results to enable transformative change. Through the second QDDR, USAID emphasizes and commits further to building on partnerships to end extreme poverty, prevent and mitigate conflict, counter violent extremism, and work with civil society, 

religious institutions, and indigenous peoples to promote resilient, open, and democratic societies. 

I understand that additional USAID Forward reforms supported by the 2015 

QDDR include building a culture of innovation, leadership, and learning, as well 

as strengthening the ability to assess risks rigorously and comprehensively to 

strengthen local systems. The QDDR helps institutionalize USAID’s focus on innovation exemplified by the Global Development Lab and incorporate these principles 

into all programming through work on efficiencies in policy, planning, and learning 

across the entire program cycle. The 2015 QDDR also deepens USAID Forward 

reforms by bringing greater rigor to evaluations and harnessing data for decisionmaking. 

I am pleased that the QDDR supports ongoing USAID Forward reforms that are 

vital to strengthening the Agency and enhancing the sustainable impact of its work. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will work with the State Department leadership to 

fully implement the QDDR recommendations. 

On operating in corrupt nations/safeguarding taxpayer dollars 

Question. USAID conducts operations in many countries experiencing instability 

and conflict as well as countries characterized by corrupt practices. What are the 

agency’s greatest challenges with regard to physical security in such countries? 

Answer. I understand that USAID has presence in approximately 100 countries 

and that, in roughly 35 of those, the threat from terrorism is rated high or critical 

by the Department of State’s Bureau of Diplomatic Security (DS). I understand that, 

to supplement the security provided by DS, USAID’s Office of Security (SEC) provides a variety of security resources to USAID Missions. Primarily, these include 

operational security guidance, office building security, armored vehicles, emergency 

communications systems, and physical and technical security countermeasures. 

My understanding is that USAID’s greatest challenges regarding physical security 

are typically the lack of physical setback (distance) and blast pressure from improvised explosive devices. Diplomatic facilities are required to have 100 feet of setback, 

which is difficult to achieve as most diplomatic facilities are centrally located within 

congested capital cities. One of the frequently identified challenges is the host nation’s willingness and capability to protect U.S. Government resources. I understand 

that SEC has developed and implemented several programs to mitigate threats to 

USAID staff and implementing partners through Partner Liaison Security Officers 

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(PLSO), the Personnel Recovery (PR) Program, and Non-Permissive Environment 

(NPE) training. 

I also understand that the Agency has established an intra-agency working group 

to determine ways in which the Agency could operate more effectively in NPEs. 

USAID defines an NPE country as having significant barriers to operating effectively and safely due to one or more of the following factors: armed conflict to which 

the United States is a party or not a party; limited physical access due to distance, 

disaster, geography, or nonpresence; restricted political space due to repression of 

political activity and expression; and uncontrolled criminality including corruption. 

The challenges with regard to physical security that are faced by officers operating 

in NPEs vary, but can often include a high security threat negatively impacting 

their ability to partner, implement and monitor projects, as well as high stress on 

staff due to the workload and separation from family at unaccompanied posts. 

My understanding is that, as a result of these challenges, the NPE working group 

evaluated USAID’s presence across the globe and designated 18 countries as NPE. 

Officers transitioning to, and out of, these 18 countries will receive tailored training 

and support beginning this summer. Three 3-day courses will be offered to ensure 

officers serving in NPEs are better equipped to program, monitor and evaluate 

projects, as well as enhance attentiveness to staff care and security issues. I understand that additional training and field guides are planned for 2016, contingent 

upon additional resources. 

Question. What steps can USAID take to ensure that U.S. taxpayer funds are 

spent as intended in countries where its staff may have difficulty directly monitoring its programs, such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Libya? 

Answer. USAID works in many places around the world where high-threat environments pose challenges to monitoring and the Agency has learned important lessons on how to address those challenges. My understanding is that USAID tailors 

implementation monitoring plans for activities implemented in high-threat or nonpermissive environments like Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Libya. 

USAID has revised its official policy to address this topic. Specifically, its policy 

(ADS 202.3.6.4) on ‘‘Monitoring in High Threat Environments’’ holds USAID staff 

(Contracting Officer’s Representatives) accountable for ‘‘seeing that the contractors 

and grantees they manage are performing adequately and accomplishing the tasks 

they set out to achieve.’’ It further notes that ‘‘in high threat environments, USAID 

recognizes the need to keep mission personnel safe, as well as the need to visit 

project sites and meet with beneficiaries of development assistance.’’ To ensure sufficient USAID oversight of activities, the policy offers alternative monitoring methods 

such as requiring photographic evidence; using third-party monitoring; utilizing 

other U.S. Government agencies; and applying technological approaches. 

USAID has learned important lessons over the course of its engagement in 

Afghanistan, and has drawn on experiences in other challenging environments— 

including Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, Sudan, and Colombia—to put in place strong oversight of, and accountability for, U.S. assistance funds. Although there are inherent 

risks in doing business in a country like Afghanistan, the Agency prioritizes the 

effective and accountable use of taxpayer dollars and does not assume that there 

is any level of acceptable fraud, waste, or abuse in our programs. This means that 

oversight must be a process of continual reexamination of ongoing efforts, and that 

there must be flexibility to adjust to new circumstances as they arise. 

In Afghanistan, USAID has developed a multitiered monitoring approach to collect and verify data to inform decisionmaking. By collecting and triangulating information from multiple sources, the approach helps USAID staff mitigate inherent 

bias and weaknesses from any given source. Each Project Manager gathers and analyzes monitoring data from various sources, compares data to ensure confidence in 

the reporting, and use the results to make programmatic decisions. Tiered monitoring levels are: 

♦ Tier 1: USG (USAID and other agencies); 

♦ Tier 2: Implementing Partners; 

♦ Tier 3: National Unity Government (internal M&E systems, observation) and 

other donors; 

♦ Tier 4: Civil society, local organizations, and beneficiaries; and 

♦ Tier 5: Independent Monitoring Contractors. 

Regarding Tier 5, Independent Monitoring Contractors, the Agency is incorporating key lessons learned and themes from countries and programs around the 

world that have utilized third-party monitoring in environments in which chief of 

mission personnel face limitations on movement, including Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, 

and West Bank/Gaza. Independent monitoring, however, is not the sole source of 

monitoring data and it cannot take the place of USAID staff as project managers. 

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Instead, it is one tool that USAID can use to validate reporting data from other 

sources. Should USAID determine that its multitiered monitoring approach cannot 

provide adequate oversight over project activities, it will not hesitate to descope or 

terminate projects. 

For Pakistan, my understanding is that USAID has procured a new monitoring 

and evaluation program. A core difference from Afghanistan is that Pakistan relies 

heavily upon USAID’s traditional performance monitoring and oversight practices. 

While they maintain the capability to provide third-party monitors through their recently procurement M&E support platform, their primary efforts focus on providing 

strategic direction to the portfolio through studies and evaluations. The Pakistan 

model has components for monitoring, evaluation, and other analytic products such 

as targeted assessments, plus learning, capacity-building, and mapping services. 

Pakistan applies third party monitoring in the most difficult regions (FATA) and 

technically challenging projects (Infrastructure). 

I understand that USAID manages its Libya programs through a combination of 

D.C.-based and field-based staff. Foreign Service National staff play a critical role 

in overseeing activities and fulfilling monitoring and evaluation requirements. In 

addition, USAID holds regular partners’ workshops outside of Libya, in which 

implementing partners and interagency counterparts convene to review progress 

toward program objectives, suggest programming adjustments when necessary, and 

ensure overall program coordination. 

Further, as noted in my response to a previous question, I understand an intraagency working group has been convened to determine ways in which the Agency 

could operate more effectively in nonpermissive environments (NPEs). USAID 

defines an ‘‘NPE country’’ as having significant barriers to operating effectively and 

safely due to one or more of the following factors: armed conflict to which the U.S. 

is a party or not a party; limited physical access due to distance, disaster, geography, or nonpresence; restricted political space due to repression of political activity 

and expression; and uncontrolled criminality including corruption. The challenges 

with regard to monitoring that are faced by officers operating in NPEs vary, but 

can often include a high security threat negatively impacting their ability to conduct 

site visits. 

My understanding is that, as a result of these challenges, the NPE working group 

evaluated USAID’s presence across the globe and designated 18 countries as NPE. 

Officers transitioning to, and out of, these 18 countries will receive tailored training 

and support beginning this summer. Three 3-day courses will be offered to ensure 

officers serving in NPEs are better equipped to program, monitor and evaluate 

projects, as well as enhance attentiveness to staff care and security issues. Additional training and field guides are planned for 2016, contingent upon additional 

resources. 

Question. How should USAID address corruption concerns in recipient countries? 

Answer. Recognizing that corruption is a growing threat to the national security 

of the United States and its allies, President Obama announced the U.S. Global 

Anticorruption Agenda in 2014. For over two decades in numerous international 

fora, the United States has helped develop a strong global consensus that fighting 

corruption and supporting good governance are essential for the development of people, markets, and nations. It is now globally recognized—as confirmed by the 173 

countries that have joined the United States as signatories of the United Nations 

Convention Against Corruption—that corruption undermines social cohesion, damages economic growth, distorts public services, weakens the rule of law, and erodes 

property rights. 

If confirmed as Administrator, I will work with USAID leadership to strengthen 

our efforts to combat corruption and promote accountable, democratic governance, 

which will reduce conditions that allow conflict, organized crime, and other 

transnational threats to thrive. These efforts include adoption of rigorous fiduciary 

tools to ensure that funds are being well spent, such as the requirements set out 

by the Public Financial Management Risk Assessment Framework (PFMRAF). This 

framework helps ensure that USAID only works with partner governments that are 

equally committed to accountability and an empowered civil society. In addition, 

USAID continues to support long-term efforts to develop accountable and transparent institutions through anticorruption programs, which will ultimately contribute to broad-based, equitable growth. 

I am pleased that the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review highlighted successful global initiatives, such as the Open Government Partnership and 

the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, and if confirmed, I look forward 

to taking full advantage of our development resources to promote resilient, democratic societies free from corruption. 

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On aid recipient nations 

Question. How do we encourage countries to take the lead in their own development and move them toward graduation from U.S. foreign assistance programs? 

Answer. A core aid effectiveness principle is that every country is responsible for 

defining and promoting its own social and economic development. A second principle 

is that external donors provide assistance that supports country ownership and 

aligns with a country’s development priorities. These aid effectiveness principles 

were initially articulated in the 2005 Paris Declaration and have been reaffirmed 

by the United States Government and every other major bilateral and multilateral 

donor several times since then. 

It is my understanding that these aid effectiveness principles are a key factor in 

shaping the way that USAID develops its country-level strategic plans and specific 

development projects. I understand that an important part of developing a Country 

Development Cooperation Strategy (CDCS) is to consult with the partner government and other local stakeholders about development priorities and desired results. 

USAID’s approach also emphasizes the importance of developing the capacity of 

local actors and local systems responsible for achieving and sustaining development 

outcomes. I understand that the USAID 2014 policy document Local Systems: A 

Framework for Supporting Sustained Development, emphasizes this approach for 

reinforcing local capabilities to achieve and sustain the developmental benefits 

desired by local populations. 

A commitment to moving countries toward graduation means that USAID needs 

to focus on fewer, higher impact programs and be more selective about countries 

and regions to ensure better and more sustainable results. Ultimately, this approach 

aims to help prepare countries for graduation, and ensure that progress is sustained 

even as assistance is phased out. If confirmed as Administrator, I will continue to 

emphasize focus and selectivity and support for local systems that can take the lead 

in local development, and hasten the day when countries can graduate from foreign 

assistance. 

Question. Would you plan to continue successful efforts that promote country ownership of their own development? 

♦ How would you invest to increase the impact of successful efforts like the Local 

Solutions initiative? 

Answer. USAID is committed to creating the conditions whereby countries can 

lead, resource, and sustain their own development, a commitment that I share and 

will prioritize, if confirmed. I agree that country ownership—mutually agreed-upon 

priorities, direct implementation through local systems as the default choice, and domestic resourcing by local governments, civil society, and the private sector—should 

be at the core of how USAID does business. My understanding is that the Agency 

is delivering on this commitment through the following organizational and programmatic reforms, which I will prioritize if confirmed: 

♦ The Agency has put in place policies and a program planning process that 

enable it to project results over a longer timeframe and align its staffing and 

resources accordingly. 

♦ USAID is ensuring that its country strategies and project designs prioritize and 

measure sustainability through country ownership, regardless of the sector. 

This increasingly entails broad local stakeholder involvement in the Agency’s 

planning processes. It also entails analysis (e.g., political economy analysis) and 

action (i.e., improved governance) on the constraints to sustainability, all of 

which may not be fully in the Agency’s manageable control. 

♦ The Agency has put in place the appropriate controls to prudently invest 

directly in local governments, civil society, and bolstering the private sector (as 

relevant) to ensure that those stakeholders are accountable, effective, and can 

sustain results on their own. 

USAID has introduced new guidance and methodologies for monitoring and evaluating project performance. USAID programs are closely and actively monitored incountry—including through the use of objective, third-party evaluations—to track 

results at every level (input, output, outcome) and to make room for midcourse correction when changes are needed. In addition, through the use of rigorous methodologies the Agency is able to evaluate the impact of its programs and the extent 

to which outcomes can be attributed to USAID interventions. 

The Agency has almost doubled its Foreign Service staffing to increase its ability 

to engage directly with local governments, civil society, and private sector; negotiate 

policy reforms; leverage the local private sector; build capacity; innovate; and manage its assistance programs. 

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USAID is promoting the mobilization of local resources in countries where it 

works through tax modernization; coinvestments and guarantees with the local private sector; budding philanthropy; and alternative business models such as social 

enterprises and social impact investment. 

Countering violent extremism 

Question. The White House summit on Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) 

devoted significant energy to community-based efforts to decrease radicalization and 

prevent youth and other groups from engaging in these movements. USAID is one 

of the only agencies with its own CVE strategy—dating back to 2011. 

♦ What role do you see for USAID in the U.S. Government’s increasing efforts to 

counter violent extremism? 

♦ What kind of policy and resources would the agency need to be able to meaningfully contribute to a decrease in support for violent extremism among at-risk 

populations, particularly youth? 

Answer. The White House Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) Summit and the 

regional summits have highlighted the value of USAID’s approach to addressing violent extremism as part of a whole-of-government response to terrorist threats worldwide. The 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) also highlights USAID’s role in countering violent extremism. This affirmation and elevation 

is linked to the recognition both in the CVE Summit agendas and the QDDR that 

to be effective, the response to violent extremism cannot focus just on security. It 

also must focus on many of USAID’s core areas of work: education, economic opportunity, good governance, as well as empowering national and local governments, 

youth, women, community secular and religious leaders, civil society, and the private sector. 

It is my belief that the United States needs a broad array of tools in its toolkit 

to counter violent extremism effectively. A key USAID role is to focus on the issues 

that drive people to violent extremism and address these problems early by disrupting the momentum and overturning the rationale behind violent extremist 

recruitment while reducing local sympathies and support for extremists. These 

efforts complement our Nation’s ongoing efforts aimed at reducing the terrorist 

threat to ourselves and our partners. 

I understand that USAID’s approach was laid out in its 2011 agency-level policy, 

‘‘The Development Response to Violent Extremism and Insurgency.’’ The policy is 

drawn from best practices from several years of CVE programming, as well as from 

research on the factors that drive violent extremist recruitment and how development assistance can help mitigate these root causes. At its core, USAID’s CVE approach is founded upon an understanding of the concerns of vulnerable populations 

in areas most at risk to violent extremism, which then allows us to work with local 

community organizations and government officials to address those concerns. 

USAID’s policy is based upon more than 10 years of experience, which demonstrates that flexible resources are required to address violent extremism. USAID’s 

approach has concentrated on youth empowerment, social and economic inclusion, 

media and messaging, improved local governance and in some cases reconciliation 

and conflict mitigation. Activities are tailored to meet the specific threat levels, political environments, and material needs of each community. USAID’s CVE efforts 

often target distinct populations, for example at-risk young men, and increasingly 

recognize the unique role of women in promoting peace and security. I understand 

that an evaluation of USAID programs in Chad, Niger, Mali, and Kenya has helped 

affirm both the positive role development tools can play in efforts to address violent 

extremism and USAID’s approach. It found that these programs have made a measurable impact among local populations by undermining support for violent extremist 

rhetoric and activities. 

USAID provides funding for CVE programs out of its current budget streams, 

including Economic Support Funds (ESF), Transition Initiatives, Development 

Assistance (DA), and ESF/Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO). In the FY 2016 

budget request, the administration requested $390 million for the Counterterrorism 

Partnerships Fund (CTPF), which would create a specific funding stream for CVE 

programs to help build on existing efforts. As outlined in the administration’s FY 

2016 budget request, having additional funds that can be utilized in a flexible manner is critical to meaningfully address the local drivers of extremism and contribute 

to a decrease in support for violent extremism among at-risk populations, particularly youth. Reaching individuals and communities before they are radicalized is a 

key component in effectively reducing violent extremism. With the flexible funds 

that the administration requested, our assistance programs would be better positioned to program more effectively in these fragile communities. 

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Democracy, rights, governance 

Question. As highlighted in the Department of State’s 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, efforts to strengthen global capacity for good governance and credible elections underpin the potential impact of all other types of 

aid (transparent and open democracies can better respond to pandemics, economic 

challenges, food insecurity, gender inequality, and peacekeeping operations). 

♦ As USAID Administrator, how would you improve support to vital democracy 

and governance programming? I share your commitment to promoting democracy, human rights and governance (DRG). I believe that it is central to development, and an integral part of the U.S. national security strategy. 

Answer. USAID recently issued a new strategy on democracy, human rights, and 

governance, which codifies a more holistic approach to our programming in this sector by focusing on participation, inclusion, and accountability, while elevating 

human rights and integration of programming across economic and social sectors. 

With respect to funding for these programs, I am pleased that the President’s FY 

2016 request includes a 20-percent increase in democracy, human rights, and governance for USAID. If confirmed, I will make this area one of my priorities, and 

I look forward to working with Congress to ensure appropriate resources are available for this critical area. 

It is important for USAID to be innovative in supporting islands of reform—pockets of greater participation and accountability—in countries that have yet to break 

through in implanting democratic values, institutions, and processes. It is in these 

countries that our efforts in poverty reduction, human rights and democratic governance need to be further joined and more tightly integrated. Our programs in health, 

food security, climate change, economic growth all need to have components of citizen participation and government accountability. 

If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID continues to develop the evidence base 

needed to demonstrate successes of these approaches. This includes improving 

measurements and evaluating impact as well as improving practices by conducting 

cross-sector roundtables; creating practice guides; and providing funding guidance 

to the field to enhance integrated programming. 

Microfinance 

Question. I understand that the E3 Bureau has been reorganized and the Office 

of Microenterprise and Private Enterprise (MPEP) at USAID has been renamed and 

refocused on investment. 

♦ Is USAID still committed to supporting microfinance and microenterprise? 

♦ Particularly, how will USAID continue to reach vulnerable groups, including 

women with support for microenterprise? 

Congress has repeatedly encouraged USAID to ensure microfinance activities target the extreme poor. 

With the reorganize of the MPEP office, who will be in charge of ensuring USAID 

continues to target those most in need? 

If confirmed, as the Administrator, how would you prioritize microfinance within 

USAID? 

Answer. Microenterprise development has become deeply integrated throughout 

USAID’s programming and the Agency remains committed to support microenterprise. I understand that the realignment and renaming of the Microenterprise and 

Private Enterprise Promotion (MPEP) Office in the E3 Bureau is still underway and 

will have no impact on microenterprise programing. 

I understand USAID has been pivotal in shaping the microfinance industry, particularly by transforming it into a market-driven model that attracts private capital, 

which has dramatically lessened reliance on donor support and has expanded access 

to financial services for millions of poor households in the developing world. It is 

a prime example of USAID partnering with the private sector to find market-driven 

solutions to end extreme poverty. 

It is my understanding that while USAID once developed stand-alone microenterprise and microfinance projects, these efforts are now integrated into other USAID 

programs in order to advance key initiatives, such as Feed the Future, and 

PEPFAR. I understand that the majority of microenterprise activity takes place 

through USAID Mission-level obligations, and that during the past year, the vast 

majority of USAID Missions reported involvement in microenterprise development. 

I understand microfinance is now integrated throughout the Agency as a means 

to achieve broader goals, including food security, value chain development, improved 

health and nutrition, access to housing, and enterprise development. If confirmed, 

I will ensure the reorganized office will continue these efforts. 

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The reorganized office must also provide thought leadership for the Agency on 

effectively engaging and leveraging private capital for development? enhance collaboration within USAID and among U.S. Government agencies and donor partners; 

and provide advisory support to USAID Missions and Bureaus. Congress will receive 

notification of this realignment before any changes are finalized in the Agency. 

If confirmed, I will ensure the office will continue to fulfill all congressional requirements for Microenterprise programming and ensure programming targets the 

extreme poor. I will also ensure that USAID will have an office for microenterprise 

development with a Director, and the Office will continue to oversee an annual data 

call on microenterprise obligations, prepare the annual Microenterprise Results 

Report, and maintain a help desk to assist partners in the monitoring of their activities. For FY 2015, I understand that USAID’s Microenterprise Results Report will 

showcase the continuing role of USAID’s microenterprise and financial inclusion activities as pathways to ending extreme poverty, increasing food security, and building resilient households and communities. 

Prevention 

Question. Of any of our recent Administrators you would have some of the most 

valuable experience to share on how to ensure we are preventing conflicts in Africa 

and other parts of the world. 

♦ How do you envision reforming USAID to better focus on conflict prevention? 

Answer. As the 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) 

makes clear, development plays a critical role in preventing, mitigating, and 

responding to threats such as instability, armed conflict, and the spread of violent 

extremism in both stable and fragile countries. Effective conflict prevention and 

mitigation is essential to avoid the destructive potential of armed conflict to reverse 

development investments. 

Since the September 11 attacks in 2001, USAID has worked to develop a sound 

capacity for assessing and addressing the causes and consequences of conflict. I 

understand that, as the Agency looks forward to delivering on the vision set by the 

2015 National Security Strategy and the QDDR, it will be mindful about how this 

capacity will need to evolve and be strengthened to address new needs and priorities. 

I understand that USAID is also seeking opportunities to strengthen funding for 

conflict and atrocity prevention through funding streams such as the Complex Crises Fund and the Transition Initiatives account. Doing so gives USAID the flexibility to respond quickly in crises and to devote resources where they can have the 

greatest impact. 

Armed conflicts emerge in fragile states, where long-standing challenges to legitimacy and effectiveness weaken state institutions and the relationship of people 

with their governments. One of the primary challenges of conflict prevention and 

mitigation is a long-term one—tackling the sources of fragility in countries that are 

vulnerable to conflict. The approach for upstream conflict prevention works to build 

strong, legitimate institutions and political processes in fragile countries that are 

capable of managing internal tensions and transnational threats. 

If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that USAID continues to work with 

counterpart agencies and departments to implement a framework for more effective 

engagement with fragile states. We will work to ensure that analysis of root causes 

is applied to decisionmaking processes, and provide guidance on how to achieve results in these challenging environments. 

If confirmed, I will also support and promote the New Deal for Engagement in 

Fragile States. The New Deal, endorsed by the United States and nearly 40 countries and multilateral organizations in 2011, establishes peace and state-building 

goals and action plans, all of which sets a long-term approach to enable countries’ 

transition out of conflict. The New Deal focuses on proven areas of need and impact, 

such as inclusive politics, enabling effective and equitable service delivery, reforming security and rule of law sectors, and combating corruption. 

Question. Under your leadership, would the FY 2017 budget better reflect the 

importance of conflict prevention and include an increase in this important type of 

programming? 

Answer. Effective conflict mitigation and prevention requires policy tailored to 

each country context, careful program implementation in close coordination with our 

partners on the ground, and appropriate resourcing. While the administration is 

still formulating the FY17 budget request, I understand that USAID requested modest increases in FY16 (over FY15 enacted) in some of its core funding accounts. Specifically, I understand that this includes slight increases in the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance (DCHA) core funding including for the 

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Complex Crises Fund (CCF), Transition Initiatives (TI), as well as the Office of Conflict Management and Mitigation (CMM), USAID’s analytic shop that is shaping policy in this area. CCF, TI, and CMM initiatives will strengthen the response capacity 

of country missions to better address conflict, and the Agency anticipates additional 

funding (Economic Support Funds, Development Assistance funds, and other) will 

be directed toward programming that mitigates the causes and consequences of 

conflict. 

Given the constrained budget environment, I will, if confirmed, recognize the need 

to be prudent and thoughtful in Agency budget requests. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to ensure appropriate resources are available for 

this critical area. 

Resilience 

Question. Ms. Smith, you have been a leader in the administration pushing for 

better responses to humanitarian emergencies, including during the food crises in 

the Horn and the Sahel. We greatly appreciate the previous Administrator and your 

support for building the resilience of communities to withstand shocks and stresses 

like drought and conflict. 

♦ What will you do as AID Administrator to ensure the important work on building resilience continues and is institutionalized within USAID? 

Answer. In 2012, USAID launched its first-ever policy and program guidance on 

‘‘Building Resilience to Recurrent Crisis,’’ which commits USAID to put more development focus on the most vulnerable, to build the adaptive capacity of these populations, and to improve the ability of communities, countries, and systems to manage and mitigate risk. I understand that USAID has expanded upon its initial 

focused resilience efforts in Ethiopia, Kenya, Niger, and Burkina Faso and that 

similar efforts are now underway in Somalia, Uganda, Mali, and Nepal. 

If confirmed, I will support the Agency’s development of additional guidance later 

this year that reflects resilience challenges and opportunities in Asia. As part of the 

Country Development Cooperation Strategy planning processes, the Agency will 

work to embed resilience into overall assistance strategies for focus countries in 

Africa and Asia, as well as other countries where risk and vulnerability are prominent threats and undermine development gains. I also commit, if confirmed, to 

maintaining the Agency’s long-term investments in resilience in the Horn of Africa 

and the Sahel. 

I understand that USAID’s resilience investments are supported by bureaus and 

offices across the agency, including Africa Bureau; Asia Bureau; Bureau for Food 

Security; Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance; Bureau for 

Global Health; the General Counsel; and Bureau for Economic Growth, Education, 

and the Environment. If confirmed, I commit to sustaining this whole-of-agency 

effort to build resilience to recurrent crises. 

Tuberculosis 

Question. As we saw last year with the Ebola crisis, a disease in a remote part 

of the world can quickly become a global problem. Drug resistant tuberculosis (TB) 

has been referred to as ‘‘Ebola with wings.’’ Drug resistant TB requires a strong 

U.S. response since it is spread simply by coughing, there is no effective vaccine, 

and the costs of treating it are enormous. The latest case to grab the headlines, of 

a young woman from India with XDR TB (Extensively Drug Resistant TB) who traveled to the United States, has alarmed the public. USAID’s role is to help countries 

improve the quality of care and respond to drug resistance, but, for several years 

in a row, the Obama administration has proposed a large cut in USAID’s TB budget. 

The White House has stated that it is drafting an Action Plan on drug resistant 

TB. 

♦ Will this plan be comprehensive at the scale needed to get ahead of drug resistant TB? 

♦ Under your watch, will USAID’s TB program get full support? 

Answer. I understand that the White House action plan on drug-resistant tuberculosis (DR–TB) is currently under development and will build on the current 

USAID TB portfolio and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria 

TB grants. This will accelerate progress toward achieving the goals laid out in the 

USG TB Strategy and contribute to the global effort to end the pandemic. 

I understand that USAID will be leading the international part of the plan. It will 

focus on the development and implementation of faster and better quality 

diagnostics and treatment regimens, prioritizing countries with the highest burdens 

of drug-resistant TB to maximize limited resources and end TB as a major cause 

of morbidity and mortality. The rollout of new drugs and regimens will be critical 

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to saving lives and preventing the development and transmission of deadly drugresistant TB. I understand the next step in this fast-track process is a stakeholder 

forum to ensure input from a wide spectrum of partners. 

I also understand that USAID focuses TB resources through an evidence-based 

exercise that determines the best approach for continuation of TB funds based on 

burden of TB, drug-resistant TB, TB coinfection with HIV, and other contributing 

factors. 

♦ Under your watch, will USAID’s TB program get full support? 

Answer. While I cannot guarantee future funding levels, I will, if confirmed, help 

to ensure that USAID continues its efforts to curb the epidemic by working closely 

with partners such as the Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria, ensuring high 

quality TB programs that appropriately treat and cure patients of the disease, and 

prevent the emergence and spread of drug-resistant strains. I would support 

USAID’s leadership role in its coordination of U.S. Government global TB efforts, 

support for global initiatives, and support to countries to ensure the further development of quality programs to address TB and DR–TB using the best tools and treatments available. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR ISAKSON

Question. As you know, Sen. Casey and I introduced the Global Food Security Act 

which would formally authorize Feed the Future. 

♦ What are the challenges that Feed the Future has currently and how will you 

make it stronger in your role as USAID Administrator? 

Answer. First, let me thank you for your support of the Feed the Future initiative 

and the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which have together elevated 

food security on the global agenda, registered direct impact on reducing poverty and 

improving nutrition, and mobilized billions of dollars in direct assistance and private resources. In 2013 alone, Feed the Future reached more than 12.5 million children with nutrition interventions and helped more than 7 million farmers and food 

producers use new technologies and management practices on more than 4 million 

hectares of land. 

Among the major challenge we face with respect to Feed the Future is closing the 

gender gap in agriculture. Women are the key players in the agricultural sector, but 

they own fewer assets and have less access to inputs (for example, seeds and fertilizer) and services. We have made considerable progress in this area, thanks in 

large part to USAID’s development of a Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture 

Index, a survey-based monitoring tool. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring 

that FTF uses this data to identify the specific impediments to women’s empowerment in agriculture (such as lack of control over productive assets or access to 

finance), to develop and implement new programs in our focus countries that better 

integrate women farmers into agricultural value chains, and give them greater 

access to credit, inputs, and services. 

Question. Part of what we are trying to accomplish with the Global Food Security 

Act is to make the strategy and processes behind Feed the Future more transparent, 

so that we can more fully understand the effectiveness of our government’s efforts. 

♦ In the event that you are confirmed before the passage and enactment of the 

bill, will you commit to making the strategy and process for Feed the Future 

more transparent? 

Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to build upon the accountability measures in place to make Feed the Future as transparent as possible. As you may 

know, this year FTF is conducting population-based surveys of 17 of its 19 focus 

countries, which will document our progress in poverty and child stunting reduction, 

as well as other high-level indicators across our geographic implementation zones. 

In addition, I understand that USAID is conducting more than 15 independent 

impact evaluations that help show whether positive changes—such as increases in 

farmer income or improvements in children’s nutritional status—are caused specifically by U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will ensure the reports and data sets from 

these evaluations are made publicly available, along with financial and annual 

country performance data. If confirmed, I will ensure that these data sets are provided to the Congress and made public. In addition, it is my understanding that in 

2016, the Agency will conduct an independent external evaluation of FTF that will 

review all aspects of the initiative. If confirmed, I commit to making the results of 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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this evaluation public and to instituting any necessary course corrections to maximize the impact of this critically important work. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE SMITH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PAUL

Question. In a recent GAO report on foreign aid (GAO–15–377), GAO recommended that USAID should strengthen accountability for government-to-government (G2G) assistance. If confirmed, what additional steps would you take as 

USAID Administrator to improve the accountability on this form of aid? 

Answer. It is my understanding that USAID has addressed the concerns raised 

in the Government Accountability Office (GAO) report regarding its government-togovernment (G2G) assistance. I also understand that the GAO report commended 

USAID for completing detailed risk assessments and for using audits to further 

identify areas in which a partner country’s public financial management practices 

could be strengthened to further ensure capacity to manage USAID funds. 

If confirmed, I will ensure that the Agency continues its efforts to build upon the 

GAO report and its recommendations to strengthen accountability for G2G assistance. My understanding is that these efforts are focused on fully supporting a more 

efficient and effective enabling environment for USAID’s overall Local Solutions initiative, including for G2G assistance, and consist of: 

♦ Strengthening and simplifying policies, procedures, templates, and tools to improve accountability; 

♦ Improving risk management techniques, procedures and tools for designing, 

implementing and monitoring G2G activities; 

♦ Providing the needed support and resources to USAID staff in order to strengthen G2G capacity-building, accountability, and transparency; 

♦ Continuing to improve implementation, timeliness and monitoring of annual 

financial audits of G2G funds in collaboration with USAID’s Office of Inspector 

General and GAO; and 

♦ Enhancing and coordinating development partner collaboration and harmonization. 

Question. The U.S. taxpayers have given billions and billions of dollars to support 

aid work in Afghanistan over the last decade, yet there have been questions on both 

the accountability and the effectiveness of this money. For example, the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) recently has called on 

USAID to respond to allegations that progress data related to Afghan education system was falsified. 

♦ If confirmed, what are your top three priorities for improving the accountability 

and effectiveness for any aid to Afghanistan? 

Answer. Regarding SIGAR’s Letter of Inquiry related to data on education, I 

understand that USAID’s formal response is due by June 30 and USAID will share 

its response with the committee when submitted. 

If confirmed as Administrator, my top three priorities for enhancing accountability 

and aid effectiveness in Afghanistan will be: (1) working to ensure full implementation of the accountability and sustainability measures already put in place for 

assistance to Afghanistan; (2) working to ensure there is a regular review of our existing accountability and sustainability policies in order to regularly assess current 

policies and procedures, develop any new ones that may be necessary, implement 

any new ones that are necessary, and communicate those new policies and procedures internally in the agency and externally to Congress and others; and (3) working to ensure that USAID’s culture empowers staff to alert leadership to any significant issues disclosed by the Agency’s monitoring of projects in Afghanistan, or 

anywhere. 

If confirmed, I will support USAID staff to take action when they identify projects 

in need of such measures. 

USAID has learned important lessons over the course of its engagement in 

Afghanistan, and has drawn on experiences in other challenging environments— 

including Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, Sudan, and Colombia—to put in place strong oversight of, and accountability for, U.S. assistance funds. Although there are inherent 

risks in doing business in a country like Afghanistan, the Agency prioritizes the 

effective and accountable use of taxpayer dollars and does not assume that there 

is any level of acceptable fraud, waste, or abuse in our programs. This means that 

oversight must be a process of continual reexamination of ongoing efforts, and that 

there must be flexibility to adjust to new circumstances as they arise. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Operationally, USAID has adjusted its implementation model to improve sustainability and meet the challenges presented by changes on the ground in Afghanistan, 

as follows: 

♦ Developing a multitiered monitoring strategy to address reduced mobility and 

decreased field staff that, along with other monitoring and evaluation efforts, 

will continue to ensure appropriate oversight of projects; 

♦ Transforming USAID’s approach in Afghanistan to one of mutual accountability 

that incentivizes Afghan reforms by conditioning an increasing percentage of 

our assistance to the government on progress on reforms and that continues to 

increase government involvement and ownership of development needs; and 

♦ Focusing on long-term sustainability through implementing three key principles 

of: (1) increasing Afghan ownership and capacity; (2) contributing to community 

stability and public confidence in the Government of Afghanistan; and (3) implementing effective and cost-efficient programming. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, JUNE 23, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Glyn Townsend Davies, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand 

William A. Heidt, of Pennsylvania, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia 

Jennifer Zimdahl Galt, of Colorado, to be Ambassador to Mongolia 

Atul Keshap, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and to the Republic of Maldives 

Alaina B. Teplitz of Illinois, to be Ambassador to the Federal 

Democratic Republic of Nepal 

David Hale, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 

Sheila Gwaltney, of California, to be Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:35 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Cory Gardner, presiding. 

Present: Senators Risch, Gardner [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 

Murphy, and Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CORY GARDNER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO 

Senator GARDNER. This hearing will come to order. 

Let me welcome you all to today’s full Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee hearing on nominations. 

I want to thank Senator Cardin for working with this date and 

the witnesses today supporting this important hearing today. 

We will have two panels today, the first on nominees from East 

Asia and Pacific region, and then at 11 a.m., Senator Risch will 

take over for a second panel of nominees from the South and Central Asia region. 

I first want to welcome all the family members who are here 

today for this distinguished panel this morning. 

In the first panel of witnesses, we will hear from three nominees: 

Mr. William Heidt to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia; 

Mr. Glyn Davies to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand; 

and Ms. Jennifer Galt to be Ambassador to Mongolia. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I had an opportunity to meet personally with all of these wellqualified nominees, and I want to warmly welcome them and their 

families to this hearing today. 

Thailand is the longest standing U.S. ally in Asia. The Kingdom 

of Siam and the United States concluded a Treaty of Amity and 

Commerce in 1833 when our Nation was still in its infancy. 

In 1954, modern day Thailand and the United States became 

military allies under the Treaty of Manila, and in 2003, the United 

States designated Thailand as a major non-NATO ally. 

Despite the historically tumultuous domestic politics in Thailand, 

the commercial and military relationship between our nations has 

blossomed. The United States is Thailand’s third-largest bilateral 

trade partner. Our militaries have averaged 40 joint exercises per 

year. We cooperate actively on issues as wide-ranging as humanitarian disaster assistance to law enforcement to disease control. 

However, the 2014 military coup in Thailand threatens to set 

back the positive trajectory of our relationship unless Bangkok 

moves decisively to restore democracy. 

So I look forward to hearing from Mr. Davies today on how we 

can maintain and grow our strong relationship while exerting efforts to see Thailand successfully move back to the democratic 

path. 

Cambodia represents an opportunity for the United States to 

build another long-standing partnership in Southeast Asia. After 

the unparalleled brutality of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge regime 

and the civil war that ensued in the 1970s and the 1980s, Cambodia seems to have finally found a semblance of stability and a 

democratic footing. 

The July 2013 elections and the 2014 power-sharing agreement 

between the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and the main opposition groups, unified as the Cambodian National Rescue Party, are 

hopeful steps forward, although progress remains fragile. 

Cambodia is the poorest country in Southeast Asia with GDP at 

about $2,600 per person, and the country is heavily dependent on 

overseas development assistance, including from the United States. 

So I look forward to hearing from Mr. Heidt on moving the democratic process forward, but also assisting Cambodia with its economic and development challenges. 

Next but certainly not least, we will move to East Asia and Mongolia. Sandwiched between two world powers, Russia and China, 

Mongolia has major strategic importance for the United States. 

Since transitioning from socialism to democracy in 1992, Mongolia 

has held six direct Presidential elections and six direct parliamentary elections. 

The country possesses vast mineral wealth, although corruption 

and economic development remain serious issues in that country. 

Despite the difficult geopolitical environment, Mongolia has been 

a strong ally to the United States. Mongolian troops were part of 

the coalition during the Iraq war and continue to serve alongside 

U.S. troops in Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. 

So I look forward to hearing from Ms. Galt on how we can 

strengthen this critical partnership between our nations. 

And now I will turn it over to Senator Cardin for this hearing. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, Mr. Chairman, first of all, thank you for 

holding this hearing so that we can consider these three nominees. 

I want to thank all three of them, as you already have, and their 

families. This is an incredible service to our country that you are 

willing to perform in a place far away from where we are today. 

So we know it is a sacrifice. We know your families are making 

those sacrifices, and we thank you for your willingness to represent 

the United States in these foreign policy posts that are strategically important to U.S. security and economic interests. 

Glyn Davies is well known to many members of this committee 

for his recent service as the Special Representative for North Korea 

Policy, but he has also served as U.S. Representative to the IAEA 

and senior positions in the East Asia Bureau and the Bureau of 

Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. This experience will provide 

an important background for his service in Thailand, if confirmed, 

particularly given recent events there. 

William Heidt is currently the executive assistant to the Under 

Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment at 

the Department of State, a position which will be invaluable given 

the economic and development opportunities we have in Cambodia. 

Mr. Heidt also has held a senior post in Warsaw, at the U.N., Indonesia, and in Cambodia. So he brings a great deal of experience to 

this position. 

And finally, Jennifer Galt, who currently serves as our counsel 

general in China. She has been a senior advisor in the Department 

of Public Affairs and also served NATO, as well as previous posts 

in China and India. 

So, Mr. Chairman, we are very fortunate to have three career 

diplomats before us who have devoted their professional life to 

serve our country. And I thank them again for their willingness to 

serve in three important posts in the United States foreign policy. 

You already mentioned Thailand is one of our longest friendships, 180 years of cooperation in public health, trade, in security 

and education. But as you also pointed out, the recent coups have 

presented tremendous challenges to Thailand and its relationship 

with the United States. The restoration of democratic governance 

must be our top priority. And I must tell you it is taking too long, 

and we must push for early elections so that we can move forward 

with this democratic country. 

I also want to point out that it is a Tier 3 country in our Trafficking In Persons Report and that is unacceptable. So we need to 

continue to push Thailand to do the right thing on behalf of ending 

modern day slavery. 

In Cambodia, they are on a Tier 2 Watch List for trafficking. 

That is unacceptable, and they will need our help again in dealing 

with this. As you pointed out, it is the poorest country in the region 

and has huge challenge, but lots of potential, potential in economics. The environmental issues are challenging, but there is a great 

prospect there. And certainly expanding their democratic institutions will present a full array of opportunities for the U.S. mission 

in Cambodia. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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And Mongolia. It is one of the youngest democracies. It has been 

supportive of our military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and 

is a country that is the newest member of the OSCE, an organization where I have devoted a good deal of my attention. 

So I think all three of the posts offer important strategic partnerships with the United States and a great opportunity, but also 

challenge and I look forward to hearing from our witnesses. 

Senator GARDNER. Mr. Glyn Davies is a career member of the 

Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as senior advisor in 

the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the Department of 

State. 

Previously, Mr. Davies served as Special Representative for 

North Korea Policy; Permanent Representative to the International 

Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations Office in Vienna, 

Austria; Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary and Deputy Assistant Secretary, East Asia and Pacific Affairs Bureau; Senior Advisor, Foreign Service Institute Leadership Management School; Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and 

Labor; Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Bureau of European and 

Eurasian Affairs; Political Director for the U.S. Presidency of the 

G8 with rank of Ambassador; and Deputy Chief of Mission, U.S. 

Embassy in London, United Kingdom. 

Mr. Davies earned an M.S. at the National War College in 1995 

and a B.S. from Georgetown University in 1979. He has been the 

recipient of numerous Senior Foreign Service performance and 

honor awards, fluent in French. 

Welcome, Mr. Davies and your family. And we look forward to 

hearing your comments this morning. 

STATEMENT OF HON. GLYN TOWNSEND DAVIES, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF THAILAND 

Ambassador DAVIES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the 

committee. Thank you for the chance to appear before you today. 

I am honored to be President Obama’s nominee to serve as the 

United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand. I thank 

both the President and Secretary of State Kerry for their support. 

I also thank all members of the committee for this opportunity 

to speak to my qualifications. Throughout my career, I have 

worked to develop the experience to lead my colleagues in strengthening America’s security and advancing its prosperity. If confirmed, 

serving as chief of mission in Bangkok would draw on all of my 36 

years as a Foreign Service officer. 

My family is my greatest strength. I would like to express my 

love and gratitude to my wife, Jackie; daughters, Ashley and 

Teddie; son-in-law, Chapin; and granddaughters, Josie and Cybbie. 

Josie and Cybbie and my wife and daughter are sitting behind me 

today. 

Thailand and the United States share a long and a deep friendship. Thailand is, as you said, our oldest treaty ally in Asia. We 

work together to advance regional security, expand trade, improve 

public health, assist refugees, counter human trafficking, illegal 

narcotics, wildlife trafficking, and protect the environment. Few bilateral relationships are as broad and beneficial. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Over the past decade, Thailand’s internal political divide has polarized Thai society. We do not take sides in this, but we do stress 

our strong support for democratic principles and our commitment 

to our historic friendship with the Thai people. 

Since the coup, the United States has publicly and privately 

made clear our concerns about the disruption of Thailand’s democratic traditions and the limits placed on civil liberties, including 

freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Democracy can only 

emerge when the Thai people freely and fairly elect their own government. As required by law, the United States suspended certain 

assistance until a democratically elected civilian government takes 

office. When that occurs, our relationship can return to its fullest 

capacity. 

Our call for restoring democracy does not advocate for a specific 

constitutional blueprint. That is for Thailand’s people to decide 

through an inclusive political process. If confirmed, I will support 

their democratic aspirations. 

Mindful of our long-term strategic interests, we remain committed to our security alliance. Thai and U.S. troops fought side by 

side in both Vietnam and Korea, and together we hold many bilateral and multilateral exercises, including Asia’s largest, Cobra 

Gold. These allow us to increase coordination and cooperation to respond to humanitarian and natural disasters. We collaborate extensively on public health issues, including research on a vaccine 

for HIV/AIDS. 

The United States is Thailand’s third-largest trading partner. 

Our companies are major investors there. Our Embassy in Bangkok, supported by our consulate general in Chiang Mai, is a regional hub for the U.S. Government and one of our largest missions 

in the world. 

Our people-to-people ties are strong. Thousands of Thai and 

American students study in each other’s countries. The Peace 

Corps has been in Thailand for over 50 years. Americans have long 

admired and respected Thailand’s traditions and culture. His Majesty King Bhumibol has led his people with compassion for close 

to 70 years and has worked tirelessly for their advancement. 

Thailand is a founding member and leading voice in all of the region’s multilateral institutions. We work with Thailand and 

through those bodies to advance regional growth and security. 

We also work with government and civil society organizations to 

address human trafficking. If confirmed, I will encourage Thailand 

to take robust action to combat it. 

Thailand has been a key partner on humanitarian issues, sheltering thousands of Burmese refugees, as well as the Rohingya and 

vulnerable populations from some 50 nationalities. Thailand hosted 

a regional conference in May on the migrant crisis in the Andaman 

Sea and Bay of Bengal. We stress the need to save lives and treat 

vulnerable migrants humanely. We also partner with Thailand to 

respond to natural disasters such as the earthquakes in Nepal earlier this year. 

We care deeply about Thailand and about its people. If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee to advance our 

broad range of interests in that country. While we will continue to 

do much with Thailand, we look forward to its return to democracy 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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so our joint efforts can reach their fullest potential. We believe the 

Kingdom of Thailand can find reconciliation, establish democracy, 

and fulfill its historic destiny as a great and free nation. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Davies follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GLYN TOWNSEND DAVIES

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 

appear before you today. I am honored to be President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Thailand. I thank the President 

for the confidence he has placed in me by putting me forward to the Senate for consideration, and thank Secretary of State Kerry for his strong support. I am grateful 

to all the members of the committee for this chance to speak to my qualifications 

and intentions. 

I joined the Foreign Service in 1980, and have sought throughout my career to 

develop the experience and skills to lead interagency colleagues in strengthening 

our country’s security and advancing our prosperity. If confirmed, serving as Chief 

of Mission in Bangkok would be the culmination of that 36-year effort. 

My family is my greatest strength. I would like to express my love and gratitude 

to my wife, Jackie, daughters Ashley and Teddie, son-in-law, Chapin, and granddaughters, Josie and Cybbie. 

Thailand and the United States share a long and enduring friendship. Thailand 

is one of our oldest treaty allies in Asia. We collaborate on a remarkably wide range 

of issues, including advancing regional security, expanding trade and investment, 

enhancing public health, assisting refugees and displaced persons, countering illegal 

narcotics and wildlife trafficking, fighting transnational crime, and protecting the 

environment. Despite the limitations we have had to impose on aspects of our 

engagement after Thailand’s May 2014 military coup, few bilateral relationships are 

as broad and yield as many benefits to both countries. 

Over the past decade, Thailand’s internal political divide has dramatically deepened, polarizing not just the political class but society as a whole. We have not 

taken sides in this debate, but have stressed our unwavering support for democratic 

principles and our commitment to our historic friendship with the Thai people. 

Since the coup, the United States has consistently underscored both publicly and 

privately our concerns about the disruption of Thailand’s democratic traditions and 

accompanying restrictions on civil liberties, including freedom of expression and 

peaceful assembly. We maintain that democracy can only emerge when the Thai 

people freely and fairly elect their own representatives and leaders. As required by 

law, the United States has suspended certain assistance until a democratically 

elected civilian government takes office. When that occurs, our bilateral relationship 

can return to its fullest capacity. 

Our call for the restoration of civilian government, a return to democracy, and full 

respect for human rights, including freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, 

does not mean we advocate for a specific constitutional or political blueprint. Those 

are questions for the Thai people to decide through an inclusive political process 

that allows for an open and robust debate about the country’s political future. If confirmed, I will continue to support the democratic aspirations of the Thai people. 

Mindful of our long-term strategic interests, we nonetheless remain committed to 

maintaining our security alliance. Thai and U.S. troops fought side by side during 

the Vietnam and Korean wars, and together we hold many bilateral and multilateral exercises, engagements, and exchanges, including Asia’s largest multilateral 

military gathering, Cobra Gold. These interactions provide invaluable opportunities 

to increase coordination and cooperation, including on providing humanitarian assistance and responding to natural disasters. 

The United States is Thailand’s third-largest trading partner, and American companies are major investors in Thailand. Our Embassy in Bangkok, supported by our 

consulate general in Chiang Mai, is a regional hub for the U.S. Government and 

remains one of our largest missions in the world. We collaborate extensively on public health issues, a cornerstone of our bilateral cooperation, including promising 

research on a possible vaccine for HIV/AIDS. 

Our people-to-people ties are strong and growing. Educational linkages help thousands of Thai and American students study in each other’s countries. The Peace 

Corps has deployed volunteers across Thailand for over 50 years. The American people have long admired and respected Thailand’s rich traditions and culture. His 

Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the only monarch ever born in the United 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

237 

States, has led his people with compassion and integrity for almost 70 years and 

has been a tireless advocate for the advancement of the Thai people. 

Thailand is a founding member and a leading voice in all of the region’s multilateral institutions, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the 

East Asia Summit, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, and the 

Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI). The United States will continue to work with Thailand and through the region’s institutions to further our mutual goals of stimulating 

trade and economic growth and promoting regional security. 

We work with the Thai Government to strengthen its efforts to address the country’s human trafficking problem. We also support civil society organizations that 

help identify and protect victims and promote the rights of migrant workers. If confirmed, I will encourage Thailand to take robust action to combat human trafficking. 

For many years, Thailand has been an important partner on humanitarian issues. 

It hosted hundreds of thousands of refugees after the Vietnam war. Today, Thailand 

shelters some 110,000 Burmese refugees and asylum seekers in nine refugee camps 

along the Thailand-Burma border, as well as the Rohingya and vulnerable populations from some 50 nationalities. Thailand hosted a regional conference in May on 

the migrant crisis in the Andaman Sea and Bay of Bengal. We continue to work 

closely with Thailand and other affected countries to address the sensitive issue of 

irregular migration with a priority on saving lives and urging humane treatment 

of vulnerable migrants. We also work closely with the Thai to respond to natural 

disasters, including the devastating 2008 cyclone in Burma and the earthquakes in 

Nepal earlier this year. 

We care deeply about our bilateral relationship and about the people of Thailand. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee to advance our broad range 

of interests in Thailand. While we will continue to do much together, we look forward to its return to democracy so that our joint efforts can reach their fullest 

potential. We believe the Kingdom of Thailand can find reconciliation, establish 

democracy, and fulfill its historic destiny as a great and free nation. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination. I look forward to answering your 

questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Davies. 

Mr. Heidt is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and 

currently serves as Executive Assistant, Office of the Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment in the 

Department of State. Previously, Mr. Heidt served the Department 

of State as Deputy Chief of Mission in the U.S. Embassy in Warsaw, Poland; Counselor for Economic and Social Affairs, U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York; economic counselor, U.S. 

Embassy, Jakarta, Indonesia; Special Assistant, Office of the 

Under Secretary for Economic, Business, and Agricultural Affairs; 

also as finance and development officer, Embassy Jakarta in Indonesia; and economic and commercial officer, U.S. Embassy Phnom 

Penh, Cambodia. 

Mr. Heidt earned a B.A. at Pennsylvania State University in 

1984 and an M.A. at George Washington University in 1986. His 

awards include Department of State Senior Foreign Service performance, superior honor, and meritorious honor, as well as joint 

Department of State and Department of Labor award for excellence 

in labor diplomacy. He speaks fluent Cambodian, as well as Polish, 

Indonesian, and German. 

Welcome, Mr. Heidt, to you, your family and friends. 

STATEMENT OF WILLIAM A. HEIDT, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA 

Mr. HEIDT. Thank you very much, Chairman Gardner, Ranking 

Member Cardin, and Senator Kaine. 

It is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today as the 

President’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia. I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Kerry for the confidence and trust they have placed in me by nominating me for this position. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely 

with this committee to advance the United States broad range of 

interests in a peaceful, democratic, and prosperous Cambodia. 

I am accompanied today by my wife, Sotie, and son, Allen, who 

are sitting right behind me to my right, and who have served overseas tours with me in hot cities and cold ones too, ranging from 

Cambodia, Indonesia, Poland, and New York City. 

I have spent the bulk of my 28-year Foreign Service career working on the interlinked challenges of promoting America’s prosperity 

overseas and helping developing countries enact the policies and 

build the institutions they need to improve living standards, protect the environment, and compete in a global economy. 

One of my most memorable Foreign Service tours was in Phnom 

Penh from 1997 to 1999 where I worked on a number of the most 

critical issues facing the country, including illegal logging, food security, and building a sustainable garment industry with decent 

and dignified conditions of work. 

Cambodia has changed dramatically since that time. GDP growth 

has exceeded 7 percent annually for the past decade, and as a result, the national poverty rate has fallen from well over 50 percent 

in 2000 to 17 percent in 2012. Life expectancy has increased substantially as well. If confirmed, I plan to make growing the trade 

and investment relationship between the United States and Cambodia a top priority. 

Cambodia’s performance on human rights and democracy issues 

has been more uneven. The most recent national elections in 2013 

drew unprecedented public involvement but were also marred by 

allegations of fraud. After a yearlong post-election standoff, the ruling party and opposition reached agreements on power-sharing in 

the National Assembly and reforming the country’s election law 

and National Election Committee. 

But despite these negotiated agreements, concerns remain about 

provisions that appear to limit the activities of NGOs in the democracy area and that open the door for increased influence by the 

Cambodian military and other government officials in election campaigns. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to work with the government, opposition, and civil society to strengthen Cambodia’s 

democratic institutions. 

The building of a vibrant, homegrown civil society is one of Cambodia’s most impressive achievements since the 1993 Paris Peace 

Accords, but NGOs in Cambodia today face deep uncertainty in the 

form of a draft law on associations and nongovernmental organizations that is soon to be considered in the National Assembly. Provisions in this draft law would appear to limit the activities NGOs 

may engage in and create burdensome registration and reporting 

requirements for them. The United States has spoken about these 

concerns and the lack of public consultations to date on the law. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society and the government to encourage the creation of stable and supportive conditions 

for a vibrant civil society in Cambodia. 

Cambodia has also made progress in recent years on several crucial humanitarian and justice issues. With assistance from the 

United States Government and a number of NGOs, Cambodia has 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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made great strides in reducing child sex trafficking, one of the saddest and most pernicious social problems the country has faced. 

The State Department and USAID continue to work with Cambodia to reduce labor trafficking, which remains a significant problem in Cambodia and its neighbors. 

The United States supports the work of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal to help the people of Cambodia find justice and hold accountable those most responsible for the atrocities committed by the 

Khmer Rouge. If confirmed, I will work with fellow tribunal supporters and the Cambodian Government to ensure that the tribunal completes its critical mission. 

The United States supports Cambodia’s reemergence on the 

world diplomatic stage and has encouraged it to play an independent, principled role in ASEAN and other regional institutions. 

We have supported Cambodia’s integration into the ASEAN Economic Community and collaborated with it in the Young Southeast 

Asian Leaders Initiative, or YSEALI. Through YSEALI, the United 

States is engaging young Southeast Asians and encouraging them 

to view their country’s goals and challenges in a regional context. 

The program has been enormously popular in Cambodia, and if 

confirmed, I will make youth engagement a top priority. 

Mr. Chairman, it is fitting to conclude with a few words about 

Cambodia’s young people. It is one of the youngest nations in 

Southeast Asia, with 70 percent of the population under the age of 

30. Young Cambodians today are very favorably disposed toward 

the United States. Like young people everywhere, they want good 

jobs, a chance to engage in the political and social life of their country, and the opportunity to build a family. They are one of the main 

reasons I am optimistic about the country’s future today. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before the committee today. I would, of course, be happy to answer 

any questions you might have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Heidt follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF WILLIAM A. HEIDT

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, it 

is an honor and privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to 

be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia. I am deeply grateful to President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have placed in me 

by nominating me for this position. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this 

committee to advance the United States broad range of interests in a peaceful, 

democratic, and prosperous Cambodia. 

I am accompanied today by my wife, Sotie, and son, Allen, who have served overseas tours with me in Cambodia, Indonesia, and Poland. 

I have spent the bulk of my 28-year Foreign Service career working on the interlinked challenges of promoting America’s prosperity around the world and helping 

developing countries enact the policies and build the institutions they need to, 

improve living standards for all, protect the environment, and compete in the global 

economy. 

One of my most memorable Foreign Service tours was in Phnom Penh, from 

1997–99, where I worked on some of the most critical issues facing Cambodia—controlling rampant illegal logging, feeding the 10-percent of the country who went 

hungry every dry season, and helping the Cambodian Government build a sustainable garment industry with decent and dignified conditions of work. I am proud that 

in 2000, after my return from Phnom Penh, I was awarded the joint Department 

of State—Department of Labor award for labor diplomacy for my work strengthening workers’ rights in Cambodia’s garment sector. 

Cambodia has changed significantly since that time. Cambodia’s GDP has grown 

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cultural production, a booming tourism industry, investment in real estate and construction, and growth in garment exports. As a result, the poverty rate fell from well 

over 50 percent in 2000 to just over 17 percent in 2012, and is surely lower today. 

Life expectancy has increased from 67 years in 2006 to 71.2 years in 2013, due to 

improved food security and health care. If confirmed, I plan to make growing the 

trade and investment relationship between the U.S. and Cambodia a priority. I also 

hope to advance our cooperation on health issues, which make a direct impact on 

the Cambodian people. 

Cambodia’s performance on human rights and democracy issues has been more 

uneven than its economic progress. The most recent national elections in 2013 drew 

unprecedented public involvement and were the most peaceful in Cambodian history 

but were also marred by allegations of fraud. After a year-long, post-election standoff, the ruling party and opposition reached an agreements on power sharing in the 

National Assembly and to reform the country’s election law as well as Cambodia’s 

National Election Committee, which oversees elections. 

But despite these negotiated agreements, concerns remain, including with regard 

to provisions that appear to limit the activities of nongovernmental organizations 

in the democracy area and open the door for increased influence by the Cambodian 

military and other government officials in election campaigns. The United States 

has a long history of supporting Cambodia’s democratic development through foreign assistance funding and people-to-people contacts. If confirmed, I will make it 

a priority to work with the government, opposition, and civil society to strengthen 

Cambodia’s democratic institutions and raise the level of public confidence in them. 

Conducting free and fair communal elections in 2017, and national elections in 

2018, will be a key test for the Government. 

The building of a vibrant, home grown civil society is one of Cambodia’s most 

impressive achievements since the 1993 Paris Peace Accords ended years of conflict. 

Cambodian and international NGOs deliver crucial social services, educate the public on issues ranging from health to information technology, build people-to-people 

contacts with countries around the world, and develop the skills of thousands of 

Cambodian workers. It is no exaggeration to say that NGOs are one of Cambodia’s 

finest faces to the world. 

But NGOs in Cambodia today face deep uncertainty in the form of a draft Law 

on Associations and Non-Governmental Organizations that is soon to be considered 

in the National Assembly. Provisions in this draft law would appear to limit, in 

vague terms, the activities NGOs may engage in, and create burdensome registration and reporting requirements for NGOs. The United States has spoken about 

these concerns, the lack of public consultations to date on the law, and the law’s 

overall intent. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society and the Government to encourage the creation of stable, and supportive conditions for a vibrant 

civil society in Cambodia. 

Cambodia has also made progress in recent years on several crucial humanitarian 

and justice issues. With assistance from the U.S. Government and a number of 

NGOs, Cambodia has made great strides in reducing child sex trafficking—one of 

saddest, and most pernicious social problems the country has faced. The State 

Department and USAID continue to work with Cambodia to reduce labor trafficking, which remains a significant problem in both Cambodia and neighboring 

countries. The United States supports the work of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal to 

help the people of Cambodia find justice and hold accountable those most responsible for the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge. We will continue to work 

with fellow Tribunal supporters and the Cambodian Government to ensure the Tribunal completes its critical mission. And as one of the few Asian countries that is 

party to the Refugee Convention, Cambodia has made important progress in developing procedures to identify and protect refugees. At the same time, if confirmed, 

I will strongly urge it to apply those protections to people seeking asylum on its territory, including the Montagnards from Vietnam. 

Cambodia is playing an increasingly active role in the Southeast Asia region. The 

United States supports Cambodia’s reemergence on the world diplomatic stage, and 

has encouraged it to play an independent, principled role in ASEAN and other 

regional institutions. We have supported Cambodia’s integration into the ASEAN 

Economic Community and collaborated with Cambodia in the Young Southeast 

Asian Leaders Initiative or YSEALI. Through YSEALI, the United States is engaging with the 65 percent of Southeast Asians under the age of 35 and encouraging 

them to view their countries’ goals and challenges in a regional context. The program has been enormously popular in Cambodia, and if confirmed, I will make 

youth engagement a priority. 

Mr. Chairman, it is fitting to conclude my testimony with a few words about Cambodia’s young people. Cambodia is one of youngest nations in Southeast Asia with 

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70 percent of the population under 35. Most Cambodians were not even born during 

the brutal Khmer Rouge period and years of civil war, events that continue to define 

our perceptions of Cambodia. Young Cambodians today are very favorably disposed 

toward the United States, and like young people everywhere, want good jobs, a 

chance to engage in the political and social life of their country, and the opportunity 

to build a family. They are one of the main reasons I am optimistic about the country’s future. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you. I would 

be happy to answer any questions the committee might have. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Heidt. 

And finally, let me extend a special welcome to a fellow Coloradan, Ms. Jennifer Zimdahl Galt, our nominee for Mongolia. Ms. 

Galt is a proud graduate of Colorado College in Colorado Springs, 

and her father is a professor emeritus at my alma mater of Colorado State University. 

Ms. Galt is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, class 

of minister counselor, currently serves as principal officer at the 

U.S. consulate general in Guangzhou, China, a position she has 

held since 2012. 

Previously, Ms. Galt served in the Department of State as Senior 

Advisor in the Bureau of Public Affairs from 2011 to 2012; Public 

Affairs Advisor at the U.S. Mission to the North Atlantic Treaty 

Organization in Brussels, Belgium; and Deputy Director, Office of 

Public Diplomacy, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs from 

2008 to 2010. She also served as public affairs officer, U.S. consulate general, Shanghai in China; assistant cultural affairs officer, 

U.S. Embassy in Beijing; assistant public affairs officer, U.S. consulate in Mumbai; and information officer, American Institute in 

Taiwan. 

Ms. Galt earned a bachelors of the arts, as I mentioned, from 

Colorado College; M.A. from Johns Hopkins University School of 

Advanced International Studies; and an M.S. from the National 

Defense University. 

She has won numerous awards from both the Department of 

State and earlier from the United States Information Agency. She 

speaks Mandarin Chinese, French, Italian, Spanish, and SerboCroatian. 

Welcome, Ms. Galt. I look forward to your comments today. 

STATEMENT OF JENNIFER ZIMDAHL GALT, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO MONGOLIA 

Ms. GALT. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, Senator Kaine, it is an 

honor to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be 

Ambassador to Mongolia. 

I am deeply grateful for the confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me, and if confirmed, I look forward 

to working closely with this committee to build on the already 

strong ties between the United States and Mongolia. 

My career in the Foreign Service spans 27 years, most of them 

spent in Asia. I joined the Foreign Service out of a commitment to 

serve my country and have consistently sought assignments where 

I felt I could make a difference and contribute to advancing an important relationship. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The love and support of my family has sustained me throughout. 

I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to my 

husband, Fritz, and my children, Phoebe and Dylan, who have 

traveled the globe with me, and to my father, Bob Zimdahl, and my 

brothers, Randy, Bob, and Tom. I am enormously proud that my 

daughter Phoebe, a rising college junior, is here with me today. 

This is an exciting year for United States-Mongolia relations, as 

we mark the 25th anniversary of Mongolia’s decision for democracy, a milestone that the Senate recognized in its June 1 resolution. Our partnership has grown stronger since then-Secretary 

Baker first visited the newly democratic Mongolia in 1990. As the 

only former Soviet satellite in East Asia to choose democracy, Mongolia is an important model in the region and, as the saying goes, 

punches above its weight on issues of strategic interest to the 

United States, including coalition military efforts, peacekeeping, 

and the promotion of democratic principles and values. Our relationship is one of shared interests and is characterized by enormous potential. 

There are many opportunities for the United States to deepen 

our partnership with Mongolia. I would like to highlight a few 

where I would focus my attention, should I be confirmed as Ambassador. 

Mongolia and the United States share a common interest in promoting peace and stability. Mongolia is a stalwart partner in Afghanistan and deploys capable peacekeepers wherever they are 

needed, including currently in Sudan and South Sudan. Just last 

week, the United States and Mongolia conducted our yearly multinational peacekeeping exercise, Khaan Quest. Mongolia demonstrates leadership in international fora to promote democracy 

and human rights, such as the Freedom Online Coalition and the 

Community of Democracies. Mongolia is a model of democracy and 

has demonstrated a willingness to mentor others in the region, offering training and exchanges with leaders from Burma to 

Kyrgyzstan. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work 

with Mongolian officials to advance our shared interests in these 

critical areas. 

Recent high-level engagement in Mongolia has demonstrated our 

commitment to enhancing commercial opportunities for U.S. companies. In the last 6 months, we resumed trade and investment 

framework agreement talks, launched a new economic policy dialogue, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation began the process of developing a second compact with Mongolia. Each of these 

initiatives is an opportunity to expand economic growth, model responsible business conduct, promote trade and investment, and create opportunities for U.S. companies. The Mongolian Government 

demonstrated its interest in attracting foreign investment by signing and ratifying the U.S.-Mongolia Transparency Agreement in 

December 2014. The Mongolian Prime Minister is traveling to 

Washington and New York this week to deliver the message that 

Mongolia is open for business, our business. 

Mongolia’s recent progress on a major copper and gold mine with 

a Western company signaled to the international community its renewed seriousness of purpose in attracting foreign direct investment. With large reserves of coal, copper, gold, uranium, and other 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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minerals, there are many opportunities for U.S. companies in mining and related sectors. If confirmed, I would support these opportunities by actively informing potential U.S. investors about the investment climate and advocating on their behalf. 

I believe that two key components of U.S. support for Mongolia’s 

democracy and its independence and leadership in the region are 

engagement with its nascent civil society and deepening people-topeople ties. If confirmed, I would continue the work of my predecessors in areas such as the rights of persons with disabilities. I 

would, if confirmed, continue our robust subnational cooperation as 

well, including the Alaska-Mongolia State Partnership and the sister city relationship between Ulaanbaatar and Denver in my home 

State of Colorado. If confirmed, I would also look forward to supporting one of our largest Peace Corps programs anywhere, with 

over 150 volunteers in country. Peace Corps Volunteers work side 

by side with Mongolians in English teaching, health care, and community youth development. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it would be the highest honor for me to serve our country as Ambassador to Mongolia. 

If confirmed, I will do my utmost to ensure that the United States 

delivers on the strategic and historic opportunities of the next century of Mongolia’s democracy. 

Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward to 

your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Galt follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JENNIFER ZIMDAHL GALT

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, it is an 

honor to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to 

Mongolia. I am deeply grateful for the confidence that the President and Secretary 

Kerry have shown in me, and, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 

the Senate to build on the already strong ties between the United States and 

Mongolia. 

My career in the Foreign Service spans 27 years, most of them spent in Asia. I 

joined the Foreign Service out of a commitment to serve my country and have consistently sought assignments where I felt I could make a difference and where I 

could contribute to advancing an important relationship. My career has taken me 

to the former Yugoslavia, Taiwan, India, the U.S. Mission to NATO, and, multiple 

times, to China. 

The love and support of my family has sustained me throughout. I would like to 

take this opportunity to express my gratitude to my husband, Fritz, and my children Phoebe and Dylan, who have traveled the globe with me, and to my father, 

Bob Zimdahl, and my brothers Randy, Bob, and Tom. My father, in particular, has 

demonstrated his support by visiting us at every overseas post. I am enormously 

proud that my daughter, Phoebe, a rising college junior, is here with me today. 

This is an exciting year for U.S.-Mongolia relations, as we mark the 25th anniversary of Mongolia’s decision for democracy, a milestone that the Senate recognized 

in its June 1 resolution. Our partnership has grown stronger since then-Secretary 

Baker first visited the newly democratic Mongolia in 1990. As the only former 

Soviet satellite in East Asia to choose democracy, Mongolia is an important model 

in the region and, as the saying goes, punches above its weight on issues of strategic 

interest to the United States, including coalition military efforts, peacekeeping, and 

the promotion of democratic principles and values. Our relationship is one of shared 

interests and is characterized by enormous potential. 

There are many opportunities for the United States to deepen our partnership 

with Mongolia. I would like to highlight a few areas where I would focus my attention, should I be confirmed as Ambassador. 

Sustaining our strong partnership across sectors: Mongolia and the United States 

share a common interest in promoting peace and stability. Mongolia is a stalwart 

partner in Afghanistan, and deploys capable peacekeepers wherever they are 

needed, including currently in Sudan and South Sudan. In April 2014, the United 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

244 

States and Mongolia signed a Joint Vision Statement that articulated the parameters for our security relationship, acknowledging the important role Mongolia plays 

as a stabilizing influence in Asia and commending Mongolia’s support for U.N. 

peacekeeping operations around the world. Just last week, the U.S. and Mongolia 

conducted our yearly multinational peacekeeping exercise, Khaan Quest. Mongolia 

demonstrates leadership in international fora to promote democracy and human 

rights, such as the Freedom Online Coalition, hosting a successful annual conference in May; and the Community of Democracies, hosting the Ministerial in 2013. 

Mongolia is a model of democracy and has demonstrated a willingness to mentor 

others in the region, offering training and exchanges with leaders from Burma to 

Kyrgyzstan. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with Mongolian 

officials to advance our shared interests in these critical areas. 

Strengthening economic ties and creating opportunities for U.S. businesses: Recent 

high level engagements in Mongolia have demonstrated our commitment to enhancing commercial opportunities for U.S. companies. In the last 6 months, we resumed 

Trade and Investment Framework Agreement talks, launched a new Economic Policy Dialogue, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation began the process of developing a second compact with Mongolia. Each of these initiatives is an opportunity 

to expand economic growth, model responsible business conduct, promote trade and 

investment, and to create opportunities for U.S. companies. Mongolia Government 

demonstrated its interest in attracting foreign investment by signing and ratifying 

the U.S.-Mongolia Agreement on Transparency in Matters Related to International 

Trade and Investment (the Transparency Agreement) in December 2014. The Mongolian Prime Minister is traveling to Washington and New York this week to deliver 

the message to U.S. companies and Members of Congress that Mongolia is open for 

business, our business. 

Mongolia’s recent progress on a major copper and gold mine with a Western company signaled to the international community its renewed seriousness of purpose in 

attracting foreign direct investment, which has declined 85 percent since 2012. With 

large reserves of coal, copper, gold, uranium, and other minerals, there are many 

opportunities for U.S. companies in mining and related sectors. If confirmed, I 

would support these opportunities by actively informing potential U.S. investors 

about the investment climate and advocating on their behalf. I would also continue 

our efforts to promote a more diversified economy in Mongolia and to generate increased commercial opportunities for U.S. companies, including support for Department of Commerce efforts such as the U.S.-Mongolia Business Forum, which this 

year will focus on agriculture. I would encourage good governance, transparency, 

and responsible business conduct, including through working with the Mongolian 

Government to implement the Transparency Agreement. 

Enhancing civil society and people-to-people ties with Mongolia: I believe that two 

key components of U.S. support for Mongolia’s democracy and its independence and 

leadership in the region are engagement with its nascent civil society and deepening 

people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I would continue the work of my predecessors in 

areas such as the rights of persons with disabilities, where, thanks to exchanges 

between government leaders and civil society, we are working with Mongolian parliamentarians on draft legislation that may include lessons learned from our Americans with Disabilities Act. I would, if confirmed, continue our robust subnational cooperation as well, including the Alaska-Mongolia State Partnership, which began 

with cooperation between the Alaska National Guard and the Mongolian Armed 

Forces, and has grown to include economic and social ties. I am particularly pleased 

that Mongolia’s ties to the United States also include a sister city relationship 

between Ulaanbaatar and Denver, in my home State of Colorado. If confirmed, I 

also would look forward to supporting one of our largest Peace Corps programs anywhere, with over 150 volunteers in country this year. Peace Corps volunteers work 

side by side with Mongolians in English teaching, health care, and community youth 

development. The efforts of these volunteers—our grassroots ambassadors in Mongolia—have been extremely effective. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it would be the highest honor for 

me to serve our country as Ambassador to Mongolia. 

America’s security and prosperity are closely and increasingly linked to the AsiaPacific. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade 

is to lock in the increased investment—diplomatic, economic, strategic, and military—from the administration’s sustained rebalance to the region. I welcome the 

opportunity to be on the front lines of this endeavor. If confirmed, I will lead a diplomatic mission of approximately 200 U.S. and Mongolian employees, representing 

five agencies. I will do my very best to ensure that all members of that community 

and their families have the leadership, security, and support they need to engage 

on behalf of the United States, so that Americans continue to sustain and benefit 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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from the growth and dynamism in the Asian region. If confirmed, I will also do my 

utmost to ensure that the United States delivers on the strategic and historic opportunities of the next century of Mongolia’s democracy. 

Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Ms. Galt, and thanks to all of you 

again for your comments this morning. 

And since I cannot just talk to you the entire time about Colorado, we will have to spread out the conversation a little bit. 

Mr. Davies, 38 years in the Foreign Service, your experience. 

Thank you for your commitment. What is the biggest change that 

you have seen over that time, starting from your first experiences 

to today in terms of public diplomacy? 

Ambassador DAVIES. In terms of public diplomacy, I think the explosion in—let us call it—the globalization of media has been the 

biggest change. When I came into the Foreign Service, the United 

States of America was reaching hearts and minds overseas in very 

traditional ways, publishing millions of copies of magazines for 

young Indians every month, for instance, using radio, touring 

music stars, and so forth. Today, we can reach young people in 

most countries in their shirt pockets through their mobile devices, 

and it requires a much more considered approach to how we get 

the word out to peoples all around the world, in particular young 

people, about America, what it stands for, and why it is that they 

should look to the United States as a friend and ally. So the challenge has become much more complex. But I think we are making 

the changes necessary to step up. 

Senator GARDNER. And specifically to Thailand, in terms of the 

length of the military coup, do we have any idea how long we are 

looking at this lasting, this military exertion of power? Is there a 

way that the United States can influence the length of that or the 

timing or speed up the reforms for democracy, free elections, and 

sort of adding a third component to that with the support and loyalists to the former Prime Minister, is it even possible to have free 

and fair elections in Thailand? 

Ambassador DAVIES. Well, I believe that it is possible for Thailand to have free and fair elections. They have done it in the past. 

In recent generations, they have had decades’ worth of experience 

of democracy. They can get back to that. The current junta, the 

coup government, claims that that is their aspiration. They have 

set up a very lengthy, somewhat elaborate process to get back to 

it. You are right. The goal post does continue to recede. That is a 

big concern. We want them to get back to democracy as soon as 

possible. We would like to see elections very soon. 

But at the end of the day, the truth is this is up to Thailand, 

its leadership, and its people to work out. But I have confidence 

they can do it. And if confirmed, I am going to bend every effort 

to convey to them the views of the United States and would encourage them to get back on that democratic path. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

Mr. Heidt, Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia since the mid-1990s basically without interruption. What do you see as Cambodia’s likely 

political future, should Hun Sen move toward retirement? Are 

there scenarios where there could be military interference if there 

is a retirement there as well? What do you do in such a scenario? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. HEIDT. Thank you for the question, Senator. 

There has been a lot of stasis at the top of Cambodia’s ruling 

elite in the last 20 years. Of course, in 2013, we had a very good 

and meaningful election for Cambodia. It was the most open election in Cambodian history. Public participation was very broad, 

very enthusiastic. The opposition party did much better than anyone expected and even despite some pretty deep-seated irregularities in the election process. 

So it left many observers with the feeling that with a reformed 

National Election Commission and some additional support from 

the international community, Cambodia can take another step forward in the next election just as they took a step forward in 2013. 

So there is optimism that with continued support, we could see a 

better democratic future for Cambodia. 

I do not deny, of course, that there are also concerns about increased military—the possibility under the new law for increased 

military activity in the campaign. That law does permit, for the 

first time in Cambodia, the military and senior government officials to be involved. And that is a concern and it is something we 

are going to have to monitor very closely. If confirmed, I hope to 

do that. 

Senator GARDNER. You mentioned the opposition party. How is 

the power-sharing arrangement working between the two parties, 

the CPP, the CNRP? 

Mr. HEIDT. Senator, that is a $64,000 question with respect right 

now to Cambodia. Both the Prime Minister and Sam Rainsy—they 

have both spoken publicly about their desire to start this culture 

of dialogue. The relationship is clearly more cooperative than at 

any time in the 20 years since I have been following Cambodia. Of 

course, as a general rule, we encourage dialogue in Cambodia. We 

think that is very important to have constructive dialogue, peaceful 

dialogue that can help Cambodia put forward the reforms and policy changes they need to improve the lives of ordinary Cambodians. 

Whether this new collaboration between the two will lead to that 

kind of genuine change, I think it is much too early to say, very 

honestly, and I think it is something that if confirmed—it is definitely something we are going to keep a very close eye on. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Heidt. 

Ms. Galt, in your opening remarks, you talked about Mongolia 

being the only former Soviet satellite state that had moved or 

transitioned toward democracy. Yet, in preparing for this morning’s 

hearing, the background briefings on Mongolia—the corruption 

challenges to—corruption at the local level throughout the government. Yet, we have had six Presidential elections, open elections 

there. What more can the United States do to address the full transition to a democracy, reducing corruption, but strengthening and 

building democracy? 

Ms. GALT. Thank you, Senator, for your question. 

Indeed, Mongolia is a democracy but it is a young democracy, 

and it shares many of the same challenges as other young democracies in terms of solidifying the rule of law. 

And I think there are two areas where we can continue our work 

with Mongolia—and if confirmed, I would look forward to doing 

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that—to solidify and strengthen some of their institutions to combat corruption. 

One is to support Mongolia’s leadership in international fora to 

promote democracy. Mongolia has shown a willingness to reach beyond its borders, to export both democracy and security. And we 

continue to work with Mongolia to strengthen its own institutions. 

And recently our increased economic engagement is very important 

in that regard. So with its signing of the U.S.-Mongolia Transparency Agreement, Mongolia has indicated its willingness to improve its own institutions to combat corruption and to combat 

transnational crime as well. Our Trade and Investment Framework 

Agreement talks and our new Economic Policy Dialogue gives us 

other platforms to talk about institutional reforms. 

The Millennium Challenge Corporation is another tool that we 

can use to enhance Mongolia’s democratic behavior. MCC leadership tells me that based on the successful completion of their first 

compact, they believe very strongly that Mongolia has learned 

many lessons from working with us on the first compact. And, if 

confirmed, I would look forward to working with Mongolia and 

working with the Millennium Challenge as they develop a second 

compact for Mongolia. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Ms. Galt. 

Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Once again, thanks to our witnesses. 

In each of your countries, I think to a large extent the success 

of our mission depends upon us standing strong on the principles 

of our country, the universal principles that we espouse on human 

rights, good governance, anticorruption, rights of all individuals. 

That to me is the bedrock of America’s foreign policy. And we have 

seen too many places in the world where we have deviated from 

that commitment. The stability that we hoped for did not exist and 

will not exist. 

So in all three of the countries, there are challenges in trafficking 

in persons. Thailand is probably the worst. It is a Tier 3 country, 

which means that it has failed. There are reportedly tens of thousands of victims in Thailand, mainly from other countries, that 

have been trafficked into Thailand for labor abuse and for sex trafficking. Obviously, that cannot continue. 

It is more of a challenge because in Thailand we are now past 

the 1-year anniversary of this coup, and it was not the first coup 

in modern history. And I must tell you my patience is running thin 

with Thailand. We talk about a commitment to early elections, and 

when a country is operating under a coup government, human 

rights are always going to be challenged, as we have seen. 

So, Mr. Davies, I appreciate your view that we cannot intercede 

into the internal politics of a country, and I agree with that. But 

for the sake of the rights of the people of Thailand and for U.S. 

principles, there must be an urgency in Thailand proceeding with 

democratic elections and dealing with its human rights issues. 

Your comments? 

Ambassador DAVIES. Thank you very much, Senator. I think that 

is exactly right, and I think that is job one for anyone who represents the United States in Thailand to bring home to, in parFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ticular, the current leadership the importance of moving quickly, 

swiftly, allowing for, if need be catalyzing an open, inclusive public 

debate about the way forward for Thailand. I believe most Thais 

do want to get back to democracy. The situation now is untenable. 

It is not good for Thailand, first and foremost, to have a suspension 

of civil liberties, of sending civilians through the military justice 

system, and so forth. 

So for me, if confirmed, this would be something I would lean 

into very hard to convey publicly and privately the importance we 

attach to Thailand’s getting back to the democratic path, breaking 

this cycle of periodic military coups that, quite frankly, goes all the 

way back three generations to the 1930s, and putting Thailand 

once and for all firmly and finally on the path to democracy. 

So I take your words to heart. I want to work with this committee to see this through. I do think it is not a job that is going 

to be done in an instant because they are a divided society, divided 

polity. There are serious issues that have to be worked out domestically, which is why I said it really is, first and foremost, their 

challenge to confront. But I think you are right. We have a role to 

play. They listen to us. We are going to use that bully pulpit. 

Senator CARDIN. I thank you for your answer. We recognize it 

will not happen overnight. But it is already over a year since this 

coup, and I think many of us expected further progress than we 

have seen to date. So there is an urgency here. I just hope that you 

will transmit that to the people of Thailand that we are with them, 

but we will not tolerate the suspension of civil liberties. 

Ambassador DAVIES. Yes, sir. 

Senator CARDIN. Mr. Heidt, in regards to Cambodia, they are not 

doing much better in trafficking. They have been downgraded to a 

Tier 2 Watch List country. As has already been pointed out, they 

are a poor country. So it is interesting that they are also designated because they are a source of trafficking. So it is not only 

that they are victimized by people in Cambodia being trafficked 

out, there are also people that are being victimized within Cambodia. So they have human rights issues. 

The most recent concern that has been expressed by human 

rights groups is the draft NGO law, which has serious concerns 

among NGOs about whether they are going to be able to operate 

effectively in Cambodia. 

So would you just share with me and this committee your commitment to advance the basic human rights as our representative, 

if confirmed, in Cambodia? 

Mr. HEIDT. Thank you very much, Senator. 

Of course, promoting democracy and human rights has been a 

central part of our program in Cambodia since I was there before, 

ever since the 1993 Paris Peace Accords. 

In the area of trafficking in persons, it is an area where U.S. involvement has made a real difference. Both directly and through 

NGOs, we have really been able to give Cambodia good assistance, 

and as a result, as I mentioned in my statement, they have been 

able to make substantial progress on the issue of child sex trafficking. Now, that of course, is a particularly pernicious and dreadful problem, and I think it is important to give them credit for that 

progress. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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At the same time, as you mentioned, there is a pretty substantial 

labor trafficking problem in Cambodia flowing out to neighboring 

countries, flowing into Cambodia from its neighboring countries. 

And so certainly there is much more work to be done in that area 

in terms of building cooperation between Cambodia and the laborreceiving countries, especially Malaysia. There is some evidence of 

complicity by government officials in trafficking—that is a big problem—and as well as pretty much a complete lack of victim assistance. When we find victims of trafficking, the government has very 

little assistance that they can offer. 

So that is something I am absolutely committed to working on 

that issue while I am out there, if confirmed. Like I say, it has 

been an area where we have great success before that we can be 

proud of, and we will continue to do that. 

On the NGO law, of course, the concern there is that it will limit 

the ability of the NGOs to do some of the good work they are doing. 

NGOs perform a range of important services in Cambodia. We have 

spoken to the government and publicly about this law, and we 

frankly do not really see a need for it. We do not think there is a 

giant problem that needs to be solved by that. But if the government goes ahead with the law, as it appears very likely—they considered it in the National Assembly today in Phnom Penh—today, 

their time. They considered it and pushed it out to three separate 

National Assembly commissions. So it appears that it is going to 

move forward. We have counseled them to consult widely when 

they do it and to do it with a light touch, to focus on basic transparency issues, not to make it a giant problem that really squelches civil society in Cambodia. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you for that answer. 

If the chair would indulge me for one remaining question. Ms. 

Galt, Mongolia is an encouraging country. There is a lot of progress 

being made. They are Tier 2 on trafficking, which means they still 

are not meeting the minimum standards, although the report does 

point out they are making progress. So they are moving in the 

right direction. 

As I also pointed out, they are one of our allies. But there are 

challenges regarding human rights and concerns about internationally recognized freedom for its citizens. 

I want to get your response to a potential issue, and that is, 

Mongolia is resource-rich, which can become a problem for a country if it is not managed properly. We have seen it as a source of 

corruption in other countries. We have seen it as a source of environmental problems in other countries. We have seen it as a management issue creating problems with democracy in other countries. 

My question is, How will you focus on our mission in Mongolia 

as to how they handle their resources to make sure that it is used 

for the benefit of the people of Mongolia and not used as a source 

that could be problematic for funding corruption or antidemocratic 

principles, which we have seen in too many countries around the 

world? 

Ms. GALT. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

First, on the issue of trafficking, indeed, this continues to be a 

concern in Mongolia, and if confirmed, I would work very closely 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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with the Government of Mongolia to combat trafficking. We have 

a U.S. Government program working with an NGO in Mongolia to 

raise public awareness of trafficking and to work to implement 

Mongolia’s antitrafficking legislation. So I would look forward, if 

confirmed, to continuing on that front. 

I think on the corruption issue, you are absolutely right. This is 

very much on Mongolia’s radar and very much on our radar, as 

Mongolia develops its rich resources. 

I think there are, again, two areas, as I said earlier, where we 

can continue to work closely with Mongolia to encourage them to 

develop these resources in a transparent and fair way. And if confirmed, I would look forward to doing that. 

The first is to continue to support Mongolia’s leadership in international institutions, including the Freedom Online Coalition and 

the Community of Democracies, which are fora in which Mongolia 

can learn best practices and develop its own mechanisms and techniques for combating corruption domestically and for developing its 

economy. 

And then the second is our economic engagement. I think 

through working with the Government of Mongolia to implement 

the recently signed and ratified Transparency Agreement, that 

gives us an opportunity to work very closely with them to develop 

procedures, develop their institutions, and strengthen their institutions to combat corruption. So I would look forward to working 

with them on both of those fronts in that challenge area. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator GARDNER. Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And to the witnesses and to the entire panel of the seven nominees who are before us today, I am only able to be here for the first 

panel. And I regret that because you all really do a credit to the 

Nation with your extensive service. And I thank each of you and 

I also thank your families and friends who are here and who have 

been supportive. 

Ms. Galt, if I could start with you since we are just finishing on 

Mongolia, I am fascinated by a number of aspects of the country 

and its transition from socialism to democracy. In the Economist 

Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index for 2014, Mongolia was ranked 

61st out of 167 countries ranked in the democracy index. For a democracy this new that has transitioned from socialism, that is not 

bad. If you dig into the ranking, the EIU classifies Mongolia as a, 

quote, flawed democracy with high marks for electoral processes 

and civil liberties but lower marks for government functioning, political culture, including a high degree of corruption in local politics. 

Talk a little bit about your game plan if you are confirmed to go 

in and accelerate the pro-democracy trends and institutional improvements that Mongolia seems to be embracing but that need improvement. 

Ms. GALT. Indeed, if confirmed, this would be one of my highest 

priorities to work closely with the Government of Mongolia to 

strengthen their institutions, to combat corruption, and to ensure 

a transparent and free market for external investment. And I think 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

251 

encouraging and advocating for more U.S. investment in Mongolia 

is one way that would be very useful and productive for encouraging transparent economic engagement in Mongolia. So that is 

one area that I would work on, if confirmed. 

The second area is through the Millennium Challenge Corporation. As I mentioned earlier, the Millennium Challenge leadership 

tells me that they feel very strongly that Mongolia has learned 

some good lessons from the first compact. And as they are engaging 

in their constraints analysis and negotiations on a potential second 

compact for Mongolia, that will be a tool that we can use to further 

influence the institutional development and to ensure that Mongolia’s economic growth going forward is equitable and fair. 

I think a third area I mentioned before, but we have an ongoing 

engagement and plans for a new program with the Government of 

Mongolia working with them on justice reform. And that is a third 

area that I would have a high priority in terms of improving their 

institutions and their capacity to handle corruption and to deal 

transparently with corruption issues. 

Senator KAINE. There have been some high profile cases in Mongolia where foreign investors have been caught up in business disputes and then blocked exit visas to leave, Canadians, in one instance an American. Those have to create challenges in terms of 

encouraging more investment. 

What is the progress of the Mongolian Government in putting reforms in place that would avoid those unless absolutely necessary? 

Ms. GALT. Indeed, I think investor confidence is at a low point 

right now in Mongolia. But, again, our recent economic engagement 

gives me a lot of encouragement as to potential for a positive trend 

in the future. And if confirmed, I would continue to work very 

closely on our economic front. So, number one, implementing the 

Transparency Agreement is one very important platform. A second 

is our Trade and Investment Framework Agreement and our Economic Policy Dialogue, which gives us another opportunity to engage. And then finally, the Millennium Challenge would be another 

opportunity to grow Mongolia’s capacity in terms of its institutions. 

So those would be three areas where I would work very closely 

were I to have the opportunity. 

Senator KAINE. And finally, the United States is sort of deemed 

by Mongolia as the most important of its, quote, ‘‘third neighbors,’’ 

so the neighbors that do not have borders with Mongolia. As we are 

dealing with so many issues on this committee and in the Senate 

generally about bilateral relations between the United States and 

China and the United States and Russia, I am interested in how 

Mongolia handles those bilateral relationships and what are the 

current kind of temperature in those sets of bilateral relationships 

between Mongolia and China and Russia. 

Ms. GALT. Indeed, Mongolia is in a tough neighborhood. I think 

the chairman mentioned sandwiched between Russia and China. 

And so it is very much in Mongolia’s interest to maintain a stable, 

positive relationship with both Russia and China. Russia and 

China are both strong economic partners to Mongolia. China purchases 80-plus percent of Mongolia’s resources. So it is very important for Mongolia to maintain a positive economic trade and political relationship with China. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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However, I think there is room for all of us. There is room for 

Russia and China and for Mongolia’s third neighbors. And so if 

confirmed, I would look forward to continuing to enhance both our 

political, economic, and military partnership with Mongolia. 

I think in addition to the strength of those aspects of our partnership, U.S. soft power is a very powerful force in Mongolia. 

Young people are looking to the United States. Young people are 

studying English, thanks in large part to our Peace Corps over the 

years, and studying in the United States and returning to Mongolia. So the influence of the United States as a fellow democracy 

and our shared values is a powerful offset to the economic power 

of Mongolia’s neighbors. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you for those answers. 

One question for you Mr. Heidt. I noticed that there are analysts 

that are concerned about the Prime Minister’s placement of his 

sons in political positions of power within Cambodia and what that 

might portend in the future. We have seen in other nations around 

the world, whether it is Libya or Egypt or Syria, once a structure 

of a ruling family starts to be kind of perpetuated, that can lead 

to really significant internal dissent. 

What is the likelihood of that or your assessment in Cambodia? 

What can the United States do to promote a more vigorous democracy, not confined just to a single family? 

Mr. HEIDT. Thank you very much, Senator, for that question. 

Of course, Hun Sen’s sons, as you mentioned—several of them 

are active, very active in the CPP. Our sense is looking at that, 

that it is like many political parties. It is a complex structure. 

There are lots of people who want to move to the top. The folks 

that I have talked to—there is not a sense that there is some preordained path for the two of them. It is not North Korea. It is a 

big competitive party with lots of ambitious people in it. And so 

even despite the obvious birth advantages the two have, my sense 

is that there is no guaranteed route to the top for them. 

Of course, the other issue is, as we saw in 2013, electoral politics 

in Cambodia are getting more competitive. And the extent to which 

the opposition is able to rally and unify around strong candidates, 

promote good candidates from below, the extent to which, with 

international help, Cambodia’s election institutions get stronger 

and can deliver better elections, those things also make it less likely that some sort of family system develops in Cambodia. So I do 

think it is a very competitive situation and one, of course, if confirmed, I will keep an eye on. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. And thank you to the witnesses 

today for your testimony, your comments, and your willingness, 

again, to serve. 

And in breaking with Senate tradition, we are going to stay on 

schedule and stand in a short recess until Senator Risch joins us 

and we reconvene at 11 o’clock. 

[Pause.] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES RISCH, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO 

Senator RISCH [presiding]. Thank you all for coming. This Subcommittee on Near East, South and Central Asia of the Foreign 

Relations Committee will come to order. 

And today we have for hearing four nominees for different positions around the world. 

First of all, I want to thank all of our nominees for being here 

today and your families and for your willingness to serve. The 

countries you are nominated to are tough posts, to say the least, 

and it really highlights that you and your families are willing to 

make the sacrifices to go and to serve in those posts. We really do 

appreciate your efforts in that regard. 

First, I am going to introduce all of you at once. I want to talk 

about each of the countries very briefly and talk about where we 

are with them, and hopefully, you will correct me if I am inaccurate or add to that if you think that is appropriate. 

Obviously, Mr. Hale is going to Pakistan. And while the official 

U.S. policy toward Pakistan is to assist the creation of a more stable democratic and prosperous Pakistan, the United States-Pakistan relationship is an important but equally frustrating relationship, as we all know. Support for U.S. presence in Afghanistan has 

been vital, but over the years, Pakistan’s support for the Taliban 

in Afghanistan and the safe havens in the FATA has set back efforts to move Afghanistan and the region forward. The idea of a 

new Silk Road across South and Central Asia would bring economic 

prosperity to many, especially in Pakistan, but border disputes 

with India cripple the cooperation. 

Recently this spring, a number of us had the opportunity to meet 

a delegation from the Pakistani governing body, the Parliament 

that were here. And I have to say I think all of us were impressed 

with their sincerity and their commitment to do the things that 

would better the United States-Pakistan relationship. 

The June 2014 operation against militant groups in FATA was 

a good effort to bring more stability to the border with Afghanistan, 

and hopefully the United States-Pakistan strategic dialogue can 

produce more tangible results politically and economically. 

The past several years have shown us that despite enormous 

U.S. aid, Pakistan will only prosper when the country can create 

a stable environment for trade and foreign direct investment. To 

achieve this kind of success, the international community needs a 

serious partner in the Pakistan Government that can deepen its 

political institutions and work through its relationship with India 

and others. After our meeting with the delegation from Pakistan, 

I think all of us believe that they have a sincere commitment to 

attempt to do that. 

Regarding Nepal, the recent earthquake in Nepal has been tragic 

and the international commitment to Nepal has shifted accordingly. The outpouring of support from around the world requires a 

sustained focus on rebuilding the country, but donor coordination 

is going to be a daunting task and we must make sure both U.S. 

assistance and other aid is timed appropriately and not wasted on 

projects that are neither needed nor helpful for the people of Nepal. 

These kinds of things happen, of course, when you do get a flood 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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of cash that comes in after a serious problem as has taken place 

in Nepal. 

In the aftermath of the earthquake, I also hope there will be a 

renewed sense of unity that can help Nepal move forward and find 

the political consensus necessary to finally draft a new constitution 

which, as we all know, they have been struggling with for some 

time. 

In addition, you will have a particularly important job taking 

care of our people. While Embassy Staff work to help Nepal build, 

they are also rebuilding their own lives and making sure they get 

their own support, and that will be crucial. 

Regarding Sri Lanka and the Maldives where Mr. Keshap is 

headed, the January election and change in power has created a 

substantial shift for the region. The government’s efforts to tackle 

corruption, deepen reconciliation, and rebalance its position among 

the other regional powers provide an enormous opportunity for Sri 

Lanka. The new President, we hope, will maintain his commitment 

to change, and if indeed he follows through on that, it is going to 

be a sea change for the region. 

Ms. Gwaltney is going to the Kyrgyz Republic. Central Asia, as 

we all know, has been a hard place for the United States. English 

is often the fourth or fifth language spoken, if at all, in the region. 

The dominance of Russia and the proximity of China, as well as 

the Soviet legacy, presents significant challenges and tempered expectations. The Kyrgyz Republic clearly embodies all of these intersecting challenges. However, there is still a lot of work we can do 

leading up to the parliamentary elections in October, and hopefully 

we can find some success helping to develop their economy. But I 

worry about the destabilizing role that Russia can play for its own 

strategic interests. 

With that said, I look forward to all of your testimony. 

First of all, I would like to briefly introduce each of the nominees 

here starting with Mr. David Hale, who has been nominated for the 

Pakistan posting. Mr. Hale is a native of New Jersey who also received his undergraduate degree from the Georgetown School of 

Foreign Service and joined the Foreign Service in 1984. Mr. Hale 

has extensive experience in the Middle East, serving at posts in 

Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Bahrain, and others, including his most 

recent as U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon. He is clearly experienced 

in tough postings and jobs that might make Pakistan look like an 

easy assignment. 

Ms. Gwaltney is going to the Kyrgyz Republic. Ms. Gwaltney is 

from Woodland, CA, with a B.A. from UC-Davis, a masters from 

George Washington University. Again, her extensive experience 

working in and around Russia. Ms. Gwaltney has substantial experience to support her in this new role. 

Ms. Teplitz, appointed to Nepal, was born in Chicago, IL, and received her B.A. at Georgetown University. She has served in numerous positions at the State Department and the region. With her 

management background and the current challenges in Nepal, she 

is well suited to assume this position. 

Mr. Keshap, who has been appointed to serve in Sri Lanka and 

the Maldives, was born in Nigeria, educated at the University of 

Virginia with both a bachelors and masters degree. Mr. Keshap has 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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extensive experience with Southeast Asia, including his current 

post as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Bureau of South and 

Central Asian Affairs at State. He has won numerous awards for 

his work and, at the same time, has found time to well raise his 

four children. 

So in any event, thank you all again for the willingness to serve 

and your families likewise for the willingness to serve. 

Now we would like to hear a few minutes from each of you. We 

will start with Mr. Hale, who has been nominated for Pakistan. 

STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID HALE, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN 

Ambassador HALE. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for 

the introduction and thank you for the opportunity to appear before 

you today as President Obama’s nominee to be the next American 

Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. I am humbled by 

the confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed 

in me, and if I am confirmed, I look forward to working with the 

Senate on how best to advance U.S. interests in Pakistan. 

I have had the privilege of serving in the Foreign Service for 31 

years, and most of my career has been spent advancing U.S. interests in the Middle East and the Muslim world as Ambassador to 

Lebanon, as U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East, and earlier as 

Ambassador to Jordan. 

During my previous tours as Ambassador, my highest priority 

was the safety and security of all American personnel, information, 

and facilities, as well as the safety and security of American citizens. And if confirmed, I will have no higher priority in Pakistan. 

Pakistan is a strategically important country for achieving U.S. 

national security interests. We have a strong stake in Pakistan’s 

ability to combat militancy and strengthen its democratic institutions. And broadly speaking, the United States has four core interests in Pakistan: first, defeating al-Qaeda and countering militancy; second, nonproliferation and nuclear security; third, political 

and economic stability which includes respect for human rights; 

and fourth, regional stability, including improved relations with Afghanistan and with India. 

And while there is more to be done on all fronts, the last few 

years have witnessed progress toward these goals as the United 

States and Pakistan have built a more stable, forthright relationship. With regard to counterterrorism, Pakistan has taken important actions that have brought to justice several senior al-Qaeda 

leaders. It launched a significant military operation in North 

Waziristan last June, capturing large weapons caches and closing 

safe havens for multiple terrorist groups. We welcome Pakistan’s 

commitment to target all militant groups on Pakistani soil equally, 

an objective that is absolutely in the interest of the United States 

and one on which, if confirmed, I will work closely with the Pakistan Government to advance. 

We and the Pakistanis also share deep concern and must remain 

vigilant for any sign that ISIL is gaining a foothold in Pakistan. 

Our shared strategic interests extend well beyond any particular 

group. It is from the ungoverned spaces in remote parts of the border region that spring a multitude of threats, both militant and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

256 

criminal, affecting Pakistan, the region, and the broader world, including America. 

We are also actively engaged with Pakistan on strategic stability 

and nonproliferation issues. While our governments do not see eye 

to eye on all issues, we share a number of common interests, including the high importance of ensuring nuclear security and preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 

Relations with its neighbors play an important part in Pakistan’s 

security and prosperity. Pakistan has undertaken important outreach to Afghanistan following the Afghan election, and the two 

countries have made some progress toward terrorist safe havens on 

both sides of the border. Given the drawdown in United States 

forces in Afghanistan, it is all the more critical that relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan be strong and cooperative and 

that Pakistan continue to put pressure on the Taliban to join an 

Afghan-led peace process. Pakistan’s relationship with India is critical to Pakistan’s future, and the normalization of relations between those two countries is vital both to them and to the region. 

Experience has demonstrated that sustained, consistent engagement with Pakistan provides us with the best chance to address 

challenges and advance our core interests. The United States-Pakistan strategic dialogue is the mechanism that underpins our cooperation in areas of shared interest, from counterterrorism to energy, from economic growth to defense and security. All six of the 

strategic dialogue working groups have met within the last year. 

U.S. civilian assistance to Pakistan has delivered impressive results and must continue. Our signature projects in Pakistan have 

added 1,500 megawatts to Pakistan’s electric grid and built over 

1,100 kilometers of road. 

U.S. security assistance to Pakistan is equally important. It directly supports Pakistan’s ability to conduct counterinsurgency operations, clear terrorist safe havens, and stem the flow of deadly 

improvised explosive devices, which have killed far too many civilians and security personnel. 

Should I be confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress 

and this committee, with our extraordinary team in both Washington and Pakistan, with the government and people of Pakistan 

and with the community of Americans of Pakistani descent here in 

the United States. 

And, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, let me reiterate 

how deeply honored I am to be here today and to be nominated as 

the Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Thank you 

very much for considering my nomination. I would be pleased to 

answer any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Hale follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR DAVID HALE

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, members of the committee, thank you 

for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be 

the next American Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. I am humbled 

by the confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If I am 

confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to working with the Senate on how best 

to advance U.S. interests in Pakistan. 

I have had the privilege of serving in the Foreign Service since 1984. Most of my 

career has been spent advancing U.S. interests in the Middle East and the Muslim 

world, including most recently as Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic. Before 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

257 

that, I served as the U.S. Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and earlier, as 

Ambassador to Jordan. 

During my previous tours as Ambassador, my highest priority was the safety and 

the security of all American personnel, information, and facilities, as well as the 

safety and security of American citizens. If confirmed, I will have no higher priority 

in Pakistan. 

Pakistan is a strategically important country for achieving U.S. national security 

interests. We have a strong stake in Pakistan’s ability to combat militancy and 

strengthen its democratic institutions. Broadly speaking, the United States has four 

core interests in Pakistan: first, defeating al-Qaeda and countering militancy; second, nonproliferation and nuclear security; third, political and economic stability 

which includes respect for human rights; and fourth, regional stability, including 

improved relations with Afghanistan and India. 

While there is more to be done on all fronts, the last few years have witnessed 

progress toward these goals as the United States and Pakistan have built a more 

stable, forthright relationship. With regard to counterterrorism, Pakistan has taken 

important actions that have brought to justice several senior al-Qaeda leaders. It 

launched a significant military operation in North Waziristan last June, capturing 

large weapons caches and closing safe havens for multiple terrorist groups. We 

welcome Pakistan’s commitment to target all militant groups on Pakistani soil 

equally—an objective that is absolutely in the interests of the United States, and 

one on which, if confirmed, I will work closely with the Pakistani Government to 

advance. We and the Pakistanis also share deep concern and must remain vigilant 

for any sign that ISIL is gaining a foothold in Pakistan. Our shared, strategic interests extend well beyond any particular group; it is from the ungoverned spaces in 

remote parts of the border region that spring a multitude of threats, both militant 

and criminal, affecting Pakistan, the region, and the broader world, including the 

United States. 

We are also actively engaged with Pakistan on strategic stability and nonproliferation issues. While our governments do not see eye to eye on all issues, we share 

a number of common interests including the high importance of ensuring nuclear 

security and preventing the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction. We are 

pleased that Pakistan is fully engaged with the international community on nuclear 

safety and security issues, including as an active partner in the Nuclear Security 

Summit process. 

At the same time, Pakistan is an often boisterous democracy of nearly 200 million 

people with a growing economy. In 2013, it completed its first democratic transition 

from one elected civilian government to another. The Government of Pakistan has 

made real strides in unlocking Pakistan’s growth potential, and is working to 

advance an economic reform program in close collaboration with the International 

Monetary Fund. Just last week, Moody’s recognized the government’s progress by 

raising its sovereign credit rating. Still, there is work to be done. Rule of law, tolerance, and respect for the rights of all citizens are guiding principles for all thriving 

democracies. 

Relations with its neighbors play an important part in Pakistan’s security and 

prosperity. Pakistan has undertaken important outreach to Afghanistan following 

the Afghan election, and the two countries have made some progress against terrorist safe havens on both sides of the border. Given the drawdown in U.S. forces 

in Afghanistan, it is all the more critical that relations between Pakistan and 

Afghanistan be strong and cooperative, and that Pakistan continue to put pressure 

on the Taliban to join an Afghan-led peace process. Pakistan’s relationship with 

India is critical to Pakistan’s future. The normalization of relations between the two 

countries is vital, both to them and to the region. 

Experience has demonstrated that sustained, consistent engagement with Pakistan provides us with the best chance to address challenges and advance our core 

interests. The U.S.-Pakistan Strategic Dialogue is the mechanism that underpins 

our cooperation in areas of shared interest, from counterterrorism to energy, from 

economic growth to defense and security; all six of the Strategic Dialogue working 

groups—law enforcement and counterterrorism; economics and finance; energy; 

defense; strategic stability and nonproliferation; and education, science, and technology—have met within the last year. 

U.S. civilian assistance to Pakistan has delivered impressive results and must 

continue. Our signature projects in Pakistan have added over 1,500 megawatts to 

Pakistan’s electric grid, and built over 1,100 kilometers of road. Each year, the 

United States sponsors thousands of Pakistani exchange students to the United 

States—including a larger investment in the Fulbright Program than anywhere else 

in the world. These are long-term investments which advance bilateral people to 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

258 

people exchanges, Pakistan’s stability and growth, and help promote a pluralistic 

and tolerant society. 

U.S. security assistance to Pakistan is equally important and is directly supporting Pakistan’s ability to conduct counterinsurgency operations, clear terrorist 

safe havens, and stem the flow of deadly improvised explosive devices (IEDs) which 

have killed far too many civilians and security personnel. Our security assistance, 

like our civilian assistance, is geared directly toward meeting critical U.S. national 

security objectives. 

Should I be confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and this committee, our extraordinary team in both Washington and Pakistan, who are dedicated 

and accept risks in order to achieve the goals of the American people, with the government and people of Pakistan, and with the community of Americans of Pakistani 

descent here in the United States. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy and 

members of the committee, let me reiterate how deeply honored I am to be nominated as the Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. 

Thank you very much for considering my nomination. I would be pleased to 

answer your questions. 

Senator RISCH. Mr. Hale, thank you very much. 

We have been joined by Ranking Member Murphy, and if you do 

not have opening statement, we will move on. 

Senator MURPHY. Keep going. 

Senator RISCH. Ms. Teplitz, you are next. We would like to hear 

what you have to say. 

STATEMENT OF ALAINA B. TEPLITZ, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF 

NEPAL 

Ms. TEPLITZ. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, it is an 

honor to appear before you today as the President’s nominee for the 

U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. I am grateful for this opportunity to 

serve our country. 

And I would like to recognize some of my family who are with 

me today, my sons, Max and Miles Mellott. And a shout-out to 

those who could not be here because I would not be at this table 

without them and their support. 

Mr. Chairman, as you noted in your remarks, right now when 

people think of Nepal, they invariably think of the horrific earthquake of this past April and the tremendous damage it wrought. 

That tragedy has brought together the people of Nepal, the country’s neighbors, and the international community to help the victims recover and the country rebuild. 

And while much has changed in Nepal since the earthquake, our 

overall priorities for the country remain the same: to strengthen its 

democracy, advance its economic growth, and improve its resiliency. If confirmed, I will work to advance these goals and build on 

the achievements of my predecessors and our 60 years of positive 

engagement with Nepal. 

I will speak first about the last objective, improved resiliency, 

and then discuss the other two priorities. At the top, I would like 

to extend the Department’s profound gratitude to Congress for its 

support for seismically safe housing for U.S. Embassy personnel in 

Kathmandu. It saved the lives of our mission personnel and enabled them to immediately assist with rescue and relief efforts, 

thus saving more lives and reducing the quake’s impact on Americans, Nepalese, and others. 

The first responsibility of every U.S. Ambassador is to ensure the 

safety and security of American citizens, and if confirmed, I will 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

259 

continue to prioritize investments that will protect our personnel 

and citizens. 

And as Nepal moves to the reconstruction phase, we will work 

with its government and its neighbors in Asia to help it build back 

better, to provide protection to the most vulnerable, to improve resiliency against future disasters, and to ensure that investments in 

Nepal’s infrastructure are economically sound and environmentally 

stable. And as you pointed out, if confirmed, I will share your focus 

on donor coordination throughout this effort. 

Turning now to the second priority, advancing Nepal’s economic 

growth. As we work to help Nepal’s economy grow and advance, we 

must look to leverage its location among the booming economies of 

South Asia. With more investments in infrastructure, the creation 

of a business- and investment-friendly environment, and a more integrated regional market, Nepal’s entrepreneurs could harness the 

region’s economic potential and create tremendous prosperity for 

their nation. Nepal’s recent eligibility for a Millennium Challenge 

Corporation—MCC— compact should help it develop some of that 

economic potential. If confirmed, I will actively look for opportunities to improve the business environment and support American investment in Nepal. 

I would lastly like to discuss our priority of strengthening Nepal’s democracy. In 2006, the country emerged from a decade of 

civil conflict with a commitment to creating a constitution that 

would seal a lasting peace. The American people can be proud of 

the role they have played in Nepal’s transition from violence to 

peaceful politics. That process is still underway. And there has 

been some significant progress lately. Nepal became eligible for an 

MCC compact because of its democratic progress. But much remains to be done, and our Government will help Nepal where we 

can to advance its constitutional process and cement a hard-won 

peace. 

Maintaining that peace will require a firm commitment to 

human rights, and if I am confirmed, the promotion and protection 

of human rights will remain a central priority for Mission 

Kathmandu. This particularly includes protections for Tibetan refugees, for women, for disadvantaged populations, and for those vulnerable to trafficking. 

Mr. Chairman, I am aware of the many challenges we will face 

in these efforts, from maintaining good coordination with Nepal’s 

Government and our international partners, to ensuring our resources are being spent effectively. 

My career in the Foreign Service has been dedicated to the efficient management of resources, whether for our missions in Kabul, 

Dhaka, Belgium, or here in Washington at the Foreign Service Institute or in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs. My experience, it would seem, is very timely for this posting. 

With the support of Congress, our Government is preparing for 

a large recovery and reconstruction effort in Nepal, and if confirmed, I hope to draw on my management experience and expertise to help ensure the people of Nepal get the best assistance we 

can give and that the U.S. taxpayers get the biggest bang for their 

buck. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

260 

As that assistance effort progresses, I would, if confirmed, look 

forward to working closely with this committee and others in Congress to ensure our work reflects our shared priorities. 

Thank you again for the opportunity, and I look forward to your 

questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Teplitz follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ALAINA B. TEPLITZ

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, it is an honor to 

appear before you today as the President’s nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. 

I would like to recognize some of my family who are with me today and without 

whom I would not be at this table before you: my sons Max and Miles Mellott. 

Mr. Chairman, right now when people think of Nepal, they invariably think of the 

horrific earthquake of this past April, and the tremendous damage it wrought. That 

tragedy has brought together the people of Nepal, the country’s neighbors, and the 

international community to help the victims recover and the country rebuild. 

And while much has changed in Nepal since the earthquake, our overall priorities 

for the country remain the same: to strengthen its democracy, advance its economic 

growth, and improve its resiliency. If confirmed, I will work to advance these goals 

and build on the achievements of my predecessors and our 60 years of positive 

engagement with Nepal. 

I will speak first about the last objective, improved resiliency, and then discuss 

the other two priorities. At the top, I would like to extend the Department’s profound gratitude to Congress for its support for seismically safe housing for U.S. 

Embassy personnel in Kathmandu. It saved the lives of our mission personnel and 

enabled them to immediately assist with rescue and relief efforts, thus saving more 

lives and reducing the quake’s impact on Americans, Nepalese, and others. 

The first responsibility of every U.S. Ambassador is to ensure the safety and security of American citizens, and, if confirmed, I will continue to prioritize investments 

that will protect our personnel and citizens in Nepal. 

And as Nepal moves to the reconstruction phase, we will work with its government and its neighbors in Asia to help it to ‘‘build back better’’—to provide protection to the most vulnerable, to improve resiliency against future disasters, and to 

ensure that investments in Nepal’s infrastructure are economically sound and environmentally sustainable. 

I will now turn to the second priority, advancing Nepal’s economic growth. As we 

work to help Nepal’s economy grow and advance, we must look to leverage its location among the booming economies of South Asia. With more investments in infrastructure, the creation of a business- and investment-friendly environment, and a 

more integrated regional market, Nepal’s entrepreneurs could harness the region’s 

economic potential and create tremendous prosperity for their nation. Nepal’s recent 

eligibility for a Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact should help it develop 

some of that economic potential. If confirmed, I will actively look for opportunities 

to improve the business environment and support American investment in Nepal. 

I would lastly like to discuss our priority of strengthening Nepal’s democracy. In 

2006, the country emerged from a decade of civil conflict with a commitment to creating a constitution that would seal a lasting peace. The American people can be 

proud of the role they have played in Nepal’s transition from violence to peaceful 

politics. That process is still underway, and there has been some significant 

progress lately—Nepal became eligible for an MCC Compact because of its democratic progress. But much remains to be done, and our government will help Nepal 

where we can to advance its constitutional process and cement a hard-won peace. 

Maintaining that peace will require a firm commitment to human rights, and, if 

I am confirmed, the promotion and protection of human rights will remain a central 

priority for Mission Kathmandu. This especially includes protections for Tibetan 

refugees, for women, for disadvantaged populations, and for those vulnerable to 

trafficking. 

Mr. Chairman, I am aware of the many challenges we will face in these efforts, 

from maintaining good coordination with Nepal’s Government and our international 

partners, to ensuring our resources are being spent effectively. 

My career in the Foreign Service has been dedicated to the efficient management 

of resources, whether for our missions in Kabul, Dhaka, or Belgium, here in Washington at the Foreign Service Institute or in the Bureau of South and Central Asian 

Affairs. 

With the support of Congress, our government is preparing for a large recovery 

and reconstruction effort in Nepal, and, if confirmed, I hope to draw on my manageFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

261 

ment experience and expertise to help ensure the people of Nepal get the best 

assistance we can give, and that the U.S. taxpayers get the biggest bang for their 

buck. 

As that assistance effort progresses, I would, if confirmed, look forward to working 

closely with this committee and others in Congress to ensure our work reflects our 

shared priorities. 

Thank you and I look forward to your questions. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. 

Ms. Gwaltney? 

STATEMENT OF SHEILA GWALTNEY, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC 

Ms. GWALTNEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 

Murphy. 

It is a great honor to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the 

Kyrgyz Republic. I am deeply grateful for the trust and confidence 

the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me with this 

nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 

members of this committee and their staff to promote and protect 

U.S. interests in the Kyrgyz Republic. 

I have had the privilege of serving our country for 31 years as 

a Foreign Service officer. I have served as Deputy Chief of Mission 

in the Kyrgyz Republic, Ukraine, and Russia and have worked on 

issues related to this region for most of my career. I can think of 

no higher honor than to return to represent the American people 

as Ambassador of the United States to the Kyrgyz Republic, a 

country I know and respect for its rich culture, natural beauty, and 

warm and hospitable people. I deeply appreciate the love and support of my family and friends throughout these years. 

The principles that have guided U.S. policy toward the Kyrgyz 

Republic remain as relevant today as they were when the country 

attained independence 23 years ago. Our long-term focus has always been to support and respect its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. Our strategic goals are to facilitate and 

strengthen the Kyrgyz Republic’s stability, prosperity, and democracy. 

The Kyrgyz Republic is Central Asia’s leader in democratic development. In 2011, following the election of President Atambayev, 

the Kyrgyz Republic accomplished the first democratic transfer of 

Presidential in Central Asia. The Kyrgyz Republic has an independent Parliament and a vibrant and active civil society, with 

thousands of nongovernmental organizations working in a wide variety of fields. If confirmed, I would work with the government and 

people of the Kyrgyz Republic to strengthen the country’s democratic institutions, support the continued growth of civil society, 

and promote respect for human rights. 

Our security cooperation with the Kyrgyz Republic is focused on 

the common goals of countering terrorism, improving border security, and stemming the flow of illegal narcotics. The United States 

and the Kyrgyz Republic need to work together to fight human 

trafficking and other transnational threats. If confirmed, I would 

work to strengthen our existing partnership and continue our joint 

efforts to address regional and global security challenges. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

262 

Expanding markets and opportunities for American business is a 

top priority worldwide. As Secretary Kerry says, ‘‘Foreign policy is 

economic policy.’’ If confirmed, I would work with the Kyrgyz Republic to bolster private sector-driven economic growth, including 

the promotion of American economic and business interests. The 

Kyrgyz Republic has been a regional leader in pursuing market reform and our two nations can work together to expand prosperity 

for both our countries. 

People-to-people contacts remain the bedrock of our diplomatic 

efforts. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging people throughout 

the Kyrgyz Republic and strengthening ties between the American 

and the Kyrgyz people. Public diplomacy efforts promote a positive 

understanding of the United States and help build deep and lasting 

ties between our countries. 

If confirmed, it would be my honor to ensure that our mission 

continues to provide U.S. citizens resident in or visiting the Kyrgyz 

Republic the highest quality service and utmost protection. 

Mr. Chairman, one of the great privileges of my career has been 

the opportunity to help lead teams of Americans serving at our embassies overseas that are dedicated to the advancement of U.S. interests. If confirmed, I would do my best to ensure the safety, security, and well-being of my colleagues and their family members 

who serve at our Embassy. I would maintain the highest standards 

of ethical conduct and moral values for our mission, including ensuring that the principles of nondiscrimination and respect for diversity are respected by all in our mission. 

If confirmed, I would always be available to this committee, its 

members, and staff, to discuss and work together in pursuit of U.S. 

national interests in the Kyrgyz Republic. 

Mr. Chairman, I thank you for this opportunity to appear before 

you and the other members of the subcommittee and look forward 

to your questions. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Gwaltney follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SHEILA GWALTNEY

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it is a great 

honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the 

United States Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic. I am deeply grateful for the 

trust and confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me with this 

nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the members of this 

committee and their staff to promote and protect U.S. interests in the Kyrgyz 

Republic. 

I have had the privilege of serving our country for 31 years as a Foreign Service 

officer. I have served as Deputy Chief of Mission in the Kyrgyz Republic, Ukraine 

and Russia and have worked on issues related to this region for most of my career. 

I can think of no higher honor than to return to represent the American people as 

Ambassador of the United States to the Kyrgyz Republic, a country I know and 

respect for its rich culture, natural beauty, and warm and hospitable people. I 

deeply appreciate the love and support of my family and friends throughout these 

years. 

The principles that have guided U.S. policy toward the Kyrgyz Republic remain 

as relevant today as they were when that country attained independence 23 years 

ago. Our long-term focus has always been to support and respect its sovereignty, 

territorial integrity, and independence. Our strategic goals are to facilitate and 

strengthen the Kyrgyz Republic’s stability, prosperity, and democracy. 

The Kyrgyz Republic is Central Asia’s leader in democratic development. In 2011, 

following the election of President Atambayev, the Kyrgyz Republic accomplished 

the first democratic transfer of Presidential power in Central Asia. The Kyrgyz 

Republic has an independent Parliament and a vibrant and active civil society, with 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

263 

thousands of nongovernmental organizations working in a wide variety of fields. If 

confirmed, I would work with the government and people of the Kyrgyz Republic 

to strengthen the country’s democratic institutions, support the continued growth of 

civil society, and promote respect for human rights. 

Our security cooperation with the Kyrgyz Republic is focused on the common 

goals of countering terrorism, improving border security, and stemming the flow of 

illegal narcotics. The United States and the Kyrgyz Republic need to work together 

to fight human trafficking and other transnational threats.If confirmed, I would 

work to strengthen our existing partnership and continue our joint efforts to address 

regional and global security challenges. 

Expanding markets and opportunities for American business is a top priority 

worldwide. As Secretary Kerry says, ‘‘Foreign policy is economic policy.’’ If confirmed, I would work with the Kyrgyz Republic to bolster private-sector-driven economic growth, including through the promotion of American economic and business 

interests. The Kyrgyz Republic has been a regional leader in pursuing market 

reforms and our two nations can work together to expand prosperity for both our 

countries. 

People-to-people contacts remain the bedrock of our diplomatic efforts. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging people throughout the Kyrgyz Republic and 

strengthening ties between the American and Kyrgyz people. Public diplomacy 

efforts promote a positive understanding of the United States and help build deep 

and lasting ties between our countries. 

If confirmed, it would be my honor to ensure that our mission continues to provide 

U.S. citizens residing in or visiting the Kyrgyz Republic the highest quality services 

and utmost protection in times of need. 

Mr. Chairman, one of the great privileges of my career has been the opportunity 

to help lead teams of Americans serving at our embassies overseas that are dedicated to the advancement of U.S. interests. If confirmed, I would do my best to 

ensure the safety, security, and well-being of my colleagues and their family members who serve at our Embassy. I would maintain the highest standards of ethical 

conduct and moral values for our mission, including ensuring that the principles of 

nondiscrimination and respect for diversity are respected by all in our mission. 

If confirmed, I would always be available to this committee, its members and 

staff, to discuss and work together in pursuit of U.S. national interests in the 

Kyrgyz Republic. 

Mr. Chairman, I thank you for this opportunity to appear before you and the 

other members of the subcommittee and look forward to your questions. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. 

We are now going to have a series of questions. I am sorry. I did 

not mean to pass you up, Mr. Keshap. Your turn. I apologize. 

STATEMENT OF ATUL KESHAP, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI 

LANKA AND TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE MALDIVES 

Mr. KESHAP. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, Senator Shaheen. 

It is, indeed, an honor to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka and to 

the Maldives. I am grateful to President Obama for his trust and 

confidence in nominating me and to Secretary Kerry and my State 

Department colleagues, particularly Assistant Secretary Nisha 

Biswal, for their support. 

Permit me to begin, Mr. Chair, by thanking my wife, Karen 

Young Keshap, who is also a Foreign Service officer, for her love 

and support throughout the two decades we have served our country and for raising our four wonderful children, Carolyn, Emily, 

James, and Charlotte, who are here today. 

I am honored to be here as well with my respected mother, Zoe 

Antoinette Calvert, who served in the U.S. Foreign Service in the 

1950s and 1960s in our Embassies in India and the United Kingdom. I also pay tribute to my late father, Dr. Keshap Chander Sen, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

264 

an immigrant to this country from India, who served the United 

Nations as a development economist. 

Mr. Chairman, due to my father’s U.N. service, my early years 

were spent at schools overseas, where the children of American diplomats were my earliest friends. My parents’ service and my upbringing instilled in me a firm dedication and commitment to 

American values and led me to a career in the Foreign Service. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priorities will be to ensure 

the safety and security of American citizens and to advance the interests and values of the United States and the American people. 

In Sri Lanka, our primary interest is to help the people of that 

island succeed as a prosperous, unified, reconciled, peaceful, and 

democratic nation. 

At the beginning of this year, the people of South Asia’s oldest 

democracy courageously chose a new path of hope and renewal. 

Since January, Sri Lanka has made progress on challenging issues 

from fighting corruption and media censorship to beginning the 

long process of healing after decades of war. 

We want to help the Sri Lankan people strengthen democracy, 

civil society, and human rights, including media freedom and freedom of religion. We want to help build a lasting peace and fellowship among Sri Lanka’s ethnic and religious communities, including credible justice, accountability, and reconciliation that can facilitate closure for those who suffered and lost loved ones during 

the war. It is important to get this right, and the U.N. and the 

international community can lend useful insight to the efforts of 

the Sri Lankan people. 

Economically, the United States is Sri Lanka’s largest export 

market. While our trade volume is currently relatively low, I believe there is great potential to expand our partnership. 

In the security realm, our de-mining efforts have helped farmers 

return to once war-ravaged land. There is also room for closer cooperation on disaster response and maritime security. Sri Lanka is 

a regional leader in the fight against cybercrime, a contributor to 

U.N. peacekeeping operations, and is focused on disrupting drug 

trafficking and fighting maritime piracy. As we look to advance our 

interests across the Indo-Pacific, Sri Lanka can be a critical partner. 

I will now turn to the Maldives where a young and dynamic populace is on the front lines of climate change. This island nation also 

faces challenges with youth unemployment, rising extremism, and 

social unrest. We are worried, however, about the current state of 

rule of law, due process, and human rights. All citizens should be 

allowed to exercise their human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

We must remain engaged, however, on several important mutual 

interests, including countering violent extremism, reducing the impact of climate change, and as with Sri Lanka, ensuring security 

in the Indian Ocean. We want a better relationship with Maldives 

so that we can deepen that cooperation. And we want to help it return to the democratic path on which it courageously embarked a 

few years ago and look forward to strengthening our relationship 

when that happens. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, Senator Shaheen, the 

democratic progress, economic growth, and security of Sri Lanka 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

265 

and Maldives affect not just their own countries, but the broader 

Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I will consult closely with this 

committee and others in Congress to advance U.S. values and interests. 

Thank you very much for your consideration of my nomination. 

I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Keshap follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ATUL KESHAP

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as the President’s nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka and to 

Maldives. I am grateful to President Obama for his trust and confidence in nominating me, and to Secretary Kerry and my State Department colleagues, particularly Assistant Secretary Nisha Biswal, for their support. 

Permit me to begin by thanking my wife, Karen Young Keshap, also a Foreign 

Service officer, for her love and support throughout the two decades we have served 

our country, and for raising our four wonderful children. I am honored to be here 

with my respected Mother, Zoe ̈ Antoinette Calvert, who served in the United States 

Foreign Service at our Embassies in India and the United Kingdom. I also pay tribute to my late father, Dr. Keshap Chander Sen, an immigrant to this country from 

India, who served the United Nations as a development economist. 

Mr. Chairman, due to my father’s U.N. service, my early years were spent at 

schools overseas, where the children of American diplomats were my earliest 

friends. My parents’ service and my upbringing instilled in me a firm dedication and 

commitment to American values, and led me to a career in the Foreign Service. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priorities will be to ensure the security and 

safety of American citizens and to advance the interests and values of the United 

States and the American people. 

In Sri Lanka, our primary interest is to help the people of that island succeed 

as a prosperous, unified, reconciled, peaceful, and democratic nation. 

At the beginning of this year, the people of South Asia’s oldest democracy courageously chose a new path of hope and renewal. Since January, Sri Lanka has made 

progress on challenging issues, from fighting corruption and media censorship, to 

beginning the long process of healing after decades of war. 

We want to help the Sri Lankan people strengthen democracy, civil society, and 

human rights, including media freedom and freedom of religion. We want to help 

build a lasting peace and fellowship among Sri Lanka’s ethnic and religious communities, including credible justice, accountability, and reconciliation that can facilitate 

closure for those who suffered and lost loved ones during the war. It is important 

to get this right, and the U.N. and international community can lend useful insight 

to the efforts of the Sri Lankan people. 

Economically, the U.S. is Sri Lanka’s largest export market. While our trade volume is relatively low, there is great potential to expand our partnership. 

In the security realm, our de-mining efforts have helped farmers return to oncewar-ravaged land. There is also room for closer cooperation on disaster response and 

maritime security in the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka is a regional leader in the fight 

against cybercrime, a contributor to U.N. Peacekeeping Operations, and is focused 

on disrupting drug trafficking and fighting maritime piracy. As we look to advance 

our interests across the Indo-Pacific, Sri Lanka will be a critical partner. 

I will now turn to Maldives, where a young and dynamic populace is on the front 

lines of climate change. This island nation also faces challenges with youth unemployment, rising extremism, and social unrest. We are worried, however, about the 

current state of rule of law, due process, and human rights. All citizens should be 

allowed to exercise their human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

We must remain engaged, however, on several important mutual interests, including countering violent extremism, reducing the impact of climate change, and, as 

with Sri Lanka, ensuring security in the Indian Ocean. We want a better relationship with Maldives, so that we can deepen cooperation. And we want to help it 

return to the democratic path on which it courageously embarked a few years ago, 

and look forward to strengthening our relationship when that happens. 

Mr. Chairman, the democratic progress, economic growth, and security of Sri 

Lanka and Maldives affect not just their own countries, but the broader Indo-Pacific 

region. If confirmed, I will consult closely with this committee and others in Congress to advance U.S. values and interests. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

266 

Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your 

questions. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. 

Now we will go through a round of questions from each of us. 

Since I tried to short you, Mr. Keshap, I will start there. 

Your description of what has happened recently in Sri Lanka 

with the election of the new President certainly reflects, I think, all 

of our hopes and our good wishes for the people of that country. 

I hear your description of it. What is happening today? Is that 

movement increasing? Is it decreasing? Has it leveled off? Where 

are we today as far as the movement from the January election? 

Mr. KESHAP. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I take great heart and confidence in the significant desire of the 

people of Sri Lanka to embark upon a new path in their country. 

The election of January 8 reflected a broad-based decision by the 

people of Sri Lanka to improve relations with the international 

community, to strengthen democracy and human rights, to reinforce civil society, and to really put Sri Lanka on a path toward a 

process of reconciliation that can yield a unified peaceful country. 

If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I would work very hard toward helping the people of Sri Lanka to achieve that vision. Secretary Kerry 

was in Sri Lanka on May 2, and he spoke very eloquently about 

the United States desire to help the Sri Lankan people with this. 

Obviously, the politics in any democracy are going to be robust 

and at times messy. There is a lot that needs to be worked out. 

There are some significant issues that have stemmed from three 

decades of conflict and post-conflict period. But I think that the 

United States can be a good friend to the efforts and the vision of 

the people of Sri Lanka and really contribute to the achievement 

of that vision. And if confirmed, I look forward to adding my energy 

to that. 

Senator RISCH. We appreciate that. 

Regarding the Maldives, you made brief reference to the fact that 

there is this growing extremism in the country. Recent media reports indicate that about 200 of the young people there are radicals 

who have left and gone to fight with ISIS. For a small country like 

that, 200 is a pretty substantial number, particularly in light of the 

fact that if that is what it is, it is usually underreported. So it is 

probably higher than that. 

What are your thoughts on that? 

Mr. KESHAP. Mr. Chairman, it is a matter of concern. And we 

have an ongoing conversation with the Maldives about this issue 

and others. 

From my perspective, I think that what we want to do is try to 

encourage the people of Maldives and the Government of Maldives 

to ensure greater freedoms and democracy for their people. That is 

the key to ensuring stability, to attracting quality investment, to 

ensuring economic growth, to giving people opportunity, and hopefully also to countering violent extremism. This is an issue that is 

very much on the radar, and I appreciate your perspectives on this 

as well. And if confirmed, I would work very hard with the Government of the Maldives and with partners in the United States who 

work on countering violent extremism to address this issue. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. Appreciate that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. Teplitz, we both made reference in our previous comments 

to the donor coordination. Tell me a little bit about your thoughts 

in a little more detail how you plan to attack that. 

Ms. TEPLITZ. Thank you, Senator. 

I think the donor coordination issue is actually one of the most 

critical for the success of our programs and assistance to the Nepalese people in this recovery phase. My colleague, Ambassador 

Bodde, has been leading the donor coordination effort in 

Kathmandu, and if confirmed, that is something that I intend to 

do as well. And I think it is essential for the United States to be 

in front of that effort, both with bilateral donors and multilateral 

donors, to ensure that assistance is well targeted, not duplicative, 

and well aligned with the needs of the people of Nepal. 

Senator RISCH. Have you found that the people of Nepal are open 

to the U.S. assistance in that regard as far as donor coordination 

is concerned? 

Ms. TEPLITZ. Sir, my understanding through consultations is that 

we have a very excellent relationship with the government, with 

other actors, civil society, nongovernmental organizations. We have 

had a very productive relationship there, and I see no reason why 

that would change and look forward, in fact, if confirmed, to engaging in a dialogue with an array of people to best serve the people 

of Nepal. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. Appreciate that. 

Ms. Gwaltney, the country you are going to is an interesting 

country. And of course, they have the tremendous influence of Russia because of the years that they spent there under their thumb. 

Tell me a little bit. The fact that we have withdrawn from the 

Manas Air Base and the fact that the Chinese are attempting to 

increase their influence there—what are your thoughts on our prospects for hanging onto our ability to exert hopefully some U.S. influence there? 

Ms. GWALTNEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And I agree with your assessment that the Kyrgyz Republic is 

located at the intersection of many challenges. 

First, I would like to state that we are grateful to the Kyrgyz 

people for the Manas transit center and for the support that they 

provided to the ISAF forces in Afghanistan. It was never intended 

to be a permanent facility, and we cooperated very closely with the 

Kyrgyz Government for an orderly transition to that facility. 

More broadly, Senator, to your question about regional influence 

of Russia and China, for the most part Chinese influence is economic. China is Kyrgyzstan’s largest trading partner, and it has 

made clear that it has an interest in expanding trade and expanding linkages throughout the region. There may be some 

complementarities between the Chinese view and our view on the 

importance of increasing economic linkages among the countries of 

Central Asia and between the countries of Central Asia and other 

regions. 

With regard to Russia, it is true that the Kyrgyz Republic and 

Russia have a shared history. They have a number of economic 

linkages. But as recent as the April bilateral consultations that we 

had with the Kyrgyz Government here in Washington, the Kyrgyz 

made clear to us their interest in having a strong and productive 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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relationship with us. We think it is very important that Kyrgyzstan 

have the space to make its own decisions about its political autonomy, about its economic linkages, about the future of the country. 

We do not think that it is appropriate for any country to impose 

a zero sum approach on the Kyrgyz. We think the Kyrgyz should 

have the right to make decisions for themselves. And if confirmed, 

Senator, I intend to work very hard to deepen and expand our cooperation with the Kyrgyz Republic. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. 

Finally, Mr. Hale, tell me a little bit about the relationship between the Special Rep for Afghanistan and Pakistan and the Assistant for South and Central Asia and yourself. How do the three 

of you work as far as that country is concerned? We know the complexity of it, and as I said, those of us who met with the Members 

of Parliament here in April were impressed with their stated purposes. But tell me how the three of you work in that regard? 

Ambassador HALE. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I have, obviously, just begun my consultations. I am still serving 

at the embassy in Beirut. But if confirmed, I look forward to a very 

close working relationship with both the Assistant Secretary for 

South and Central Asia and the Special Representative. 

I myself served as a special envoy. So I can stress from firsthand 

experience the importance that there be very much a whole-of-government approach to any problem that a special envoy is focused 

on. A special envoy representative brings a higher level of focus 

and energy to a particular issue, but success very much depends 

upon a cooperative relationship with all of the entities in the government, including the Assistant Secretary, for watching the bilateral relationships and the geopolitical and strategic picture in the 

region. 

As Ambassador to Pakistan, if confirmed, I would report to the 

Special Representative and to the Secretary of State ultimately, 

but I expect very close integration with the Bureau. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. I appreciate that. 

Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Welcome 

to all of you. I am sorry that I missed the very beginning of your 

opening remarks. 

Ambassador Hale, thank you for your service after very difficult 

and tumultuous service in Beirut. I am glad that you are going to 

get a few years off in Islamabad. I do not know how you managed 

that, but we are grateful that you accepted the appointment. 

We are having a debate here about what constitutes our national 

security budget. Right now, there is a proposal that the Senate and 

the House exceed the budget caps for the Defense Department, but 

that we do not exceed the caps for other spending that many of us 

would consider to be instrumental to national security. On that list 

would be our foreign assistance programs. 

One of the most important jobs you are going to have is to oversee the implementation of the Kerry-Lugar-Berman act. Can you 

give us your understanding as to the update of its implementation? 

I know a little bit of a rocky start in terms of getting the money 

to the right partners on the ground. But how important is that proFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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gram, is that funding stream to our ability to influence events on 

the ground inside Pakistan today? 

Ambassador HALE. Well, I think it has proven to be critically important. Obviously, our primary goal is to enhance Pakistan’s cooperation with us in the counterterrorism field. But I think we 

have all learned over time that simply relying and focusing on a 

traditional military-to-military assistance approach is not going to 

get the full results that we require. Pakistan needs to have stability. It needs to have a government that is addressing the needs 

of its people. It needs to ensure that the citizenry can turn to the 

traditional leaders for energy, for education, for all of the things 

that countries expect to receive from their state. This is a challenge 

in Pakistan. It is a poor country. It is an emerging democracy. 

But the resources that the Kerry-Lugar-Berman process has 

brought to Pakistan I think have shown results already. They are 

focused in several key areas. I mentioned energy, but also education, economic growth, health. And a very important category is 

stabilization so that when Pakistan is clearing out certain areas, 

like they are today in North Waziristan, of insurgents, that there 

is an ability and resources to rush in in that golden hour with the 

kind of services that citizens expect. 

Also, I think there is an important point to bear in mind. This 

relationship serves best our two sides when it is predictable, when 

the Pakistanis and the Americans who are looking at this relationship can see for years out what the expectations are, what the deliveries will be. And I think for Pakistan to sustain what we feel 

they must for their interests and ours in terms of security cooperation, it is critical that we be helping them in these developmental 

fields as well. 

Senator MURPHY. We watched video and reports yesterday of 

Taliban attacks on the Parliament building in Kabul. Very disturbing to watch. There are other advancements that the Taliban 

has made, taking control of several towns in the north and in the 

west. And yet, there are also reports of the facilitation of a dialogue 

between the Taliban and the Afghan Government. 

So let me ask a specific question. What is your understanding 

today of the disposition of ISI with respect to its coordination with 

some of these elements within Afghanistan? I know we have made 

a lot of progress there and there were reports of commitments 

made in Secretary Kerry’s last bilateral meetings with respect to 

the Haqqani network I know separate and aside from some of the 

issues surrounding the Taliban. But as the situation seems to get 

more unstable inside Afghanistan, are the Pakistanis able to help 

us try to address some of those security concerns inside Afghanistan? 

Ambassador HALE. Well, Senator, this is a crucial area. It will 

be one that I will be very much focused on if I am confirmed. 

I do think that there has been progress. We have seen, I think, 

a change in direction by the Pakistani leadership itself. There are 

opportunities posed by the election of President Ghani in Afghanistan, the emergence of new leaders in Pakistan. And they are talking and beginning to coordinate a strategy. 

In May of this year, we saw that Prime Minister Sharif and 

President Ghani met, and they pledged joint efforts to crack down 

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on the very groups that you have mentioned based in each state’s 

territory. And they are talking about coordinate operations that 

will be undertaken to basically eliminate these safe havens along 

the border area. 

Obviously, words are one thing. What we need to see beyond 

these commitments, important as they are, is actual action on the 

ground and effective steps to be taken. And I think that that is 

something we will be, obviously, pressing for, in addition to targeting the militant groups, pushing them and pressurizing them 

into the political reconciliation process that ultimately is the best 

means for stabilizing Afghanistan. 

Senator MURPHY. To Ms. Teplitz and Mr. Keshap, the same question. You are going to be in countries that have to balance themselves between two great powers, between China and India. Could 

you just speak to what the U.S. interests are with respect to which 

way those two countries lean or attack? Why would we care about 

the direction of either of those countries is having in terms of trying to manage their alliances with those two countries? Mr. Keshap 

first and then Ms. Teplitz. 

Mr. KESHAP. Sure. Thank you, Senator Murphy. 

I think the overarching U.S. goal is to try to help the Sri Lankan 

people strengthen their democracy to the greatest extent possible. 

By doing that and by fostering the real culture of accountability 

and meaningful reconciliation for the past, it can lay the foundations for a really prosperous and unified democracy going forward 

that can be a real platform for stability not only in its region, in 

the Indian Ocean region, but across the Indo-Pacific. 

I do believe that America’s most enduring partnerships are with 

democracies, and so if confirmed, I would very much want to direct 

my energies and efforts and those of my team toward intensifying 

the U.S. bilateral relationship in a way that is helpful and relevant 

to the people—— 

Senator MURPHY. So you are saying let us just focus on the quality of democracy, or is that a way of saying we should be agnostic 

as to the question of their balance of allegiance between China and 

India? 

Mr. KESHAP. Senator, I think the issue here is to make sure that 

Sri Lanka can be a robust and contributing partner to security in 

the Indian Ocean. And in that regard, they obviously will need to 

make their own choices, but I do feel that the United States should 

always be the preferred partner in advancing democratic values, 

rules-based order, transparent norms, and peaceful settlement of 

disputes. And I do think we can work in concert with democracies 

in advancing those strategic goals. 

Senator MURPHY. Ms. Teplitz. 

Ms. TEPLITZ. Thank you, Senator. 

And while I echo many of the sentiments of my colleague here 

about the situation with Nepal, I think the U.S. interests are for 

a prosperous and stable South Asia. Nepal is a part of and a partner in achieving that. It does have to balance its two neighbors, 

China and India, as you have pointed out. And I think our role in 

that is ensuring at this stage that there are positive and coordinated contributions to the earthquake recovery effort. This actually 

gives us an opportunity to work very closely not only with the GovFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

271 

ernment of Nepal, with whom we have a very strong relationship, 

but also with these neighbors to have a very productive outcome 

and what happens on the ground in Kathmandu is going to be crucial in contributing toward a positive outcome. And if confirmed, I 

definitely plan to make this careful balance a priority. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. I have a hard stop and I have to go 

to another meeting. But I wanted to give Senator Shaheen a 

chance to ask questions and also, Senator Murphy, if you have any 

more questions. If not, if you would close the meeting for me when 

we are done. 

The record will remain open until close of business on Thursday 

for questions. So we will put that into the record. 

With that, Senator Murphy, I am going to turn this over to you 

and Senator Shaheen for questions. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you all for your willingness to continue to serve. For 

many of you, you have served for many years, and we very much 

appreciate that. 

I want to pick up, Ambassador Hale, where Senator Murphy left 

off in terms of the renewed efforts to improve negotiations with Afghanistan and Pakistan and the possibility that that might help 

with moving the dialogue with the Taliban and hopefully moving 

towards peace. Can you talk a little bit about what your assessment is of whether they are making progress and whether you see 

the potential and what the United States can do to help with that 

effort? 

Ambassador HALE. I think it is at an early stage, frankly, to 

make sweeping judgments, but it does appear that they are on the 

right path. President Ghani’s commitment is very clear. He is staking a lot on this. It is going to require cooperation from Pakistan, 

and I think, again, Prime Minister Sharif has made the right commitments, said the right words. It has been followed up by travel 

by General Rahil, the military chief of staff, and by intelligence officers as well. 

There has to be actually, as I said earlier, actions that follow up 

on these commitments, and so we will be judging that. Will there 

be actions against the safe havens? Will they be cutting off the terrorist financing links? Will they be really putting their influence 

behind the effort to do what you just said, to encourage meaningful 

participation in the Afghan-led reconciliation process? 

We have talked about this for a while. I think that there is a new 

opportunity here and a new atmosphere because these are new 

leaders who are doing this. And I think that the fact that Pakistan 

itself has suffered so greatly from terrorist attacks, most recently 

the tragedy in Peshawar, also the Karachi airport attack, that may 

have contributed to the shift and understanding that Pakistan’s national security interests really are at stake here and that the stability and the security and building a democracy in Afghanistan is 

every bit as important to the people of Pakistan as it is to those 

in Afghanistan. 

All I can say, Senator, is that if confirmed, my job will be primarily to focus on this endeavor, given the stakes for the United 

States here, and I will put my full effort behind that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator SHAHEEN. And do you see, as Prime Minister Sharif has 

taken over, any progress on the effort to be more inclusive in Pakistan to reduce what we would call hate crimes in the United States 

against people who are against non-Muslims? 

Ambassador HALE. I believe I will have to get out there myself, 

if I am confirmed, and make a judgment and come back to you and 

your staff. But there is a long way to go. So I hope democracy will 

be more inclined to be respectful of minorities and of its people. I 

do not know for sure, but you look at the record, and there is, as 

I said, a tremendous task ahead. Religious minorities, women, 

other vulnerable segments of that society definitely need protection, and the United States needs to stand up, speak loudly about 

that, but also work behind the scenes with quiet diplomacy so that 

Pakistan’s elected leaders understand what is at stake here and 

also to use the tools in our assistance program, which Congress has 

been so generous in providing so that NGOs and other groups are 

able to provide all kinds of programs, can help not just with protections but to advance recognition of the importance of the rights of 

minorities. 

Senator SHAHEEN. I visited in Pakistan several years ago right 

after they had gone into the Swat Valley and were responding to 

terrorist attacks there and was very impressed with the effort of 

the government and the military to take on—really to fight against 

their own citizens to address the terrorism threat. But recent reports have suggested that those efforts have been less successful 

than I certainly would have hoped based on that effort several 

years ago. And I wonder if you have any reports on the commitment there and the extent to which the military has been able to 

take on some of these terrorist elements. 

Ambassador HALE. Well, again, I think it is important to remember the context, which is that Pakistanis themselves are suffering 

greatly from the attacks and threats posed by these groups. That 

is point one. 

Point two. I think any rational analyst of Pakistan and the situation there would recognize that tolerating one group of extremists 

or insurgents on your soil while just targeting another group is not 

going to create a stable environment at all. So that is, I think, a 

very important lesson for any leader in that region to understand. 

Third, I think it is important to remember where the successes 

have been. Pakistan’s military leadership and its soldiers have 

done admirable work in countering the al-Qaeda threat and doing 

maximum effort to eliminate that. Always gaps, but there have 

been arrests. There have been some substantial activities. Countering IED’s is another area where they export the manufacture 

and the export of these IED’s into Afghanistan. Wrapping that up, 

again not completed, but substantial efforts have been invested in 

that. 

Working on these areas of insurgents and militants is the next 

big project, and obviously, there has been progress. I do not have 

the firsthand experience that you have, Senator, in observing this. 

I am concerned by your observation and I will want to look into 

that myself when I get out there. But right now, the campaign in 

North Waziristan has produced results. It has cleared out substantial areas. It is soaking up safe havens. It is critically important 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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that other groups not come in now and exploit those areas and that 

the state remain present not just with the constabulary in the 

army but, as I said earlier in response to a question, that the whole 

of government is rushing in there and providing the services and 

the economy that any Pakistani should expect of their government. 

Thank you. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator MURPHY [presiding]. Thank you, Senator. 

I just have two more questions. 

Ambassador Hale, there are different reports about the effectiveness of ISIS in establishing a foothold within Pakistan. Many suggest that there is a lot of factors that are going to inhibit their ability to grow more than a handful of activists there. 

What is your understanding heading into Islamabad as to how 

much time you might be spending on this question of ISIS presence 

inside Pakistan? 

Ambassador HALE. Well, again, I will need to get there, if I am 

confirmed, to judge for myself. But the briefings I have had suggest 

that so far the ISIS threat is relatively small and contained. But 

having served, as I have, so many years in the Levant, complacency is the last thing I am taking with me to Pakistan on this 

front. ISIS has shown that it is potent and it can exploit areas that 

are ungoverned quite rapidly, and we all know there are 

ungoverned spaces in Pakistan. So while there may be cultural and 

other factors that have reduced ISIS’s ability at least initially to 

make inroads, I think we have to be very vigilant about that and 

make sure that the Pakistani leadership knows, as I think those 

in the Levant do, that moderate Muslim leaders themselves are the 

first targets of this phenomenon and therefore have an extra responsibility to preempt them. 

Senator MURPHY. Ms. Gwaltney, should we care about the 

Kyrgyz Republic’s joining the Eurasian Union? Is this an economic 

body that presents any kind of real threat to the United States 

without membership on the western edge of Russia? Is this something that you think you are going to be spending time on, or 

should we just let it lie and not worry too much about it? 

Ms. GWALTNEY. Thank you, Senator, for you question. 

The Kyrgyz Republic is poised to join the Eurasian Economic 

Union in the upcoming weeks. And one thing that we have made 

very clear is, of course, first and foremost, our support for free 

trade, and secondly, equally importantly, is the fact that as a member of the WTO—and the Kyrgyz Republic was the first former Soviet Republic to join the WTO in 1998—but that in its accession to 

the Eurasian Economic Union, the Kyrgyz Republic needs to be 

mindful and to uphold its obligations under the WTO. 

I think it is early days, sir, to be able to calibrate exactly what 

the economic impact of accession to this organization will be, but 

if confirmed, it is certainly something that I will pay a great deal 

of attention to not only because of Kyrgyzstan’s WTO commitments 

but because I am committed to the promotion of American exports 

and support for American business. And we will want to keep that 

space open. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator MURPHY. Well, thank you to you all. I am tempted to ask 

my staff to do some quick research on what parliamentary maneuvers I can use now that I am in charge of the subcommittee. 

[Laughter.] 

But instead, I will just note that the record does stand open. So 

if you do get followup questions from members of the subcommittee 

who are not here, I hope you will turn them around quickly. 

And with that, using bottled water, this hearing is now adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 12:15 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF GLYN TOWNSEND DAVIES, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

KINGDOM OF THAILAND, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DAVIES’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. If the Thai junta by the start of 2016 fails to remove restrictions on 

freedom of speech and assembly, and schedule elections, what steps do you think 

are appropriate to increase pressure on General Prayuth? Do you think it’s appropriate to cancel the military exercises known as Cobra Gold? Why not? If Cobra 

Gold was to continue in 2016, do you agree that it should be kept at a scaled-back 

level, or scaled back even further? 

Answer. Following the coup, we suspended, as required by law, $4.7 million in 

military assistance funds (FMF, IMET, PKO) until a democratically elected civilian 

government takes office. We have also cancelled some high-level engagements, military exercises, and training programs with the military and police. We continue to 

thoroughly review all our engagements with Thailand. If confirmed, I will closely 

monitor political developments and continue actively to urge the military government to remove restrictions on civil liberties and return Thailand to democratic governance as soon as possible. I will also encourage the military government to make 

the political reform process as inclusive as possible to reflect the broad diversity of 

views within the country. 

The United States decided to proceed with Cobra Gold 2015 because of the importance of the annual, multilateral exercise in fulfilling the U.S. commitment to 

regional stability. Bringing together nearly 30 nations, Cobra Gold is the largest 

such exercise in Asia and has for 30 years been an integral part of the U.S. commitment to strengthen our security engagement in the region. Cancelling the exercise 

would make it more challenging to sustain our military’s interoperability with regional allies and partners. 

Cobra Gold 2015 was significantly refocused and scaled down in light of the Thai 

military’s ouster of the civilian government, with an increased focus on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. We have decided to proceed with planning for 

Cobra Gold 2016 due to its importance in expanding regional cooperation and capacity building. As in 2015, the exercise will be scaled down and focus on building regional cooperation on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. 

If confirmed, I will evaluate the scale and focus of the exercise and seek necessary 

adjustments in light of political developments in Thailand. 

Question. Will you continue to use public diplomacy, as the State Department has 

since the May 2014 coup, to raise concerns about censorship and arrests of Thai citizens for exercising their rights to free speech and assembly? 

Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to urge Thailand, both publicly and privately, to remove undue restrictions on civil liberties, including limits on fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. My priority will be to urge 

Thailand to institute a genuinely inclusive reform process that reflects the broad 

diversity of views within the country. As part of this effort, I will continue to use 

all tools at our disposal, including public diplomacy and diplomatic engagement, to 

encourage Thailand to lift restrictions on civil liberties and swiftly return to a democratically elected civilian government that respects human rights. 

Question. Thailand was designated a Tier 3 country for trafficking in persons in 

the State Department’s 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report. What new ideas do you 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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have for motivating the Thai Government to get serious about cracking down on 

human trafficking—not just with isolated raids and written action plans, but serious, sustained, and comprehensive efforts to clamp down on trafficking networks— 

not just sex trafficking but trafficking of migrant labor and refugees from Burma? 

Answer. If confirmed, my arrival as the new Ambassador will provide a fresh 

opportunity for the United States to highlight both publicly and privately our principled stance against human trafficking. Thailand’s Tier 3 ranking in 2014 reflected 

the shortcomings in the Thai Government’s efforts to address the country’s vast 

human trafficking problem. In the 2014 TIP Report, we outlined a series of recommendations for the Thai Government to improve its antitrafficking response. 

If confirmed, I will encourage Thailand to conduct thorough investigations of 

reports of trafficking, including in cases with alleged government complicity, and to 

bring trafficking offenders to justice. I will also continue to advocate for proactive 

government efforts to identify and protect victims, and support international and 

civil society organizations that play a role in identifying and assisting victims and 

promoting the rights of migrant workers. 

The Department’s TIP Office currently provides approximately $1 million in funding for three projects in Thailand that are focused on trafficking prevention, protection for victims, raising awareness, promoting access to justice for victims, and 

increasing investigations and prosecutions of traffickers. Additional project funding 

for FY15 is currently under consideration. 

We will continue to provide specific technical assistance requested by the Thai 

Government related to trafficking investigations and prosecutions as well as general 

support for building the capacity of their law enforcement and rule of law institutions. We welcome the efforts made by Thailand to stand up a Human Trafficking 

in Persons Division in the criminal courts system that will focus exclusively on 

human trafficking cases. We also welcome reports that the Royal Thai Police has 

issued over 100 arrest warrants related to migrant smuggling and abuses against 

migrants—which may include human trafficking, including the warrant for a threestar Army official. 

If confirmed, I will continue to encourage Thailand to take robust action to combat 

human trafficking and eliminate forced labor. 

Question. What role do you see for the private sector—for U.S. companies and 

Thai companies—in fighting the use of forced labor in Thailand? 

Answer. The private sector has a key role to play in combating the use of forced 

labor in Thailand. A significant proportion of trafficking victims in Thailand are 

found in the seafood industry. For several years, the international community has 

expressed its concern over the forced labor of foreign migrants in the Thai fishing 

and onland seafood industries. The United States continues to call on the Thai Government to take significantly greater steps to protect foreign migrants in the fishing 

and shrimp industries and to punish those who are enslaving foreign workers. 

Thailand is the world’s third-largest seafood exporter and its products are sold at 

major retailers around the world. As a result, U.S. and Thai retailers have significant economic influence over the Thai seafood industry and play a vital role in 

ensuring that supply chains are free from the use of forced labor. 

Recently, several large U.S. retailers have engaged major Thai seafood producers 

to address issues in their supply chain in an effort to combat human trafficking in 

Thailand’s seafood sector. If confirmed, I will encourage private companies to comprehensively address forced labor in their supply chains and help bring together 

various stakeholders to develop concrete action plans to address this important 

issue. 

RESPONSES OF WILLIAM A. HEIDT, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM

OF CAMBODIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HEIDT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. If you are confirmed, the most important event that is going to take 

place during your tenure is the 2018 elections. Are you prepared to be as outspoken 

as your predecessor, Bill Todd, in publicly criticizing human rights abuses and restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly, and calling out politically motivated 

misuses of power for what they are? Do you agree that public diplomacy—and outspoken defense of human rights principles—is an important and ultimately essential 

diplomatic tool in the Cambodia context? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The 2018 elections will certainly be an important event for Cambodia and 

represents an opportunity for it to take another step forward toward an enduring 

and principled democracy. If confirmed, I will advocate both publically and privately 

for the Cambodian Government to stage free and fair elections, including a free election campaign period in which human rights and the freedoms of speech and assembly are respected. I will also urge and offer assistance to the government to address 

the irregularities, including voter registration issues, which marked the last election. Public diplomacy is also an important tool, and we will use it, along with other 

programs including direct diplomacy with government officials and the opposition, 

targeted assistance aimed at strengthening Cambodia’s democratic institutions and 

people-to-people programs that impart American values to Cambodians. Ambassador 

Todd has been a tireless advocate for human rights and democracy in Cambodia. 

If confirmed, I will continue in that tradition. 

Question. Do you agree that the 1991 Paris Agreements remain binding and that 

the United States, as a signatory, continues to have specific obligations to promote 

democracy and human rights in Cambodia, pursuant to the agreement’s terms? 

Answer. The United States, both as a signatory to the 1991 Paris Peace Accords 

and as a matter of principle, places democracy and human rights promotion as one 

of our top foreign policy goals in Cambodia. If confirmed, I will continue to support 

the wide variety of programs that help build a stronger civil society, will continue 

to emphasize the importance of democracy and human rights with both the government and opposition, and will continue to promote educational and cultural exchanges which expose young Cambodians to American values. 

Question. The Cambodian Parliament, in the control of Prime Minister Hun Sen, 

is currently considering a troublingly restrictive new law governing nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). If that law passes in current form, will you work to 

ensure that the government does not abuse or misuse it to harass or persecute 

NGOs for their legitimate operations, including reporting and advocacy on human 

rights issues? 

Answer. We are very concerned about the draft NGO law. We have spoken out 

publicly about the law on a number of occasions and have questioned the need for 

such a far-reaching law. Our Embassy in Phnom Penh continues to lobby the Cambodian Government to pursue full consultations with civil society as the draft law 

is debated in the National Assembly. If the law passes in its current form, if confirmed, I would closely monitor the treatment of all NGOs, international and domestic, to ensure that the new law is not used to suppress their rights of freedom of 

association, assembly, and speech. As appropriate, we will also share best practices 

from the U.S. and other countries on regulating the NGO sector in a way that facilitates the empowerment of civil society while addressing any concerns the government may have about terrorism or coordination between NGOs and the government. 

Any NGO law should have a light touch and require minimal governmental oversight so that civil society can flourish and play its essential role in a transparent, 

rights-respecting democracy. 

RESPONSES OF DAVID HALE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE ISLAMIC

REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. I have ongoing concerns about Lashkar-e-Taiba and the threat that it 

poses to the region. I hope that we will see some progress in countering this group 

and progress in holding its members accountable for the 2008 tragedy in Mumbai. 

How will you specifically increase pressure on the Pakistani Government to take 

action against LeT and its counterpart organization Jamaat-ud-Dawa? 

Answer. I share your concerns regarding Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and believe it is 

critical that the Mumbai trial move forward and that the Government of Pakistan 

take steps to dismantle LeT. Pakistan’s relations with India will continue to be challenged as long as LeT continues to retain any operational capacity. I understand 

that this issue has been raised specifically by senior officials in this administration, 

and if confirmed, I absolutely plan to continue our efforts to engage the Pakistani 

Government. 

Question. Several international NGOs have faced challenges in legally registering 

in Pakistan. Over the past week, Save the Children has been ordered to leave, only 

to have that order rescinded. This uncertainty has made it very difficult for these 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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organizations to work in what is already a challenging environment. This is unacceptable. Pakistan needs to understand that undue pressure on these organizations 

and civil society more broadly will have significant implications for our bilateral 

relationship. How will you protect the interests of U.S.-funded NGOs in Pakistan? 

Answer. The work of international and local NGOs to carry out their development 

objectives is critical to achieving Pakistan’s and our own goals that we have agreed 

upon with the Government of Pakistan. We respect the Government of Pakistan’s 

need for transparency from INGOs involving their activities within the country. We 

also agree INGOs must operate within a relevant legal and regulatory framework. 

However, if confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government of Pakistan to establish a transparent and credible process that will allow INGOs, including Save the 

Children, to work in Pakistan legally. 

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. During my assignments as Ambassador to Jordan and Lebanon, I took 

specific steps to promote democratic institutions, including through promoting political reforms and elections in Jordan with U.S. Government programming, and by 

taking active steps to strengthen democratic institutions and civil society in both 

countries. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Pakistan? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Pakistan? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. As noted in our previously published Human Rights Reports, the most 

serious human rights problems in Pakistan remain attacks on religious minorities, 

extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture, poor implementation and enforcement 

of laws, gender-based violence, violence against journalists and media organizations, 

governmental practices and laws which limit freedom of religion (particularly for 

religious minorities), a weak criminal justice system, widespread forced and exploitative child labor, and human trafficking. I believe that our ongoing rule of law programming in Pakistan has the potential to strengthen the capacity of Pakistani 

police, prosecutors, and courts—as well as strengthen their relationships with civil 

society—and is one of the most effective tools we have to promote and protect basic 

human rights and counter attacks on all Pakistani citizens, including minorities. 

Our democracy and human rights programming is also very important, especially 

our support to Pakistani elections and for improving journalist standards and 

increasing media safety. If confirmed, I plan to advocate for these programs and to 

engage directly with Pakistani officials on issues of rule of law, democracy, and 

human rights. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Pakistan in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

Answer. I will assess the situation on the ground in Pakistan once I arrive, but 

I understand that the security environment is a major challenge to our access to 

many areas of the country. Moreover, I understand it often takes time to receive 

approval for some of our programs. If confirmed, I plan to engage directly and consistently with the Government of Pakistan to ensure that we can implement important rule of law, democracy, and human rights programming. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs in Pakistan? 

Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to regularly meeting with human rights and 

other nongovernmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs 

in Pakistan. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy as well as steps you 

would take to accomplish the goal of the law, namely, helping the Government of 

Pakistan end impunity for human rights violations by security forces. 

Answer. If confirmed, I will be personally involved in ensuring robust Leahy vetting occurs, as I have as Ambassador in Lebanon and Jordan. Furthermore, I plan 

to ensure that the country team, especially officers from the Departments of State 

and Defense, continue their active engagement in the Leahy vetting process, ensuring that units which have committed gross violations of human rights do not benefit 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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from U.S. assistance and also helping the Government of Pakistan address and prevent human rights violations. Coordination with our colleagues in Washington will 

also be critical to ensuring the success of our vetting process. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. A lot of policy decisions regarding Pakistan are currently made by the 

SRAP (Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan), but the one issue you 

will be most responsible for is crisis management if there is some incident like the 

Raymond Davis case or the Mumbai attacks. While there are certainly many other 

scenarios that could occur, how would you handle these situations? 

Answer. I will be absolutely focused on ensuring Embassy Islamabad and the constituent posts in Pakistan are fully prepared to manage a crisis, whether related 

to policy, a terrorist attack, a natural disaster, or other scenarios, as you rightly 

note are very possible. Recognizing that no two situations are identical, I have had 

significant crisis management experience in my career, including during my tenure 

as Ambassador in Jordan and Lebanon. I understand there is close coordination 

between Embassy Islamabad and SRAP, as well as with other relevant Department 

of State offices, including Diplomatic Security, the Office of the Under Secretary for 

Management, and with interagency partners, including the National Security Staff 

and the Department of Defense. I will prioritize maintaining these relationships as 

part of a strong, sustained contingency planning program. Above all I would use my 

relationship with senior Pakistani officials as needed to manage the situation. 

If confirmed, I will work assiduously to build upon and strengthen the critical 

relationships with the Pakistani leadership that the current Ambassador and Country Team have established—and to ensure that the U.S. has the broadest possible 

set of contacts with senior Pakistani counterparts that could be drawn upon when 

needed. Finally, I would like to note that as I have stressed throughout my remarks, 

I believe the best contingency planning with host governments comes through sustained engagement, and increasing cooperation on areas of mutual interest. I believe 

this is the path our relations with Pakistan are currently on, and I look forward 

to working to further strengthen that engagement in support of our national 

interests. 

Question. China is increasingly active in Pakistan, more than they have ever 

been. What do you believe is their goal in the Pakistan and the region? Do you 

think they will succeed and how would that success affect the U.S. relationship with 

Pakistan? 

Answer. China and Pakistan have long shared close ties. We and China share a 

concern about Pakistan’s stability, and wish to see the elimination of terrorist safe 

havens and support networks. We also share a desire to see a Pakistan that is economically stable, which will require a resolution to Pakistan’s long-term energy crisis and an expansion in Pakistan’s regional economic integration with its neighbors, 

especially India and Afghanistan. The administration believes the best approach is 

to expand engagement with both China and Pakistan on all issues, and seek to cooperate in areas of common interest. At a basic level, we do not view Pakistan as 

a theater for zero-sum competition between the United States and China. We believe China’s engagement in Pakistan potentially can contribute to peace and stability in Pakistan and the broader region. This would help to achieve U.S. national 

security objectives in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the broader region. 

Question. What success have we seen come from the Strategic Dialogue beyond 

formally banning the Haqqani network from Pakistan? 

Answer. The Strategic Dialogue provides a comprehensive framework for our 

engagement with Pakistan, ensuring that the issues of most importance to our two 

governments are addressed in a significant and sustained manner, by senior officials 

from each side. There have been a number of notable successes: a greater focus on 

nuclear security and nonproliferation; progress on countering improvised explosive 

devices (‘‘C–IED’’); close cooperation on counterterrorism objectives and delivery of 

the hardware needed to achieve those objectives; increased trade, investment opportunities, and reform efforts; improvements in the energy sector; and greater access 

to educational opportunities. 

However, I would note that the most important outcome of the Strategic Dialogue, 

as relaunched by Secretary Kerry in August 2013, is that it has put the bilateral 

relationship on a firmer foundation, grounded in our respective interests, and characterized by a more regular, forthright exchange of views—often in private. This 

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progress is carried forward by our daily engagements in Pakistan, involving a robust 

Country Team representing the full range of U.S. departments and agencies. 

Question. Can Pakistan truly grow economically and reduce its dependence on 

Western aid without a rapprochement with India? How do you assess the potential? 

Answer. We absolutely believe that greater regional trade is important for the stability, prosperity, and security of the region. We will continue to encourage India 

and Pakistan to find ways to increase trade and cross-border connections. However, 

Pakistan has a significant number of domestic reforms that are required to grow 

its economy, regardless of its international trade. Many factors, including reform 

and energy sector investments can help Pakistan grow economically. This is why we 

have supported PM Nawaz Sharif’s economic agenda, the government’s engagement 

with the IMF, and used our assistance funds and our Strategic Dialogue to promote 

reform. As a result Pakistan is in better macroeconomic health than when it began 

the IMF program. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Pakistan is one of the worst violators of religious freedom in the world, 

in particular due, to the combination of government persecution through the blasphemy and anti-Ahmadi laws and government inaction by not arresting perpetrators 

of mob violence or cracking down on militant groups. However, the State Department never has designated Pakistan as a ‘‘country of particular concern’’ for its particularly severe violations of religious freedom. 

♦ How can this be explained? 

Answer. Human rights and religious freedom are among our highest objectives 

worldwide and in Pakistan. If confirmed, I will plan to raise these issues at the 

highest levels of the Pakistani Government and will use all the tools at my disposal 

to promote progress in these areas, recognizing that we also have many other critical foreign policy objectives in Pakistan. If I am confirmed, once I am in Pakistan 

I will make my own assessment of what may be effective and will consult closely 

with SRAP, DRL, the Secretary, and others—including Congress—on any consideration of a CPC designation. 

Question. Sadly, no religious community is immune from violence in Pakistan. 

Recent months have witnessed an attack on two churches in Lahore, a brazen attack on the busload of Ismaili Muslims in Karachi, ongoing violence against Ahmadi 

Muslims, and targeted attacks against Shia Muslims. Despite the Pakistani 

Supreme Court ordering the government to create special protection forces for religious minorities, no such actions have been taken. 

♦ What will you do to press the Pakistani Government to better protect religious 

minorities and crack down on militant groups that target religious communities? How can the U.S. Government provide support toward this effort? 

Answer. If confirmed, I plan to raise protection for religious minorities at the 

highest levels of the Pakistani Government. Our immediate priority should be to 

identify the obstacles to improving religious freedom conditions in Pakistan and 

think creatively about ways to work with the Government of Pakistan to change 

those circumstances for the better. I believe the U.S. Government should continue 

to consult with the Government of Pakistan on how to prevent further atrocities 

against religious minorities, including by sharing information about attacks, designating the leaders of the organizations as terrorists both domestically and at the 

U.N., and assisting with rule of law and investigations training for Pakistani law 

enforcement officials. 

Question. While Pakistan overwhelmingly meets the country of particular concern 

(CPC) threshold, the U.S. Government can take other steps. For instance, the U.S. 

Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has recommended that 

the U.S. Government create a special bilateral engagement with the Pakistan 

Minorities Commission and religious minorities in Parliament. There are other possibilities for positive engagement, such as training for provincial minority affairs 

offices. 

♦ What actions will you take to positively engage Pakistan on these issues? Would 

you support a special U.S./Pakistan bilateral engagement around issues of religious tolerance? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will look closely at the USCIRF recommendations. Upon 

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ernment of Pakistan to explore ways to promote religious freedom and protect religious minorities. The IRF Act gives us several tools to promote religious freedom, 

CPC designations being only one of them. Additional tools include bilateral and multilateral engagement, denying visas to the United States to foreign government officials who are responsible for severe violations of religious freedom, and implementing programming to promote religious tolerance. The Government of Pakistan 

has engaged us more vigorously in the aftermath of the attack on the Army Public 

School in Peshawar, the Government of Pakistan has engaged with us on issues related to countering violent extremism. I believe, given Pakistan’s stated recognition 

of the threat posed to its citizens by those who foment sectarian tension, that there 

is reason to expect greater cooperation in this critical area. 

Question. Pakistan leads the world in jailing people for blasphemy. According to 

USCIRF, almost 40 people either are on death row or serving life sentences for the 

‘‘crime’’ of blasphemy, a statistic unmatched anywhere else in the world. People like 

Aasia Bibi continue to be jailed, while others are killed by mobs—such as the Christian couple that was lynched to death in November and their bodies were thrown 

into a brick kiln. Pakistanis brave enough to confront blasphemy risk their lives including Salaman Taseer, Shahbaz Bhatti, and more recently human rights lawyer 

Rashid Rehman. 

♦ As Pakistan is considering adding much-needed procedural safeguards to the 

blasphemy law, how will you work to proactively encourage Pakistan to see that 

these changes are made? How can you press the Pakistanis to arrest and 

aggressively prosecute participants in mob violence, as oftentimes they are 

charged but never prosecuted? 

Answer. The Government of Pakistan’s consideration of adding procedural safeguards to protect against abuse of the blasphemy law is a positive step, and one 

that I will support actively in my engagement with senior Pakistani officials, if confirmed. All too often, the blasphemy laws are abused by private citizens with other 

objectives in mind, such as to gain an advantage in land disputes, or as retribution 

for other disputes. I understand that as a matter of current policy, we regularly 

express our concerns to Pakistani authorities about the state of religious freedom 

in Pakistan. We continue to encourage the Pakistani Government to repeal the blasphemy law, and to hold accountable those who commit acts of violence in the name 

of religion. The administration urges fair and transparent proceedings where 

defendants and lawyers can safely argue their cases. 

If confirmed, upon my arrival it will be a personal priority in Pakistan to see that 

more can be done to encourage the change that we seek. 

Question. In recent weeks, Pakistan has been taking actions to heavily regulate 

NGOs operating in their country, including temporarily shutting down Save the 

Children’s offices. The government is considering new NGO law which would require 

NGOs to operate under the Ministry of Interior. 

♦ If this law is passed, will you work to ensure that the government does not 

abuse or misuse it to harass or persecute NGOs for their legitimate operations, 

including reporting and advocacy on human rights issues? 

Answer. The work of international and local NGOs to carry out their development 

objectives is critical to achieving Pakistan’s and our own goals that we have agreed 

upon with the Government of Pakistan. NGOs must operate within the regulations 

of the host government. If confirmed, I intend to work with the Government of Pakistan to ensure that NGOs are able to operate legally and effectively. 

RESPONSES OF SHEILA GWALTNEY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KYRGYZ

REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE GWALTNEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. U.S. policy has sought to support regional integration as a way to 

improve economic success. Given the withdrawal of the U.S. from Manas Air Base, 

the deep relationship with Russia, the growing influence of China in the region, and 

difficult relations with neighbors, what prospects do you have for U.S. policy in 

Kyrgyz Republic? What can we realistically accomplish? 

Answer. Geographic proximity, economic links, and historical ties give Russia and 

China strong influence in the region. The Kyrgyz people have long had complex 

relationships with both of those nations. We fully support the aspirations of the 

Kyrgyz Republic to pursue a multivector foreign and economic policy, and we do not 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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accept any assertions that the Kyrgyz Republic must choose between the United 

States and Russia or China. 

Since Kyrgyzstan’s independence nearly 24 years ago, our bilateral relationship 

has been based on mutual respect and mutual benefit. The basis of our engagement 

is to support a sovereign, independent, stable, and secure state that has good relations with its neighbors and is able to provide opportunities for its people. For example, we welcomed the strong support of the Kyrgyz Republic for the CASA–1000 

energy project as an example of better regional integration and cooperation. As recently as April bilateral consultations, the Kyrgyz Government has made clear its 

strong interest in maintaining a cooperative, productive relationship with the 

United States. 

U.S. engagement since 1991 has made an important impact on the Kyrgyz Republic. Our assistance programs have made significant contributions to help build 

democratic institutions, to promote stability and prosperity in the country, to support educational exchanges, and to enhance opportunities for U.S. businesses 

through an improved investment climate. 

The Kyrgyz Republic has a talented population with half of its citizens under the 

age of 25. Over 1,000 of these young men and women have traveled to the United 

States through the Future Leaders Exchange Program, and many more have experienced the people and values of the United States through our public diplomacy programs and through interaction with the over 1,000 Peace Corps Volunteers who 

have served in the Kyrgyz Republic. If confirmed, my team and I will work energetically to strengthen, deepen, and broaden the relationship between the United 

States and the Kyrgyz Republic. 

Question. While U.S. policy has focused on support for democratic institutions in 

the country, how do you see the upcoming parliamentary elections proceeding? Will 

we see active participation from civil society or should we be concerned about undue 

influence? 

Answer. The United States is committed to supporting the Kyrgyz Republic’s continued democratic development. While democracy is broader than just elections, they 

are a critical component. We encourage the Kyrgyz Republic to strengthen its democratic gains by holding free and fair elections in conformity with international 

standards. The Kyrgyz Republic has held three successful national elections since 

the 2010 revolution—the constitutional referendum in 2010, the parliamentary elections in 2010, and the Presidential election in 2011. The upcoming 2015 parliamentary election and Presidential elections in 2017 will be key indicators of the country’s democratic progress. 

The Kyrgyz Republic has a vibrant civil society, whose active participation helps 

reinforce the country’s young democracy. In previous elections, the national NGO 

Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society played an exceptional role monitoring the 

voting process. There remain, however, significant administrative capacity challenges in the Kyrgyz Republic’s ability to manage elections. If confirmed, I plan to 

work closely with civil society and the Kyrgyz Government to assist that nation to 

solidify its democratic institutions. 

Question. With the drawdown in Afghanistan what concerns do you have regarding an increase in terrorism and drug trafficking in the country? Are we seeing an 

actual increase or is the government overstating what is occurring? 

Answer. As noted in the Department of State’s Country Report on Terrorism, 

there were no reported terrorist attacks in the Kyrgyz Republic in 2014, although 

security forces arrested several individuals suspected of affiliation with terrorist 

organizations and terrorist activities abroad. Drug trafficking routes through Central Asia are a long-standing concern and, if confirmed, I intend to work with the 

Kyrgyz Government and international partners to increase local capacity and 

enhance regional cooperation to combat this problem. 

Our security cooperation with the Kyrgyz Republic focuses on enhancing border 

security, strengthening regional counternarcotics efforts, countering terrorism and 

violent extremism, promoting professional conduct and respect for human rights by 

security forces, and working toward a stable, secure Afghanistan. We have developed the Central Asia Counternarcotics Initiative (CACI) in coordination with the 

Drug Enforcement Administration, to intensify efforts against drug trafficking in 

the region. Expanding our cooperation in this arena not only helps the Kyrgyz 

Republic deal with security challenges, it helps solidify our diplomatic ties and 

deepen and broaden our partnerships. 

The government of the Kyrgyz Republic is increasingly aware of the threat of terrorism in the region and the dangers of recruitment of Kyrgyz citizens by violent 

extremist organizations. The Kyrgyz Republicsent a high-level delegation to attend 

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the White House summit on countering violent extremism in February. With respect 

to Afghanistan, in April 2015, a U.S interagency Afghanistan Briefing Team traveled to the Kyrgyz Republic to share assessments and explore avenues for better 

cooperation with top officials in the Kyrgyz Government. The Kyrgyz Government 

has voiced its support for the current Afghan Government and has embraced the 

CASA–1000 project that is planned to supply electricity in support of Afghanistan’s 

development. 

RESPONSES OF ATUL KESHAP, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE DEMOCRATIC

SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA AND TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALDIVES, TO QUES- TIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KESHAP’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What is the extent of U.S. security cooperation with Sri Lanka? What 

are the specific conditions under which the U.S. would enhance our security relationship with Sri Lanka? What specific progress on accountability and reconciliation 

will the U.S. require from the Sri Lankans before moving forward on the security 

relationship? 

Answer. U.S. security assistance for Sri Lanka remains limited by the policies 

that were in place during the previous government and focuses on four areas key 

to our national interests: maritime security, disaster response, peacekeeping training, and educational support. Examples include the provision of demining equipment and training to help clear mines remaining after the civil war. For the expenditure of approximately $500,000 in the last year, Sri Lankan students have attended 

courses including International Law of Military Operations, Gender-Based Violence 

and Women’s Health, Law of Armed Conflict and Human Rights, Legal Aspects of 

Combating Corruption, and Approaches for the Re-integration of Ex-Combatants. 

We can envision benefits to both our countries, and to peace and security in the 

Indo-Pacific region as a result of a strengthened military relationship contingent 

upon progress on accountability, human rights, and reconciliation. Future security 

assistance and programming will be greatly influenced by successful initiatives to 

credibly hold individuals accountable for human rights violations or violations of 

international humanitarian law as well as greater institutional reforms. We will 

continue to vet those security force units that seek U.S. assistance, and consistent 

with U.S. law and policy, we will not provide assistance to a unit if we have credible 

information that it committed a gross violation of human rights. 

If confirmed, I will continue to urge reforms to ensure the Sri Lanka military 

functions as a professional and accountable peacetime force, dedicated to human 

rights, rule of law, and democracy. 

Question. What are the obstacles to reaching reconciliation with Tamil communities in Sri Lanka? How might the United States best assist in this process? Do 

you support the release of the UNHRC on war crimes in Sri Lanka report this year? 

Answer. Reconciliation will not happen all at once; it requires time and concrete 

actions. The current situation in Sri Lanka developed over 30 years of conflict and 

several difficult post-conflict years. The Sirisena government is working to restore 

mutual trust and confidence, for the benefit of all Sri Lankans of all ethnicities and 

religions. For the sake of future peace and prosperity, it is vitally important to get 

this right. 

The Sirisena government has made a public commitment to take credible steps 

to promote justice, accountability, and reconciliation in relation to human rights 

abuses and conflict-related crimes. Such processes are never easy, but the United 

States will continue to support credible efforts to address these important and difficult issues in a way that facilitates reconciliation as well as a durable and lasting 

peace for the Sri Lankan people. 

We support the release of the U.N. investigation’s report as part of building a 

peaceful, prosperous, inclusive Sri Lanka. Our assistance program over the last 5 

years has sought to strengthen the participation of Tamil and other minority and 

marginalized communities. Moving forward, our expanding program would continue 

those efforts, including through economic empowerment, strengthening civil society, 

fostering inclusion of diverse religious and community leaders, and helping support 

the rule of law. 

Question. Democratic backsliding in the Maldives is very concerning and is potentially damaging to the U.S.-Maldives bilateral relationship including military to 

military activities. How will you emphasize the importance of the rule of law in the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Maldives? What levers does the United States have to encourage a more democratic 

course in the country? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to express our government’s concern at the 

lack of appropriate criminal procedures during recent trials of political figures, including reports that the trials fell well short of Maldivian and international standards for due process. We are also concerned about actions that undermine democratic institutions and fundamental freedoms, including freedoms of expression and 

assembly. 

If confirmed, I would work with the government, civil society groups, and international partners to urge the Maldivian Government to uphold its commitments to 

rule of law, democratic principles, and human rights. 

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What is the impact of your actions? 

Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. I place the highest emphasis on advancing American values of human 

rights, religious freedom, and democracy. As human rights officer at our Embassy 

in Morocco early in my career, I learned how crucial it is to help ensure strong protections for religious and ethnic minorities and NGO and political activists. 

In assignments working on South Asia spanning the past decade, I engaged with 

governments across the region to urge greater protection for women, religious 

minorities, civil society, human rights defenders, and labor rights activists, and 

worked to raise awareness of the perniciousness of trafficking in persons. 

While progress in these areas can be slow, I am most gratified by efforts undertaken by the United States, including at the United Nations in Geneva, to highlight 

the need for a credible process of reconciliation in Sri Lanka. 

As Office Director for U.N. Human Rights from 2008–2010, as Office Director for 

Sri Lanka 2010–2012, and as Deputy Assistant Secretary for South Asia, 2013 to 

present, I contributed to efforts by the U.S. and other countries to highlight this 

matter in the U.N. Human Rights Council, including the passage of three important 

resolutions on Sri Lanka. 

The political transition brought about by the January election has provided the 

opportunity for Sri Lanka to achieve enduring peace and prosperity, and true reconciliation if the government continues to advance democracy, human rights, accountability and political inclusion. 

If confirmed, I would strive fully to advance the cause of democracy and human 

rights in Sri Lanka and Maldives. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Sri Lanka and 

Maldives? What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to 

promote human rights and democracy in Sri Lanka and Maldives? What do you 

hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. We want to help the Sri Lankan people strengthen democracy, civil society, and human rights, including freedom of expression and freedom of religion or 

belief. We want to help build a lasting peace and fellowship among Sri Lanka’s 

ethnic and religious communities, including credible justice, accountability, and reconciliation that can facilitate closure for those who suffered and lost loved ones during the war. 

It is important to get this right, and the U.N. and international community can 

lend useful insight to the efforts of the Sri Lankan people. We would assess how 

best to focus resources, including our assistance budget and Mission Colombo’s 

expertise, to helping Sri Lankan-led efforts to facilitate closure. 

In Maldives, we are worried about the current state of human rights, rule of law, 

and lack of due process. All citizens should be allowed to exercise their human 

rights and fundamental freedoms. 

If confirmed, I would continue to urge the Maldivian Government to take steps 

to restore confidence in democracy and the rule of law, including through social 

media, a powerful vehicle for information-sharing in Maldives. I would continue to 

encourage and support democracy, judicial independence, and the rule of law in 

Maldives, joined by regional and international partners who share our strong 

concerns. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Sri Lanka and Maldives in advancing human rights and democracy 

in general? 

Answer. In Sri Lanka, for any justice and accountability process to be meaningful, 

it needs to be led and owned by the Sri Lankan people and needs to be credible 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and transparent. This is too complex a process for any country to tackle by itself. 

Sri Lanka can benefit from the assistance of the international community, and we 

stand ready to support those efforts. 

In Maldives, the challenges include politically motivated prosecutions against critics of the courts and government as well as attacks on independent institutions and 

civil liberties. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Maldivian Government to 

take steps to restore confidence in its hard-fought democracy. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other nongovernmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs in Sri Lanka 

and Maldives? 

Answer. Yes, absolutely; I welcome such opportunities for dialogue. In my previous assignments I have cultivated robust consultation with local and international 

human rights organizations. If confirmed, I will further this commitment as I 

believe maintaining this dialogue is crucial to informing U.S. Government policies, 

advancing our values, and ensuring all voices are heard. 

Question. If confirmed, please describe steps that you will take to enhance effective implementation of Section 620M of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, commonly known as the Leahy amendment, within the Embassy. 

Answer. Human rights vetting consistent with the Leahy amendment is an integral and essential part of U.S. assistance programs worldwide. The Leahy amendment helps safeguard against perpetrators of gross violations of human rights from 

benefiting from our training and assistance programs. If confirmed, I will ensure 

Embassy Colombo will continue scrupulously to adhere to the requirements of the 

Leahy amendment, and the Department will vet all potential security assistance 

recipients. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KESHAP’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. Given the new government how do you see Sri Lanka’s rebalance 

toward China, the United States, and India? What policies should we be considering 

to assist their reforms? Do you believe their shift is sustainable? 

Answer. Our overarching goal is to see Sri Lanka become more prosperous, stable, 

and secure to the benefit of all of its citizens and to the broader region. The United 

States promotes regional integration and supports Sri Lanka’s cooperation with its 

neighbors across the Indo-Pacific region, particularly with democracies such as 

India, with which Sri Lanka shares bonds of history, culture, and traditions of 

democracy and rule of law. To the extent that India, China, and others in the region 

lend their energy and support to the efforts of Sri Lanka to strengthen their democracy and enhance their productivity, we welcome those efforts. To the extent that 

countries in the region contribute to and uphold a rules-based order, commit themselves to peaceful resolution of disputes, and defend freedom of navigation and commerce, we welcome those efforts. To the extent that countries in the region engage 

in trade and investment that meets the highest ethical and environmental standards, as exhibited by American companies, it can have a positive impact on living 

standards and prosperity. 

We welcome the new Sri Lankan Government’s professed desire to partner more 

closely with the United States, the United Nations, and the international community. It is for the people of Sri Lanka to determine their politics, but the international community can and should help the Sri Lankan people strengthen democracy, civil society, and human rights, including freedom of expression, including by 

the media, and freedom of religion. 

If confirmed, I would work with the government, civil society, and other partners 

to play a constructive role in helping Sri Lanka achieve its potential and deliver on 

the ambitions of its people, including meaningful, concrete steps to address outstanding concerns related to democratic governance, respect for human rights, reconciliation, justice, and accountability. 

I do believe the shift is sustainable. The Sri Lanka voters turned out in record 

numbers to send a clear signal that they want to return their country to its roots 

of democracy, inclusiveness, and rule of law. I believe the people of Sri Lanka will 

continue to insist that the government move in that direction, and, if confirmed, I 

would seek to add my energy to U.S. efforts to help them realize their positive 

vision. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KESHAP’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. President Maithripala Sirisena is positioned to lead his country in a 

new direction that respects religious diversity and freedom. He said in a February 

2015 speech, ‘‘While protecting the country’s main religion Buddhism, we also protect the rights and freedom of Hindu, Muslim, and Catholic people in practicing 

their religion and create consensus among them to build up this country.’’ Since 

coming into office, he has created three new ministries to handle religious affairs 

for the Muslim, Christian, and Hindu communities respectively. In addition, the 

special police unit created by the former government has been disbanded. 

♦ How can the U.S. Government strongly encourage the positive movement that 

has occurred in recent months? What programs can be undertaken to deepen 

respect for religious diversity and religious freedom? 

Answer. The United States promotes respect for religious diversity and freedom 

of religion or belief and strongly supports the Sri Lankan Government’s recent steps 

to foster reconciliation between Sri Lanka’s religious communities. In a welcome 

departure from the politics of the recent past, President Sirisena and his administration have exhibited in word and deed a genuine desire to achieve the pluralistic 

society voters demanded in January. 

It is for the people of Sri Lanka to determine their politics, but the international 

community and the U.S. can, and should, help the Sri Lankan people strengthen 

civil society and human rights, including freedom of religion or belief. If confirmed, 

I would work with the U.S. Congress, the Sri Lankan Government, civil society, religious leaders and others to promote respect for freedom of religion or belief and religious diversity, and would work to further U.S. Embassy programs aimed at bringing religious communities together. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KESHAP’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR COONS

Question. Reconciliation Efforts.—The government of President Sirisena, elected 

in January 2015, has made reconciliation one of its primary goals. What concrete 

steps has the government taken toward reconciliation and what more do you think 

needs to be done? For instance, the Tamil National Alliance said right after the election that the release of political prisoners, return of land, and demilitarization were 

immediately actionable to show steps toward reconciliation. Have these been accomplished? Will Tamils, Muslims, and other minority groups be given equal opportunities under this new government? 

Answer. The Sirisena government has made a public commitment to take credible 

steps to promote justice, accountability, and reconciliation in relation to human 

rights violations and abuses. Such processes are always challenging, but the United 

States will continue to support credible efforts to address these important and difficult issues in a way that facilitates reconciliation as well as a durable and lasting 

peace for the Sri Lankan people. We have welcomed important steps taken by the 

Sirisena administration, including releasing political prisoners on bail and returning 

some land in the North and East, as well as gestures of conciliation, such as allowing the singing of the National Anthem in Tamil. 

The Sri Lanka voters turned out in record numbers to send a clear signal that 

they want to return their country to its roots of democracy, inclusiveness, and rule 

of law. While it is for the people of Sri Lanka to determine their politics, the administration wants to help the Sri Lankan people strengthen democracy, civil society, 

and respect for human rights and to pursue an inclusive government that allows 

for meaningful participation by all Sri Lankans of all ethnic and religious groups. 

If confirmed, that will be my goal as well. 

Question. UNHRC Role.—Since the United States joined the U.N. Human Rights 

Council in 2012, we have led three resolutions on Sri Lanka regarding accountability for crimes committed during and after the war, and on ongoing human rights 

abuses. Should Sri Lanka stay on the agenda of the UNHRC? Does the United 

States plan to lead a fourth resolution on Sri Lanka before the end of our term in 

December 2015? What are the dangers inherent in allowing Sri Lanka to slip from 

international attention, such that accountability is pursued unchecked by international actors through domestic efforts on the island? 

Answer. We welcome the new government’s professed desire to partner more 

closely with the United States, the United Nations, and the international commuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nity. We are heartened by the new government’s engagement with the U.N. Office 

of the High Commissioner in Geneva. 

Over the past 5 years, the United States has been steadfast in pursuit of justice, 

accountability, and reconciliation. The new government in Sri Lanka presents an 

opportunity for a more collaborative approach. Our focus is on urging a credible 

process. It is too early at this juncture to determine what our position will be later 

this year. If confirmed, I will work to encourage Sri Lankan engagement with the 

U.N. on these vitally important issues, consistent with the attention and focus we 

have dedicated in recent years. 

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NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, JULY 9, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Hon. Michele Thoren Bond, of the District of Columbia, to be an 

Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs) 

Dr. Sarah Mendelson, of the District of Columbia, to be U.S. Representative on the Economic and Social Council of the United 

Nations 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Isakson, and Cardin. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 

come to order. 

We thank you for being here. 

Today the committee will consider two nominees, the Hon. 

Michele Bond to be Assistant Secretary of State of Consular Affairs, and Dr. Sarah Mendelson to be the Representative of the 

United States on the Economic and Social Council of the United 

Nations with the rank of Ambassador, as well as to be the Alternate Representative of the United States to the General Assembly 

of the United Nations. 

The Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs is responsible for issuing passports to Americans looking to travel abroad, 

issuing visas to people around the world trying to emigrate or to 

visit the United States, and assisting American citizens abroad in 

emergency and nonemergency situations. These duties also include 

the facilitation of international adoptions, and we certainly are 

very interested in that, and thank you for your work relative to 

that in the past. 

Ambassador Bond is an accomplished consular officer and currently the Acting Assistant Secretary. I look forward to hearing her 

views on how to improve the passport and visa issuance processes 

and better serve Americans abroad. I appreciate Ambassador 

Bond’s efforts regarding the suspension of exit permits and the 

DRC, especially with her visit this spring to press the Congolese 

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to issue permits to U.S. citizens who have adopted children there. 

One of our staffers, Sarah Downs, has spent inordinate amounts of 

time traveling there herself, and again we thank you for your efforts on behalf of so many people. I look forward to hearing about 

the Bureau’s strategy to work to resolve this issue as the DRC Government reviews and approves adoption cases and embarks on implementing adoption reform legislation. 

The U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of 

the United Nations—that is a mouthful—ECOSOC, represents the 

United States on intergovernmental bodies which oversee the 

U.N.’s work on economic, social, and human rights issues, and the 

U.N.’s field operations in the areas of development, post-conflict 

peace-building, and humanitarian assistance. 

The Council’s functions and powers include initiating studies and 

reports on human welfare and the quality of life which drives action at the U.N. General Assembly. Modern slavery is inflicted on 

as many as 27 million men, women, and children around the globe. 

Senator Cardin and myself and others have passed unanimously 

out of this committee a bill that we think can have transformative 

effects on this issue if we can all make it happen in the appropriate 

way, so we obviously are very interested in your nomination. It is 

obviously a very important issue. I look forward to hearing and 

learning more how you will address this in your new role, if confirmed. 

Lastly, with the U.N. General Assembly voting on the Sustainable Development Goals in September, the United States will require strong representation. I hope you can provide some insights 

on how this process will affect U.S. interests. 

I thank you for being here. I know you are going to introduce 

your families in just a moment. We welcome them. 

And with that, I will turn it over to our ranking member. 

STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, let me thank Senator Corker for arranging this hearing on two very important nominations. I thank you 

very much for accommodating this hearing. I know it is a very busy 

time for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, but one of our 

principal responsibilities is to timely consider President Obama’s 

nominees, so thank you very much for scheduling these hearings. 

And, Mr. Chairman, I want to welcome two nominees that I have 

adopted and represent in the United States Senate, along with 

Senator Mikulski. You see, they are from the District of Columbia, 

and we have not seen fit to give them full representation here in 

the United States Congress. So Senator Mikulski and I, recognizing 

that the District is former Maryland land, we have adopted the 

residents. 

The CHAIRMAN. Actually, I think that is a resolution to the issue, 

to become a part of Maryland and be done with it. [Laughter.] 

Senator CARDIN. One of the problems that we talk about is adoptions, so maybe this is an issue that we will be able to take up. 

Welcome to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I thank 

both of you for your public service and your willingness to serve 

our country in two very important positions during a very trying 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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time. And I thank your families, because this truly is a family sacrifice. I know at least in one case it has been a family effort; both 

serve in the Foreign Service. So thank you both, and thank your 

families for what you are doing. 

The mission of the Bureau of Consular Affairs is to protect the 

lives and interests of American citizens abroad, and we thank you 

for that. There are a lot of challenges there. Foreign Service officers 

perform incredible service to our country. They deal with Americans who have trouble abroad, and that become a major problem 

for Foreign Service officers. They deal with foreign-sourced adoptions, which is an area that Senator Corker raised that we are very 

concerned about where some heart-rendering challenges have been 

imposed to prevent the completion of adoptions. And the visa processing system. 

Mr. Chairman, I was just, last week, in Havana meeting with 

our Foreign Service officers as they were handling applications. I 

must tell you, that is an incredible chore. They are undermanned 

from the point of view of the resources that they have, and there 

is a lot of pressure that they get everything right, and I thank 

them very much for their service. 

In regards to hostage situations, I just want to mention that, because President Obama came out last week with a comprehensive 

rewrite of how we are going to handle circumstances such as the 

Weinstein situation we had in Maryland where a USAID worker 

was kidnapped and ultimately he lost his life. The administration 

is reorganizing that. I have introduced legislation, along with Senator Cornyn, so that we have a single-point person in order to deal 

with it, and I am hopeful that we can adopt the administration’s 

proposal but improve it with a single point of contact person that 

we can hold accountable for coordinating all activities, but it also 

gives the family an opportunity to have a single-point contact, 

which was very much missing in the Weinstein case. So we might 

want to talk about that also during the nomination confirmation 

process. 

It is also a pleasure to welcome Ms. Mendelson to today’s hearing. The U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Economic and Social Council 

plays an important role in the multilateral diplomacy to advance 

the U.S. interests in strengthening human rights, sustainable development, and effective humanitarian assistance. 

I particularly want to focus on the Millennium Development 

Goals because that is very timely right now. I have had a chance 

to meet with Helen Clark of the United Nations. I also represent 

the United States Senate, along with Senator Johnson, at the U.N. 

as part of our mission, and I must tell you, I was encouraged and 

disappointed. 

The Millennium Development Goals have been incredibly successful, saved millions of lives. It has produced a worldwide effort 

to use all resources, including nongovernmental resources, to 

achieve demonstrable progress on saving young people, babies, 

helping women, et cetera. 

So the next Millennium Development Goals I hoped would get 

the same serious attention. Instead, I saw a list, I think it was 17 

proposed goals, which is too many. I agree, there are too many. But 

number 16 is the one I think should probably be number 1, and 

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I am concerned it is getting lost in the shuffle, and that is the concern about corruption and good governance which is so corrosive 

globally and so responsible for so many of the problems that we 

face. 

So I would hope that I will get a commitment here to make sure 

that we fight hard to make that part of the Millennium Development Goals and that we elevate its importance in our efforts to try 

to deal with that issue. 

There are many other issues I could talk about. I will mention 

one other that concerns me, the United Nations Family Planning 

Association. I say that because the Senate Republican appropriators this week inhibited funding to the United Nations Family 

Planning Association. I mention that because that is a source of 

funding right now for what we do in Syria and Jordan that provides normal childbirth delivery services to refugee camps that I 

am concerned could be cut off that could affect the safety and lives 

of many maternal cases. I would hope that we would find a strategy to make sure that that type of vital link to child safety is maintained, and I would welcome Dr. Mendelson’s comments on this 

issue and many others. 

Mr. Chairman, I look forward to our discussion. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I appreciate the way 

that we were able to work together and make things happen, and 

certainly coordinating this meeting is much appreciated, so thank 

you. 

I will now turn to our nominees, the Hon. Michele Bond and Dr. 

Sarah Mendelson. 

Our first nominee is Michele Bond, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, class of Minister Counselor with nearly 40 

years of experience. She currently serves as Acting Assistant Secretary for Consular Affairs. Ambassador Bond has served in a 

range of posts at home and abroad, including Ambassador to Lesotho from 2010 to 2012. 

Our second nominee is Sarah Mendelson, who currently serves as 

Senior Advisor and Director of Human Rights Initiative at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Prior to joining the 

CSIS, Dr. Mendelson was Deputy Assistant Administrator for the 

Bureau of Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance at 

USAID. 

We want to thank you very much for being here and sharing 

your thoughts. Your full statements will be entered into the record 

without objection, and if you would just give us about a 5-minute 

introduction, we will ask a few questions. I know you want to introduce your families, but thank you for being here, and we will start 

with Ambassador Bond. 

STATEMENT OF THE HON. MICHELE THOREN BOND, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR CONSULAR AFFAIRS 

Ms. BOND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, 

and distinguished members of the Foreign Relations Committee. It 

is the honor of a lifetime to be here with you this morning. I am 

grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence 

and trust they placed in me by selecting me for this position. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I am proud to introduce three of our four children, Robert, Elizabeth, and Lillian Bond. My family is the center of my life. I could 

not have been successful without their love and support. My family 

is also one of dedicated public servants, and that is why my husband and our younger son cannot be with us today. My husband, 

Ambassador Clifford Bond, is a retired Foreign Service officer currently working at the U.S. Embassy in Kiev, Ukraine, coordinating 

U.S. aid to Ukraine. Our son, Matthew, is a Peace Corps Volunteer, 

teaching English in Indonesia. 

My mother was the earliest and most influential inspiration for 

my life and for my career. She worked for the Department of State 

in post-war Stockholm when she was only 21, and years later at 

NATO and in Washington. She introduced me to public service. 

Through her, I met smart, dedicated Foreign Service officers and 

began to understand how diplomacy affects the lives of individuals 

and benefits our country. 

I began working at State as a college student during summer 

breaks and served on my first crisis task force in 1974, the invasion of Cyprus. Our resources were rudimentary compared to what 

we have now, but the issues would be familiar to any of my colleagues today. Desperate families called seeking information about 

loved ones in Cyprus and Greece. We scribbled details and contact 

information on 3-by-5 cards. It is an extraordinary honor to lead a 

Bureau that has the same dedication and focus today that I first 

experienced more than 40 years ago. 

Fortunately, we now have far more sophisticated tools, thanks in 

part to Congress’ recognition of the vital importance of our work. 

The services we provide matter deeply and personally to our customers, your constituents. At its heart, Consular Affairs is about 

service. We provide assistance in small emergencies like lost passports, and large ones such as natural disasters. We are keenly 

aware that what we do is never routine for the people we serve. 

Given tens of thousands of daily opportunities to assist our customers, we are committed to meeting the highest standards of 

transparency, efficiency, and professionalism, creating lasting positive impressions of the United States and its government. 

This week I was named the recipient of the 2015 Thomas Jefferson Award by American Citizens Abroad. I am honored and humbled by this award which recognizes commitment to the Department of State’s highest priority, the protection of American citizens 

overseas. I am proud, too, of the values it represents, openness, listening and responding to the needs of our citizens, and meeting 

those needs with friendly, professional efficiency, values I pledge to 

uphold should I be confirmed. 

Adoption, as you mentioned, Senator, is one of the most personal 

and sensitive issues in which we become involved, and it is one 

that matters to me deeply and has been a focus of my work for 

many years. My grandmother and her sister were adopted. I have 

worked on adoptions from behind the interview window overseas 

and at the policy table in Washington. I carry with me the stories 

of the families and children I have met. They inspire in me an 

abiding passion to bring greater transparency and accountability to 

intercountry adoptions. I am proud to have contributed to the 

United States leading role on the Hague Adoption Convention and, 

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if confirmed, I will intensify our efforts to make intercountry adoption a real option for vulnerable children everywhere who need a 

family. 

Through careful adjudication of U.S. passport and visa applications, consular officers strengthen border security while facilitating 

legitimate travel that promotes economic growth, generates jobs 

across the country, and fosters good will and understanding about 

the United States across the world. If confirmed, I will ensure we 

continue to provide secure, efficient passport and visa services to 

protect our Nation, grow our economy, and unite families. 

In Consular Affairs, we are one team with one mission. But, of 

course, we do not work alone. I am committed to a whole-of-government approach to serving our citizens. I take tremendous pride in 

leading a dedicated, talented team of over 13,000 professionals 

working in nearly 300 offices around the world. We come from all 

walks of life and all corners of our Nation. We proudly include hundreds of veterans, and my team works hard to ensure that we are 

a diverse one. We work closely with Congress on every issue in our 

portfolio. We engage with your staff daily on issues that impact 

your constituents and their communities. If confirmed, I will sustain and build on Consular Affairs’ reputation as a model for cooperative, productive relations with Congress. 

Thank you for your attention. I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Bond follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MICHELE THOREN BOND

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished members of the Foreign Relations Committee, it is the honor of a lifetime to be here today. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they placed 

in me by selecting me for this position. 

I am proud to introduce three of our four children, Robert, Elisabeth, and Lillian 

Bond. My family is the center of my life. I could not have been successful without 

their love and support. My family is also one of dedicated public servants, and that 

is why my husband and younger son cannot join us today. 

My husband, Ambassador Clifford Bond, is a retired Foreign Service officer currently working at the U.S. Embassy in Kiev, coordinating U.S. aid to Ukraine. Our 

son Matthew is a Peace Corps Volunteer, teaching English in Indonesia. 

My mother was the earliest and most influential inspiration for my life, and my 

career. She worked for the Department of State, in post-war Stockholm, when she 

was only 21, and years later at NATO, and in Washington. She introduced me to 

public service. Through her, I met smart, dedicated Foreign Service officers, and 

began to understand how diplomacy affects the lives of individuals and benefits our 

country. 

I began working at the Department of State as a college student, during summer 

breaks. I served on my first crisis task force in 1974—the Cyprus invasion. Our 

resources were rudimentary compared to what we have now, but the issues would 

be familiar to any of my colleagues today—desperate families called seeking information about loved ones in Cyprus and Greece. We scribbled details and contact 

information for each family on 3x5 cards. It is an extraordinary honor to lead a 

Bureau that has the same dedication and focus today that I first experienced more 

than 40 years ago. Since then, I have had the privilege of serving in places as varied 

as the Netherlands, Guatemala, Russia, and Lesotho. The positions I held over the 

course of my tenure prepared me well to lead the Bureau of Consular Affairs. 

Bureau of Consular Affairs 

My Bureau, CA, directly touches lives across the globe. We serve on the front 

lines of U.S. diplomacy, and our work is central to the advancement of U.S. foreign 

policy. We guard against foreign and domestic threats by assisting U.S. citizens 

overseas and safeguarding our borders at home. We are committed to protecting the 

integrity of our processes and decisions. We are there for our citizens during the 

best and worst days of their lives abroad—assisting with overseas adoptions, aiding 

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those who have lost a loved one, or organizing an evacuation to get our citizens to 

safety. We open up the world to our citizens with one of the world’s most coveted 

travel documents—the U.S. passport. The impact of our work is felt across the 

Nation. Our work affects the lives of everyone in this room and every one of your 

constituents. 

Our most valuable asset, by far, is our staff. The members of the consular team 

are incredible public servants. I have seen how the Bureau has met the challenges 

of 21st century diplomacy, adapted technology to improve the speed, scope, and 

quality of our service, learned from experience and embraced innovation. Investment in CA’s human capital is vital to engage, develop, and retain these talented 

professionals. If confirmed, I will build on the hard-won achievements of my predecessors by sustaining a well-trained, motivated, dynamic, and efficient workforce. 

I pledge that the Bureau of Consular Affairs will continue to protect our citizens 

abroad and provide all available assistance for any U.S. citizen in need overseas. 

We will continue to vigilantly protect our Nation from those who wish to harm our 

citizens. We will further our efforts to make international adoption a real option for 

children who need permanent families, knowing they will be welcomed into American hearts and homes. Today I will discuss a few of the many achievements of our 

great team and how we develop leaders and innovators in foreign policy by furthering the vibrant culture of the Bureau of Consular Affairs. 

Overseas citizens services—CA’s number 1 priority 

The safety and protection of U.S. citizens overseas is among the U.S. Government’s highest priorities, and CA’s number one priority. CA has assisted U.S. citizens affected by a number of recent crises, including earthquakes in Nepal, political 

strife in Burundi, and the influx of those fleeing Yemen to Djibouti and other countries. In FY 2014, CA evacuated U.S. citizens from areas affected by hurricanes, 

typhoons, and Ebola; continued our engagement on detainee and hostage cases; visited 8,600 prisoners; performed 30,000 welfare and whereabouts checks; documented 

66,000 U.S. citizen children born abroad; and consoled 10,200 bereaved families. We 

assisted thousands of U.S. citizens affected by abuse, mental illness, and crime 

abroad. 

We promote intercountry adoption as a viable option throughout the world. We 

work to prevent international parental child abduction and to seek the return of 

abducted children. 

Over a third of U.S. citizens hold a U.S. passport. Increasingly, they travel to destinations off the beaten path and engage in more adventurous activities. Our job to 

protect their safety and welfare remains the same, but is now more challenging. We 

proactively reach out to citizens to deliver the information they need to travel safely 

and responsibly. Our Consular Information Program, including Travel Alerts, Travel 

Warnings, and the Worldwide Caution, is the Department’s primary tool for providing U.S. citizens with timely, accurate information about potential threats to 

their safety abroad. 

We continuously harness new technologies to keep information flowing during 

rapidly changing circumstances or crises overseas. We are on duty 24/7 to respond 

immediately as crises arise. Our Office of Policy Coordination and Public Affairs 

works with colleagues overseas to send messages out through social media outlets 

including Facebook and Twitter. Constant engagement with the public through 

these venues allows us to get the message out quickly in times of crisis. Our goal 

is to provide our citizens with the information and resources they need to make 

their own appropriate decisions in real time. 

CA understands the gravity of our responsibility to U.S. citizens traveling overseas, and we consult closely with interagency partners and Congress on policies and 

issues affecting our citizens’ safety abroad. We have steadily increased our ability 

to inform and assist families during intercountry adoptions, for example. 

U.S. Citizen Hostages Policy: CA played a key role in the interagency group 

tasked with a Presidentially directed, government-wide review of the management 

of overseas hostage cases. Based on the hostage policy review, the President has 

established a Washington-based, FBI-led interagency Hostage Recovery Fusion Cell 

(HRFC), a National Security Council-convened Hostage Response Group (HRG) providing policy guidance to the HRFC, and a Special Envoy for Hostage Affairs at the 

State Department who will lead diplomatic engagement on U.S. hostage policy and 

coordinate all diplomatic engagements in support of hostage recovery efforts. CA has 

assigned a consular officer fulltime to the HRFC as well as staff to support the Special Envoy’s Office and to support hostage victims’ families. 

U.S. Detainees Abroad: In the Bureau of Consular Affairs, we continually monitor 

the cases of citizens detained abroad and work to obtain the release of those wrongFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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fully held overseas. U.S. citizen detainee cases can be highly visible, resource-intensive, and difficult to resolve, especially in countries without U.S. embassies. 

Three U.S.-Iranian citizens—Saeed Abedini, Amir Hekmati, and Jason Rezaian— 

are currently imprisoned in Iran. Abedini and Hekmati have been charged, tried, 

and sentenced; Rezaian has been charged but not tried. President Obama, Secretary 

Kerry, and Under Secretary Sherman have raised these cases with their Iranian 

counterparts. Department officials also regularly raise the case of Robert Levinson, 

a former FBI agent who has been missing in Iran since March 2007. 

International Parental Child Abduction (IPCA): CA is the U.S. Central Authority 

for the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Parental Child 

Abduction. We work closely with 73 Hague partner countries, and with authorities 

in non-Hague countries, to prevent situations where one parent wrongfully removes 

or retains a child away from his or her habitual residence, and to help left-behind 

parents seek return of, or access to, children who have been wrongfully removed or 

retained. CA recently released its first annual report under the Sean and David 

Goldman International Parental Child Abduction Prevention and Return Act of 

2014. In 2014, 781 abduction and access cases were resolved. CA continues to 

encourage non-Convention partner countries to become party to the Convention. 

After years of diplomatic effort, CA and colleagues across the Department celebrated 

Japan’s accession in April 2014. 

Universal Accreditation Act (UAA): We are delighted Congress passed the UAA. 

CA has engaged adoption service providers, advocacy groups, and national adoption 

organizations to inform them of the changes UAA introduced, to train on practical 

aspects of implementation, and to address issues and concerns as they arose before 

and after the UAA entered into force last July. Before the UAA, the standards of 

ethical conduct embodied in the Hague Adoption Convention applied in fewer than 

half of all intercountry adoption cases. Now, all U.S. citizens adopting abroad benefit from uniform standards governing the conduct of all U.S. adoption service providers. UAA also provides for universal monitoring and oversight of service provider 

adherence to those standards. The UAA closed a critical gap in protection for U.S. 

adoptive families. 

Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Adoptions: The Department is seeking 

to unite nearly 600 Congolese children adopted, or in the process of being adopted, 

by U.S. citizens with their new families. The Congolese Government abruptly suspended issuance of exit permits almost 2 years ago. Without exit permits, these children cannot join their families in the United States. We are addressing this issue 

on multiple levels. In addition to constant engagement by Embassy Kinshasa and 

Ambassador Swan, the Department’s Special Advisor for Children’s Issues, Ambassador Susan Jacobs, led a delegation to the DRC in December and pressed the Congolese Government on these issues. I visited Kinshasa in March, where I met government and parliamentary representatives, and some of the American parents who 

are living in Kinshasa with their children. I continue to follow this issue closely. 

Secretary Kerry urged President Kabila to lift the suspension in May, August, and 

October 2014. Last August, President Kabila and Secretary Kerry agreed to establish a joint commission to discuss options to allow children with finalized adoptions 

to depart and to consult on adoption reforms. Some progress has been made; 10 children with life-threatening medical conditions have received exit permits and several 

other cases are waiting to be reviewed by DRC officials. We are working with the 

other countries affected by this suspension, including Canada, Italy, Belgium, 

France, and the Netherlands, to press the DRC to resolve this protracted situation. 

We have met numerous times with congressional staff to keep them informed about 

this situation. If confirmed, I commit to you that I will continue to push for urgent 

resolution of these cases. These children belong with the loving families who have 

adopted them. We will continue to keep lines of communication open. 

Passports—safeguarding the most coveted travel document 

The Bureau of Consular Affairs opens the world to millions of U.S. citizens. Our 

passport agencies unlock the gate to global experiences and mutual understanding 

for U.S. citizen travelers. By accurately and efficiently adjudicating U.S. passport 

applications, U.S. passport agencies and fraud prevention teams reliably provide 

U.S. citizens with the world’s most coveted travel document, and keep that document out of the hands of criminals. We know Congress shares our goal of continually improving the integrity of the passport issuance process, and in this regard, 

we trust Congress and staffers will do everything possible to ensure that we have 

access to all needed databases, including the full Social Security Administration 

death file, access to State driver’s license information, and both Federal and State 

level incarceration information. 

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CA operates 27 domestic passport agencies, two document print centers, and two 

passport information and call centers across the United States. We have established 

12 new passport agencies since 2008 to handle rapidly increasing demand. We adjudicated 14.1 million passport applications in FY 2014, delivering more than 99 percent of those products within their targeted timeframes. There are currently nearly 

1 million applications in the system—the highest volume since 2009. In the last 2 

fiscal years, passports generated nearly $3 billion in revenue. There are approximately 123 million valid passports in circulation. 

Foreign Terrorist Fighters: CA initiated policies and streamlined procedures to 

deny or revoke passports of U.S. citizens engaged in activities as Foreign Terrorist 

Fighters (FTFs) who pose significant threats to U.S. national security and foreign 

policy. CA works diligently with our federal partners to ensure that appropriate 

passport denial or revocation helps to keep the United States safe. We work closely 

with the FBI’s Counterterrorism Division and other government departments and 

agencies to ensure broad familiarity with the availability and use of passport denial 

and revocation to prevent travel. We engaged with the Terrorism Screening Center 

and partnered with Diplomatic Security (DS) to provide assistance to the National 

Joint Terrorism Task Force. 

To address the potential threat posed by other FTFs using the identities or passports of ‘‘unreported deceased’’ individuals, we implemented procedures to cancel the 

U.S. passports of deceased FTFs and of hostages killed by terrorists. Cancelled passport information is available to all overseas posts and passport agencies, and is provided in real time to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Interpol. We 

continue to work with the intelligence community and the National Counter Terrorism Center on potential passport revocation of suspected U.S. citizens serving as 

FTFs, and will facilitate revocation appropriately where sufficient evidence exists 

and the action is appropriate. 

Our domestic passport agencies and overseas posts remain on alert for terrorismrelated information in conducting adjudications and work with DS to share relevant 

information with our federal partners. 

Passport Surge: The projected demand for passport applications for FY 2015 was 

recently revised to 14.5 million. We expect an unprecedented passport renewal surge 

in the coming years. To prepare for this, we are modernizing our information systems, including planning for online passport renewals, automated refunds, and additional payment options, to improve customers’ overall experience and manage our 

workload more efficiently. 

Next Generation Passport: CA will begin systemwide deployment of the Next Generation Passport in FY 2016. This upgraded document features security enhancements designed to prevent counterfeiting and fraudulent use of lost or stolen passports. The most prominent enhancement is a laser-engraved polycarbonate data 

page. 

Visas—uniting families, growing the economy, securing our Nation 

Secretary Kerry believes that foreign policy is economic policy and this is particularly true when it comes to visa policy. The Bureau of Consular Affairs directly 

affects businesses across the country by facilitating international tourism and helping local entrepreneurs recruit the world’s innovators to help them develop the next 

generation of technology. Demand for visas to visit the United States has skyrocketed worldwide. 

Others have recognized our achievements as well: the United States Travel Association awarded the Bureau’s Deputy Assistant Secretary for Visa Services the 

‘‘Distinguished Partner Award’’ in March 2015, writing that he ‘‘helped create an 

environment that welcomes international visitors to the United States, who bring 

with them spending dollars and good will that have helped advance the U.S. economy and American public diplomacy.’’ In 2014, a record 75 million international 

visitors traveled to the United States, a 7-percent increase over 2013; they spent 

over $220 billion. Tourism is America’s largest services export and one that can’t 

be outsourced. 

Our investments to increase visa processing capacity and decrease visa interview 

wait times worldwide create jobs across the United States. International travelers 

support 1.1 million U.S. jobs. In a January 2012 Executive order, President Obama 

directed State to increase visa-processing capacity in China and Brazil by 40 percent 

in 2012 and to ensure 80 percent of applicants worldwide wait less than 3 weeks 

for their visa interviews. We exceeded both goals. CA reached the global target for 

wait times in August 2012, and wait times in key markets such as Brazil, China, 

India, and Mexico have rarely exceeded single digits since 2012. More than 95 percent of visa applicants requiring an interview receive an appointment in less than 

3 weeks. 

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The United States will continue to attract tourists, businesses, students, and talent from around the world—in fact, President Obama’s goal is to welcome 100 million international visitors annually by 2021. The vast majority of visitors travel to 

the United States with no malicious intent. However, some visa applicants are 

criminals or terrorists. Every visa decision we make, thousands of times a day, is 

a national security decision. Each of our consular officers understands this. CA is 

diligently working with DHS to expand visa reciprocity, the Visa Waiver Program, 

and the Interview Waiver Program, as appropriate, because these efforts allow us 

to focus our resources where the risks are highest. 

Afghan and Iraqi Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) Programs: We could not do our 

jobs overseas without the dedication and expertise of our locally engaged staff. 

Working for the U.S. Government sometimes comes at a personal cost to our staff 

and their families. In Iraq and Afghanistan, this work has placed some local colleagues in grave danger. CA works with the interagency to adjudicate and efficiently 

issue Special Immigrant Visas to colleagues in Iraq and Afghanistan who worked 

alongside our soldiers and diplomats. 

As of December 14, 2014, we had issued all 4,000 Afghan principal applicant SIVs 

authorized for use by the Consolidated Appropriations Act for FY 2014 (3,000 SIV 

numbers, available through September 30, 2015) and the Emergency Afghan Allies 

Extension Act of 2014 (1,000 SIV numbers, available through December 31, 2014). 

The FY 2015 National Defense Authorization Act authorized 4,000 additional 

Afghan SIVs for use by March 31, 2017. To date, we have issued more than 800 

of these SIVs. As of June 26, more than 13,000 Afghans are at some point in the 

SIV application review process. The Iraqi program has enough visa numbers available to respond to demand. Although we issued record numbers of SIVs in FY 2014, 

there remain some long-pending cases undergoing security vetting. We are working 

with the interagency to speed processing and resolve cases while steadfastly maintaining the security of our immigration system and of the United States. 

Visa Waiver Program and Interview Waiver Pilot Program: The Visa Wavier 

Program is essential to achieve the administration’s policy and security goals, and 

maximize efficiency for our customers. We work with DHS to expand the Visa 

Waiver Program as appropriate, with Chile joining in 2014. With DHS concurrence, 

we indefinitely extended the Interview Waiver Program, which allows us to waive 

interviews for applicants in certain low-risk populations—over 1 million applicants 

in 2014—allowing us to focus on higher-risk applicants. We continue to work with 

our partners to determine the feasibility of expanding the Visa Waiver Program, the 

Interview Waiver Program, and reciprocal visa validities in support of the President’s goal to attract 100 million visitors to the United States annually by 2021. 

Foreign Fighters and the Visa Waiver Program (VWP): The protection of U.S. borders is of the utmost importance to CA. We collaborate closely with DHS to support 

its mission of protecting the United States by promoting effective aviation and border security screening with our foreign partners through enhanced informationsharing. To travel without a visa under the VWP, an applicant must obtain authorization through the Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) prior to 

boarding a U.S.-bound air or sea carrier. Should standard ESTA screening indicate 

that a traveler might be ineligible, that individual’s ESTA application is denied, and 

the traveler is directed to the nearest U.S. Embassy or consulate to apply for a visa. 

In November 2014, ESTA enhancements went into effect that allow the U.S. Government to more effectively identify travelers who might pose a risk to the United 

States, including foreign fighters. 

Ten-Year Validity for Chinese Visas: The Bureau of Consular Affairs was instrumental in negotiating and shepherding the expansion of Chinese visa validity, which 

President Obama announced in November 2014. Visa demand in Mission China has 

risen by more than 53 percent in the wake of the announcement and the Chinese 

are issuing visas with the same reciprocal validity to U.S. citizens. This has a significant impact on travel and tourism in both countries and helps boost people-topeople engagement. It will be a tremendous boon to U.S. businesses and have a significant effect on our economy. From January to May 2015, CA issued 1.5 million 

visas to Chinese travelers. 

Modernized Immigrant Visa: As a global service organization, CA must constantly 

ensure that our processes meet the needs of our customers. We are working with 

DHS, private and nonfederal public actors, and technology experts to implement a 

streamlined, electronic immigrant visa process that will save time and money. 

Fraud prevention—facilitate travel, maximize security measures 

Fraud prevention and detection are a critical part of our operations. As the 

demand for our services increases, so do efforts by criminal elements, or those who 

think they can catch us off guard. We must remain vigilant in our work while still 

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maintaining efficiency. New tools and technologies help identify and malafide applicants. One of CA’s priorities for 2015 is to develop programs and techniques to 

prescreen applicants prior to their interviews. Our global fraud tracking database 

allows us to more efficiently document and analyze fraud research. Our fraud prevention and detection efforts are successful in part because of increased collaboration across the U.S. Government, and access to better information and technology. 

CA systems—keeping up with demand in a changing world 

Stable technological systems are a top priority for CA. This is key to improving 

customers’ overall experience and managing our workload efficiently. 

Systems modernization: The growing demand for our services puts unrelenting 

strain on our aging systems. A systems outage in June disrupted service and caused 

considerable hardship for some customers across the globe. 

A June 9 hardware failure halted the flow of biometric data for visa application 

security checks to posts overseas, preventing posts from issuing visas and processing 

new visa applications. The effort to switch to the standby system failed due to corrupted data. CA collaborated with private sector experts and the White House’s U.S. 

Digital Services team and worked around the clock to restore service by taking a 

database with 6-month old data and merging the data from the failed production 

system into the new one. CA then reconnected posts to the central biometrics database in a staggered worldwide rollout, beginning with our largest nonimmigrant 

visa and immigrant visa processing posts. All visa-issuing posts were reconnected 

by June 26. 

Taking into account the legal requirements to conduct security screening for visa 

applicants, CA explored every available option to facilitate legitimate travel during 

the outage. We secured strong cooperation with DHS/CBP on port of entry (POE) 

document waiver requests for cases with humanitarian or high-level U.S. national 

interest and for more than 250 critically needed temporary agricultural workers. We 

issued more than 3,500 visas for urgent and humanitarian travel in cases that did 

not require fingerprints, including visas for adopted children, diplomats on official 

travel, and some temporary workers. After the systems were restored, consular sections overseas worked extended hours and through the weekend to rapidly return 

to normal processing times. 

CA is committed to modernizing consular systems to prevent future recurrences 

of these problems. We are migrating our databases to a significantly more robust 

combined hardware and software Oracle Exadata platform. We recently installed 

new servers in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shanghai that can handle up to four times 

the workload. We will install the same servers in our busiest missions over the 

course of the year. 

ConsularOne: We are in the development phase of ConsularOne, a major IT initiative to consolidate all consular applications into one integrated system. This will 

reduce inefficiencies and data duplication, improve our ability to track demand, and 

help us to better detect trends and anomalies across all consular services. 

ConsularOne is a key component of online passport renewal, which we plan to introduce next year. 

CA Budget and Resources—Responsibly Use Public Resources Without Burdening 

Taxpayers 

If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring we are fiscally responsible and shrewd 

stewards of our funds. CA is funded by consular user fees, not by taxpayers. In FY 

2014, CA generated $3.6 billion in revenue, which supports all consular operations 

in the Department and provides border security-related funding to some interagency 

partners. 

CA funds: CA is fully fee funded, and collects and retains fees for certain visa and 

passport services pursuant to specific statutory authority. We do not collect fees for 

every service we perform. Under current fee statutes, we are allowed to retain approximately 80 percent of the fees we collect, with the balance going to the Treasury. Currently, CA has 12 Partner Bureaus with programs or positions directly supported through retained consular fees. If confirmed, I would ask your consideration 

in enhancing our ability to retain and spend the funds generated through consular 

fees. With added flexibilities, we can improve and expand our work to secure the 

safety and security of U.S. citizens abroad. 

Cost of service model: CA’s cost of service model uses activity-based costing methodologies to calculate the true cost of consular services, to recommend appropriate 

fees for services, and to inform CA’s funding strategies so CA appropriately administers the Department’s Consular and Border Security Programs (CBSP). Fee flexibilities included in the FY 2016 President’s Budget Request will ensure future 

efficient and responsible disbursement of CBSP funds that is in line with how fees 

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are set. We will also create, implement, and institutionalize an authoritative CBSP 

plan and overarching governance process to guide budget planning, execution, and 

monitoring. 

Consular leadership—developing the workforce of the 21st century 

CA is a global operation with a significant footprint. We have a workforce of over 

13,000 highly trained professionals including Civil Service employees, Foreign Service officers, and Locally Employed staff, in more than 300 domestic and overseas 

offices. 

Our colossal and growing workload can only be managed by a first rate workforce 

that leverages cutting-edge technological and management tools. I have every confidence in my team and in CA’s senior leaders. I am committed to fostering the culture of leadership, management, and innovation excellence that is a hallmark of the 

Bureau. 

We run our operations as effectively and efficiently as possible. I would like to 

say that the Bureau of Consular Affairs is a well-oiled machine, but we are not 

machines. We are a compassionate, disciplined, and highly trained corps of individuals dedicated to the dual mission of protecting U.S. citizens overseas and protecting our Nation’s borders. 

To build a team of consummate, compassionate professionals and prepare the next 

generation of FSOs, we developed 1CA: one Consular Affairs team. 1CA is the 

Bureau’s office of leadership, management, and innovation, a proactive effort to promote excellence in an environment of budgetary restraint and increasing demand 

for our services. 1CA created a management framework based on private industry 

leading practices but customized for consular professionals. 1CA has introduced a 

practical set of tools and resources that promote collaboration and help consular 

teams identify, prioritize, and resolve management and leadership challenges. 

Through these tools, our consular sections across the globe have increased adjudication numbers and reduced processing times and customer wait times. 

It is my hope that CA will continue to foster a culture of leadership, sound management, and performance principles which exerts a broader influence across the 

Department. CA is proud to be the training ground for the next generation of Foreign Service officers. All entry-level officers serve in Consular Affairs on their first 

or second tours. The capabilities and skills of our diplomats are greatly enhanced 

by the tools they learn during their consular tours. 

1CA has become a model for how the Department approaches the development of 

human capital. Recently, State rolled out the Department’s Leadership and Management Principles, tracking closely to CA’s tenets. Our success has inspired the creation of Teamwork@State, the Department-wide initiative that provides toolkits and 

resources on teamwork across bureaus, posts, and offices. 

If confirmed, I will do my utmost to continue to equip my team with the tools and 

resources necessary to fulfill their duties. I will also continue to work with the 

Department to prepare our new diplomats for future global challenges. 

Relationship with Congress 

The work of Consular Affairs often touches our citizens on a deeply personal level. 

I am committed to ensuring your constituents receive the assistance they require 

from CA in a timely manner and that information is presented clearly and transparently. If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening the relationship between 

Congress and the Bureau of Consular Affairs. In FY 2014, CA conducted more than 

150 legislative briefings, testified at three hearings, and cohosted the annual Immigration and Consular Conference for all congressional staff. We conducted domestic 

agency and border post tours for constituent services staffers. We want Congress to 

be well informed of our issues and wish to be available to you for any inquiries you 

may have. Two consular liaison officers have offices on the Hill to respond to congressional inquiries, connect you with our subject matter experts, and engage on 

consular matters via webinars, conferences, and briefings. We have a dedicated Web 

site for congressional staff—travel.state.gov/congress—and dedicated congressional 

contacts at every overseas post, domestic passport agency, the National Visa Center, 

and the Kentucky Consular Center. During overseas crises, we establish a dedicated 

congressional email address for inquiries concerning constituents in the affected 

area. 

Whole of government approach 

If confirmed, I hope to amplify the cooperation among agencies, and with Congress, to use our resources as efficiently as possible, bringing a whole-of-government 

approach to serving the needs of our citizens. I will continue the close collaboration 

we enjoy with other bureaus across the Department and other government agencies 

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to fulfill our mission of protecting U.S. citizens abroad and facilitating legitimate 

travel to the United States. 

Conclusion 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work with the Secretary to ensure consular 

support for America’s foreign policy objectives. If confirmed, I will continue to keep 

you informed of our resource needs, and work with you to ensure that the Bureau 

of Consular Affairs continues to meet its obligations to our citizens and to our 

Nation. 

The CHAIRMAN. Dr. Mendelson. 

STATEMENT OF DR. SARAH MENDELSON, NOMINATED TO 

BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE ON THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 

COUNCIL OF THE U.N. 

Dr. MENDELSON. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, 

and distinguished members, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the United 

States Representative to the Economic and Social Council of the 

United Nations. I am grateful to President Obama, Secretary 

Kerry, and Ambassador Power for this opportunity and for their 

confidence in me. 

I would like to acknowledge my husband, John Harvey, who is 

here with me today and whose own career has been defined by public service and the safeguarding of U.S. national security interests. 

I depend every day on his love and support. 

I also want to acknowledge my family and friends watching from 

many different parts of the globe. As a first-generation American, 

it is truly an honor and privilege to be here. In my office I have 

a photograph of the shtetl in Lithuania where my father was born, 

which serves as a reminder of how far and how fast my family’s 

journey has been. 

Virtually my entire professional career has focused on advocating 

for democracy and human rights internationally. This work is not 

easy, nor does it bring quick results. I keep close a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In a world filled with cynicism, it is an important reminder of the United Nations’ potential. 

I know firsthand about the United Nations’ imperfections. While 

at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, my intellectual home for many years, I investigated the trafficking of women 

and girls in and around peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and 

Kosovo. But this work also brought me into contact with brave 

U.N. officers dedicated to advancing gender equality and human 

rights. 

I have seen firsthand that when the United Nations works best, 

we can effectively work with partners to promote our interests and 

values. During the 4 years I served at USAID in the Bureau for 

Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, my colleagues 

and I responded to multiple Level-3 humanitarian assistance crises. I was exposed on a daily basis to the development, human 

rights, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding, and democracy promotion challenges confronting various U.N. agencies, nearly all of 

which depend on vital U.S. leadership and support. 

My service in government also coincided with the expansion of 

the digital era. From Brazil to Indonesia, from Mexico to South Africa, the spread of affordable information and communication technologies has helped to expose corruption and driven demand for 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

300 

governments to be more transparent and accountable to their citizens. Initiatives such as the Open Government Partnership, 

launched by President Obama and seven other heads of state at 

the U.N. in 2011, reflect this growing international movement of 

civic-based activism. 

This digital era has been met also with a backlash, a closing of 

public space around civil society where governments are threatened 

by the increased empowerment of citizens. There are many dimensions to closing space including onerous requirements on nongovernmental organizations, the targeting of journalists, national 

legal measures targeting the LGBT community, the rise of antiSemitism and targeting of religious minorities, and the murder of 

activists dedicated to exposing abuse. 

I know from my travels around Africa, Asia, Europe, Eurasia, 

and Latin America just how much members of vulnerable and 

marginalized populations look to the United States and the United 

Nations for leadership and pushing back on such repression. If confirmed, I pledge to work with U.N. agencies and like-minded member states to mobilize support for and address this issue and give 

voice to those who have been silenced. 

If confirmed, I will also continue the work I began over 15 years 

ago on human trafficking, elevating the need to combat modern 

slavery as a vital 21st century development challenge. The global 

movement has made great strides, yet as this committee has recognized under the chairman’s leadership, there is more work to be 

done to strengthen international efforts to address human trafficking. The U.S. role, as this committee has also noted, is critical. 

The United Nations has an important role to play as a platform to 

expand and broaden constituencies engaged in ending slavery. 

If confirmed, I will work with the leadership of U.N. agencies in 

New York to combat human trafficking, and support smart investments that lead to sound development outcomes and elevate the 

focus on women and girls. I will work with colleagues across the 

U.N. system to deliver assistance to those experiencing food insecurity and displacement, and join others in the quest for greater resilience in the face of disaster. 

As the world finalizes its commitments for the Post-2015 Development Agenda, I will work with the leadership of U.N. agencies, 

funds, programs, and member states for meaningful implementation of the goals. We must never forget that inclusion, sound governance, sustainable environmental practices, and respect for 

human rights are the essential foundations for achieving and sustaining development. 

And finally, across the full spectrum of the issues and activities 

in my portfolio, I will contribute actively to this administration’s 

fight against the disproportionate bias that remains persistent in 

the U.N. system targeting Israel. 

If confirmed, I would be honored to join the administration’s commitment and efforts to make the United Nations live up to its potential and further American values and ideals. Working with this 

committee and others in the administration, I would do my utmost 

to help the U.N. address humanitarian challenges and meet opportunities to make the world more secure. 

Thank you. I look forward to answering your questions. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

301 

[The prepared statement of Dr. Mendelson follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SARAH E. MENDELSON

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members, thank you 

for the opportunity to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the 

United States Representative to the Economic and Social Council of the United 

Nations. I am grateful to President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Ambassador 

Power for this opportunity and for their confidence in me. 

I would like to acknowledge my husband, John Harvey, who is here with me 

today, and whose career has been defined by public service and the safeguarding 

of U.S. national security interests. I depend every day on his love and support. I 

also want to acknowledge my family and friends watching from many different parts 

of the globe. As a first generation American, it is truly an honor and privledge to 

be here. In my office, I have a photograph of the shtetl in Lithuania where my 

father was born, which serves as a reminder of how far and fast my family’s journey 

has been. 

Virtually my entire professional career has focused on advocating for democracy 

and human rights internationally. This work is not easy, and nor does it bring quick 

results. I keep close a copy of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In a 

world filled with cynicism, it is an important reminder of the United Nations’ potential. I know first-hand about the U.N.’s imperfections: while at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, my intellectual home of many years, I investigated 

the trafficking of women and girls in and around peacekeeping missions in Bosnia 

and Kosovo. But this work also brought me into contact with brave U.N. officers 

dedicated to advancing gender equality and human rights. 

I have seen firsthand that when the United Nations works best, we can effectively 

work with partners to promote our interests and values. During the 4 years I served 

at USAID in the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, my 

colleagues and I responded to multiple Level-3 humanitarian crises. I was exposed 

on a daily basis to the development, human rights, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding, and democracy promotion challenges confronting various U.N. agencies, 

nearly all of which depend on vital U.S. leadership and support. 

My service in government also coincided with the expansion of the digital era. 

From Brazil to Indonesia, from Mexico to South Africa, the spread of affordable 

information and communication technologies has helped to expose corruption and 

driven demand for governments to be more transparent and accountable to their 

citizens. Initiatives such as the Open Government Partnership, launched by President Obama and seven other heads of state at the U.N. in 2011, reflect this growing 

international movement of civic-based activism. 

This digital era has been met with a backlash, a closing of public space around 

civil society where governments are threatened by the increased empowerment of 

citizens. There are many dimensions to closing space including onerous requirements on nongovernmental organizations, the targeting of journalists, national legal 

measures targeting the LGBT community, the rise of anti-Semitism and targeting 

of religious minorities, and the murder of activists dedicated to exposing abuse. 

President Obama addressed government restrictions on civil society during the highlevel week at the U.N. General Assembly in 2013 and 2014. The U.N. Human 

Rights Council adopted resolutions on the issue in 2013 and 2014. I know from my 

travels around Africa, Asia, Europe, Eurasia, and Latin America just how much 

members of vulnerable and marginalized populations look to the United States and 

the United Nations for leadership in pushing back on such repression. If confirmed, 

I pledge to work with U.N. agencies and like-minded member states to mobilize support for and address this issue and give voice to those who have been silenced. 

If confirmed, I will also continue the work I began over 15 years ago on human 

trafficking, elevating the need to combat modern slavery as a vital 21st century 

development challenge. The global movement has made great strides, yet as this 

committee has recognized under the chairman’s leadership, there is more work to 

be done to strengthen international efforts to address human trafficking. The U.S. 

role, as this committee has also noted, is critical. The U.N. has an important role 

to play as a platform to expand and broaden constituencies engaged in ending 

slavery. 

If confirmed, I will work with the leadership of U.N. agencies in New York to combat human trafficking, and support smart investments that lead to sound development outcomes and elevate the focus on women and girls. I will work with colleagues across the U.N. system to deliver assistance to those experiencing food insecurity and displacement, and join others in the quest for greater resilience in the 

face of disaster. As the world finalizes its commitments for the Post-2015 DevelopFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

302 

ment Agenda, I will work with the leadership of U.N. agencies, funds, programs, 

and member states for meaningful implementation of the goals. We must never forget that inclusion, sound governance, sustainable environmental practices, and 

respect for human rights are the essential foundations for achieving and sustaining 

development. 

And, finally, across the full spectrum of the issues and activities in my portfolio, 

I will contribute actively to this administration’s fight against the disproportionate 

bias that remains persistent in the U.N.-system targeting Israel. 

If confirmed, I would be honored to join the administration’s commitment and 

efforts to make the United Nations live up to its potential and further American 

values and ideals. Working with this committee, and others in the administration, 

I would do my utmost to help the U.N. address humanitarian challenges and meet 

opportunities to make the world more secure. 

Thank you. I look forward to answering your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you both very much. 

We will now have 5 minutes of questioning by each of the Senators who wish to do so. 

Ambassador Bond, a number of American families adopting Congolese children are stuck in the DRC exit permit suspension. I 

know you are very aware of that. Yesterday there was an announcement where numbers of cases were going to be approved. 

They are waiting on authorization by President Kabila, I guess, at 

this moment. 

Can you tell us a little bit about what you think the best strategy 

will be for you to deal with this issue with the DRC and getting 

adopted children out of the country? 

Ms. BOND. Thank you for that question, Senator. As you may 

know, I visited Kinshasa in March and had an opportunity to meet 

with several of the waiting families who have actually moved to the 

DRC in order to live with their children while they wait for action 

by those officials. But there are hundreds of other families who are 

not able to do that and who are waiting in the United States to 

be able to bring their children home. 

While I was in Kinshasa, I met with a Member of their Parliament and with a number of senior officials in the government to 

press them to take action now on these cases, and I emphasized to 

them the fact that it is not a matter of indifference. Every single 

day that passes is a cost, a real cost, and in some ways an irreparable one, to the children who are losing ground because they are 

not in the families that are waiting for them, who have adopted 

them and would give them the kind of love and support that every 

child needs. 

As you say, there was a meeting yesterday between U.S. Embassy officials and the head of the DRC Adoption Inter-Ministerial 

Commission, and a member of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was 

also there. They reported that the Commission has approved a 

number of cases of children adopted by citizens of the United 

States, and also families from Canada, France, Italy, and the Netherlands. They say that those have been reviewed by the Commission and passed to President Kabila for his action. 

They suggested that a decision could come as early as next week, 

and we are pressing that administration hard to make a decision 

on these children, the first tranche, but on every single case to get 

those kids home to their families. 

It has been suggested by one of the members of the Commission 

that they believe that having succeeded in creating this first 

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tranche and moving those names and files to the President, that 

they will be able to move more quickly on subsequent cases. They 

have established their process now, and I hope that is true, but we 

are indeed going to be pushing them to recognize that this is an 

urgent matter. This is something that needs to be done in a matter 

of hours or days, not weeks and months. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Dr. Mendelson, can you tell us a little bit about ECOSOC’s role 

in combating slavery and talk to us a little bit about how you plan 

to pursue this issue when confirmed? 

Dr. MENDELSON. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for your 

leadership on combating trafficking. It is widely appreciated, and 

that of the committee. 

ECOSOC is a broad portfolio. Trafficking is a global problem. We 

need a global platform to address it, and I think ECOSOC presents 

an excellent opportunity. 

Very specifically, we need, as you have widely recognized, we 

need every Ambassador to be engaging on this issue. We need 

every mission to be thinking about this and being champions for 

this. The SDG process, the Sustainable Development Goals process, 

actually provides an opportunity. There is a lot of language particularly focused around ending the trafficking of minors, and I have 

seen how when countries commit to the goals, assistance follows. 

It is my expectation that, and I would be a champion if confirmed, 

to make sure that those commitments include a focus on combating 

child trafficking and raising this issue, using the convening power 

to bring missions together and leadership. 

The CHAIRMAN. Are there some specific countries that you think 

would be best for us to work with? Name some of them. I know you 

cannot name all of them, but obviously we want to put together a 

global effort. Hopefully we have the beginning stages of that now. 

But what are some of the other countries around the world that 

you think care deeply about this issue which would be great partners for the United States? 

Dr. MENDELSON. We have very close relations with the United 

Kingdom, with many Nordic countries. Surprisingly, those development agencies are not already committed to combating trafficking. 

In my travels in my job at USAID, I met with foreign officials 

many times urging that this be a focus, and there was some resistance. So I think there is work to be done. I think this platform will 

be, if confirmed, a wonderful opportunity to work with missions 

again through the commitment that is involved with the Sustainable Development Goals. 

I think you are going to find that countries are going to turn to 

say, yes, we are going to commit to this, and it will come on to 

their radar, come on to their agenda. So Sweden, with whom we 

have very close cooperation, would be a target, other Scandinavian 

countries, and certainly the United Kingdom. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you both. 

Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Again, I thank both of you for your service. 

Dr. Mendelson, you mentioned the vital U.S. leadership and support. That was particularly true in the Trafficking in Persons, the 

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TIP report, the gold standard. I look at that foreign beat with 

guests from other countries to see how they are doing, and the 

United States has really provided, I think, the international leadership to make a huge difference in trafficking. 

I want to see us do the same thing on corruption. I was proud 

that in the State Department reauthorization that this committee 

took up, we started to take steps to require the State Department 

to analyze the status of corruption in countries around the world. 

So I want to focus on the Millennium Development Goals just for 

one moment. If I had Ambassador Bond’s husband, spouse here, I 

think he would tell us the problems in Ukraine was not so much 

the relationship with Russia and the European Union, it was more 

about corruption. After the revolution, people were very optimistic, 

but then they got a corrupt government, and that caused many of 

the problems. If we look at the deep problems in Russia today, the 

motivation there is more corruption than anything else, and I could 

go through so many other countries around the world. 

So we have a chance with the Millennium Development Goals, 

and there is a commitment to deal with human rights and corruption, but it seems buried. So I would like to get your commitment 

to be a fighter on this issue. You have a great tradition on human 

rights. This is our opportunity. 

So, are you going to be a fighter to make sure that we have this 

as a visible goal under the Millennium Development to make sure 

that we can make some progress internationally on this corrosive 

human rights issue? 

Dr. MENDELSON. Thank you, Senator, for the focus on corruption. 

I very much share your sense of urgency on this issue. I think it 

is one that the human rights community in general is gradually beginning to spend more attention to. I note also that there is a large 

transparency and accountability community that does not always 

talk to the human rights community. You mentioned Ukraine and, 

of course, the Dignity Revolution. The Euromaidan was about precisely demanding transparency and accountability, and I think that 

there are very brave people today who are still working on these 

issues. 

I promise you that in Sustainable Development Goal number 16, 

that has good governance, sound governance and anticorruption in 

it, it will be an enormous priority. It is something that I spoke to 

Ambassador Power about when we were talking about this possibility, and I know she shares the commitment. So, yes, I promise. 

Senator CARDIN. How about getting in the top five rather than 

number 16? I hope that you will work for that. 

Ambassador Bond, people who want to come to the United 

States, spend money, learn about our way, advance U.S. goals 

which are basically global values, we make it so tough. It costs a 

lot of money. It takes a lot of time. What vision do you have to 

make it easier for people who want to visit the United States to 

be able to get through the bureaucratic process of obtaining a visa? 

Ms. BOND. Thank you, Senator. What a good question, because 

that is one of our primary goals too. We have to screen visitors who 

are applying to come to the United States because we need to know 

who they are before we can give them permission to come. However, we also want to do everything we can to facilitate legitimate 

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travel. We want to bring those travelers to the United States, and 

we want to encourage them to come back again and again. 

So one of the things that we do is we try to make sure, and we 

have invested significant resources—people, training, real estate— 

into making sure that if someone notifies us that he is interested 

in getting a visa to the United States, we interview that person as 

quickly as possible at a date that is convenient for them. 

As you may know, in November, President Obama and the President of China jointly announced that they were going to extend the 

validity of visas for tourists and business travelers from 1 year to 

10. And since then, just in the months since November, we have 

seen a 53-percent increase in the number of new applications for 

visas to come to the United States. Millions of people are traveling 

to the United States, and because they will have a 10-year visa, 

they can plan ahead. They can say, hey, next year is our anniversary, and let’s plan to go to San Francisco. Next year is whatever, 

5 years from now is whatever. 

So we are doing everything we can to encourage travelers who 

have been vetted and examined so that we know that they are not 

a risk to the United States. We want them to come and we want 

them to see as much of the country as they can and spend their 

money. 

Senator CARDIN. Also take a look at your computer system. It 

has broken down many times. You need to have a more reliable 

way to be able to handle this. If it is not working, a person may 

have traveled overnight to get to one of our locations only to find 

they have to come back another day. It just makes no sense, and 

we have to provide better service. 

I want to do the screening—we have to do that—but we could do 

it in a more friendly way, and I would just urge you to make that 

the highest priority. 

Last point, Mr. Chairman, just to comment. 

Thank you for mentioning your commitment for Israel. There is 

no question that there is only one country that will stand up to the 

discriminatory actions that the international community in this 

international organization has focused on Israel, and the United 

States must remain firm against those discriminatory actions 

taken in the international community. So, thank you very much for 

mentioning that today. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator Isakson. 

Senator ISAKSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you very 

much for calling this hearing today. I know U.N. Ambassador 

Power is very interested in Dr. Mendelson getting to New York as 

fast as she can, particularly with the U.N. session beginning this 

summer, so I hope we can move this forward, and I appreciate very 

much your willingness to call it. 

I want to follow up on what Senator Cardin said, Dr. Mendelson. 

Your statement says, ‘‘I will contribute actively to this administration’s fight against the disproportionate bias that remains persistent in the U.N. system targeting Israel,’’ and I want to thank 

you for including it both in your printed remarks as well as your 

verbal remarks today, because there are significant biases against 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Israel in the U.N. If we do not stand strong with our partner 

Israel, we could have some big problems. 

In particular, I think it is U.S. policy, at least my recollection is 

it is our stated policy of this administration that any recognition 

of a Palestinian state should be negotiated between the State of 

Israel and the State of Palestine, not determined by a third party. 

Is that correct? 

Dr. MENDELSON. Thank you, Senator, for raising this issue. It is, 

again, a key issue that Ambassador Power and I discussed when 

this opportunity arose. 

You are correct, and I will fight vigorously to oppose any possibility that erodes a two-state solution. I will fight for the inclusion 

of Israel in various fora and to normalize Israel’s status at the 

United Nations. I will fight tirelessly to oppose the bias that you 

see across the system, including in one-sided biased resolutions. 

Senator ISAKSON. Well, thank you very much for that commitment, because it is absolutely necessary. I know Samantha Power, 

Ambassador Power, feels exactly the same way. 

Ms. Bond, you are going to be in charge of all passports. Is that 

right? 

Ms. BOND. Yes, sir. 

Senator ISAKSON. I have a question for you. Every time I turn 

on the television or read anything about ISIL and about lone 

wolves, I read about Americans going to Syria for training with 

ISIL or going into Iraq for training with ISIL. What is the State 

Department doing and what role can the State Department have 

through passports, visas, and the like to track people who are 

doing that, or to curtail the access to be able to do that for American citizens going to that part of the world for that purpose? 

Ms. BOND. Sir, you have raised a very serious concern. We recognize fundamentally the right of U.S. citizens to travel and the importance of citizens who are interested in traveling abroad to be 

able to apply for a passport and get one quickly and efficiently. 

At the same time, we also are carefully vetting every application 

for a U.S. passport for us to make sure that that person qualifies, 

is that person a U.S. citizen, and there are screens in place. We 

work very closely with law enforcement, with the intel community, 

in order to be able to identify travelers who may be planning to 

travel for illegal purposes, travel for terrorism purposes. 

So there is a lot of coordination within the government to track 

known or suspected terrorists, and whether they are foreigners applying for visas or Americans who are traveling abroad on passports to make sure that we try to identify those people and try to 

interdict their travel if we can. 

Senator ISAKSON. I hope you are successful at accomplishing exactly that, because it is a worrisome fact that as many Americans 

as are expected or that we anticipate are trying to find their way 

to Syria or to ISIL to be trained and come back to be a threat to 

this country. So your role in that will be critically important to our 

country’s security, and I wish you the best of luck in your future 

endeavors as far as Assistant Secretary of State, as I do with Dr. 

Mendelson at the U.N. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

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Look, I cannot imagine having two more highly qualified people 

for these positions, and we thank you both for your willingness to 

serve in this capacity and your commitment to the kinds of issues 

you are going to be dealing with for a very long time. 

So, thank you for being here and having your families here. We 

will make this as painless as possible, getting ready to adjourn, 

and we hope other members will ask questions. We hope that those 

questions will be in by noon Monday, and then you would respond 

promptly to those. 

But we thank you for being here. Again, we thank you for your 

commitment to these issues, to our country, and your willingness 

to serve in this capacity. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. The meeting is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 10:45 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF DR. SARAH MENDELSON, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE ON

THE U.N. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE

COMMITTEE

REPRESENTATIVE-DESIGNATE MENDELSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Given the multitude of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which 

ones should the United States prioritize? 

Answer. From the outset of the process, the U.S. Government has prioritized a 

universal Post-2015 Development Agenda to ensure it can drive real impact and 

results on the ground. The United States is supportive of the draft Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) because they address a range of issues that were left out 

of the Millennium Development Goals yet which are critical drivers of development 

such as the role of sound governance. The United States also recognizes that this 

more robust understanding of development means having a larger set of goals and 

targets to work toward. The 17 goals and 169 targets articulated in the current 

draft SDGs document include U.S. Government priorities—such as the unfinished 

business of the MDGS; gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls; 

sustainable energy; oceans and natural resources; inclusive and sustainable economic growth; governance and peaceful societies. The Department has prioritized 13 

areas for the Post-2015 Agenda: including Goal 16 on peace and governance but also 

poverty, food security, health, education, gender equality and the empowerment of 

women and girls, economic growth, water, energy, natural resources, oceans, and 

global partnerships. 

Question. How will the SDGs affect the way the United States approaches international development? 

Answer. Policy decisions, priorities, and budgets of the United States will always 

be made by the United States. The SDGs offer global targets to help guide national 

development priorities while leaving individual countries the space to determine 

their own policies about how to meet those priorities. The draft SDGs and targets 

reflect issues that have long been components of U.S. foreign assistance, including 

combating human trafficking and modern slavery, fighting poverty and hunger, promoting education and gender equality, improving access to safe water and affordable 

and reliable energy, and support for transparent, responsive and accountable democratic institutions. As the agenda has not yet been adopted, it is too early to say 

how the final agreement will impact U.S. priorities and policies, and the allocation 

of U.S. resources. 

Question. What is ECOSOC’s role in the post-2015 Millennium Development 

Goals (MDGs) development agenda and how will the Council contribute to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)? 

Answer. The Millennium Development Goals were introduced in 2000 and span 

a 15-year period that concludes this year. The Post-2015 Development Agenda, 

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including the Sustainable Development Goals, are currently being negotiated 

through an intergovernmental process under the auspices of the General Assembly. 

The importance of a robust followup and review framework is one of the key lessons 

learned from the experience with the MDGs, and as the U.N. organ mandated to 

conduct followup and review of conferences and summits relating to development, 

economic, social, and environmental issues, ECOSOC will play a key role in monitoring implementation of the SDGs. Analysis of specific areas of the SDGs will occur 

throughout the year in ECOSOC’s functional commissions and subsidiary bodies 

(e.g., Commission on the Status of Women or the U.N. Forum on Forests). ECOSOC 

will also conduct an annual review of the SDGs at the High Level Political Forum 

(except every 4 years when the High Level Political Forum will meet under the auspices of the General Assembly). 

Question. What were the biggest hurdles to the implementation of the Millennium 

Development Goals and what lessons can be learned as the U.N. transitions to the 

Sustainable Development Goals? 

Answer. In addition to being a powerful symbol of a global commitment to eradicating extreme poverty, hunger, and disease, the MDGs served as a motivating 

set of goals to drive common action and have helped reap remarkable progress for 

global development. Even when particular MDG targets were not met, such shortcomings served to catalyze additional global action. For example, on child survival, 

the 2012 Child Survival Call to Action, which resulted in a new pledge to end 

deaths of children under 5 by 2035, stemmed from a recognition that MDG 4 (reducing child mortality) would not be reached by 2015. 

It is worth noting that overall, since 1990, extreme poverty has been cut by more 

than half with nearly 900 million people rising above the $1.25-a-day line. Per capita incomes in the developing world more than doubled. A child born today is twice 

as likely to survive into adolescence as in 1990; malnutrition has been cut by 40 

percent; youth literacy has been cut by 39 percent, and lack of access to modern 

energy services has fallen by a third. 

The Millennium Development Goals helped advance the U.S. development agenda 

in a number of key areas. The MDGs helped pull people out of extreme poverty, 

especially those who were just below the extreme poverty line, but often not the 

most marginalized and extreme poor. In the follow-on effort, the United States will 

be working to incorporate additional areas considered key to the U.S. development 

agenda, including a focus on sound governance, institutions and peace, particularly 

in fragile and post-conflict states, in generating sustainable development, and on 

gender and environmental issues. One criticism of the MDGs was that they were 

too narrowly defined in that they did not take into account development writ large. 

In some cases, this led to siloed approaches rather than a more holistic, integrated 

approach. In the Post-2015 development agenda, the United States will work to 

ensure that issues that cut across multiple areas of focus, such as health, gender, 

transparency and accountability, and education, are addressed in an integrated 

manner. 

Question. If confirmed, what will be your role in determining the success of 

the SDGs and more specifically, how do you think they should be measured and 

evaluated? 

Answer. The United States is closely engaged in the efforts of the U.N. Statistical 

Commission to develop a comprehensive multilateral framework to measure, evaluate, followup, and review progress on the SDGs. The U.S Government supports an 

indicator and monitoring framework that is science-based, with an elevated focus on 

data. It should also be practical and achievable; one that enables evidence-based 

decisionmaking in support of the agenda at all levels. Because implementing the 

SDGs will mean different things in different contexts, the monitoring and evaluation 

framework needs to be flexible rather than overly prescriptive, focused on outcomes, 

and one that accommodates different structures and challenges. Reporting and evaluation of progress should occur at the national, regional, and global levels, and it 

should be a collaborative effort between the U.N., its member states, and various 

subnational public and private actors, including nongovernmental organizations. 

The objective of follow up and review is to support decisionmakers, inform policy 

choices, and mobilize partnerships for implementation, thereby supporting the successful implementation of the goals. 

The administration hopes to build on and improve its experience with the MDGs 

regarding followup and review, including by disaggregating data appropriately 

according to key demographic variables including sex, age, and disability status, and 

sharing data in an open, dynamic, real-time manner to maximize its relevance and 

the decisionmakers’ ability to act on it. Increased availability and more effective use 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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of data to monitor and drive sustainable development in real time, including on 

issues that have not previously benefited from an elevated focus on data such as 

sound governance or combating human trafficking, have the potential to be the 

game-changing innovation of the next decade. If confirmed, I would actively participate in how implementation and evaluation decisions are shaped and contribute to 

decisionmaking about how to measure the success of the SDGs. 

Question. ECOSOC Resolution 2008/33, ‘‘Strengthening coordination of the United 

Nations and other efforts in fighting trafficking in persons’’ urged ‘‘. . . all States, 

individually and through international cooperation, as well as the United Nations 

system, to increase, in a coherent, comprehensive and coordinated manner, efforts 

to counter trafficking in persons.’’ 

♦ Given that ECOSOC is on record with regard to combating human trafficking, 

what specific followup has ECOSOC taken with regard to this resolution and 

what additional steps can ECOSOC take to address human trafficking? 

Answer. Thank you for the question, Senator. As you point out, the Economic and 

Social Council has been active on the issue of combating human trafficking and, if 

confirmed, I will continue that effort as I recognize we all have a long way to go 

in addressing this critical human rights issue. In 2006, the United Nations General 

Assembly set up an Inter-Agency Coordination Group against Trafficking in Persons 

(‘‘ICAT’’), comprising 17 U.N. agencies and related organizations, with ECOSOC 

coordinating on this issue within the U.N. system. The ICAT includes agencies such 

as the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the International Labor 

Organization (ILO), UNICEF, the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human 

Rights (OHCHR), and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). 

Attention to trafficking issues through the ICAT and at ECOSOC, its subsidiary 

bodies, and other U.N. organizations has provided a useful way to highlight best 

practices in addressing trafficking in persons. For example, earlier this year, the 

United States and other delegations cosponsored a panel discussion with the ILO 

on forced labor, the vulnerability of workers to exploitation, and the impact on 

national and global development. 

Numerous other initiatives to counter trafficking in persons have occurred 

throughout the U.N. system. If confirmed, I will continue this sustained engagement, using the platform of the USUN mission to elevate the issue and highlight 

the need for additional action to combat trafficking. I appreciate very much the 

efforts of this committee to address the problem of human trafficking and modern 

slavery and, if confirmed, look forward to working closely with you to achieve impact 

on this important issue. 

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Laura Farnsworth Dogu, of Texas, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Nicaragua 

Hon. Roberta S. Jacobson, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the 

United Mexican States 

Perry L. Holloway, of South Carolina, to be Ambassador to the Cooperative Republic of Guyana 

Peter F. Mulrean, of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:52 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Marco Rubio presiding. 

Present: Senators Rubio, Flake, and Menendez. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA 

Senator RUBIO. The hearing today is to consider the U.S. Ambassador nominees to Guyana, Nicaragua, Mexico, and Haiti. All of 

these countries face different challenges, and I look forward to discussing them with our nominees today. 

I want to thank all of our nominees for their dedication to public 

service, and welcome their families and friends who are present 

here today. 

In a moment, I will recognize Ranking Member Boxer upon her 

return for opening remarks. The Senate is currently in the middle 

of a series of votes, and in a moment, I want to address that with 

each of you. But she will be here in a moment. 

Our nominees are Mr. Perry Lee Holloway. He is the nominee to 

Guyana. He is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service who 

most recently served as political military counsel to the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan. 

Ms. Laura Farnsworth Dogu is the nominee to Nicaragua. She is 

a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves 

as the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City. 

Ms. Roberta Jacobson is the nominee to Mexico, and she is also 

a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and is currently the 

Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I would add that I am sorry to hear about your son’s recent accident, but we pray that he will have a speedy recovery, and we 

know it has been a difficult few days for you. 

And Mr. Peter Mulrean is the nominee to Haiti, and he is also 

a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves 

as deputy chief of mission of the U.S. mission to the United Nations in Geneva. 

Let me just say at the outset, I was hoping we might just dispense today with opening statements, unless any of you feel passionately about making them. They are written and in the record. 

The problem is that at 5 o’clock, there is an all-members meeting 

on the Authorization for Use of Military Force, so we will have to 

stop this hearing in less than about an hour and 5 minutes. And 

with votes going on, we are going to have members coming in and 

out. 

So unless any of you feel passionately about the need to read 

your opening statements in the record, they have been duly noted, 

and I will just begin with questions. 

I will start with Ms. Jacobson. 

Mexico, as I know you believe and understand, is an important 

friend and ally in dealing with a wide range of bilateral and hemispheric issues. We share close cultural and economic and security 

ties with them. And that is why I think all Americans are very concerned about the events of this past week. 

On Saturday, their most notorious drug lord, Joaquin ‘‘El Chapo’’ 

Guzman broke out of a high-security prison on Saturday night for 

the second time, escaping in a tunnel built right under his cell despite, according to press reports, the Mexican authorities having 

been warned by the DEA as early as 2014 about his escape plans. 

So given this and given El Chapo’s history of escape, his reported 

limitless resources, and the known corruption within the justice 

system and parts of Mexico, are you aware if the Department of 

Justice formally submitted an extradition request to the Department of State for El Chapo Guzman? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you for your good wishes on my son. I greatly appreciate that. 

We are incredibly frustrated and disappointed by the escape of 

Chapo Guzman. We obviously, along with the Mexican Government, will work in support of the Mexican Government to recapture him as quickly as possible. 

What I can say is that obviously we are always interested in the 

extradition of criminal suspects in other countries who face charges 

in the United States. And there were pending charges against Joaquin ‘‘El Chapo’’ Guzman in the United States. And further detail, 

I cannot get into in terms of pending or possible extradition matters. Those are matters that the Justice Department would have to 

respond to that. But we can say that we are always interested in 

the extradition of those who face multiple serious crimes in the 

United States. 

Senator RUBIO. Let me switch to another topic. According to the 

International Christian Concern and Christian Solidarity Worldwide, religious intolerance frequently characterized by violence and 

forced displacement are common in the states of Oaxaca, Guerrero, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Puebla, Hidalgo, and Chiapas. These religious freedom groups have 

pointed out that state government officials tasked with dealing 

with these kinds of issues and cases often have little or no training 

in human rights or religious freedom, leading to the proliferation 

of these types of abuses in violation of Mexico’s Constitution. 

So, if confirmed, will you prioritize the issue of religious freedom 

and tolerance in Mexico? And what approach will you take to engage the Mexican Government on the state and federal levels to 

support efforts to train government officials on religious freedom 

and other basic human rights and upholding the rule of law? 

STATEMENT OF ROBERTA S. JACOBSON, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Certainly, I would make that a priority, as I think it is one for 

this administration. I do think that we appreciated your staff 

bringing these cases to our attention. The Embassy has already 

raised these issues at the federal and state level, and I would, certainly, prioritize continuing to do so with the Mexican Government 

as well as with civil society organizations. 

Senator RUBIO. Before I pivot to one of the other nominees, I 

wanted to briefly discuss your existing record of service to our 

country by examining for a moment the Venezuela Defense of 

Human Rights and Civil Society Act of 2014, which imposed targeted sanctions on persons responsible for the violation of human 

rights of antigovernment protesters in Venezuela. As you know, the 

President eventually signed this bill into law. 

Could you tell us a little bit about your role in the administration’s decisionmaking about the implementation of this legislation, 

specifically, which individuals would be sanctioned, et cetera? What 

role did you play in that process? 

Ms. JACOBSON. In the process of developing the names that 

would be sanctioned under that law, and remember we are talking 

about two kinds of sanctions, as you well know, of course, both visa 

sanctions and financial sanctions, visa sanctions, we had already at 

the time of the passage of the law and subsequently, we have sanctioned a total of, I believe, 62 Venezuelan individuals. And those 

names were generated by a combination of various offices within 

the interagency community as well as our Embassy in Caracas. 

The same process is used for the list that is developed for financial sanctions, working, in particular, with the Treasury Department as well as other entities of the U.S. Government. And as 

those names are developed, the Assistant Secretary is not in the 

position of actually reviewing and saying particular names should 

go on or off, but a list is presented after the interagency has come 

up with the most information they can on candidates. 

So I did see the list of names once it had been developed by the 

interagency community. 

Senator RUBIO. In specifics, Diosdado Cabello, who is the president of the National Assembly of Venezuela, and perhaps the most 

corrupt individual in Venezuela, which is a very high mark, was 

not included in that list. 

Is there any insight you can provide as to why he was not included? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. JACOBSON. I really cannot. I know that there is a standard 

of information that is reviewed, and whether someone is on the list 

or not on the list depends on the kind of information that various 

agencies may have. So I cannot say why his name would or would 

not be on the list when that list would come to me or others to approve it. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Jacobson follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ROBERTA S. JACOBSON

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Boxer, and members of the committee, it is a 

great honor and privilege to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee 

to serve as the next United States Ambassador to Mexico. I am deeply appreciative 

of the confidence the President and Secretary Kerry have placed in me by my nomination. I am also very grateful for the support of my family, beginning with my husband, Jonathan, and our sons, Gil and Daniel. 

I have spent my entire 30-year career with the Department of State working on 

the relationship between the United States and the Americas/Western Hemisphere. 

As Director of the Office of Mexican Affairs for nearly 5 years, I became acutely 

aware of Mexico’s gravitational pull on the gamut of U.S. interests in Latin 

America. 

That relationship is unique in its enormous breadth and complexity and in its 

direct impact on the security, prosperity, and well-being of U.S. citizens every day. 

All evidence points to an even more interdependent future for our two countries. 

Almost $1.5 billion in trade crosses the U.S.-Mexico border each day, supporting 

millions of U.S. jobs. Hundreds of thousands of people cross our nearly 2,000-mile 

long border legally each day and Mexico is, by far, the top foreign destination for 

American travelers. Fully 10 percent of all Americans—more than 33 million—are 

of Mexican heritage. The Mexican-American community is a vital part of our culture, our politics, and our values. 

I led the team that worked closely with you in Congress to develop the U.S. proposal for the Merida Initiative, negotiated with Cabinet-level Mexican counterparts, 

and supervised the delivery of U.S. training and equipment over a 4-year period 

that gave Mexico an equity partnership in supporting our mutual security needs. 

We now have an unprecedented level of cooperation that is a model for security 

partnerships everywhere. In my 4 years as Assistant Secretary of State for Western 

Hemisphere Affairs, I have remained deeply engaged in all aspects of our complex 

ties with Mexico and I am deeply honored that the President has nominated me to 

serve as Ambassador to Mexico. 

If I am confirmed, I will continue to lead our team in further nurturing U.S. interests in Mexico. And while every nominee looks forward to working with, and seeking 

the advice and counsel of, this committee and the Congress, Mexico is a special case: 

This body enjoys its own wealth of experience on Mexico, and I intend to mine that 

wisdom to advance U.S. interests in all aspects of our relationship. My Job One, of 

course, is to secure and protect our mission personnel and their families as they 

serve our country in Mexico. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue this administration’s focus on a number of key priorities. The first will be to advance U.S. economic competitiveness and 

deepening the economic ties that are so central to opportunities, good jobs, and 

growth. And those ties are indeed impressive: two-way trade in goods and services 

reached $592 billion in 2014—that is more than $1.5 billion daily. Mexican exports 

to the United States contain on average 40 percent U.S. content. The United States 

buys more than 70 percent of Mexican crude oil exports and supplies Mexico with 

refined products and natural gas. Now, more than ever, there are increased opportunities for close partnerships between the United States and Mexico. In May 2013, 

Presidents Obama and Pen ̃ a Nieto established two new mechanisms—the High 

Level Economic Dialogue and the Bilateral Forum on Higher Education, Innovation, 

and Research—to promote economic opportunities, education and research collaboration, and North American competitiveness. The United States and Mexico are both 

committed to expanding trade and investment throughout the Asia-Pacific region 

through the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement. 

It will also be essential to reinforce American security through continued cooperation and partnership under the Merida Initiative. The Initiative represents a new 

chapter in the history of our relationship; one explicitly based on mutual respect 

and on shared responsibility for combating transnational criminal networks and proFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tecting our citizens from the crime, corruption, and violence they generate. Neither 

of us can do this alone—nor, under these two administrations, do we have to. The 

State Department has forged strong partnerships to improve civilian security in 

affected areas to fight drug trafficking, organized crime, corruption, illicit arms trafficking, money laundering, and demand for drugs on both sides of the border. The 

U.S. Government also is accelerating efforts to support and hold accountable the 

institutions that are essential to a stable society—police, justice systems, and civil 

society organizations—to adequately protect and defend the rule of law and human 

rights. If confirmed, I will focus on these efforts as the United States continues to 

promote respect for human rights and the rule of law through our continued highlevel diplomatic engagement 

The border is the seam where cooperation is most important to U.S. interests. 

Improving our ports of entry ensures the safe and efficient flow of people and goods, 

vital to our economy and that of Mexico. We are committed to bringing our border 

infrastructure into the 21st century. We have renovated and expanded one of the 

world’s largest border crossings at the San Ysidro port of entry near San Diego, 

where 50,000 vehicles and 25,000 pedestrians enter the United States each day, as 

part of ongoing efforts to make crossings as efficient and secure as possible in support of economic growth and development. We are building an innovative pedestrian 

terminal that will cross the border at the Tijuana Airport to facilitate and expand 

regional travel for business and pleasure. Nearly 40 percent of the Mexican produce 

we buy in U.S. supermarkets passes through the Nogales, Arizona, crossing, and our 

renovations will expedite this vital trade. As we address Mexico’s role in legal and 

clandestine migration to the United States, we must ensure orderly, safe, and lawful 

migration and protect the most vulnerable migrants. We also must continue close 

collaboration to address the enomenon of unaccompanied children from Central 

America. 

The United States enjoys robust and historic people-to-people ties with Mexico, to 

our benefit. We are focused on tapping that great human potential to enrich us both 

economically and culturally. More than 4,000 U.S. and Mexican students, teachers, 

and scholars have participated in our binational Fulbright-Garcia Robles program 

since 1948, and the United States is the top destination for Mexican students studying abroad. The United States and Mexico can accomplish great things together; 

through educational exchange, English language learning, professional training, and 

leadership development we can deepen people-to-people ties, develop a 21st century 

workforce, and expand economic opportunities for our citizens. I will build upon the 

success of President Obama’s 100,000 Strong in the Americas initiative and other 

innovative ways that expand the opportunities for Americans and Mexicans to build 

a common future. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. If confirmed, I will continue to work diligently 

to cement the U.S. partnership with Mexico. Muchas gracias, and I will be happy 

to answer any questions. 

Senator RUBIO. Ms. Dogo. 

Am I pronouncing this correctly? Is it Dogu? 

STATEMENT OF LAURA FARNSWORTH DOGU, NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA 

Ms. DOGU. Yes, sir. 

Senator RUBIO. Okay, thank you. I just want to make sure I did 

not mess it up the first time I said it. 

So thank you for your service to our country and for your willingness to continue to serve. 

I wanted to ask you your thoughts on the potential of a canal 

that would act similarly to the Panama Canal and connect the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea through Nicaragua. What are 

the potential economic and environmental impacts this project can 

bring to the area? 

Ms. DOGU. Thank you for your question, Mr. Chairman. 

I have been following the situation with the canal as I have been 

preparing for this hearing today. Clearly, the United States Government is interested in that, and there are potentially large ecoFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nomic and environmental impacts. We are concerned with the lack 

of transparency as this project has been moving forward at this 

point, and we are watching that very, very carefully. 

At this point, we actually do not see that there are sufficient 

funds to start the construction of the canal at this time. There have 

been no investors identified other than one company, and we are 

not sure how that is going to play out. 

But if confirmed, I will continue to monitor that situation carefully. 

Senator RUBIO. If you are confirmed, I am sure you are aware 

that there are a number of outstanding property claims from 

United States citizens against the Nicaraguan Government. 

If confirmed, what will be your strategy or your approach to helping with these claims that U.S. citizens currently have against that 

government? 

Ms. DOGU. Thank you, sir. Yes, I have been monitoring that situation as well. 

The 527 claim situation is actually in a very good position at this 

time. It appears that we may be close to resolving the last of those 

cases for the continuous claimants. Those are people who were U.S. 

citizens at the time their property was confiscated. There are, however, still many other cases of people who have become U.S. citizens since their property was confiscated. And if confirmed, I will 

continue to work on this through the U.S. Embassy, both through 

support through consular operations and through our property office at the Embassy. 

But there has been good progress made in that area, and I will 

continue to work with the Government of Nicaragua to make sure 

that we continue to move that forward. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Dogu follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LAURA F. DOGU

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador 

to Nicaragua. 

I am grateful for the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary of State 

Kerry have shown by sending my name to the Senate for consideration. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to protect and support U.S. citizens in Nicaragua. I will also work to promote a Nicaragua 

with transparent democratic institutions and values and a commitment to human 

rights, that is more economically integrated with other Central American countries, 

and that collaborates effectively with us on a growing range of issues. 

Growing up, I learned firsthand about the value of serving your country from my 

father, a career Navy officer who spent a lifetime protecting America with tours of 

duty across the United States, abroad, and at sea. I would also like to recognize my 

family, friends, and colleagues who have guided and supported me throughout my 

life and career. 

In preparation for the opportunity to lead our Embassy in Managua, I carefully 

reviewed White House, Department of State, and Bureau of Western Hemisphere 

Affairs guidance related to advancing America’s interests in global security, inclusive economic growth, climate change, accountable governance and freedom for all. 

Two points made by President Obama and Secretary Kerry’s stood out as particularly relevant to Nicaragua. 

President Obama rightly maintained, no system of government can, or should be, 

imposed upon one nation by any other . . . however, the United States is committed 

to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not 

presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick 

the outcome of a peaceful election. But . . . all people yearn for certain things: the 

ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and does not steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those 

are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support 

them everywhere. 

If confirmed, I will be a strong proponent for these universal values. Nicaragua, 

in which human rights, democracy, and a vibrant civil society flourish, represents 

the surest path to attracting direct foreign investment and tackling endemic poverty 

in the country. More importantly, the universal values reinforce the importance of 

the people of Nicaragua choosing their own destiny as a people and nation. If confirmed, the Embassy will continue to regularly maintain contact with a wide range 

of Nicaraguan advocates on behalf of human, civil, and political rights. I will also 

seek opportunities to make the same case with leaders at the highest level. 

Secretary Kerry said, ‘‘. . . we have to work together to eliminate extreme poverty 

through inclusive economic growth—because we know that no society can thrive 

when entire segments of the population are excluded from opportunity.’’ 

From 1991 to 2006, three successive Nicaraguan administrations focused on free 

market reform as the path to recovery after 12 years of economic free-fall during 

the period of revolution and civil war. These policies achieved macroeconomic stability, cutting inflation from 33,548 percent in 1988 to 6.43 percent in 2014. Nicaragua also benefited from significant debt reduction through the Heavily Indebted 

Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. Since 1995, the economy has expanded at an average annual real growth rate of 4 percent. Even so, with a gross domestic product 

of $11.8 billion and a per capita income of $1,904 in 2014, Nicaragua remains the 

second-poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. Growth must almost double to 

significantly reduce the rate of poverty. Such growth is possible only with strong, 

more accountable public institutions. 

If confirmed, I will work hard to promote trade links, transparency, and the rule 

of law. Trade and investment opportunities are mutually beneficial and open the 

door for greater engagement on other essential U.S. priorities such as the development of stronger democratic institutions. 

Along these lines, the Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central America promotes 

prosperity, governance, and security. Key to Central America’s success is regional 

economic integration. Central America must integrate economically in order to compete globally. Our engagement with Nicaragua under this strategy will advance governance, regional integration, prosperity, and security. 

The occasion of my nomination as Ambassador leads me to reflect on my Foreign 

Service career. In posts as far flung as El Salvador, Turkey, Egypt, and twice in 

Mexico, as well as in Washington, DC, I have led dynamic teams, which have made 

real progress addressing rule of law, democracy, economic growth, transparency, and 

the protection of American citizens. Taken together, this extensive experience has 

prepared me to serve as Ambassador to Nicaragua if confirmed. 

Mr. Chairman, committee members, I thank you again for your consideration of 

my nomination and I welcome your questions. 

Senator RUBIO. Mr. Holloway, after the recent discovery of oil off 

the coast of Guyana, Venezuela has made territorial claims into the 

Caribbean Sea, including the oilfield discovery that already belongs 

to Guyana. 

So what is our current U.S. policy with regards to this dispute 

between Venezuela and Guyana? 

STATEMENT OF PERRY L. HOLLOWAY, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE COOPERATIVE REPUBLIC OF GUYANA 

Mr. HOLLOWAY. Thank you, sir. 

In spite of an 1899 decision, which granted most of the territory 

in dispute to Guyana, Venezuela has historically maintained claims 

to different parts of up to 67 percent of Guyana and parts of the 

coastline. Our policy so far to date is that we have been, as we 

have in many disputes like this, have encouraged both countries to 

seek out a peaceful resolution, whether it be by the U.N. or any 

other appropriate international fora. 

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But at the same time, any country that makes claims still has 

to respect the Rule of the Sea and other international obligations, 

so we are monitoring it very closely. 

The Venezuelans put out another statement very recently, which 

replaced the one that had been done a few weeks ago. We are still 

trying to analyze that and understand it better. 

But we are encouraging both sides to reach a peaceful resolution. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Holloway follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF PERRY L. HOLLOWAY

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 

appear before you today. I am deeply honored that President Obama has nominated 

me to serve as the United States Ambassador to the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee and all 

Members of Congress to advance our Nation’s interests in Guyana and the broader 

Caribbean region. 

I would like to take a moment to recognize the tremendous support throughout 

my career from my wife, Rosaura Holloway, who is here with me today, and my 

daughter Paula, who is also here, and my son Nicholas, who could not be here. They 

have all benefited and suffered as a result of my career choice, and I want to thank 

them for their support. I would also like to single out my mom, Peggy Franklin, who 

is in South Carolina and who laid the basic foundation for me to have the opportunity to appear before you today. 

Mr. Chairman, I have had the honor to serve our country as a Foreign Service 

officer for the past 26 years in nine countries. I have served primarily in countries 

in the Western Hemisphere, so I am familiar with the types of challenges and 

opportunities that exist in Guyana. I have worked on programs dealing with security, drug trafficking, democratic values and human rights, energy and the environment, trafficking in persons, corruption, and the exchange of people and ideas. I 

have extensive experience with interagency partners like USAID, DOD, Peace 

Corps, DEA, and DHS. If confirmed, I believe that my experience in the region and 

my work with other agencies has prepared me well to lead the U.S. mission in 

Guyana. 

Guyana is a country with tremendous potential. It has vast pristine rainforests, 

fertile agricultural lands, proven mineral resources, potentially large oil reserves, 

and a close affinity with the United States. It is also a country facing challenges 

from crime, poverty, corruption, HIV/AIDS, natural resource management, and drug 

trafficking. If confirmed, I will work with the government and people of Guyana to 

confront these challenges and to continue to bolster economic growth, strengthen 

democracy and governance, improve the respect for human rights and rule of law, 

and promote opportunity for all. These are clearly areas of mutual interest. 

Guyana is also a key partner in bolstering regional security. Through the President’s Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, we are cooperating to counter the threats 

of transnational crime and terrorism. Improved security for all citizens of the Caribbean is essential to the region’s future stability and prosperity, as well as to our 

interests. I will work closely with the appropriate agencies of the U.S. Government 

to strengthen our security cooperation with Guyana. 

Guyana is one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere. That is why we have 

historically worked with the government and private sector to support efforts to 

diversify the economy and create new opportunities in agribusiness, aquaculture, 

wood products, and ecotourism. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the government and private sector to strengthen Guyana’s market competitiveness, build 

its trade capacity, improve the investment climate, and promote greater two-way 

trade with the United States. 

Guyana is also a leader in efforts to address global climate change through its 

low carbon development strategy that is helping preserve its vast rain forest. We 

have worked with the Government of Guyana to develop sustainable forestry and 

ecotourism and to enhance its capacity to implement the Reduced Emissions from 

Deforestation and Forest Degradation, or REDD initiative, while also encouraging 

sustainable economic development. I hope to have the opportunity to continue these 

efforts. 

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HIV/AIDS is a problem in Guyana and the United States has made a significant 

contribution to combating this disease with over $165 million invested since 2004. 

Our funding has made a difference. Guyana’s prevention and care programs, central 

laboratory, and state-of-the-art logistics system are models for others in the region. 

The program has also benefited Guyana’s health systems by enhancing the country’s 

laboratory capacity, improving the ability to store and distribute medicines, and 

strengthening the management of broader health services. As a result of these U.S. 

Government investments, Guyana now is able to respond to the threats from infectious diseases. If confirmed, I will work with the government and other health partners to sustain the gains we have made and transition ownership of the programs 

to the Government of Guyana. 

Mr. Chairman, Guyana recently held national elections and the party that had 

been in power since the country’s first democratic elections nearly 23 years ago was 

replaced. The elections were deemed free and fair by the international community. 

This is an important indicator that Guyana is continuing to build on progress it has 

made since emerging as an independent nation in 1966 and instituting multiparty 

democracy in 1992. The new President and his multiethnic coalition government 

have embarked on an ambitious transformative agenda for the county that centers 

on eliminating racial and ethnic exclusion, countering organized crime, combating 

corruption, developing infrastructure, broadening economic growth, and establishing 

sustainable management of the country’s natural resources. The government’s agenda largely coincides with our own interests, providing us new opportunities to confront long-standing challenges. I look forward to working with all relevant actors to 

ensure that the bilateral relationship continues to be one based on shared interests 

and mutual respect. If confirmed, I will continue the work we have been doing with 

the government and civil society on programs to strengthen governance structures, 

promote constructive political dialogue, and encourage greater citizen participation 

in the political process—all necessary for a strong democracy. 

The United States has a special link to Guyana through the many Guyanese who 

live in our country. It is estimated that there are more than 300,000 Guyanese in 

the United States and maybe another million people here of Guyanese descent. In 

Guyana itself, estimates are that over 70 percent of Guyana’s citizens have family 

living in the United States. If confirmed, I look forward to collaborating with the 

hard-working diasporas in New York, New Jersey, Florida, and other states to find 

ways that they can contribute to a more stable and prosperous Guyana. 

Guyana is a Caribbean country located in South America. The Caribbean Community, or CARICOM, headquarters is in Guyana. If confirmed, I would also serve as 

the U.S. representative to CARICOM, whose 15 member states work together to 

promote regional integration and cooperation. CARICOM has a vital role in building 

a secure and prosperous Caribbean, and I look forward to working with the Secretary General and CARICOM states to strengthen the Organization and our relationship with it, while also advancing our common interests throughout the Caribbean with respect to trade, investment, energy, development, and security. 

Mr. Chairman, these are just some of the opportunities and challenges that the 

United States is addressing in Guyana and within the Caribbean. If confirmed, I 

look forward to working with you and your colleagues to improve the already close 

and productive partnership between the United States, Guyana, and CARICOM. 

You can count on me to work hard to protect American citizens, promote U.S. business in the region, manage U.S. programs efficiently, and vigorously advance the 

goals of the United States of America. 

I would be happy to answer any questions you may have. Thank you. 

Senator RUBIO. Mr. Mulrean, in the 2004 trafficking in persons 

report, Haiti was listed as a Tier 2 Watchlist for Trafficking. The 

majority of Haiti’s cases were identified as children in domestic servitude. 

We discussed that a moment ago in a previous hearing. I think 

you had a chance to watch some of that. 

Haiti has been granted a waiver from being placed on a Tier 3 

because it had a written plan, which would make significant steps 

toward combating trafficking. How would you assess the implementation of their plan to combat trafficking, at this point? 

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STATEMENT OF PETER F. MULREAN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF HAITI 

Mr. MULREAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

As you stated, 2014 was a good year on paper for Haiti regarding 

trafficking in persons. There was passage of the antitrafficking legislation, and they created a plan for the next 2 years, 2015 to 2017, 

for implementing it. 

At the moment, they have begun to take positive steps, and they 

have set up what looks like a whole-of-government approach, but 

the proof of it will be in their execution. At this point, the execution 

is nascent. 

I think the government has an understanding of the seriousness 

of the situation. But at this point, we are waiting to see them take 

the serious steps. As with so many other issues in Haiti, it is a 

question both of capacity, having the institutional capacity whether 

it is with the police, even the NGOs, and the institutional capacity 

to deal with these, the judicial capacity to prosecute. But it also, 

sir, a question of political will. And we are hoping, as with many 

other things, that after the upcoming elections, we will have a 

President and a Parliament in place that will be willing to put political will into some of these difficult issues. 

Senator RUBIO. Trafficking for domestic servitude is one of the 

issues that receives a tremendous amount of attention, but there 

has also been extensive media reporting over the last few years of 

children being sold into sex slavery, including in makeshift brothels 

that exist on the border region with the Dominican Republic. 

How familiar are you with that? What is the status of that over 

the last 5 years? And would that be a priority for our Embassy in 

Port-au-Prince, if confirmed? 

Mr. MULREAN. Well, let me start off by saying that, if confirmed, 

it would absolutely be a priority, as I believe it already is for the 

Embassy in Port-au-Prince. 

I am not familiar with the current details of the trafficking on 

the border area. We have, however, taken significant steps in terms 

of our assistance programs, both on supporting civil society to do 

awareness-raising and advocacy as well as to deal with the victims 

of trafficking. We are also working with the Government of Haiti 

to increase capacity in identifying awareness. 

There are a number of issues that have been stalled by the current political impasse of the last 2 years, but we will give it our 

utmost to move this issue forward. 

Senator RUBIO. As you know, cholera has already taken the lives 

of over 8,900 Haitians and infected about 744,000 of them. Given 

the disturbing new spike in cases of cholera in Haiti, what initiatives is the United States undertaking or will the United States 

undertake to help address ongoing epidemic? 

Mr. MULREAN. Thank you, Senator. 

The incidence of cholera has seen a recent spike, but this is after 

a 92 percent reduction in cases in the last couple years. The United 

States has put $95 million into a program of activities that has 

both been to deal with the immediate response to the cholera cases, 

but in some ways even more importantly to build into the national 

health system the ability to deal with cholera and, in the future, 

other communicable diseases. 

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We coordinate closely with other donors, and we do believe that 

the situation, while troubling given the recent increase, is not out 

of control. 

Senator RUBIO. Well, let me ask you, what will the United States 

do to ensure that the United Nations is held accountable for those 

already harmed by the disease? 

Mr. MULREAN. Sir, the United Nations, in response to the cholera 

outbreak, has been heavily engaged in the response through the 

World Health Organization and others. They are in a position, as 

the coordinator of a lot of assistance activities, to ensure that the 

follow-through reduces cholera to a point where it is as close to 

zero as can be. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Mulrean follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF PETER F. MULREAN

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am honored to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Haiti. I am grateful for the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed 

in me by nominating me to this important post. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you on Haiti, a country joined with the United States by broad and deeply 

rooted ties, both historical and contemporary, institutional and individual. 

I have had the privilege of serving in the Foreign Service for the past 27 years 

and the great fortune to be a witness to, and occasionally a participant in, significant developments of the past generation. My career has taken me from the former 

Yugoslavia as it crumbled, to India as it awoke economically. I have helped oversee 

innovative reform programs during transitions in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, 

and Afghanistan. I have worked closely with the U.N. on humanitarian response to 

a series of crises and on efforts to build peace and to defend the rights of all individuals. Reaching beyond governments, I have learned the power of partnership with 

civil society, business and the media in advancing common objectives. And as I 

stand before both the challenges and opportunities in Haiti, I believe all of this 

experience would serve me well if confirmed. 

Throughout its history, Haiti has often been viewed as a symbol of powerful ideas 

and forces. Having defeated the most formidable military power of the time and 

definitively thrown off the chains of slavery, Haiti became the second independent 

nation in the Western Hemisphere. For this, Simon Bolivar praised Haiti for its contribution to the liberation of Latin America. Diplomatic relations between the 

United States and Haiti stretch back more than 150 years, and among those who 

have served as U.S. Minister to the Republic of Haiti was the great civil rights 

leader Frederick Douglass. The United States is also home to a substantial and vigorous Haitian diaspora with strong patriotic feelings. Both in their homeland and 

abroad, Haitians are rightly known for their energy, resilience, creativity, pride, and 

strong sense of history. 

That history is marked by stirring achievements, but also by periods of violence 

and misrule, which allowed human rights abuses to go unpunished and left ground 

for poverty to take root. Although Haiti is a country of vivid images, this does not 

mean it is always perceived clearly by the international community. Misfortunes 

such as hurricanes, disease, and the devastating 2010 earthquake are too often 

what put Haiti on the front pages. But the United States recognizes that while challenges and problems are part of Haiti’s reality, they are not the sum of Haiti’s 

reality. Having helped address Haiti’s immediate humanitarian needs in the wake 

of the earthquake, the United States is focused on supporting the country’s longer 

term development, working in partnership through a Haitian-led process to help the 

country build a more promising future. 

The U.S. strategy to help Haiti become a more democratic and prosperous neighbor involves both near term and longer term goals. The most pressing task facing 

Haiti is, of course, the holding of successful and peaceful parliamentary, local government, and Presidential elections. The United States strongly recognizes the importance of all Haitians being able to go to the polls to participate in representative 

governance through a credible and transparent electoral process. I know that Congress shares this goal, and your consistent underscoring of the importance of Haitians freely expressing their preferences at the ballot box has been invaluable in 

moving Haiti forward toward elections. 

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The United States commends Haitian President Michel Martelly and the members 

of Haiti’s independent Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) for their efforts to 

prioritize the holding of elections this year. I would emphasize that the United 

States has no vote in these elections and does not support any candidate or group 

of candidates. Simply put, we support the democratic process. We are pleased that 

an electoral decree and calendar have been published, and we are committed to 

working with the Government of Haiti and our international partners to coordinate 

appropriate assistance—including the deployment of international observers—to 

help ensure that elections are inclusive, transparent and credible. As electoral planning continues, the United States supports the CEP, the United Nations, the OAS, 

and the Government of Haiti (including its national police) in their efforts to coordinate, support, and execute successful 2015 elections. We are encouraging all actors 

to participate fully in the electoral process, to abide by the rule of law, and to pledge 

to a high standard of transparency. 

Successful elections are the highest priority of our near term engagement with 

Haiti. The citizens of Haiti choosing their leaders and representatives through fair, 

democratic means feeds into and reinforces our broader, longer term goal of fostering good governance, which in turn is essential for building capacity. There are 

no quick fixes or shortcuts; the process requires a long-term commitment on our 

part. And, while the commitment of the United States is steadfast, Haiti’s success 

will, ultimately, depend on the actions of the Haitian people. We can advise and 

assist, but Haiti’s development must reflect goals and priorities that the government 

and people of Haiti have identified, and for which they are exercising ownership. 

In coordination with other donors, the United States is working to equip key Haitian institutions with the skills necessary to manage resources, both financial and 

human, and to plan and execute projects. The confidence of the Haitian people in 

their government will in large part depend on its effectiveness in delivering basic 

services. 

That said, sustained capacity-building and effective governance require funds. 

Regardless of our efforts in other areas, without a healthy economy, Haiti will remain poor and dependent. It is indisputable that no long-term development goals 

in Haiti can be sustainable without the growth of the private sector. Therefore, helping Haiti strengthen, expand, and diversify its economy is a key element of our 

strategy. Haiti has seen positive economic growth since the earthquake, but more 

needs to be done. Unfortunately, political gridlock has hindered progress. The impasse between Haiti’s executive and legislative branches has stymied the passage 

of legislation in such important areas as an updated business code, an updated 

criminal code, clarification of property rights, and the provision of electronic signatures. Advances in these areas would strengthen investor confidence in the Government of Haiti’s pledge that ‘‘Haiti is open for business.’’ 

Thanks to consistent, broad, bipartisan support in Congress, U.S. Government 

assistance to Haiti has been substantial. Since the earthquake, $4.1 billion has been 

made available in immediate humanitarian assistance following the earthquake and 

for long-term reconstruction. Of the $4.1 billion made available, 80 percent—$1.3 

billion for humanitarian relief and $2.0 billion for reconstruction and development 

has been disbursed. Since 2010, U.S. post-earthquake assistance to Haiti has helped 

to measurably improve key economic and social indicators and build infrastructure 

necessary for self-sustaining growth. 

In response to Haiti’s desire for investments that support economic growth outside 

of Port-au-Prince, the United States has targeted some of its most significant assistance to one of Haiti’s poorest regions in the North. The Caracol Industrial Park 

(CIP) is a public-private partnership that is funded by the Inter-American Development Bank and is owned by the Government of Haiti. The U.S. Government contribution consists primarily of support for building a modern power plant that is 

now providing reliable electricity to the CIP as well as more than 7,000 local businesses and households in the community. Caracol was conceived as a long-term public-private investment in Haiti’s north and will require time and continued support 

to reach its full potential. As of July 2015, in just 3 years of operation, approximately 7,500 jobs have been created at the Caracol Industrial Park. More jobs are 

expected as facilities expand. Anchor tenant Sae-A is projected to eventually create 

20,000 jobs, and the Haitian owned Coles Group has announced it will create 2,500 

jobs at Caracol once further phases of construction are completed. Apparel accounts 

for over 90 percent of U.S. imports from Haiti. Thanks to the preferences accorded 

under the HELP and HOPE Acts, apparel imports from Haiti are up, increasing by 

over 6 percent in 2014 to a total of $854 million. Also promising is the growth of 

value-added apparel exports which increased by 43 percent in 2014, signaling a 

movement toward more complex products that could yield higher wages for Haitian 

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employees. This growth would not have been possible without congressional action 

on the HELP and HOPE Acts. 

The United States has also helped Haiti increase agricultural productivity by 

introducing improved seeds, fertilizer, and technologies to more than 70,000 farmers, which have helped increase yields for rice, corn, bean, and plantain crops as 

well as increase mango exports by 175 percent. Our funding has placed over 33,000 

hectares of hillside farmland under improved watershed management. We have supported an innovative business-plan competition that provides matching grants of up 

to $200,000 to small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) investing their own capital to expand their businesses. So far, 60 businesses have received technical assistance, of which 31 were awarded grants, leveraging over $10 million in private capital for a total investment of over $15 million. Through our assistance programs we 

have extended Development Credit Authority guarantees of up to $57 million in 

loans by local commercial banks, microfinance institutions, and credit unions. Working through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.S. Government has also partnered with the Overseas Private Investment Corporation to 

bring $26 million of long-term financing and technical assistance to Haiti for housing finance, as well as working capital loans to SMEs. Additionally, the U.S. Treasury Department is providing technical assistance to the Ministry of Finance to 

improve budgeting, tax collection, and cash and debt management. 

The United States has also increased agricultural productivity in Haiti by supporting more than 300 farmer associations comprising more than 70,000 farmers. 

This has led to increased crop yields and gross profit margins for maize, beans, rice 

and plantains by a minimum of five times, and has increased mango exports by 250 

percent. Our funding has placed over 33,000 hectares of hillside farmland under improved watershed management. We have supported an innovative business plan 

competition that provides matching grants of up to $200,000 to small- and mediumsized enterprises (SMEs) investing their own capital to expand their businesses. So 

far, 60 businesses have received technical assistance, of which 32 were selected to 

receive over $5 million in matching funds to expand operations; those firms have 

invested an additional $10 million of their own funds. Through our assistance programs we have extended Development Credit Authority guarantees of up to $57 million in loans by local commercial banks, microfinance institutions, and credit unions. 

Working through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.S. 

Government has also partnered with the Overseas Private Investment Corporation 

to bring $26 million of long-term financing and technical assistance to Haiti for 

housing finance, as well as working capital loans to SMEs. Additionally, the U.S. 

Treasury Department is providing technical assistance to the Ministry of Finance 

to improve budgeting, tax collection, and cash and debt management. 

The United States is also working to help improve justice and security for Haitians. Since the earthquake our assistance has made possible the training and commissioning of 3,300 new officers in the Haitian National Police (HNP). The capacity 

and professionalism of the HNP is increasingly important as the U.N. Stabilization 

Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) draws down. The HNP’s performance has indeed 

vastly improved, most notably in antikidnapping investigations and crowd control 

capacities. We have helped create a new HNP community policing unit, which has 

grown to over 80 officers, in partnership with the New York City Police Department 

and MINUSTAH. Using approximately $54M in FY10 Supplemental funds, the USG 

completed construction of six commissariats, barracks at the Presidential palace, 

and a pier; construction of three prisons, a range of facilities for the counternarcotics police (BLTS), and improvements at the HNP School are all underway. 

Our programs have trained and equipped the BLTS, increasing its size from about 

40 to almost 200 officers and adding a 19-dog K–9 unit. The Miami-Dade Police Department trained 74 counternarcotics officers to help ensure sustainability of our 

counternarcotics efforts. Funding from the U.S. Government has supported the 

training of 2,392 judicial actors and helped reconstruct more than 32,000 judicial 

case files following earthquake loss or damage. Much work remains, especially in 

the judicial and corrections sectors, but with U.S. assistance the Government of 

Haiti is increasingly providing improved security for its people. 

A positive sign is that the number of Haitians attempting to leave Haiti for the 

United States is down. To help deter dangerous and illegal sea migration and 

address a localized surge in human smuggling in the waters off of Puerto Rico, the 

United States resumed in October 2014 the expedited removal of newly arrived Haitian migrants illegally present on U.S. islands in the Mona Passage or on Puerto 

Rico. At the same time, the United States established a safe, lawful alternative to 

migrant voyages through the Haitian Family Reunification Parole (HFRP) program, 

which allows eligible Haitian beneficiaries of family-based immigrant visa petitions 

to come to the United States and join their families before their immigrant visa priFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ority dates become current. The resumption of expedited removal operations in the 

Mona Passage and the opportunities provided through the HFRP program have led 

to a marked decrease in illegal sea migrant activity, with U.S. Coast Guard migrant 

interdiction statistics showing a decrease in the number of Haitians attempting to 

enter the United States illegally by boat in the first quarter of FY 2015 compared 

to the same period in FY 2014. 

One aspect of Haitian security involves the situation along its border with the Dominican Republic. We are deeply concerned by the reports from the Dominican Republic that tens of thousands of people, mostly Haitians and people of Haitian descent, have crossed the border from the Dominican Republic into Haiti since June 

17. We are monitoring the situation closely and actively engaging with the Government of the Dominican Republic, the Government of Haiti, the United Nations High 

Commissioner for Refugees, the International Organization for Migration, civil society organizations, and the international community to confirm that the appropriate 

authorities work to ensure the security and welfare of all who cross the border and 

the protection of their human rights. The United States is also funding civil society 

organizations and international organizations, including the International Organization for Migration (IOM), to assist with these efforts. We continue to encourage the 

Governments of the Dominican Republic and Haiti to consult and collaborate with 

each other and with civil society groups and international organizations to develop 

and duly implement processes that uphold the rule of law, provide procedural safeguards, and are consistent with each country’s international obligations and commitments. If confirmed by the Senate, I will do my utmost on this priority issue. 

Development work in Haiti has never been easy and we are committed to active 

monitoring and evaluation of all our assistance activities to maximize their impact 

in support of our strategy. There are projects on which we have not attained the 

results initially expected and we have made adjustments accordingly. The three 

main areas where we have made mid-course corrections have involved new housing 

construction, a new port facility, and providing more assistance directly to Haitian 

organizations. Building permanent new homes proved more costly and time consuming than projected. This led to a shift in the permanent housing strategy, to emphasize private-sector housing finance opportunities for low-income Haitians, neighborhood upgrades, and support to help Haitians transition temporary facilities into 

safe permanent communities. Regarding a new port in the Fort Liberte ́ area in Haiti’s north, there is not sufficient interest at this time from the private sector to support construction. Therefore, the Government of Haiti agreed that a more effective 

strategy would be to modernize and upgrade existing port facilities at nearby Cap 

Haı ̈tien. We agreed, and this project is currently underway. Finally, in the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, which crippled many local Haitian NGOs, the 

U.S. Government used international NGOs to initiate emergency relief efforts. They 

had the advantage of being immediately operational and they had vast experience 

expediting the provision of food, shelter, and security in an unstable environment. 

Now that Haiti has transitioned to long-term reconstruction and development, U.S. 

investments support a more sustainable development approach that includes building the capacity of local organizations. Today, the U.S. Government is helping local 

organizations develop their administrative and financial capacities—in particular 

accounting, reporting, and audit preparation functions—so that they can better compete to be direct recipients of U.S. funding. I attach great importance to our new 

approach to increase direct support to Haitian organizations. 

We have tried to learn from our course corrections. Despite having fallen short 

of our original objectives in some cases, we can credit U.S. assistance for genuine 

positive developments in Haiti. Our funding helped house more than 328,000 earthquake-displaced Haitians by providing transitional shelters, repairs to damaged 

homes, support to host families, and rental vouchers. Almost 95 percent of displaced 

persons have left the tent camps, which are all but gone. We have funded the 

removal of 2.7 million cubic meters of earthquake rubble—36 percent of the estimated 7.4 million cubic meters of total rubble removed. Our support for Haiti’s infrastructure includes the reconstruction of Haiti’s University Hospital and other 

damaged health facilities, and the construction of seven police stations and the Presidential security unit barracks. Nearly half of all Haitians have access to basic 

health services at U.S.-supported health facilities, and we have provided $95 million 

for cholera treatment and prevention, including clean water and sanitation activities. This has led to improved basic health indicators and a dramatic decrease in 

the incidence of cholera. Primary school enrollment is up, with the United States 

funding the construction of more than 600 semipermanent furnished classrooms, enabling over 60,000 children to return to school. We have helped more than 100,000 

businesses and households convert cook stoves from charcoal to clean liquefied natural gas, and supported the planting of 5 million tree seedlings. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Welcome as these improvements are, more needs to be done—particularly in the 

area of effective governance. Haiti’s leaders must foster a political, societal, and economic environment conducive to economic development and prosperity. Sustained 

development will not be possible without responsive, accountable, and transparent 

governance; without just application of the rule of law and respect for human rights; 

without new laws and changes in existing ones to attract investment; and without 

a fully staffed and functioning government in every branch. 

In analyzing Haiti’s prospects for building a better future, and how the United 

States can help, we must look realistically at the challenges that country faces, but 

also not lose sight of factors working in its favor. One of the most important of these 

is the widespread support Haiti enjoys among the American public in general and 

here on Capitol Hill in particular. Support from Congress was swift, tangible, and 

significant, totaling $4 billion in post-earthquake assistance appropriated. No less 

important has been your sustained attention to that country, particularly at times 

when steps in democratic progress have needed encouragement. If confirmed as 

Ambassador to Haiti, I look forward to working with you in addressing our shared 

goal of helping Haiti move forward, and I would encourage you to visit. 

As valuable as American support is, the greatest of Haiti’s assets, its ace in the 

hole, is its people. Although by some economic indices Haiti ranks as the poorest 

nation in the Western Hemisphere, in human capital it is rich. Haitians have demonstrated dynamism, resilience, creativity, and courage on a scale far beyond the 

country’s modest size. We seek to help Haitians create the conditions—political, economic, and social—in which these talents can be put to best use. 

Much remains to be done in Haiti, and I would not wish to understate the scope 

of the task or the need for a long-term commitment in order to achieve lasting 

progress. But the past 5 years have also been marked by measurable improvements 

in the lives of Haitians and genuine accomplishments in Haiti’s recovery and development. Americans can take satisfaction in helping Haitians help themselves. If 

confirmed by the Senate, I will do my utmost to focus on a realistic and achievable 

agenda to help make the U.S.-Haitian partnership stronger than ever. 

Senator RUBIO. I await the arrival of my colleagues, so I will just 

keep going for a little while. 

I wanted to return to Mexico for a moment, Ms. Jacobson. For 

a lot of Americans, there has been a lot of discussion the past few 

weeks and months about the state of affairs in Mexico. I think 

Mexico has a lot to be optimistic about. 

One of the things that people are concerned about, I, certainly, 

have been, watching both from this committee and from the Intelligence Committee, is the notion that there are regions in the 

northern part of Mexico that are not fully in the control of their 

government. In essence that criminal groups have de facto control 

these areas and, in particular, one of the groups that is controlled 

by this horrific individual who was able to escape in the last few 

days and poses a threat to the United States and to his own people. 

I would just take an aside to say I have seen some chatter over 

the last few days that I think clearly understates who it is that we 

are dealing with here in this individual, El Chapo. He is a murderer, a person who is involved in virtually every nefarious activity 

one can imagine, including kidnapping, murders, and crimes committed within the United States facilitated by his organization. 

How would you describe the challenges the Mexican Government 

faces in terms of providing security and stability, particularly in 

those areas where perhaps they do not have effective control over 

their territory as they would desire to have? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think, Mr. Chairman, in the first place, I think 

I would want to associate myself entirely with your characterization of El Chapo Guzman. To minimize his role or the horror of 

what he has wrought with the Sinaloa cartel I think would do a 

disservice to his victims and to people who have been touched by 

the trafficking and the violence that the group has wrought. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Clearly, the Government and the people of Mexico face a very 

complicated and a very difficult security situation. It is much more 

difficult in about a half-dozen states in the country than elsewhere. 

It is not nationwide. That is where the majority of the homicides 

take place, the majority of the drug violence, the majority of the 

territorial control between and among cartels. 

It is important to remember, I think, that during the congressional and gubernatorial elections that took place a little over a 

month ago, I guess, just about a month ago, 99 percent of polling 

stations opened and operated normally around the country, even in 

some of those places that have had high levels of violence. So they 

were able to undertake the elections and people were able to vote 

freely even in places where you had rumors that they would not 

be able to exercise their vote. 

So I think that the notion that they have lost control of their territory, while clearly they are under siege in some places and there 

are places where people are fearful of local authorities, and local 

authorities themselves are part of the problem, not part of the solution, I think that there are a number of places where it has been 

turned around, where the Mexican Government at the local, state, 

and federal level have been able to gain back the control. 

That is what the Mexican Government continues to work on and 

we in support of them, places like Ciudad Juarez in Chihuahua, 

which for a time was really a no-go area and really has been coming back with levels of violence that have dropped. 

My colleague here served in Juarez during a very difficult time 

as a great leader in our consulate. 

So I do think that to continue to work on the institutions of government to make sure that they are transparent, on anticorruption 

mechanisms as the Mexican congress has just passed, is critical to 

getting a handle on the full gamut of security problems they face. 

Senator RUBIO. Another issue that, of course, is well documented 

in the United States is the migratory issues that we face across the 

border. Perhaps what many people are not as aware of over the 

last few years is the trend now of a growing number of people who 

are crossing the U.S. southern border, the Mexican northern border, are not from Mexico. In particular, we have seen a large upsurge of people migrating from the Northern Triangle countries, El 

Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras. 

First of all, what is the approach of the Mexican Government, at 

this stage, to the reality that you know people pushing up through 

the country from their southern border? And where are the opportunities to work cooperatively with them on both sides of the border to seal off the opportunities to transit illegally, which, in fact, 

is a magnet for more people to attempt to do it? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Absolutely. I think it is a very important question, Senator. 

You know, I think last year’s surge in migrants from Central 

America was an important kind of bellwether not just for the 

United States in how we are focused on Central America and the 

root causes of such migration, but also for Mexico, which has seen 

migrants move through its territory for a long time, but not in 

those kinds of numbers. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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In the last year, the numbers coming into the United States have 

dropped dramatically, but a big part of that has been the Mexican 

effort to reduce the number of people coming into Mexico at their 

southern border and to also reduce some of the most dangerous 

practices that are being affected on migrants, such as riding on the 

infamous train north, La Bestia, and shutting that down so that 

migrants cannot be exploited violently on that trip north, including 

unaccompanied minors. 

So we have worked very closely with Mexico on this, including 

on their southern border strategy, devoting resources, training so 

that they can help both gain control over their southern border 

with Guatemala with new task forces working with the Northern 

Triangle countries, and then obviously working with Mexico but 

also with the Northern Triangle countries on the root causes that 

are causing the migrants to flee in the first place. 

Senator RUBIO. Okay, thank you. 

Senator Flake. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. I wanted to be here earlier, but votes 

intervened. 

Senator RUBIO. I am going to go now. 

Senator FLAKE [presiding]. Okay, now let us get back to Cuba 

policy. [Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE. Just joking. 

Ms. Jacobson, we are very excited, at least I am, certainly, in Arizona to have you headed to Mexico, hopefully, if you are successful 

in your nomination. 

I am sure you talked about some of the border issues. You were 

talking about some of them when we came in. But what is often 

overlooked is the tremendous amount of trade that goes on. Mexico 

is a huge trading partner with the United States and obviously of 

huge importance to the State of Arizona. 

We obviously need border security, better border security than 

we have. We also need to make sure that we have the infrastructure, not just green uniforms at the border, but blue uniforms as 

well to facilitate trade. 

Can you talk about the importance of that? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Absolutely, Senator. Thank you. 

I think that what we call the 21st century border strategy that 

we are working on is so critical to the United States’ competitiveness, to North American competitiveness. We know already that 

many, many goods that we manufacture cross the border many 

times in that process. We know that $1.5 billion a day in trade 

crosses the border between the U.S. and Mexico. 

But we know that right now our infrastructure is not 21st-century, and we need to get that better. But there are huge improvements being made, whether it is at Nogales, where so much of the 

winter fruits and vegetables come through to the United States, 

new crossings that are being opened, the first rail crossing in 100 

years. 

With our Mexican partners, this is a critical part of our economic 

strategy for competitiveness of both countries. 

We also know that of imports of finished products from Mexico, 

40 percent of the inputs to those products are from the United 

States. The comparable figure from China is 4 percent. So it is good 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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for American jobs to continue working with Mexico in that partnership. 

And frankly, security and legitimate trade are not zero-sum. 

They have to be pursued in tandem along the border. It is the seam 

that knits us together. And it is critical for the communities, as you 

know, all along that border. 

Senator FLAKE. Right. You mentioned the improvement in infrastructure. On the Arizona side, certainly the Mariposa port, the 

international border there at Nogales is important, and we have invested quite heavily. There are also commitments on the part of 

the Mexican Government to undertake certain infrastructure improvements. 

How can you help in terms of advocacy to help them comply with 

their obligations there? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think that is really important. As you know, the 

Mexican model is a little bit different from ours. There are often 

concessions. And we have worked very closely with the Mexican 

Government to try and make sure that to a much greater extent 

their own planning and our planning match up, so that you do not 

have cases where either our side is finished before theirs or vice 

versa. And I would continue, if confirmed, to advocate very strongly 

to ensure that our planning is done so that we can make sure that 

their side finishes up as quickly as ours or vice versa, in some 

cases. 

There are now master plans along the border, in most cases, 

Texas, Arizona, California. Making sure that we coordinate those 

things across the border is just critical. 

You know that the Arizona-Sonora coordination is critical at the 

State level, and I would do everything I could from the Federal side 

and the Embassy leadership side, to push the Mexican Government 

and through them the concessionaire to make sure that we get 

things moving in sync at all times. 

Senator FLAKE. Great. That will, certainly, be helpful. There is 

a lot of cooperation that goes on in terms of safety inspections and 

whatnot. If there is good cooperation on the Mexican side of the 

border, we can smooth and make this a lot easier. 

Ms. JACOBSON. And, as you know, preinspection is coming to 

cargo, and that is very exciting to reduce wait times at the border 

for products. 

Senator FLAKE. We are very excited about that. 

Anyway, thank you, all. Because we have votes going on, and I 

know that Senator Menendez needs to get back as well, I will turn 

it over to him. But like I said, we are very excited. 

For the rest of you all, I will let the other answers stand. 

But, Ms. Jacobson, I have been thrilled to work with you in the 

past and look forward to working with you in the future. 

Thank you. 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Congratulations to you all for your nominations and your willingness to serve our country. 

Ms. Jacobson, let me ask you, we are all incredibly, deeply troubled by Joaquin Guzman’s escape over the weekend, and I am particularly disturbed by the fact that Guzman was arrested in FebFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ruary 2014, and from all indications available, the U.S. did not request his extradition until February of this year. 

Can you explain why the State Department did not request 

Guzman’s extradition for a year, especially when he is facing 

charges in at least seven U.S. Federal district courts? He has long 

served as the overlord of what is considered the most powerful 

drug cartel on the planet. What happened here? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Senator, what I can say, because we do not get 

into the details, and I cannot since I am not a Department of Justice employee, which basically prepares all of the extradition packages with lawyers at the State Department, what I can tell you is 

that we always want to extradite or seek extradition of all of those 

who are detained overseas against whom there are charges in the 

United States. 

We have been discussing extraditions and the pace of extraditions and our desire for greater extraditions with Mexico for a 

number of years now. But what I cannot tell you is the exact reasons or timing for the particular possible or actual extradition requests. 

Senator MENENDEZ. So are you telling me that the State Department’s only role in extraditions, whether it be this or any other 

one, is to act upon the Justice Department’s instigation? 

Ms. JACOBSON. No. There are, certainly, lawyers within the State 

Department who work with the Justice Department, but it is the 

Justice Department that puts together, with the State Department, 

the extradition requests of other governments. 

Senator MENENDEZ. So it is the Justice Department that delayed 

it? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I cannot tell exactly what the delay was. I have 

to refer—— 

Senator MENENDEZ. Someone is going to have to tell the United 

States Senate why it took a year before we even asked for his extradition, when this man is sought in seven Federal districts, has 

a whole host of charges, one of the most dangerous people in the 

Western Hemisphere, and we know the risk of him breaking out 

of a Mexican jail is high. 

Ms. JACOBSON. I cannot confirm the exact time when the request 

was made, Senator, except to refer you to the Justice Department. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay, let me ask you this. Continuing on the 

line of extraditions, here is something hopefully you can help me 

with, Joanne Chesimard. You have been negotiating on the Cuba 

reengagement. I see nothing on Joanne Chesimard. I see nothing 

on others, such as the killer of the New Mexico state trooper. She 

is on the FBI’s 10 most wanted terrorists list. 

So as our top diplomat right now for Latin America and the Caribbean, can you explain the lack of progress for efforts at extraditions, whether it be El Chapo or whether it be Joanne Chesimard 

or the killer of the New Mexico state trooper? 

Is this not a national security imperative for the State Department? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Extraditions are an incredibly important tool to 

fighting crime and getting back people who are high priorities for 

the United States. We have had significant numbers of extraditions 

from Mexico in the past and, as you know, from many other counFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tries in the hemisphere, including Colombian and others. We have 

also had expulsions from Cuba since 2010 of those that we wanted 

back in the United States for crimes. 

As I said before, Joanne Chesimard’s case, in particular, and I 

am from New Jersey and I know the case well, is raised every time 

we talk to the Cubans. It has been raised at extremely high levels 

with the Cuban Government. There has not been a satisfactory response yet, and we will continue to raise it in the law enforcement 

talks that we will now be having. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, I understand the Cubans are going to 

talk to you about it. They will talk to you about it ad infinitum because they say she has political refugee status in their country, 

and, therefore, that is not really a bargaining chip. 

I just do not understand how we turn over three convicted spies 

and cannot get one convicted cop killer back from Cuba. 

Let me ask you, continuing on the national security threat 

issues, I have seen that Diosdado Cabello, the head of Venezuela’s 

national assembly, is the target of a series of investigations by U.S. 

Federal prosecutors and the Drug Enforcement Agency. Putting 

aside recent meetings by the State Department and pictures with 

Cabello, I am concerned that the investigations are bringing into 

greater focus how the drug trade is penetrating the highest levels 

of the Venezuelan state. 

So is the current situation in Venezuela a national security 

threat to the United States? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think that the current situation in Venezuela is 

of great concern to the United States. Whether it is a national security threat to the United States, I would not say. We have made 

clear, as we did in the sanctions—— 

Senator MENENDEZ. You would say it is not a national security 

threat? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I would say it is a national security threat in the 

sense that drug trafficking is overall a national security threat to 

the United States. As we have said in our reports annually, the 

Government of Venezuela is not cooperating with us on that issue. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay, so what has changed from your testimony on May 8 of last year when I asked you a very similar question and your answer to me was, ‘‘I think the answer to that question is that it is a very serious concern to us, a national security 

threat.’’ 

Ms. JACOBSON. Well, as I just said, I think drug trafficking overall is a national security threat to the United States. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I was not asking about drug trafficking overall in that question, nor in this question. I was asking you about 

Venezuela. 

You told me on May 8 of 2014 that it was a national security 

threat. Why is it less so today? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Whether the words are exactly the same this day 

or then, I think the concerns that we have about Venezuela and 

about drug trafficking are the same. We have concerns about how 

much drugs may be coming through or out of Venezuela into the 

United States, and we are going to continue to act to keep them 

from coming in. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator MENENDEZ. I think even the President in his determination cites a national security threat. 

One last question, when I have individuals who are brought before the committee for the advice and consent of the Senate, I take 

it very seriously. And one of the elements that I take very seriously 

is that I am going to get fair, honest, transparent answers to my 

questions so that I can make judgments on the issues that I am 

called upon as a United States Senator and as a senior member of 

this committee to make judgments on. 

When in a hearing on Venezuela, the same hearing where you 

told me it was national security threat, I asked you whether or not 

the opposition in Venezuela, as you had stated, was actually opposed to us pursuing sanctions, and your answer to me at that time 

was that the opposition elements engaged in the current dialogue 

have suggested we refrain from sanctions against individuals guilty 

of human rights violations. 

Now that was not the case, and you ultimately made it very difficult for me at a moment that I was trying to understand what 

would be the consequences of sanctions. I thought that the sanctions that the President ultimately signed were the right ones, but 

you created a doubt in me, a doubt that should not have been there 

because then I heard a chorus from the opposition in Venezuela 

who said, no, we never said that. 

So if I am going to look to advise and consent and vote affirmatively for someone, I need honest and open and transparent answers. And I do not feel that I got that from you at that time. 

So can you explain to me why I should feel that if I were to vote 

for you to be the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, a country with which 

we have a critical relationship on a whole host of issues, that I 

would feel that I was getting open and transparent answers? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Senator, I guess one of the things I would say is 

I would look to the response of the opposition after these sanctions 

were passed when they publicly rejected those sanctions. And I 

would suggest that there were different answers from different 

members of the opposition, and they were in an extremely difficult 

situation. And what I told you was what I had heard from some 

of them. 

But after it was said publicly, it put them in an extremely difficult position, which I had not intended to put them in. But it was 

never a misstatement to you of what I had heard. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, you asked to clarify the record, and 

even your clarification then is not what you are telling me now. 

When you asked to clarify the record, which I allowed you to do 

when I was then the chairman, you said I would like to clarify one 

point I made during the hearing, the opposition elements engaged 

in the current dialogue have not specifically suggested we refrain 

from sanctions against individuals guilty of human rights violations. 

Ms. JACOBSON. Because those in the dialogue had not. It was 

others who were outside the dialogue. And that was why I did not 

want to cause problems for those who were within the dialogue. 

Senator MENENDEZ. But you did not even, in your clarification, 

give me that statement that you gave me now. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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So I have a real problem in one of the most important assignments in the Western Hemisphere, other than the one that you 

presently possess, about whether I am going to get open, honest, 

and transparent answers. That is a problem for me. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Menendez. 

I think Senator Rubio is on his way back and we have to go vote 

as well. We will go for a minute. 

Mr. Mulrean, Haiti, how are we doing in terms of recovery efforts? And how is the country, the government responding? What 

do you see as your main challenge there? 

Mr. MULREAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I think what we see in the last year or two in Haiti is a series 

of improvements in the general situation, particularly if you look 

at the post-earthquake situation. 

The health and economic indicators are up. The security situation has improved. Private investment has outpaced donor assistance for the last 3 years. And even some polling indicates that Haitians feel that they are better off now than they were 

preearthquake. 

I think what this indicates, Senator, is that Haiti is moving past 

the post-earthquake crisis relief and into a better place, but a place 

that will still require long-term development and support by the 

international community. 

There are a lot of things that still need to be done. There has 

been basically a political impasse between the executive and the 

legislative branch, which has resulted in the need for elections now 

coming up this fall. 

The problem with this impasse is that it has prevented some 

very important legislation from moving forward. 

So the immediate concern, were I to be confirmed, Senator, is the 

impending elections that will begin in August. In October, you will 

have legislative, Presidential, and local elections going on. I think 

for Haiti to move forward truly into its development phase, you 

need to have an executive and legislative branch that are willing 

to work together and take some of the difficult decisions. 

Senator FLAKE. What areas is USAID working in, in terms of 

economic development? 

Mr. MULREAN. Senator, Congress has been very generous post- earthquake with Haiti. You have allocated $4.1 billion to Haiti, 80 

percent of which has been dispersed. All of the humanitarian assistance is now completed. Where we are is the focus is on the development and recovery assistance that is focused on the economic, 

social, rule of law, and governance areas. 

I think it goes without saying that while things are better in 

Haiti, economic growth has been in the 3 percent, 4 percent, 5 percent range, the last few years, to make a dent in Haiti in the poverty and unemployment, it needs to be 7 percent or 8 percent. So 

what needs to really move forward well is economic growth. There 

needs to be better investment. 

Again, this goes back to a certain extent to the need for political 

will to move forward. They need a new business code. There are 

critical pieces of legislation on property rights that need to move 

forward. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator FLAKE. Ms. Dogu, with Nicaragua, what are the main 

areas of focus there for our development assistance? 

Ms. DOGU. The main area of focus, Senator, will be strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law in the country. We 

are also going to be focusing on economic integration with Central 

America as part of the Central American strategy. We feel that it 

is very important that Nicaragua integrates itself economically 

with its neighbors and that all of Central America has a chance to 

compete together on the global front. 

In addition to that, of course, if I am confirmed, one of my top 

priorities immediately upon arriving in the country would be the 

safety and security of the people who work with me there in the 

country, both the official Americans and their families and the private citizens that are in the country. And I would be focused on 

that immediately upon arrival, just to make sure that we are prepared in case of any emergency. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

I have to run to vote, but let me just say, all four of you are foreign career Foreign Service officers, and one of the great parts of 

this job is to be able to meet with many. I chair the Africa Subcommittee so I meet with almost all of the career Foreign Service 

officers going to those countries. But I am so impressed with the 

professionalism that I see and the commitment to service that all 

of you exhibit. And I have not had an occasion to work with three 

of you, but Ms. Jacobson I have, and I have seen that professionalism. I have seen that commitment. 

And I just appreciate all that you do and for your service and for 

your families as well. I know they sacrifice a lot to have you in this 

position. 

So thank you for your service, and I look forward to continuing 

the process here. 

Senator RUBIO [presiding]. Thank you. 

Unless more members come, we are going to reach a conclusion 

here fairly soon, which I am sure none of you will be offended if 

you are not the subject of a lengthy hearing. But I did have some 

questions I wanted to touch base. Some are a little bit broader. 

I did want to revisit for a moment, Venezuela, Ms. Jacobson. I 

cut short my questioning because I wanted to get to all of the nominees. 

I am not saying that this is something that I have been told. I 

am just curious, and I think it is important for the record. Are you 

aware of any assurances that Counselor Shannon or any U.S. official made, including persons in the White House or the NSC, to 

representatives of the Venezuelan Government that the United 

States is going to refrain from applying additional sanctions on 

human rights violators or corrupt persons? Have any such assurances been made by anybody that you are aware of in the U.S. 

Government? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Not to my knowledge, no. 

Senator RUBIO. Okay. 

I want to get broader, and that may involve a number of the 

countries involved, but particularly Nicaragua and Mexico. As we 

look at the Western Hemisphere, there are two competing camps 

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that seem to have emerged, at least in my view, and I would like 

to have your comment on it. 

One is kind of the pro-American, I would say, but friendlier to 

our interests, camp of nations, and you see prosperity in these 

countries. Of course, Peru and Chile, Colombia, Panama, and I 

would include Mexico in that group of countries that are a key part 

of a kind of prosperous future for the Western Hemisphere, all of 

which have made substantial gains. They still have challenges. Colombia has significant challenges. Mexico, we have talked about 

some of their challenges as well. 

And then there is the second group that has emerged and they, 

on the other hand, are heading in the opposite direction, in many 

respects. Obviously, Cuba for a long time but Venezuela, Bolivia, 

Ecuador, and oftentimes Nicaragua is in that camp as well. 

And so let me begin, and I do not want to make your job any 

harder than it is going to be, if confirmed, but I do have serious 

questions and I think many of us do about the legitimacy of the 

elections that they have conducted there in the past and the general attitude of the Nicaraguan Government towards the United 

States of America. On the one hand, they do allow U.S. investment 

of U.S. firms and companies. There is travel there. There is engagement, in that sense. On the other, their government is less 

than cooperative on a host of issues and, in fact, they have now expressed a willingness, for example, to allow the Russians to increase military cooperation with them and even pay an increased 

number of port visits, et cetera. 

Ms. Dogu, how would you describe our relationship with Nicaragua today? Obviously, they are not an ally in the traditional 

sense of the word. But how would you describe our current situation when it comes to their government versus the United States, 

and the relationship between us at this moment? 

Ms. DOGU. Mr. Chairman, I think you actually described it quite 

well. 

It is a very complex relationship. We do have some stresses in 

the relationship, but we also do have areas where we are able to 

cooperate quite well together. 

On the stress side, obviously, we are concerned about some of the 

things that you mentioned in terms of the lack of free elections and 

the lack of space for people in the country to have a dialogue about 

the choice that they would have for leaders of the country. 

On the economic side, however, we cooperate well. We are their 

number one trading partner. They are part of the Central American Free Trade Agreement. Since they joined the Central American Free Trade Agreement and that went into effect, their trade 

with the United States has increased by about 165 percent. Trade 

from the United States to Nicaragua has also increased fairly significantly. 

Interestingly, even on the law enforcement side and on the counternarcotics side, we have been able to find an opportunity to work 

together. On the counternarcotics side, we do have cooperation with 

the Government of Nicaragua, small funding that goes to them 

through the Department of Defense and through DEA. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

335 

So we do have some areas of cooperation on the law enforcement 

side. They have actually removed from their country two fugitives 

that were on the FBI top 10 list last year in 2014. 

So I think the challenge for me, if I am confirmed, sir, will be 

to continue to find those areas where we can cooperate together 

and to go ahead and work very carefully and closely to address the 

areas of concern where we do not get along so well. And I can commit to you that I will do that and it will be a high priority for me, 

if confirmed. 

Senator RUBIO. And then, Ms. Jacobson, let me just first ask you 

about the broader region. I described these sorts of competing 

camps that have emerged. 

Mexico I think is a key linchpin to that. In my recollection, they 

are if not the largest among the largest economies in the region, 

certainly in comparison to some of the smaller countries. They have 

always also had a significant influence in the multinational organizations that characterize the region. 

As Mexico continues to grow and prosper, do you view them as 

a nation, as a government, willing to play more in the regional 

leadership category? Are they prepared, for example, to play a 

greater role in what is happening with human rights violations and 

elections that are upcoming in Venezuela? Are they prepared to address some of the challenges that are being faced to their south, 

which they are impacted by, in the Northern Triangle countries? 

How would you characterize their willingness to become a more active participant as a regional leader, which is really their role in 

that region, rightfully? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think that is an incredibly important point for 

Mexico. Mexico for many, many years had a very, very strong role, 

especially on the economic side with Central America. I think to 

some extent during Venezuela’s heyday of high oil prices in 

Petrocaribe, Mexico was pushed out of that sphere a little bit. 

They have reasserted their engagement on Central America. 

They have reasserted it on economic issues in greater engagement 

with the Central American countries. 

They have reasserted it on energy, which is extremely positive. 

There are gas pipelines being built between Mexico and Guatemala. We know that energy prices in Central America are as much 

as 10 times higher than they are in the United States. This affects 

their productivity and all of the other ills that we see reflected in 

migration. 

So Mexico’s greater engagement with Central America and its 

leadership there is critical. But beyond that, I think they can play 

more of a role. Mexico, as it opened up and began to be more confident as a democracy opening up to U.N. human rights organizations and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights organization system, needs also to play that role regionally. There are 

Mexican members of the Inter-American Commission on Human 

Rights now, and it would be great if Mexico felt more confident in 

playing that role regionally with South American countries or elsewhere. 

But I also think it is significant beyond regionally that President 

Pena Nieto talked about Mexicans being involved in peacekeeping 

for the first time when he was at the U.N. General Assembly last 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

336 

fall. That is another place where I think Mexico can begin to make 

a contribution in leadership, including in the region. 

Senator RUBIO. The general state of affairs in Mexico, obviously 

for years some have viewed Mexico as a source of cheaper labor, 

as a place where businesses move operations because it might be 

less costly to do business there, as a source of migration to the 

United States in massive numbers. But over the last few years, all 

those factors have begun to change. In fact, there is an emerging 

middle class in Mexico now with significant consumer power and 

there are significant pockets of prosperity emerging within parts of 

Mexico as they help continue to try to make this transition to a 

more prosperous future. 

How would you describe the state of affairs in Mexico today? Is 

it a country headed in the right direction, obviously, with significant challenges? Is it a country that remains the way I just characterized it, that some view as a place that—because, for example, as 

we have seen in some reports, net migration from Mexico significantly declined. Partially, I would imagine, due to the economic 

downturn in the United States, but also partially if not primarily 

due to the fact that now there are income and employment opportunities in Mexico today that did not exist. 

So what are the drivers of this growth? And what do they need 

to do next to continue those trends? 

Ms. JACOBSON. I think there are a number of things. One, to be 

honest, is out of their control. And that is demographics. The Mexican population is aging to some extent, as the U.S. population has. 

And we know that people do not migrate beyond a certain age, in 

terms of illegal migration or undocumented migration. 

But the other is that the Mexican Government has been extremely focused, as was the Calderon administration, on education. 

And that is crucial to them sustaining the movement of large numbers of people into that middle class. 

And they know that as we work on education jointly—and we 

have expanded our educational cooperation dramatically. Last year, 

there were hundreds of Mexican teachers who came to the United 

States for advanced English studies to go home and teach English 

in Mexico. This is part of the President’s 100,000 Strong in the 

Americas and a joint bilateral program with Mexico that we have 

launched. 

And I think we are looking at ways to improve the educational 

exchanges but not just at the very high, top 4-year level. Mexico 

has developed a series of ‘‘politecnicos,’’ which are more akin to vocational training or community colleges, to really educate and train 

the gap between those who go through K–12 but are not necessarily going to go to a 4-year university, but get involved in manufacturing jobs that now require more than just a high school education in Mexico as well. 

And I think that is really the focus of Mexico, on education moving forward, because I would agree with the first characterization 

you gave of Mexico as an increasingly, I guess it was the second 

one, an increasingly middle-class country with really important 

pockets of progress that need to be expanded to the rest of the 

country. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

337 

The economic and structural reforms that this administration 

passed in Mexico in its first year in office are really critical, but 

now they have to implement those reforms and keep moving forward with education and with fiscal reforms and telecommunications and energy openings to provide the kinds of jobs that will 

continue the growth for both our economies. 

Senator RUBIO. You signaled demographic trends in Mexico, and 

it is an interesting point. Their immigration policies are much more 

stringent than ours. That is correct. In essence, it is a lot easier 

to immigrate legally to the United States than it is to immigrate 

legally to Mexico. 

So the question then is, on the issue of migration, as they continue to develop in this direction, is it your sense that this is a 

country more willing, a government more willing, to cooperate with 

the United States to stem the flow of illegal migration across their 

northern border than they were 5 or 10 years ago? 

There is a sense among some that I partially share that because 

of the high level of remittances from the United States back to 

Mexico that there has been interest in the past in not discouraging 

migration as a source of remittances back to the United States. But 

is there now a sense that for the first time in a while, the Mexican 

Government is starting to realize increasingly that the instability 

on their northern border is attracting migration on their southern 

border and on their coasts, and present security challenges to Mexico not just to the United States? And if so, do you think now there 

is an opportunity to work even closer with them to establish the 

sorts of improvements we need on both sides of the border to solidify that situation further? 

Ms. JACOBSON. What I can say, Mr. Chairman, is I think that the 

Mexican Government does realize the threat to both the economic 

situation and to the border, both northern and southern, that undocumented or uncontrolled migration creates, both from other people using Mexican territory to traverse to come to the United 

States as well as Mexicans entering the United States undocumented. 

I think the cooperation has been really quite good in recent 

years. But I will say that it has been amped up recently, and there 

is a real sense in Mexico, I think, that as others use their territory 

to try to get to the United States, and their own economic situation 

improves, they could decide to stay in Mexico. And so it is in their 

interest to work on orderly and safe and legal migration with protections for people, of course, the same way it is for us. 

Senator RUBIO. My final question, because we are nearing 5 

o’clock, again, for you, Ms. Jacobson, because we may not see you 

again in your current capacity before the committee, I know you 

have been involved in the negotiations that ultimately have led to 

the announcement of mutual embassies in Washington and in Havana. Ironically, just a few days after that announcement was 

made, I think the Sunday after the 5th of July, there were once 

again mass detentions in Nevada. The Ladies in White, there was 

one peaceful demonstrator who had his nose fractured, and was 

beaten. 

And it goes back to the situation about this Embassy. What kind 

of Embassy are we going to have in Havana? I know that the arguFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

338 

ment has been that we are going to have an Embassy in Havana 

the way we do in other countries that have unfriendly governments 

and that approach. But I do think we have now taken this massive 

step, the President has, of diplomatically recognizing that government as a legitimate form of government. Although we, certainly, 

have qualms about how they operate, the President has given them 

diplomatic recognition and opened this Embassy. 

What kind of Embassy is this going to be? It appears to me from 

what has been announced that the employees of that Embassy, 

other than the American diplomatic employees, the people who 

clean, the people who do the service work, will always continue to 

be hired from an agency controlled by the Cuban Government. It 

is my understanding that there will continue to be a significant security perimeter that could discourage people from coming to the 

Embassy to appeal for assistance from the United States. It appears that all but two members, and maybe I am wrong about the 

number, but there will be significant limitations on the ability of 

U.S. diplomats to use the Embassy to travel throughout the country and engage with people. And there apparently will be significant limitations on the ability to deliver enhancements to the technological capabilities of that facility. 

So, in essence, other than the name on the door, what will be different about this facility than the interests section that we have 

there now? 

Ms. JACOBSON. Thank you, Senator. 

It was very important, as we discussed this opening of embassies 

and reestablishment of diplomatic relations, that we be absolutely 

certain that we can do our jobs under the Vienna Convention as 

we see them, which include being able to get out into the country 

and talk to people, certainly more than just two people but others 

within the Embassy, and that we ensure that the Embassy is a 

place that people can come to, Cubans can come to, because Americans have never really had great difficulty if they are in Cuba. 

And I can assure you that what we will be doing and the way 

we will be operating is significantly different than we have been 

operating as an interests section. The security presence outside the 

interests section has already been reduced and the agreement on 

that is a significant reduction in security presence outside the future Embassy, such that we hope people will not feel nearly the 

same kind of presence or threat, and there will no longer be Cuban 

Government screening or names taken for people to enter the U.S. 

Embassy. That will be something, as we do all over the world, that 

we do, not the host government. 

The ability to travel is similar to our restrictions in many other 

places around the world. There are a number of people at the Embassy who will be—it is more than two, as a matter of fact—who 

will be able to travel without any pre-notification. But others will 

be able to travel on a certain number of days’ notification, but they 

will no longer have to ask permission. That is quite significant, because we previously had to ask for approval. Now it is only a notification, and then we go. 

So that is really quite significant in enabling us to get out and 

travel. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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We also have had almost no ability to get sensitive shipments 

into our interests section. They had all but stopped. We have made 

a very good start on reprovisioning the interests section, and we 

will continue to have talks thereafter about future shipments. 

So in many of the ways, all of the ways that we laid out that 

were important to us to begin to operate more like everyplace else 

that is a restrictive environment, we made enormous progress from 

where we are now. 

Senator RUBIO. Well, I want to thank all the nominees for being 

here with us today. I appreciate it very much, and your patience 

in the back-and-forth of people coming in and out. Again, we look 

forward to continuing to review your nominations. 

You may receive written questions and follow-up from members 

of the committee, and I encourage you to promptly respond to those 

as quickly as possible, since a delay in that response could delay 

a final vote in consideration by the Senate. 

So again, I want to thank all of you for your service to our country and for your willingness to continue to serve. And with that the 

committee stands adjourned. 

I apologize, a reminder that the record will be open until Friday 

at the end of the business day. 

Thank you. The committee is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:54 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF ROBERTA S. JACOBSON, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

UNITED MEXICAN STATES, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Mexico has made significant progress integrating with North American 

and global supply chains, generating economic opportunities. Deepening and sustaining the benefit of these policies and recent significant policy reforms will require 

the rule of law. 

♦ Where does Mexico stand in implementing its ambitious judicial reform and how 

can you, as Ambassador, properly support this key step forward for Mexico? 

Answer. Mexico’s 2008 constitutional mandate requires all levels of government 

to transition from an inquisitorial to an accusatorial justice system by June 2016. 

The new system will include open trials, leading to greater transparency and efficiency, and decreasing the reliance on confessions, which has been tied to human 

rights abuses. It will also aim to prevent and punish impunity and abuses more 

transparently and effectively. 

Under the Merida Initiative, the U.S. Government is providing tens of millions 

of dollars in assistance to support the transition of Mexico’s judicial system at the 

federal and state level. Moreover, as the U.S. and Mexican economic relationship 

continues to mature the protection of property rights, including intellectual property 

rights (IPR), is critical for investment, growth and prosperity. We are our pursuing 

these objectives through our initiatives under the High Level Economic Dialogue. 

If confirmed, I will do all I can to promote U.S. cooperation and assistance to support the Government of Mexico’s justice sector reform efforts and the rule of law. 

Question. Mexico has recently been helpful in deterring undocumented migration 

from Central America, including unaccompanied minors. Will this effort by Mexico 

to interdict and repatriate undocumented migrants be sustainable over time? 

Answer. Cooperation with Mexico on migration issues has been excellent. In June 

2014 and in January 2015, President Pen ̃ a Nieto expressed his commitment to 

President Obama to return children safely to their families in Central America, 

build Central American capacity to receive returned children, and address the 

underlying factors driving migration. We believe Mexico’s increased enforcement, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

340 

including against human smuggling, as well as its efforts to share best practices on 

migration management with Central American governments have been significant 

factors in reducing the number of migrants apprehended by U.S. immigration officials at our southern border. 

To help sustain Mexico’s efforts, the United States is working with the Mexican 

Government to disrupt the organized criminal networks facilitating human smuggling, including through the provision of training, technical assistance, equipment, 

and coordination in support of Mexico’s efforts to strengthen enforcement in its 

southern border region. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. The TPP negotiations are in their final stages and many have high 

expectations that weaknesses in Mexico’s labor laws will be addressed. Can the TPP 

really address the challenges to labor rights in Mexico without amendments to 

Mexican laws? Should these changes take place prior to the agreements’ entry into 

force? 

Answer. In order to meet the labor standards in TPP, each TPP country will need 

to have laws and practices consistent with the International Labor Organization’s 

Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, which includes freedom 

of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining, the 

elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor, the effective abolition of child 

labor, and the elimination of employment discrimination. TPP also includes requirements for countries to adopt and maintain laws and practices on minimum wages, 

hours of work, and occupational safety and health. On questions related to the negotiations and TPP’s entry into force, I would refer you to the Office of the United 

States Trade Representative. 

Question. Although the administration has indicated support for strengthening 

the labor rights provisions of the NAFTA, U.S. support for labor capacity-building 

programs in Mexico historically has been inadequate relative to the situation. For 

example, USAID has only one labor capacity-building program in Mexico, the Global 

Labor Program, which is scheduled to end in January 2016. Both USAID and the 

Department of State have so far been unwilling to use their trade capacity building 

funds to increase support for labor capacity programs with trade unions in Mexico. 

♦ If confirmed, how will you ensure that the United States provides sufficient 

attention and funding for labor capacity-building programs in Mexico, so that 

Mexico can fulfill the labor rights commitments it has made in trade agreements with the United States? 

Answer. The administration is working to identify needs and ensure that there 

will be appropriate labor capacity-building plans in place for TPP partners to support their efforts to improve protection of labor rights, particularly those related to 

the International Labor Organization’s Declaration on Fundamental Principles and 

Rights at Work. 

As you note, some related work is already underway in Mexico. USAID/Mexico is 

supporting a pilot project to reform Mexico’s labor arbitration courts through the 

Mexican Competitiveness Institute (IMCO). USAID also provides capacity-building 

funding to the Solidarity Center. The Solidarity Center programs in Mexico seek to 

strengthen the independence and democratic structure of labor unions in key sectors 

of the Mexican economy in strategic locations, with the overall goal of improving 

their ability to democratically represent workers, address issues of corruption and 

increase economic transparency and citizen participation. If confirmed, I will continue to support such programs. 

Question. Over the past year, the United States has struggled in its response to 

the refugee crisis of unaccompanied children arriving on the Southwestern border. 

In 2015, the number of unaccompanied children arriving to the U.S. is down, but 

emerging evidence suggests this has less to do with the response by the U.S. and 

Central American governments, and more to do with Mexico’s actions. While Mexico’s participation in addressing this refugee crisis is vital, increasingly it appears 

that vulnerable children migrants detained in Mexico may not be receiving screening for international protections that they deserve. 

♦ If confirmed as Ambassador, how would you work with the Mexican Government to ensure that the flow of migrants through the country is handled in a 

manner in which ensures the rights, protections, screening and appropriate care 

of all individuals? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The U.S. Government engages regularly with Mexican authorities on immigration issues, including border security, repatriation, enforcement, and migration of unaccompanied children. Recognizing the significant increase of Central 

American migrants, particularly unaccompanied children, transiting Mexico en 

route to the United States in 2014, the U.S. Government engaged with the Mexican 

Government to develop better ways to cooperate on this important issue. 

I am aware of reports expressing concern over the inadequate protection of the 

human rights of migrants apprehended and repatriated by Mexican authorities. We 

discuss these issues with our Mexican counterparts on a regular basis. On February 

25, 2015, the Department convened the third meeting of the U.S.-Mexico Repatriation Strategy and Policy Executive Coordination Team (RESPECT) to continue 

efforts to align U.S. and Mexican resources and to ensure the safe and humane 

treatment of migrants. If confirmed, I will continue to raise these issues and concerns at the highest levels of the Mexican Government, and work to identify ways 

the U.S. Government can best assist Mexican authorities. 

Question. How can the State Department and U.S. Embassy Mexico City support 

advances in the Government of Mexico’s search for the more than 20,000 people who 

have disappeared or gone missing over the past decade, including the case of the 

43 disappeared students in Iguala? 

Answer. The issue of the missing and disappeared is a significant human rights 

problem in Mexico, as we noted in our 2014 Human Rights Report. A database of 

names is an essential tool in addressing this challenge and, while Mexico’s National 

Registry for Missing and Disappeared Persons exists, it is incomplete and imperfect. 

President Pen ̃ a Nieto has pledged to support both a national missing persons database and a national genetic information database. 

I led the U.S. delegation to the Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue (BHRD) last 

year, where my Mexican counterparts shared the challenges they faced in collecting, 

verifying, and managing the registry. 

We have provided significant expertise that can be brought to bear here. Forensics 

and crime-scene investigation trainings, for example, share many of the fundamentals that are required to collect the evidence necessary to resolve cases. 

Regarding Iguala, I have been following the tragic events involving the disappearance, and presumed killing, of up to 46 students in the state of Guerrero in September 2014. We have met with Mexican officials to express our concerns and offer 

assistance to resolve this case. My thoughts and sympathies remain with the families and friends affected by the loss of loved ones. This horrific crime requires a full, 

transparent investigation and the prosecution of all responsible. 

Mexican authorities have undertaken such an investigation and detained nearly 

100 suspects. The Mexican Government has sought the assistance of a group of 

independent experts under the auspices of the Inter American Commission on 

Human Rights. We strongly support the experts group, whose mandate includes 

making recommendations to the Mexican Government about reforms that will help 

prevent disappearances. 

The problem of disappearances underscores the importance of our partnership 

under the Merida Initiative: supporting Mexican efforts to enhance the professional 

capacity of the Mexico’s justice sector institutions, thus ensuring accountability and 

increasing public trust. 

We value our collaborative law enforcement relationship with Mexico and, if confirmed, I will make our cooperation on advancing the rule of law in Mexico among 

my highest priorities. 

Question. The Government of Mexico has informed media outlets that it did not 

receive a formal, completed extradition request for Joaquin Guzman until June 

2015. Please describe why this request was not submitted to the Mexican Government until nearly 16 months after Guzman’s arrest. What role did you play in the 

interagency process to advocate for submitting a request for Guzman’s extradition? 

What role did you play in advocating that the Mexican Government respond affirmatively to the U.S. request for extradition? 

Answer. While the United States does not usually comment on pending extradition requests before they become public judicial proceedings for law enforcement 

and security reasons, it is the practice of the United States to seek extradition 

whenever defendants subject to U.S. charges are apprehended in another country. 

Pursuant to the U.S.-Mexico Extradition Treaty, in advance of submitting a full 

extradition request either country may seek from the other a provisional arrest warrant for a fugitive. The treaty further contemplates that, after the fugitive has been 

arrested, a full extradition package will be submitted. We can confirm that, at the 

request of the United States, Mexico issued such a provisional arrest warrant for 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Joaquin ‘‘Chapo’’ Guzman Loera more than a decade ago and, that subsequent to 

the arrest of Guzman Loera, the United States submitted a full extradition request 

to Mexico. The Department of State is part of the interagency review process for 

all extradition requests. 

The U.S. Government has been clear since Guzman Loera’s initial arrest about 

its desire to hold him accountable for his crimes in the United States. Even had the 

Mexican Government immediately agreed to extradite Guzman to the United States 

following his February 2014 capture, in all likelihood, he still would have been in 

a Mexican prison on July 11. He would have undoubtedly fought the extradition 

request in the Mexican legal system, as is his right under Mexican law. And the 

Mexican justice system would still have been preparing its prosecution and trial, 

based on its stated intent to ensure he faced justice in Mexico before the United 

States. Mexico’s former attorney general made very clear from the beginning of the 

Pen ̃ a Nieto government that Mexico wanted to prosecute Guzman in Mexico for 

crimes committed against the Mexican people before considering any extradition request. That is Mexico’s sovereign right and permitted under our bilateral extradition 

treaty. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question #1. Assistant Secretary Jacobson, during your testimony to the House 

Committee on Foreign Affairs in May of 2010, you spoke about the administration’s 

vision for a ‘‘21st century border.’’ You stated that the objective of this new border 

would be to intercept threats before they even reach the border. 

♦ Would you be able to describe further how that vision has been achieved today? 

♦ If confirmed, what will be your comprehensive antidrug strategy with Mexico? 

Answer. We have made significant steps to modernize and strengthen our shared 

border through both the Merida Initiative and our 21st Century Border Management Initiative. Under the 21st Century Border Management Initiative, the United 

States continues to work to reduce border wait times by expanding infrastructure 

capacity, including through public-private partnerships, and by improving the efficiency of the inspection process. We saw the completion of the first phase of our 

expansion at the busiest land port of entry between our two countries in November 

2014, the San Ysidro-El Chaparral border crossing between San Diego and Tijuana, 

which more than doubled the number of inspection booths and significantly reduced 

vehicle wait times from 3 hours to as little as 30 minutes. Likewise, in October 2014 

we inaugurated an improved port of entry at Nogales, AZ, through which 40 percent 

of Mexican produce bound for U.S. supermarkets passes. We are finalizing a pilot 

program this year for cargo preinspection at three different sites on our border, 

which will allow U.S. and Mexican customs agents to work side by side to inspect 

and clear cargo simultaneously. This will notably increase cargo inspection efficiency 

at the border. 

The United States has expended more than $1.4 billion in equipment, training, 

and capacity-building, including that dedicated to modernizing and securing our 

shared border since the Merida Initiative began in 2008. With support from Merida, 

Mexico has built a stronger legal framework, augmented specialized security forces, 

improved the detection of movement of narcotics, arms, and money, instilled a growing culture of lawfulness, and is more effectively using law enforcement information 

through the broader application of technology. To improve border security, the 

United States has provided the Government of Mexico with over $115 million in 

fixed and mobile nonintrusive inspection equipment (NIIE), maintenance, and 

related detection devices for use at Mexico’s points of entry, border crossings, and 

internal checkpoints. With Merida-funded equipment, the Mexican Government has 

seized over $4 billion in narcotics and illegal currency. Building upon the Government of Mexico’s own investment in NIIE and border security infrastructure, Merida 

assistance has significantly bolstered the ability of Mexican officials to increase border security and facilitate the flows of legitimate commerce and travel, while reducing the movement of illicit narcotics, currency, weapons, explosives, black market 

goods, and undocumented migrants. 

During his visit to Mexico in May 2013, President Obama stood with President 

Pen ̃ a Nieto and reaffirmed our commitment ‘‘to meet our responsibilities—to reduce 

the demand for illegal drugs, and combat the southbound flow of illegal guns and 

cash that help fuel violence.’’ This is a fundamental component of our bilateral security cooperation: our two countries have a shared responsibility to work together to 

address this problem that affects both of our countries. The United States is actively 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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working to prevent the illicit flow of drug profits and weapons that strengthen the 

drug cartels in Mexico and fuel the violence. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts 

under the Merida Initiative and in close coordination with law enforcement agencies 

to combat criminal groups involved in the drug trade and the flow of illegal drugs 

through Mexico. 

Question #2. The United States, Mexico and Canada are all involved in the TransPacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations along with other Pacific region countries. 

♦ To what extent might a failure to conclude a TPP impact North American trade 

relations and industrial competitiveness? 

Answer. The TPP will be the economic centerpiece of a growing, dynamic AsiaPacific region, which includes North America. This agreement has the potential to 

boost economic growth, development, and jobs in the United States, Mexico, and 

Canada and to enhance the competitiveness of the North American economy. Conversely, without the ratification of TPP, North America will not be as well positioned to compete effectively within the Asia Pacific and with the other major 

regions of the world. 

We anticipate success in this endeavor as we are very close to completing the 

negotiations. And with the passage of TPA, Congress has given the administration 

marching orders to conclude a high-standard agreement. We are working hard to 

achieve an agreement that will not only support our economic and strategic interests, but also reflect our values. As President Obama has said, we must ensure that 

as the economic rules of the road are drawn up for this important region of the 

world, the United States is playing a leading role in shaping them. 

Question #3. In December 2008, Mexico and the United States began the Merida 

Initiative to disrupt the capabilities of organized crime, improve the capacity of the 

Mexican judicial system to administer the rule of law, improve border security, and 

strengthen local communities across Mexico. 

♦ What is the current status of implementation of Merida Initiative programs in 

Mexico? 

♦ Following the implementation of Merida Initiative programs, has Mexico increased its security cooperation with the U.S., remained the same, or decreased? 

♦ Has the U.S. successfully helped Mexico develop independent judiciary/courts 

systems that is free from political interference? (Why Not?) 

Answer. The Merida Initiative has transformed our bilateral relationship with 

Mexico. We have achieved unprecedented levels of bilateral collaboration on a range 

of issues, including security, economic competitiveness, trade, energy, environment, 

climate, human rights, cultural and educational ties, and regional and global issues. 

Since the Merida partnership was formalized in 2008, $2.3 billion has been appropriated for the Merida Initiative (FY08–14). More than $1.4 billion in equipment, 

training, and capacity-building has been delivered since the Merida Initiative began. 

Between 2008 and 2014 Mexico invested about $68.3 billion in security and public 

safety. That means that our assistance has leveraged approximately $28.5 dollars 

in Mexican investment for every $1 dollar of our own appropriations. 

The Merida Initiative is a broad strategy to support the Mexican Government’s 

efforts to strengthen rule of law, democratic institutions, and community efforts 

against crime and violence, while protecting human rights. The Merida Initiative 

enables greater cooperation between U.S. and Mexican law enforcement agencies, 

prosecutors, and judges as they share best practices and expand bilateral cooperation in tracking criminals, drugs, arms, and money. The Merida Initiative has contributed greatly to strengthening our overall bilateral law enforcement cooperation. 

Mexico’s security challenges do not lend themselves to easy or short-term solutions. Building institutional capacity for the rule of law is crucial to long-term success. Our support for Mexico’s ongoing judicial reform will help create a more effective, transparent, and independent justice system. Continuing our strong security 

cooperation under the Merida Initiative remains a major component of our bilateral 

relationship. If confirmed, I will continue our joint efforts to support more capable 

institutions—especially police, justice systems, and civil society organizations—as 

rule of law is essential to Mexico’s economic growth. 

Question #4. There have been media reports suggesting that the current Mexican 

administration does not prioritize information-sharing as highly as previous Mexican administrations, including a prohibition on direct intelligence-sharing between 

law enforcement groups. Under President Nieto, all information must go through a 

centralized office under Mexico’s Secretary of the Interior. 

♦ Does Mexico regularly accept U.S. security and intelligence assistance when offered? 

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♦ Has a slowdown in criminal intelligence sharing hindered law enforcement operations in both Mexico and the United States? 

♦ Do you support a more robust role for the U.S. military in Mexico to assist the 

Government of Mexico with training, equipping, and targeting efforts in the 

fight against the cartels and transnational criminal organizations? 

♦ What role can the U.S. military and law enforcement play in helping Mexico 

secure their southern border with Guatemala and Belize? 

Answer. The United States and Mexico have an extremely close and cooperative 

security, law enforcement, and intelligence relationship, one that has expanded over 

the last 15 years and especially since the inception of the Merida Initiative. We 

have a range of assistance we can and have made available to the Government of 

Mexico, and Mexico works closely with us to define the assistance that best responds to the government’s priorities and the situation on the ground. 

While I would defer to our law enforcement agencies to comment on changes in 

the pace of criminal intelligence-sharing with the Mexican Government, I believe we 

have the mechanisms in place and the close institutional and personal relationships 

for strong law enforcement cooperation to more effectively address the transnational 

criminal organizations (TCOs) that threaten both our countries. 

I believe we have the right balance with respect to the role of the U.S. military 

in assisting Mexico in confronting TCOs. The military-to-military relationship has 

strengthened in the last few years. 

Our military and law enforcement agencies will continue to play a key role in support of Mexico’s effort to implement its Southern Border Strategy and better secure 

its borders with Belize and Guatemala. We are already working with Mexican agencies to increase their capabilities along their southern border as well as to encourage 

greater cooperation and communication between Mexico and its southern neighbors. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work to ensure the security, law enforcement, 

and intelligence sectors of the United States work together effectively with their 

Mexican counterparts to advance our mutual security interests. 

Question #5. Mexico’s most notorious drug lord, Joaquin ‘‘El Chapo’’ Guzman, 

broke out of a high-security prison on July 11 for the second time, escaping in a 

tunnel built right under his cell. Recent media reports suggest that the DEA had 

developed intelligence suggesting that Guzman and his associates were plotting his 

escape as early as 2014. Mexico’s Secretary of the Interior, Osorio Chong, has denied 

that authorities in Mexico were ever informed of potential escapes while U.S. authorities contend that they alerted Mexican authorities 16 months ago. 

♦ Was intelligence about a potential escape by Guzman ever conveyed to the 

Mexican Government? 

♦ Why would Secretary of the Interior, Osorio Chong, claim his office had no 

warning from the U.S. when his office is the clearinghouse for law enforcement 

information-sharing? 

♦ Did the prohibition of direct intelligence-sharing between law enforcement agencies in Mexico and the U.S. help lead to Guzman’s escape? 

♦ As Assistant Secretary of State for the Western Hemisphere, were you aware 

of any intelligence or any other information suggesting Guzman was plotting 

his escape? 

♦ Did you ever personally discuss the Guzman case with any Mexican official? If 

not, why not? 

Answer. While I cannot comment on the sharing of specific law enforcement information in the context of an ongoing sensitive investigation, I can assure you I have 

stayed actively engaged on the Guzman case. I and others in the Department and 

in Embassy Mexico City have discussed the Guzman case with Mexican officials and 

underscored the strong interest of the United States in seeking his extradition. Mexico wanted to prosecute Guzman in Mexico for crimes committed against the Mexican people before taking up consideration of any extradition request, which is permitted under our bilateral extradition treaty. 

We have a robust law enforcement information-sharing relationship with the Government of Mexico. We have engaged them for many months on Guzman’s case. 

However, for specific questions related to law enforcement information, I must refer 

you to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration and the Department of Justice. 

Question #6. Migrants from the Northern Triangle Countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras have increasingly made their way to the United States 

through Mexico. Since mid-2014, Mexico has stepped up immigration enforcement 

along the major routes traversed by many Central American migrants. 

♦ How effective have those actions been? 

♦ To what extent have those efforts been in response to U.S. pressure? 

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♦ How is Mexico balancing the need to combat illegal transmigration through its 

territory with the need to protect migrants’ rights and well-being? 

♦ What steps has the United States taken to ensure that illegal migrants are 

treated humanely when being repatriated to their home countries by Mexico? 

♦ If confirmed as Ambassador to Mexico, what message will you convey to the 

Government of Mexico and the people of Mexico to discourage illegal immigration to the United States? 

Answer. Cooperation with Mexico on migration issues has been excellent. In June 

2014, President Pen ̃ a Nieto expressed his commitment to President Obama to return children safely to their families in Central America, build Central American 

capacity to receive returned children, and address the underlying factors driving migration. We believe Mexico’s increased enforcement, including against human smuggling, as well as its efforts to share best practices on migration management with 

Central American governments have been significant factors in reducing the number 

of migrants apprehended by U.S. immigration officials at our southern border. 

As I noted during the confirmation hearing, bilateral cooperation on migration 

issues has increased. As the U.S. Government continues to secure our border and 

the Mexican economy improves, the Mexican Government realizes that many 

migrants may choose to stay in Mexico instead of trying to enter the United States. 

Therefore, Mexico has an added incentive to continue working with the United 

States to ensure orderly, safe, and legal migration. 

We have seen reports expressing concerns of inadequate protection of the rights 

of migrants apprehended and repatriated by Mexican authorities. We discuss these 

issues with our Mexican counterparts on a regular basis. For example, during the 

third meeting of the U.S.-Mexico Repatriation Strategy and Policy Executive Coordination Team on February 25, 2015, we discussed ways to align U.S. and Mexican 

resources and to ensure safe and humane treatment of migrants through the coordination of repatriation policies. 

If confirmed, I will continue to press the importance of orderly, safe, and legal 

immigration and support the Department’s public education efforts in the region to 

discourage illegal migration. 

Question #7. In a previous hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 

you provided testimony regarding U.S. sanctions toward individual human rights 

violators in Venezuela. During the question and answers portion of the hearing, you 

specifically stated that recognized opposition leaders from the MUD (Mesa Unidad 

Democratica) had requested that no sanctions be levied. In fact, you repeated the 

same answer when the question was raised on two separate occasions. However, 

after the hearing, the MUD put out a statement that was completely opposite of 

what you testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

♦ How do you explain this contradiction? 

Answer. Twenty-seven political parties comprise Venezuela’s opposition; each with 

different philosophies and strategies. At the time of the SFRC hearing in 2014, the 

government and some members of the political opposition were engaged in dialogue 

facilitated by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) with the involvement of the Vatican. However, other important elements of the opposition, students, 

and other protesters were skeptical of that dialogue and remained outside it. We 

respect all these legitimate, yet distinct, views. 

The opposition elements engaged in that dialogue asked that the U.S. Government not act in a way that would undermine it. As I testified, we believed that both 

the timing and any action on sanctions should be calibrated in such a way as not 

to undermine that dialogue—so long as it offered a realistic chance of progress. It 

was that view that informed our belief that timing was not right for sanctions at 

that time. Regrettably, the Venezuelan Government failed to make any concessions 

in the context of that dialogue, and it ended, prompting us to impose targeted 

sanctions. 

On July 30, 2014 and February 2, 2015, we took steps to impose visa restrictions 

against 56 individuals believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, human rights 

abuses and public corruption pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration 

and Nationality Act. 

On March 8, 2015, President Obama signed Executive Order 13692 targeting not 

only persons (i.e., individuals and entities) involved in or responsible for actions that 

limit or prohibit the exercise of freedom of expression or peaceful assembly and significant acts of violence that constitute a serious abuse or violation of human rights, 

including in response to antigovernment protests, but also those involved in public 

corruption and actions or policies that undermine democratic processes or institutions within the Government of Venezuela. Seven individuals were placed on the 

Office of Foreign Assets Control’s List of Specially Designated Individuals and 

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Blocked Persons (SDN List). Consequently, their property and interests in property 

subject to U.S. jurisdiction were blocked, and U.S. persons wherever located are generally prohibited from doing business with them. The E.O. also suspends the entry 

into the United States of any individual designated pursuant to the E.O. 

Question #8. There have been recent media reports that former legislator Maria 

Corina Machado has been prohibited from running for office in Venezuela’s upcoming December’s congressional elections. 

♦ What is the USG’s position on this undemocratic measure taken by the Government of Venezuela designed to influence the outcome of the upcoming elections? 

Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about the Venezuelan Government’s continuing effort to prohibit opponents from participating in the political 

process. Prohibiting select opposition members from taking office is an abuse of 

power intended to silence and punish critics. Restricting opposition candidates 

weakens the electoral process and undermines the principle of democratic pluralism. 

This is why I publicly expressed my concern via Twitter upon learning of the action 

against Ms. Machado. 

We join the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the European Union (EU), and 

the Canadian, Italian, Norwegian, and Spanish Governments in calling on the 

Venezuelan Government to cease efforts to silence the political opposition, further 

weaken democratic institutions, and for it to release political prisoners and respect 

human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedoms of peaceful assembly 

and association. 

We will continue to call on the Venezuelan Government to ensure free and fair 

elections by ceasing harassment of the opposition and allowing credible, independent international electoral observation. Free and fair elections, an essential element 

of a healthy democracy, require a society that encourages full citizen participation, 

opportunities for all individuals to become candidates, free operation of political parties and candidates, and flourishing independent media. All these conditions are 

consistent with the principles and values set forth in the American Declaration of 

the Rights and Duties of Man and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. 

Question #9. The Venezuela Defense of Human Rights and Civil Society Act of 

2014 imposes targeted sanctions on persons responsible for violations of human 

rights of antigovernment protesters in Venezuela. In May of last year, you told this 

committee that the time was ‘‘not right’’ for sanctions on human rights violators in 

Venezuela. As you know, President Obama eventually signed this bill into law in 

December. 

♦ Why has Miguel Rodriguez Torres, the Minister of Interior, Justice, and Peace 

not been sanctioned under this law? 

♦ What about Hugo Carvajal, the head of the Directorate of military intelligence? 

♦ What about Diosdado Cabello, President of the National Assembly of Venezuela, 

reportedly the most corrupt man in Venezuela? 

Answer. The action taken in March was a significant list that holds key individuals accountable, including based on involvement in human rights abuses and undermining democratic processes or institutions, including through public corruption. 

We will continue to monitor developments on the ground and stand prepared to 

take action against others as additional information becomes available and is 

assessed to meet the criteria for sanctions. 

Question #10. Mrs. Jacobson, you were the lead U.S. negotiator for the recently 

announced agreement to reestablish diplomatic relations between the United States 

and Cuba. 

As such, do you fully standby the results of the deal announced by President 

Obama, which you negotiated, to reestablish diplomatic relations between the 

United States and Cuba? 

Do you believe the Obama administration’s efforts to reestablish diplomatic relations will help preserve the Castro regime and Communist one party rule in Cuba 

or lead to democratic reforms? 

Answer. Yes, I stand by our agreement with the Government of Cuba. Our new 

approach to Cuba will make it easier for the United States to advance our interests 

and result in greater prosperity for the Cuban people. For almost 55 years, we tried 

using isolation to bring about change in Cuba. However, as the President stated on 

December 17, that approach was not working. Instead of bringing about change, we 

ended up focusing the international community’s attention on U.S. policy rather 

than on the negative effects of the Cuban Government’s policies on the Cuban 

people. 

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Reopening the U.S. Embassy in Havana and reestablishing diplomatic relations 

are the first steps in a long process of normalization. By engaging the Cubans 

through U.S. Embassy Havana, we will improve our access to the Cuban Government and our ability to advance our interests on a variety of issues, which include 

human rights, law enforcement, extraditions, counternarcotics, property claims, and 

the environment. Our new approach also allows us greater contact with the Cuban 

people, who ultimately will have the power to choose their own future. In recognition of that reality, our diplomats will be able to travel more freely around island 

and engage with the Cuban people more effectively. 

We understand that change will not come to Cuba overnight. There may well be 

setbacks on the path to normalization of U.S.-Cuba relations. However, by engaging 

the Cuban Government in an atmosphere of mutual respect, we hope to promote our 

interests more effectively and increase the prospects of the Cuban Government 

respecting the human rights and fundamental freedoms of its own people, thereby 

becoming prosperous and democratic. 

Question #11. Please provide a copy of the agreement you negotiated with the 

Cuban Government to reestablish diplomatic relations outlining the key commitments made by each side. 

Answer. From January 21 to July 1, I led a Department team in negotiating the 

conditions under which the proposed new embassies of the United States and Cuba 

in our respective countries would operate. That process culminated in the exchange 

of letters between President Obama and President Castro on July 1, 2015, in which 

they jointly agreed to reestablish diplomatic relations and reopen Embassies effective July 20. The only legally binding agreement concluded between the two countries in the course of these negotiations was an agreement to terminate the Interests Section Agreement of 1977, which was effected through an exchange of 

diplomatic notes on July 20. 

Several members of my staff briefed Congress on the key outcomes of the negotiations. One example of these outcomes is that United States diplomats will be able 

to meet and exchange opinions with Cubans with a variety of voices and views, both 

within the government and outside. We will reciprocally loosen the travel restrictions on both missions. We have a good start on diplomatic shipments that will 

allow us to upgrade several physical aspects of the Embassy. Finally, we have 

agreed with the Cubans to review these conditions in the coming year to see what 

adjustments need to be made. 

Question #12. According to Section 201 of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, it is the policy of the United States that diplomatic recognition should 

be considered ‘‘when the President determines that there exists a democratically 

elected government in Cuba.’’ 

♦ Did the President determine that ‘‘there exists a democratically elected government in Cuba?’’ 

Answer. No, he did not. The President’s new direction in policy toward Cuba 

maintains the long-standing objective of empowering the Cuban people and promoting a democratic, stable, and prosperous Cuba. The reestablishment of diplomatic relations is a key step in implementing this updated approach. Having the 

U.S. Embassy in Havana allows the United States to more effectively promote U.S. 

interests and values and increase engagement with the Cuban people. 

Question #13. In a tweet from April 1 you said ‘‘engagement is the best way to 

bring freedom and opportunity to people of #Cuba and to promote America’s national interests.’’ 

♦ We are all familiar with the numerous unilateral concessions the U.S. has given 

to the Castro regime. However, what freedoms have the Obama administration’s policy of engagement secured for the Cuban people? 

Answer. Through increased travel and communication between Cubans on the 

island and people in the United States, which is a key part of the administration’s 

new approach, the Cuban people will be empowered through greater access to information and resources. People-to-people ties will be strengthened, and result in the 

building of bridges to bolster and broaden the normalization process. 

This approach is already working. For example, we have seen an increase of about 

35 percent in U.S. travel to Cuba this year, a deal by IDT Corporation, a New Jersey based telecommunications company, to handle direct long-distance phone traffic 

from Cuba, and the Cuban Government’s release of a broadband strategy that 

acknowledged its low household penetration rate of less than 5 percent and set the 

ambitious goal of achieving more than 50 percent by 2020. Moreover, in June the 

Cuban Government announced plans to open 35 public wi-fi hotspots for half the 

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current price. We believe increased access to the Internet is fundamental to the free 

flow of information, and to the ability of the Cuban people to freely express themselves. We see this having enormous potential to connect the Cuban people with the 

rest of the world. 

We believe our policy of empowering the Cuban people with greater access to 

information and resources will help foster prosperity for Cuban citizens. To this end, 

changes that went into effect on January 16 increase the amount of remittances permitted under general licenses and authorize expanded commercial sales from the 

United States of certain goods and services for use by private sector entrepreneurs 

and agricultural workers. 

Question #14. Secretary Jacobson, in your testimony to this Senate Foreign Relations Committee on February 3, you stated: ‘‘We are already seeing indications that 

our updated approach gives us a greater ability to engage other nations in the hemisphere and around the world in promoting respect for fundamental freedoms in 

Cuba.’’ 

Since the President’s December 17 announcement, there has been a slew of foreign dignitaries, business leaders, and Members of this Congress traveling to Cuba. 

They have all followed the same script, focusing on meetings with regime officials 

and ignoring Cuba’s courageous dissidents. For example, one would be hard-pressed 

to find any foreign dignitary, business leader, or Member of this Congress, who has 

met with Berta Soler, the head of The Ladies in White, while in Havana. And that 

is the most-world renowned democracy group in Cuba. 

As Yoani Sanchez recently wrote, ‘‘a true shower of Presidents, Foreign Ministers 

and deputies has intensified over Cuba without daily life feeling any kind of relief 

from such illustrious presences.’’ 

Meanwhile, political arrests in Cuba continue to rise. Since December 17, there 

have already been over 2,500 documented arrests. We have seen an increase in violent tactics, like this week against democracy leader Antonio Rodiles, who literally 

had his nose shattered by secret police officials, requiring emergency surgery. 

♦ Why are all of these foreign dignitaries and businessmen shunning Cuba’s 

democracy activists during their trips to Havana? Is it because the Cuban regime has made it clear that visits with dissidents would result in having meeting with regime officials canceled? As such, has this not further empowered the 

regime? 

♦ What are some specific, recent examples of nations in this hemisphere promoting fundamental freedoms in Cuba, as you testified to this committee would 

take place? 

Answer. We regularly urge foreign governments and other international organizations to raise human rights issues with the Cuban Government and meet with a 

broad range of Cuban society including independent civil society, both inside and 

outside of Cuba. The U.S. mission in Havana has maintained long-standing contacts 

with diverse and respected Cuban dissidents. Several Members of Congress, including Representative Pelosi and Senator Flake, met with Cuban civil society representatives during previous visits to Havana. Moreover, the President has expressed 

his confidence in the American people as being the best ambassadors of our principles and values. That would include U.S. businesses. 

The United States remains committed to supporting vibrant civil society and forward progress on human rights issues in Cuba. To that end, we continue to encourage other governments and international organizations to raise human rights concerns in their meetings with the Cuban Government. We believe our previous policy 

of isolation was counterproductive in that it made it more difficult for the United 

States to advance this goal. Under our new policy approach to Cuba, U.S. diplomats 

will have greater access to engage directly with the Cuban Government on a range 

of issues and in particular, on human rights. 

We believe U.S. engagement with Cuba will also result in greater visibility and 

greater support internationally for Cuban civil society. For the first time, independent Cuban civil society groups attended the Summit of the Americas in Panama 

City this year. Cuban dissidents participated in President Obama’s meeting with 

civil society at the summit, along with the Presidents of Uruguay and Costa Rica. 

Moreover, we have been able to bring together third country ambassadors on the 

island with dissidents for the first time. These opportunities give dissidents not permitted to travel, access to such diplomats for the first time. Cuban Government-organized groups tried to block and publicly clashed with independent Cuban groups, 

who demonstrated their maturity and professionalism with substantive participation 

in the summit process. We believe these public incidents served to place a spotlight 

for the rest of the region on the restrictive environment in which Cuban civil society 

operates and raise awareness of this issue for the benefit of many government repFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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resentatives and civil society groups from around the hemisphere. Finally, increasing the free flow of information to and from Cuba, a key component of the President’s policy, will help amplify new voices from Cuba and increase information to 

activists on the island. 

Question #15. During the President’s December 17 announcement, he ‘‘welcomed’’ 

the Cuban regime’s decision to provide more access to international institutions, 

specifically the International Committee of the Red Cross, which promotes universal 

values. 

♦ Has the Cuban regime allowed the ICRC to visit prison conditions in Cuba, as 

they have repeatedly requested and been denied, but President Obama announced? Have you discussed this issue, which is one of the very few things the 

Cuban regime apparently promised President Obama for the litany of concessions given? 

♦ How many Cubans have been jailed since December 17? 

Answer. In the March session of the Human Rights Council, Cuban Foreign Minister Rodriguez extended an invitation to the president of the ICRC to visit Cuba. 

We are not aware of visits by the ICRC to monitor prison conditions, and ultimately, 

the scheduling and specific details of visits by international human rights organizations to Cuba are determined by the Cuban Government and those international actors, respectively. We have and continue to use the opportunities presented by our 

new approach to Cuba to urge the Cuban Government to schedule these and other 

visits by international human rights bodies in order to provide for greater transparency and allow for objective assessments of the state of Cuba’s prisons. We will 

encourage other countries to urge the same. 

During my January 22 visit to Cuba, I urged the Cuban Government to provide 

prison access to the U.N. and other international organizations. We will continue 

to press for greater access—and for the Cuban Government to live up to Raul Castro’s statement that ‘‘Cuba reiterates its willingness to cooperate in multilateral 

bodies, such as the United Nations.’’ 

Independent civil society groups track the number of short-term arbitrary detentions of activists who are freely exercising their human rights and fundamental freedoms. From January through June 2015, the independent group Comisio ́n Cubana 

de Derechos Humanos y Reconciliacio ́n Nacional (Cuban Commission of Human 

Rights and National Reconciliation) documented 2,822 short-term detentions. 

Question #16. Cuba is considered a hard target by the Intelligence Community 

and has an aggressive intelligence collection posture against the United States. The 

United States is considered the principal target from the Cuban intelligence apparatus. The U.S. employs hundreds of Cuban nationals at the U.S. Interests Section 

in Havana. This is clearly a significant counterintelligence threat. 

♦ While I recognize that it is not possible to have every person working at the 

Interests Section a U.S. person, do you support efforts to have supervisory positions headed up by U.S. persons who have undergone a background investigation to ensure we are taking reasonable steps to counter the CI threat at our 

diplomatic facilities in Cuba? 

Answer. No. Given the unique nature of working in Cuba, we have a dynamic program in place to ensure the safety and security of personnel and sensitive information. 

Our operations in Havana and around the world dictate we use local staff for supervisory positions in some Embassy functions (motorpool, administrative, and consular, for example). Utilizing locally hired staff results in significant costs savings 

as compared to U.S. direct-hire employees. As is standard practice at our embassies 

throughout the world, an American employee with a security clearance in the direct 

chain of the employee must review all Cuban staff and sign off on their employee 

evaluations. As a result, each Cuban employee of the U.S. Embassy in Havana is 

supervised by a cleared American employee. Furthermore, Cuban employees at the 

Embassy do not have the authority to make hiring or dismissal decisions, nor can 

they implement disciplinary actions. 

Question #17. According to the State Department’s annual Trafficking in Persons 

Report, Cuba has been a Tier 3 country since they were first evaluated in 2003. 

♦ Is the State Department planning on moving Cuba to Tier Watch List 2? 

♦ What specific actions have the Cuban Government taken to justify its improvement in ranking? 

Answer. The Department will be releasing this year’s Trafficking in Persons (TIP) 

Report soon. It would be premature to comment on any particular outcome; whatever conclusions are reached with respect to individual countries will both be based 

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on a pragmatic analysis of the best information possible and reinforce our strong 

interest in human rights around the world. 

The TIP Report covers 188 countries and territories in detail. Consistently over 

the past 14 years, it has provided detailed analyses and meaningful recommendations for advancing global efforts to fight trafficking. As with any nation, the United 

States seeks to cooperate with Cuba in eliminating trafficking in persons. 

Question #18. During a special briefing on May 19, 2015, regarding the Ongoing 

Discussions with Cuba to Re-Establish Diplomatic Relations and Reopen Embassies, 

an anonymous senior State Department official stated the following via teleconference: 

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: ‘‘I can certainly reiterate 

that the status of Guantanamo is not a part of these talks.’’ As I had said 

months ago, it is not on the table. The question of why, or why not, I think 

is a question—the President has made clear he’s not interested in having 

that conversation. But we’ve made clear that the issue of Guantanamo is 

not on the table at this point, and I don’t—I can’t say what the future may 

bring on this, but it’s not on the table right now, and I don’t know that 

there’s a reason to justify having it or not having it. And you certainly 

heard the Cubans’ view on this, but it’s not under discussion at this point. 

That official went on to say of U.S. democracy programs: 

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: ‘‘On the question of democracy programs, I think the thing that you have to remember is the democracy programs, in their history since I think about 1996 when they began, 

have changed over time. And they will continue to change over time to reflect a reality, whether that reality is on the ground in Cuba or in the 

United States. When the democracy programs began, for example, Cubans 

could not travel nearly as freely as they now can. Ever since the change 

in policy by the Cuban Government in 2013, many more people can travel, 

which means people can do things and participate in things outside of Cuba 

as opposed to inside of it. 

‘‘I think we always have to be cognizant of making sure that when we 

are supporting the Cuban people, we’re doing it in a way that is the most 

effective. We’ve moved forward with requests for funding in the past couple 

of years, and we’ve done that most recently in FY16. But I think we have 

to be careful not to ever have thought that those programs were static and 

separate from changes in the environment in which they’re working.’’ 

♦ Were you that anonymous official? 

♦ Was that official expressing a change in U.S. policy on the strategic importance 

of Naval Station Guantanamo? 

♦ How do you anticipate democracy programs in Cuba to ‘‘change over time?’’ 

Answer. The Department does not normally provide the names of officials who are 

asked to do background briefings for the press. However, I can affirm to you that 

there has been no change in U.S. policy regarding the strategic importance of Naval 

Station Guantanamo. We have not discussed the status of Naval Station Guantanamo with the Cuban Government during these discussions. I reiterate Secretary 

Kerry’s statement on July 20 that ‘‘at this time, there is no discussion and no intention on our part at this moment to alter the existing lease treaty or other arrangements with respect to the naval station.’’ 

U.S. assistance supports civil society initiatives that promote democracy, human 

rights and fundamental freedoms, particularly freedom of expression. The promotion 

of democratic principles and human rights remains the core goal of U.S. assistance. 

Through regular interagency meetings, the Department and USAID work together 

to review programs, identifying the most successful programming areas to date and 

making note of new or as-yet unreached audiences, so that future programs among 

the agencies will be complementary and highly effective. Following Cuba’s lifting of 

travel restrictions in early 2013, more civil society members have been able to participate in training opportunities outside of Cuba, increasing their professional networks. In addition, as the staff members at the U.S. Embassy in Havana are able 

to engage a wider range of Cuban society, new areas of focus for our programming 

may develop, consistent with applicable U.S. legislation. 

Question #19. On January 18, 2015, Argentinian prosecutor Alberto Nisman was 

found dead of a gunshot wound in his apartment located in in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Nisman was the principal investigative prosecutor in the Argentine Israelite 

Mutual Association (AMIA) bombing investigation, killed 85 people and wounded 

more than 300. Nisman’s investigation revealed the involvement of Iran and 

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Hezbollah in the attack and led to the issuance of Interpol ‘‘Red Notices’’ (detainment notices) for the identified conspirators. 

♦ Have you seen any analysis of the Nisman death that would lead you to conclude that he was murdered? 

Answer. There has been a great deal of analysis and speculation concerning the 

causes of and responsibility for Prosecutor Nisman’s death; however, to date the investigation has been inconclusive. Since the death of Prosecutor Nisman, both the 

Department and our Embassy in Buenos Aires have pushed for a complete, transparent, and impartial investigation into Mr. Nisman’s death. Through our Embassy 

in Buenos Aires, we have been in contact with Argentine law enforcement officials 

to offer U.S. assistance to the investigation. 

Question #20. The Millennium Challenge Corporation’s Compact-Eligibility Country Selection Criteria and Methodology includes a competitive selection process that 

judges each country’s performance in three areas, ruling justly; investing in people 

and economic freedom. 

♦ Do you believe that El Salvador’s Government is worthy of MCC funds that are 

intended for countries that are ‘‘governing justly’’ and upholding the rule of law? 

♦ Are you aware of any discussion among officers of your bureau or with MCC 

staff that the standards were being lowered to accommodate El Salvador’s second MCC grant of $277 million? 

♦ Can you describe such deliberations in detail? 

Answer. To determine countries’ eligibility to receive compacts MCC utilizes a 

scorecard that measures the extent to which a country rules justly, respects economic freedom, and invests in its people. MCC has determined that El Salvador 

meets these requirements. Additionally, El Salvador was a strong partner in implementing their first MCC compact. 

MCC monitors its partner countries before and during compact implementation. 

MCC has shown that it will take action—up to and including suspension or termination—if an MCC partner is engaged in a pattern of actions inconsistent with the 

agency’s principles and selection criteria. The Salvadoran Government committed to 

contribute $88.2 million on top of MCC’s investment, constituting a combined total 

of $365.2 million. 

When MCC’s Board of Directors approved the compact in September 2013, MCC 

stated its expectation that the Salvadoran Government needed to make tangible and 

sustained progress on improving the investment climate and strengthening the rule 

of law. Progress in these areas will help ensure that MCC’s investment achieves 

long-term and sustainable results. 

Once the Salvadoran Government presented a solid plan to address these issues 

and made tangible and sustained progress on addressing them, MCC moved forward 

with signing the compact in September 2014. 

Among other reforms and commitments obtained from the Salvadoran Government as a condition for compact signing, the Legislative Assembly passed reforms 

to the antimoney laundering regime prior to the signing and the Salvadoran Government committed to further reforms criminalizing bulk cash smuggling and regulating money remitters. Now that the compact is signed, the focus is on successful 

implementation of the projects, which include further reforms to improve the investment climate. 

Question #21. On January 30, 2015, I wrote a letter to Secretary Kerry expressing 

concern about the Government of Uruguay’s handling of six Guantanamo Bay detainees transferred to Uruguay in December 2014. In that letter, I requested ‘‘the 

written agreement between the U.S. Department of State and the Government of 

Uruguay’’ related to the transfer of these detainees. Following several briefings, the 

State Department informed my staff and Senator Corker’s staff that there was no 

written agreement. On May 20, 2015, Chairman Corker formally requested ‘‘All diplomatic notes, cables, and other documents describing any commitments, understandings, or other agreements or arrangements between the United States Government and the Government of Uruguay related to the transfer and subsequent 

disposition of the Guantanamo Bay detainees transferred late last year.’’ 

♦ Please provide these documents. 

Answer. The Department appreciates Congress’ important oversight responsibilities on these transfers and is committed to providing information to enable your 

committee to perform that function. That said, the Department, across two administrations, has consistently informed Congress, and represented to U.S. courts, that 

disclosing these diplomatic assurances would have a chilling effect on foreign governments’ willingness to cooperate on detainee transfers. 

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Accordingly, these sensitive diplomatic communications containing foreign government information are kept to a limited executive branch dissemination. Indeed, foreign governments have noted that disclosure outside of this limited dissemination 

could endanger future cooperation related to detainee transfers, which would harm 

cooperative efforts to mitigate any threat posed by transferred detainees. 

The Department is happy to brief you or your staff further on these issues. 

Question #22. If confirmed, what will be your approach regarding raising U.S. concerns related to corruption, religious freedom, and human rights in Mexico? How 

will you, as Ambassador, broach what are often sensitive issues with a close democratic partner? 

Answer. We have a strong, positive relationship with Mexico that allows us to 

raise issues of concern in a respectful, productive manner. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work to maintain a constructive partnership such that we can forthrightly share viewpoints and work together to resolve areas of concern in a proactive 

and direct manner. 

Cooperation on anticorruption and good governance are a core part of the bilateral 

agenda. President Pen ̃ a Nieto signed Mexico’s anticorruption bill into law in May. 

The legislation will strengthen oversight of public officials and designates a special 

prosecutor to tackle corruption issues. Mexico is also a founding member of the 

Open Government Partnership and its willingness to chair the initiative for the next 

year is a signal of President Pen ̃ a Nieto’s desire to improve governance in Mexico. 

We are actively engaged with Mexico on human rights issues, and we have established a formal mechanism, the Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue that brings together officials from the Departments of State, Defense, Homeland Security, Justice, 

and other U.S. Government agencies to meet with Mexican counterparts, to review 

and discuss a wide range of human rights issues. 

In addition to the formal Bilateral Dialogue, we regularly meet with government 

officials at all levels, as well as with civil society and human rights groups, to discuss both general issues and specific cases—including issues related to religious 

freedom. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen these efforts and ensure human 

rights concerns remain a central element of our bilateral relationship. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES TO ADDITIONAL

FOLLOW-UP QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Mrs. Jacobson, the Obama administration stated that its January 2015 

changes to U.S. regulations regarding commerce and travel to Cuba were tailored 

to ‘‘support the Cuban people.’’ Yet, in a recent newspaper article about the limited 

commerce resulting from this new policy because of the Cuban Government’s insistence on funneling U.S. transactions through its monopolies, rather than allowing 

the Cuban people to benefit directly, you were quoted as stating that the new rules 

were ‘‘a work in progress. Cubans are getting used to it; our business people are 

getting used to it. We are going to tweak. We may not have written them right.’’ 

♦ What portion of the administration’s new Cuba regulations was ‘‘not written 

right?’’ 

♦ Do you agree that accommodating increased U.S. commerce through the Cuban 

Government’s monopolies does not ‘‘support the Cuban people’’ and that such 

benefiting of the Cuban Government’s oligarchs contravenes the previously stated purpose of the Obama administration’s Cuba policy and legislative limitations on U.S. Policy toward Cuba as codified in law? 

Answer. The regulatory amendments introduced January 16 by the Departments 

of Commerce and the Treasury, consistent with the President’s December 17, 2014, 

announcement, were developed through a comprehensive interagency process in 

order to increase the flow of information and resources in support and for the benefit of the Cuban people. These changes, among other things, ease travel restrictions, facilitate certain exports, and increase the amount of remittances that may 

be sent to individual Cubans. This administration is strongly committed to ensuring 

that the spirit of the President’s new direction on Cuba policy is implemented in 

practice, and that U.S. persons are able to engage with and support the Cuban people. The regulations were published 1 month after the President’s announcement, 

and in the following months many individuals, NGOs, and businesses have begun 

to use these authorizations. There is no question that these measures have already 

had a substantial positive impact on the Cuban people. However, across sanctions 

programs, the U.S. Government makes every effort to ensure that authorizations 

have the intended impact—something that cannot be ensured until they are used. 

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To this end, the State Department supports amendments and changes to regulations 

to help ensure that our foreign policy goals continue to be fully met. 

The January 16 regulatory amendments are consistent with U.S. law and with 

our foreign policy goals. Increased travel and interaction between the United States 

and Cuba, and limited commerce in certain areas (e.g., exports of agricultural commodities, medicines and medical devices, items for use by the Cuban private sector, 

consumer communications devices, and telecommunications equipment) serve to 

build people-to-people ties and increase the flow of information and resources to the 

Cuban people. 

Question. Related to the case of notorious Mexican drug lord ‘‘El Chapo’’ Guzman: 

♦ What was the first date on which you discussed the Guzman case with Mexican 

officials? 

♦ What was the last date on which you discussed the Guzman case with Mexican 

officials? 

♦ As Assistant Secretary, were you personally aware of any information suggesting that Guzman was plotting an escape? 

Æ If so, did you convey this information to Mexican officials? 

Answer. Extradition of Joaquin ‘‘El Chapo’’ Guzman has been the subject of discussions between the United States and Mexico for a number of years. Pursuant to 

the U.S./Mexico Extradition Treaty, in advance of submitting a full extradition 

request, either country may seek from the other a provisional arrest warrant for a 

fugitive; the treaty further contemplates that, after the fugitive has been arrested, 

a full extradition package will be submitted. We can confirm that, at the request 

of the United States, Mexico issued such a provisional arrest warrant more than a 

decade ago. 

After the Mexican Government recaptured Guzman on February 22, 2014, I and 

others in the U.S. Government and in Embassy Mexico City discussed the Guzman 

case with Mexican officials and underscored the strong interest of the United States 

in seeking his extradition. We remained in close contact with the Mexican Government and subsequent to the arrest of Guzman last year, the United States submitted a full extradition request to Mexico. 

U.S. Attorney General Lynch spoke with Mexican Attorney General Gomez on 

July 12—within 24 hours after Guzman’s escape—to offer full support to the Mexican Government in its efforts to recapture him. The United States and Mexico are 

working closely together through law enforcement and diplomatic channels at all 

levels to coordinate efforts and resources to recapture Guzman. 

Both Mexican and U.S. authorities were well aware of Guzman’s history and previous escape. During Guzman’s recent incarceration, the U.S. Government discussed 

with Mexican authorities information concerning his criminal associates’ desire to 

break him out of prison; however, this information was general, nonspecific, and 

spoke to intent, not the actual planning, means, or timing of an escape attempt. 

Question. Regarding your 2014 testimony on the human rights situation in Venezuela: Did the recognized leaders of Mesa Unidad Democratica ask you directly to 

ensure that the U.S. Government not act in a way that would undermine the ongoing dialogue? 

♦ Which members of the political opposition whom were engaged in the dialogue 

did you speak with? 

♦ Please explain how the answer to my question for the record is consistent with 

your clarification for the record last year indicating that you had not been in 

touch with members of the opposition involved in the dialogue? 

Answer. Both my clarification for the record last year and my response to your 

question for the record are consistent with my testimony. 

Over the last several years, in Washington and elsewhere, I have had the opportunity to speak with many members of the diverse Venezuelan political opposition, 

private sector, civil society, and government. 

The political opposition is in an extremely difficult position in Venezuela, and not 

all members of the opposition agree on how to further their political objectives. I 

respect the varying opinions and perspectives among leaders of the MUD. When 

developing U.S. policy, we remain mindful of the on-the-ground situation and the 

possible consequences of our actions. There was no direct request that we refrain 

from sanctions, but we were at that time extremely aware of the context of the dialogue and its fragility. 

Question. On Question 9 related to the Venezuela Defense of Human Rights and 

Civil Society Act of 2014, please provide a written response or a briefing in the 

appropriate setting explaining why these individuals have not been sanctioned. 

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♦ Miguel Rodriguez Torres, the Minister of Interior, Justice; and Peace Hugo 

Carvajal, the head of the Directorate of military intelligence Diosdado Cabello, 

President of the National Assembly of Venezuela. 

Answer. Each determination on whether and when to impose targeted measures, 

including visa restrictions or asset blocking, takes into account U.S. law and 

whether the measures are likely to advance U.S. foreign policy interests in addition 

to the specific information we have on individuals. These interests include respect 

for the human rights of the Venezuelan people, democratic governance and pluralism, and regional security and stability. 

On September 12, 2008, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign 

Assets Control (OFAC) designated Hugo Armando Carvajal Barrios under the Kingpin Act. That action froze any assets Carvajal may have under U.S. jurisdiction and 

prohibited any U.S. persons from conducting financial or commercial transactions 

involving those assets. 

The steps the Department took in July 2014 and February 2015 to restrict visa 

eligibility for individuals believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, human rights 

abuses and public corruption were carried out pursuant to Section 212 (a)(3)(C) of 

the Immigration and Nationality Act. Visa confidentiality laws restrict us from naming those individuals. 

We continue to monitor developments on the ground and stand prepared to take 

action against others as additional information becomes available and is assessed 

in terms of U.S. law and foreign policy interests. 

Question. On Question 11, please provide any documents that outline the agreement you negotiated, legally binding or otherwise, between the United States and 

Cuba regarding the number of personnel allowed at each Embassy and the conditions under which the Embassies will operate. If this is not provided in the exchange of notes or letters, please provide the relevant reporting cables. 

Answer. We appreciate and welcome the strong interest that you and other Members of Congress have in ensuring that our U.S. Embassy in Cuba will be able to 

fully perform its duties and functions. We also appreciate that Congress has important oversight responsibilities in this regard and we are committed to providing as 

much information as possible to ensure that Congress can perform this function. 

As you know, on July 7 senior officials from the U.S. State Department’s Bureau 

of Western Hemisphere Affairs and Bureau of Diplomatic Security provided a classified briefing to Foreign Relations Committee staff, including members of your staff, 

which covered all substantive aspects of the agreement, including the numbers of 

personnel at each Embassy and the conditions under which the Embassies will operate. We would be happy to continue briefing your staff to answer any additional 

questions you may have and to update you as the bilateral relationship progresses. 

Question. On Question 12, are you arguing that the administration’s Cuba policy 

complies with Section 201 of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act and 

if so, how? If not, has the administration concluded it is not bound by this law and 

if so, why? 

Answer. The administration’s Cuba policy is consistent with all applicable law. 

Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution grants the President the authority to ‘‘receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers.’’ This grant of authority has long 

been understood to provide the President with the exclusive authority to establish 

diplomatic relations with foreign nations. Presidents throughout our history have 

used their constitutional authority to establish or reestablish diplomatic relations 

with foreign nations, and there are numerous recent examples of Presidents from 

both parties doing so. 

Section 201 of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (‘‘LIBERTAD’’) Act 

of 1996 provides that it is the policy of the United States ‘‘[t]o consider the restoration of diplomatic recognition and support the reintegration of the Cuban Government into Inter-American organizations when the President determines that there 

exists a democratically elected government in Cuba.’’ While the provision thus indicates that the United States should consider restoration of diplomatic recognition 

if the specified condition is met, it does not by its terms purport to prohibit the 

President from exercising his exclusive constitutional authority with respect to recognition in other circumstances. Consistent with long-standing constitutional practice and President Clinton’s statement on signing the LIBERTAD Act, we construe 

this provision to be precatory to avoid interfering with the President’s constitutional 

authority to reestablish diplomatic relations with Cuba. 

Question. On Question 13, what is the percentage increase in Internet access in 

Cuba since December 17, 2014? 

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Answer. Data are not available to estimate the increase in Internet access in 

Cuba since December 17 with sufficient accuracy. However, public pressure for 

Internet access has swelled in recent months, evidenced in part by a substantial 

increase in demand for Cubans’ use of the Internet Center at Embassy Havana. The 

January 16 regulatory changes enable U.S. telecommunications firms to export the 

equipment and services needed to rapidly expand Internet connectivity. 

The Cuban National Assembly posted updates regarding its July 14 session on 

official Twitter and Facebook accounts, suggesting the Cuban Government’s acknowledgment of the need to adapt to greater international interconnectivity. In 

June, the Cuban Government announced the addition of 35 Wi-Fi hotspots and a 

reduction in Internet access rates from $4.50 to $2.00. While this rate is still too 

expensive for the average Cuban, we assess the Cuban Government finally realizes 

its Internet penetration rate of less than 5 percent is too low for the country to 

thrive in a global economy. For the moment, however, reliable, legal, and affordable 

Internet access remains out of reach for the average Cuban citizen. 

Question. With regards to Question 16, please answer the following questions: 

♦ How many non-U.S. persons currently work in U.S. diplomatic facilities in 

Cuba? 

♦ How many are projected to work there next year? Are there plans to hire additional non-U.S. persons? 

♦ How many non-U.S. persons currently hold supervisory positions in U.S. diplomatic facilities in Cuba? 

♦ Do any of these individuals have access to sensitive areas within the U.S. 

Embassy compound such as access to the Ambassador, DCM or other senior 

leader’s office space, access to the same floor as a sensitive compartmented 

information facility or the motor pool vehicles used by senior U.S. diplomats and 

visiting delegations? 

♦ How does the State Department define ‘‘supervisory’’ in this instance? 

♦ Please list the positions defined as supervisory that are currently held by nonU.S. persons. 

♦ Have any of these individuals undergone a background check or polygraph test? 

Æ If so, who conducted the background checks or polygraph tests? 

♦ What would it cost to replace each non-U.S. person supervisor currently working in a U.S. diplomatic facility in Cuba with a cleared U.S. person? 

Answer. There are currently 294 non-U.S. persons working in U.S. diplomatic 

facilities in Cuba. We have several authorized positions that are currently vacant 

and hope to fill 10–15 of these in the next year. 

We employ local staff in Havana in positions that entail some oversight of local 

staff, as we do at all embassies throughout the world. In Havana, approximately 40 

Cubans have some oversight of other Cuban employees. No Cuban employees supervise American staff. Each Cuban employee has an American supervisor. Cuban 

employees do not have the authority to make hiring or dismissal decisions, nor can 

they implement disciplinary actions. 

Access to our facilities in Havana is strictly controlled. As with other embassies 

around the world, there are certain areas within the Embassy that only cleared 

Americans can access. 

The following positions have some oversight or administrative responsibility for 

less experienced Cuban staff and are currently held by non-U.S. persons: 

♦ Senior HR Assistant 

♦ Senior Storekeeper 

♦ Shipment Supervisor 

♦ Mechanic Supervisor 

♦ Maintenance Supervisor (2) 

♦ Computer Management Supervisor 

♦ Procurement Team Leader 

♦ Housing/Property Assistant 

♦ Senior Guard Supervisor 

♦ Guard Shift Supervisor (5) 

♦ Senior Guard (5) 

♦ Administrative Assistant 

♦ Senior Visa Assistant 

♦ Refugee Unit Supervisor 

♦ IV/NIV Team Leader (6) 

♦ IV Subject Matter Expert (2) 

♦ Admissions Team Leader 

♦ Document Checker Team Leader 

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♦ Principal Cashier 

♦ PSU Team Leader 

♦ Physician 

♦ Pol/Econ Assistant 

♦ Senior Media Assistant 

♦ Financial Specialist 

All Cuban employees are required to pass a background check investigation that 

is performed by a cleared American staff member of the Regional Security Office. 

For FY 2017, the estimated startup costs for a new U.S. Direct Hire (USDH) posi- tion overseas is $222,500. The yearly costs for that position are estimated at 

$441,100. The average cost of a Cuban employee at the Embassy in Havana is 

$12,000. To replace a Cuban employee with a USDH would cost an additional 

$651,600 the first year and $429,100 in subsequent years. 

Question. With regards to Question 17, given that the report has now been 

released: 

♦ What was your role in the decision to move Cuba from Tier 3 to Tier 2 Watch 

List in the TIP report? 

♦ Did you discuss the TIP ranking upgrade during your recently concluded negotiations with the Cuban Government? 

♦ What specific actions did the Cuban Government take during 2014 to justify 

this upgrade? 

Answer. The Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP), which 

gathers data for and drafts the annual TIP report, does not fall under my oversight. 

However, the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs collaborates with J/TIP in developing the report narrative and ranking for WHA countries. Information used to 

generate the report comes from a wide variety of credible sources, including foreign 

government officials, NGO representatives, international organizations, journalists, 

academics, and survivors of trafficking. Also included is input from U.S. diplomats 

on the ground and State Department country desk officers. 

State Department officials do not discuss TIP rankings with foreign governments 

prior to the annual report’s public release. And we did not do so with the Cubans 

during the negotiations on reestablishing diplomatic relations or at any other time 

in our discussions with the Cubans. As a courtesy, we do disclose our final decisions 

to foreign governments shortly before publicly releasing the annual rankings. Tier 

rankings in the 2015 TIP report reflect a country’s efforts to comply with the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking in persons set forth by Congress in the 

Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), including law enforcement efforts, victim 

assistance, and prevention efforts. 

In 2014, the Cuban Government reported several law enforcement and victims 

assistance efforts to combat sex trafficking. For example, the government released 

official data on prosecutions and convictions of sex traffickers during the previous 

calendar year, showing additional law enforcement efforts that led to 13 prosecutions and convictions, versus 10 in 2012. This demonstrated clear progress over the 

prior year. 

The government also provided assistance to sex trafficking victims identified in 

the 13 cases. In addition, employees of the Ministries of Tourism and Education 

received training to spot indicators of sex trafficking, particularly among children 

engaged in commercial sex. 

Our robust engagement with the Cuban Government on combating trafficking in 

persons has included the exchange of delegations of experts in 2014 and 2015. 

Question. 

♦ Is it your assessment that the Government of Argentina has conducted a complete, transparent, and impartial investigation into the death of Alberto 

Nisman? 

♦ Have the offers of U.S. assistance you mentioned been accepted by the Government of Argentina? 

♦ What is your assessment of the accusations made as a result of Mr. Nisman’s 

investigation into the AMIA bombing? 

Question. The Argentine investigation into Alberto Nisman’s death has not yet 

concluded. We are following the investigation closely, including the analyses of outside investigators hired by Mr. Nisman’s former wife, Judge Sandra Arroyo Salgado. 

The United States has urged the Argentine Government to conduct an objective, 

transparent, thorough, and prompt inquiry into Mr. Nisman’s death, and we await 

the outcomes of the ongoing inquiry. Argentine authorities have not accepted U.S. 

offers of investigative assistance, although we remain ready to provide aid—if and 

when requested. 

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It is for the Argentine people and judicial system to assess the results of Mr. 

Nisman’s investigation and its relevance to the bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center. For more than two decades, the United States has supported Argentina’s efforts to hold accountable the perpetrators of the heinous attack on the AMIA 

Jewish community center. I personally did some of my first work in the region researching the Argentine Jewish community during the military government, have 

known leaders of the community for decades, and care deeply about the outcome of 

this case. We have clearly and consistently urged the international community to 

support the investigation, consistent with the rule of law. The United States looks 

forward to, and will continue to work toward, the day when justice is done for the 

victims of this attack. 

Question. With regards to Question 21, multiple Senators have been requesting 

this information for more than 6 months. Despite repeated briefings, the administration has yet to provide the requested information, even in summary form, including the specific commitments made by the Government of Uruguay. 

♦ Please provide the requested information so that this committee can fulfill its 

oversight responsibilities. 

Answer. The Department appreciates Congress’ important oversight responsibilities on these transfers and is committed to providing information to enable your 

committee to perform that function. As you know, the Department, across two administrations, has consistently informed Congress and represented to U.S. courts 

that disclosing these diplomatic assurances would have a chilling effect on foreign 

governments’ willingness to cooperate on detainee transfers. 

Accordingly, these sensitive diplomatic communications containing foreign government information are kept to a limited executive branch dissemination. Indeed, foreign governments have noted that disclosure outside of this limited dissemination 

could endanger future cooperation related to detainee transfers, which would harm 

cooperative efforts to mitigate any threat posed by transferred detainees. 

The Department is committed to continuing and deepening our dialogue with you 

on this important topic and the Office for Guantanamo Closure would be happy to 

brief you or your staff further on these issues. 

Question. What portion of the administration’s new Cuba regulations was ‘‘not 

written right?’’ 

Answer. Following the President’s December 17, 2014, announcement, the Treasury and Commerce Departments took steps within the scope of executive authority 

to implement certain aspects of the administration’s new approach toward Cuba. 

The regulatory amendments published January 16 were developed through a comprehensive interagency process with the goal of further engaging and supporting the 

Cuban people. To that end, it is clear that these regulations have already made a 

substantial impact. For example, travel to Cuba increased over 35 percent during 

the first quarter of 2015, and U.S. entities have made use of the new license exception for exports. In addition, the debate over access to the internet in Cuba has 

shifted from criticism of U.S. restrictions to what steps the Cuban Government must 

take to increase connectivity and allow its people to communicate amongst themselves and with the outside world. 

My comment was not intended to signal that the January regulatory amendments 

were somehow written incorrectly or in error, but rather that we continue to assess 

how the intent of the policy direction can be achieved in practice. As we do across 

sanctions programs, the U.S. Government will continue to make every effort to 

ensure that the Cuba regulations have the intended impact and meet our foreign 

policy goals, within the limits of executive authority. The State Department regularly supports amendments and changes to regulations to help ensure that our foreign policy goals continue to be fully met. 

Question. What was the last date prior to his escape from prison on which you 

discussed the Guzman case with Mexican officials? 

Answer. Upon his arrest last year, I and other U.S. Government officials discussed with Mexican officials numerous times the importance of extraditing Guzman 

to the United States. I repeatedly made clear that Guzman’s eventual extradition 

to the United States was a top priority for the U.S. Government and for our bilateral law enforcement cooperation. Our Mexican counterparts made clear they 

wanted to prosecute Guzman in Mexico for crimes committed against the Mexican 

people before taking up consideration of any extradition request. That is Mexico’s 

sovereign right and is permitted under our bilateral extradition treaty, at Mexico’s 

discretion. The Mexicans believed they would be able to hold Guzman in prison; 

however, I and other U.S. Government officials continued to raise the U.S. interest 

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in extraditions, including in Guzman’s case, in high-level meetings in the months 

prior to his escape. 

Question. Which members of the political opposition engaged in the dialogue did 

you speak with prior to your testimony in May 2014? 

Answer. I spoke with various members of the diverse Venezuelan political opposition, including representatives from the opposition coalition (Democratic Unity 

Roundtable—Mesa de la Unidad Democratica, MUD) and several individual political 

parties, including but not limited to Justice First (Primero Justicia), A New Era (Un 

Nuevo Tiempo), and Popular Will (Voluntad Popular). 

Our Embassy in Caracas remains in close contact with the MUD and individual 

political parties, including but not limited to Democratic Action (Accion 

Democratica), Advanced Progressive (Avanzada Progresista), Christian Democratic 

(COPEI), Primero Justicia, Voluntad Popular, Vente Venezuela, and Un Nuevo 

Tiempo. The Embassy’s reporting on these meetings provides key on-the-ground insights to inform my—and other policy makers’—understanding and decisionmaking. 

We strive—here in Washington and in Caracas—to speak with a broad spectrum 

of the population including the opposition, private sector, civil society, and government. 

Question. What was your role in the planning the August 14, 2015, flag-raising 

at the U.S. Embassy in Havana? 

Who was responsible for determining the guest list of those invited to the flag 

raising ceremony? 

Since the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba, the U.S. Embassy’s 

Twitter account has covered a wide range of issues such as climate change, sports 

and even promoted Cuban Government officials (in the case of Eusebio Leal). Yet, 

there has not been a single tweet promoting human rights and democracy. Why? 

During your tenure as Assistant Secretary of State, have you met with representatives of, or attended any events hosted by, Engage Cuba, the Trimpa Group, and 

Cuba Now? If so, please provide a list of the dates, individuals involved, and the 

subject matter of the meetings or events attended. 

Answer. The Department of State worked closely with other U.S. Government 

agencies and the U.S. Embassy to plan the August 14 flag-raising at the U.S. 

Embassy in Havana. 

In developing the guest list for the events in Havana on August 14, the Department of State sought to include as many individuals as possible from a broad array 

of sectors including the U.S. Congress, business leaders, civil society, and the general public. Guests also included Cuban Government officials. 

The State Department and U.S. Embassy Havana employ a range of tools to 

engage the Government of Cuba on democracy and human rights. We have used social media in the past to decry human rights abuses such as the early July 2015 

beating of Antonio Rodiles. Since reestablishing diplomatic relations, we are advocating for human rights directly with the Cuban Government. As our bilateral relationship evolves, we will continue to advocate on behalf of the Cuban people for 

fundamental freedoms, including the right to peaceful assembly, association, and 

freedom of expression. In his August 14 speech at the flag-raising in Havana, which 

was tweeted by the U.S. Embassy, Secretary Kerry delivered a strong message of 

support for democracy on the island. 

In my capacity as Assistant Secretary of State, I meet regularly with a broad 

array of individuals and organizations to discuss U.S. policy toward the Western 

Hemisphere. During my tenure, I have attended events also attended by representatives from a wide and diverse range of organizations involved with Cuba, among 

them the Trimpa Group, Engage Cuba, and Cuba Now. At those events where I 

have engaged in conversation with these individuals, we have discussed U.S. policy 

toward Cuba. 

Question. Media reports indicate that human rights experts at the State Department concluded that trafficking conditions had not improved in Cuba, and thus did 

not deserve to be upgraded from Tier 3 to Tier 2 Watch List. 

Did you personally review any drafts of the Cuba section of the annual TIP 

report? 

Did WHA propose any changes to the draft report produced by J/TIP? 

If so, what changes were proposed? 

Did any office or individual at the State Department oppose the upgrade of Cuba? 

Please provide: 

♦ All prior drafts of the Cuba portion of the TIP report. 

♦ The specific changes proposed by WHA. 

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♦ Names of all State Department and White House officials who signed off on 

Cuba Section. 

♦ Copy of the Cuban Government’s national action plan. 

Answer. The State Department has staff working on human trafficking issues in 

Washington and at U.S. embassies around the world. The State Department has a 

dedicated office, the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, which 

works year-round to gather information and produce the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. 

Final decisions are reached only after rigorous analysis and discussion among officials in the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons; staff at the relevant regional bureaus and U.S. missions overseas; and senior State Department 

leadership—including myself. The final rankings are then approved by the Secretary 

of State. 

The process is deliberative and fact-based. It is critical that Department officials 

are able to speak freely and frankly during the deliberative process, which ultimately contributes to the integrity of the report and the strength of tier-ranking 

decisions. Moreover, discussion of the internal deliberations that informed the Secretary’s decision would undermine his authority as provided in the TVPA. We disclose our methodology in the report; however, we do not release earlier drafts of the 

final product or documents related to deliberations during the process. 

The Cuban Government informed the Department in March of 2015 that they 

were developing a national action plan, which would include trafficking in persons, 

but we refer you to the Cuban Embassy in the United States for further information 

on this plan. 

However, in November 2014, the Government of Cuba released a report detailing 

efforts to combat trafficking in persons, which is publicly available. (See http:// 

www.cubaminrex.cu/es/informe-de-cuba-sobre-el-enfrentamiento-juridico-penal-latrata-de-personas-y-otras-formas-de-abuso.) 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR ISAKSON

Question. Ms. Jacobson, we have heard concerns from U.S. companies operating 

in Mexico that the tactics Mexico’s tax authorities have employed are overly aggressive and seem to target U.S. global companies doing business in Mexico. Specifically, 

in the context of the OECD Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) project Mexico 

has acted unilaterally at times which is contrary to its commitments as an OECD 

Member country. Recently, there was an article in the Mexican press that has been 

brought to my attention, where the Mexico SAT has made disparaging remarks 

about the OECD BEPS process and has said they will not wait for its conclusion 

to take unilateral action. This is obviously hurting U.S. companies and their ability 

to do business in Mexico and goes against Mexico’s treaty commitments, trade 

agreements and their commitment as an OECD member. 

♦ Will you continue the work of Ambassador Wayne to ensure that Mexico upholds its commitments to the OECD process and continue to ensure that U.S. 

businesses aren’t unfairly or aggressively targeted? 

Answer. We have heard the same concern from some U.S. companies in Mexico 

regarding this issue. As you note, Ambassador Wayne has raised this concern at the 

highest levels of the Mexican Government, and, if confirmed, I will do the same. 

Like any nation, Mexico levies taxes on foreign companies operating in its territory. Such taxes should be levied transparently and according to clear rules and procedures. Moreover, Mexico’s membership in the OECD is a reflection and recognition 

of the size and maturity of the Mexican economy. All OECD members share a commitment to respect OECD processes and practices. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACOBSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PAUL

Question. What does the Mexican Government need to do to improve the situation 

at the U.S.-Mexican border? And if confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, what 

specific steps would you take to help them in that regard? 

Answer. Mexico is our second-largest export market and third-largest trading 

partner. More than $1.5 billion in daily trade with Mexico supports millions of jobs 

in states throughout both countries. President Obama and President Calderon 

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nomic competitiveness and enhance security through the secure, efficient, rapid, and 

lawful movement of goods and people. As one result of that continued close cooperation, we saw the completion in November 2014 of the first phase of expansion at 

the busiest land port of entry between the United States and Mexico, the San 

Ysidro-El Chaparral border crossing between San Diego and Tijuana, which more 

than doubled the number of inspection booths and significantly reduced vehicle wait 

times from 3 hours to as little as 30 minutes. Likewise, in October 2014 we inaugurated an improved port of entry at Nogales, AZ, through which 40 percent of Mexican produce bound for U.S. supermarkets passes. 

On the security front, President Pena Nieto’s strategy to counter transnational 

crime and improve the situation on our shared border is to combine all elements 

of the Mexican Government to constrain, disrupt, and dismantle criminal groups. 

Law enforcement operations are one tool, but the strategy recognizes the need to 

counter criminal networks through disrupting their access to finance, their corrosive 

influence on governments and societies, and through building new partnerships. 

That approach is what you see in Mexico’s national strategy as well as in the four 

pillars of our bilateral Merida Initiative: to disrupt organized criminal groups, institutionalize reforms to sustain the rule of law and support human rights, create a 

21st century border structure, and build strong and resilient communities. 

The United States and Mexico are dedicated to addressing shared security challenges and modernizing our shared border infrastructure. We work closely with our 

Mexican counterparts to communicate about threats along the border and to assess 

and respond to security issues as they develop. If confirmed, I pledge that the safety 

of U.S. Government personnel and U.S. citizens will remain my priority. We will 

continue our support through the Merida Initiative, which enables greater cooperation between U.S. and Mexican law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and judges 

as they share best practices and expand bilateral cooperation in tracking criminals, 

drugs, arms, and money as well as our efforts to support economic growth and the 

secure flow of people and goods through the 21st Century Border Initiative. 

RESPONSES OF LAURA FARNWORTH DOGU, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DOGU’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Nicaragua presents a conundrum. On the one hand, it is stable and relatively secure and the government pursues comparatively sound macroeconomic and 

investment policies. Nicaragua continues to seek partnership with the U.S. though 

the Central America Free Trade agreement. On the other hand, Nicaragua maintains friendly relations with governments that are hostile to the U.S. Most institutional power is concentrated in the hands of the governing Sandinista Party, dissent 

is muted, and violence is still part of the Sandinistas’ political toolkit. 

♦ What is your assessment and what will your priorities be as Ambassador? 

Answer. I concur with this assessment, both in terms of Nicaragua’s challenges 

and opportunities. A vibrant democracy includes participation from all sectors, and 

all sectors have a responsibility to contribute. As I mentioned at my hearing, in 

addition to supporting improvements to governance, rule of law, and human rights, 

we want to assist Nicaragua in efforts to integrate more fully into the Central 

American regional economy. Working with youth, universities, and the private sector to improve workforce development is a key component of this effort. If confirmed, 

I will ensure the Embassy works with partners in the private sector addressing 

issues such as labor rights, trafficking in persons, education, and the environment 

through corporate social responsibility efforts. 

Continued engagement, in partnership with the people of Nicaragua, civil society, 

and the international community, is key to ensuring elections reflect the popular 

will. If confirmed, I will work to support the strengthening of democratic institutions 

and values in Nicaragua to reflect the region’s collective commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights. I also will work to support a Nicaragua that 

is more economically integrated with other Central American countries, and that 

collaborates effectively with us—and other stakeholders and donors—on a growing 

range of issues of interest to the people of the United States and Nicaragua. To do 

so, we will build on existing areas of cooperation and seek improved engagement 

and dialogue in those areas where we don’t necessarily always agree. 

The Strategy for U.S. Engagement in Central America serves as a common guide 

for ongoing shared efforts promoting prosperity, governance, and security with—and 

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nomic integration. Central America must integrate economically in order to compete 

globally. With this in mind, our engagement with Nicaragua under this strategy will 

advance governance, regional integration, prosperity, and security—and thus help 

us meet the needs and interests of the Nicaraguan people, as well as the many 

other citizens of Central America. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DOGO’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. According to the State Department’s latest human rights report, the 

Nicaraguan executive branch is becoming increasingly authoritarian, exercising significant control over the legislative, judicial, and electoral branches. Furthermore, 

the police generally deny permission for demonstrations by opposition groups and 

the government uses judicial, financial, and administrative tactics to limit freedom 

of speech and the press. 

♦ In a country where political power has become concentrated in a single and increasingly authoritarian party, what is your assessment of U.S-Nicaragua cooperation? If confirmed, what steps will you take to advance U.S interests as 

well as the efficacy of U.S democracy and governance programs? 

Answer. The U.S.-Nicaragua relationship is complex. We work closely with the 

Nicaraguan Government, but there are areas where cooperation can be improved, 

including on issues relating to democratic governance and human rights. U.S. support for democracy and governance in Nicaragua is, and will remain if I am confirmed, a top priority for the United States. Continued engagement in partnership 

with the people of Nicaragua and the international community is key to ensuring 

independent voices are heard, elections are credible and reflect the popular will, 

irregularities are substantiated and reported on, and democratic governance is supported with a long-term perspective. If confirmed, I will encourage the development 

of democratic institutions and values, and will continue to support local governance 

efforts, with a focus on civic participation and transparency. I will also continue to 

support the role of civil society and independent media, and will expand these 

efforts as needed. 

The Nicaraguan Government has cooperated with us in resolving a significant 

number of U.S. citizen property compensation claims. Additionally, we cooperate on 

trade issues, counternarcotics, search and rescue in cases involving U.S. citizens, 

disaster preparedness and response, the protection of cultural patrimony, consular 

matters, and the return of fugitive U.S. citizens. If confirmed, I will encourage 

mutually beneficial objectives such as Nicaragua’s economic integration with Central America. 

Question. Nicaragua will be holding Presidential elections in 2016. The process, 

as with all democratic elections, should be held to fair and transparent standards. 

Yet international organizations, such as the Carter Center, have found that recent 

elections in Nicaragua showed deeply troubling signs of fraud. There are also widespread concerns about the impartiality of the Nicaraguan Electoral Commission and 

the political agenda of the commission’s president, Roberto Rivas. 

♦ If confirmed, what steps will you take to advocate for the presence of credible 

international observation? In your view, how can the United States utilize diplomacy to ensure that the 2016 elections are carried in a free, fair, and transparent manner? 

Answer. Continued engagement with the people of Nicaragua, civil society, and 

the international community is key to ensuring elections reflect the popular will and 

to ensure that irregularities are substantiated and reported when they occur. The 

U.S. Government will work to ensure the 2016 elections are conducted in a free, 

fair, and transparent manner, in addition to continuous work on broader democratic 

governance issues. If confirmed, supporting a Nicaragua with transparent democratic institutions and values will be among my highest priorities. 

Further, I would plan to continue our outreach to, and support of, civil society 

groups to improve their ability to articulate their views to policymakers, monitor 

and document the election-day process, and support citizens to advocate for identification cards which are required for voting. The United States also supports civil 

society, democratic youth leadership, and independent media, each of which is 

important to ensuring the 2016 elections are transparent and credible. 

Question. Nicaragua is a recipient of Venezuela’s petroleum subsidies through 

Petrocaribe. Venezuela’s dire economic situation, however, indicates that it is only 

a matter of time before it begins to reduce the amount of subsidized oil it provides. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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♦ In your view, how would a reduction of subsidies affect Nicaragua? And, what 

are the implications such reduction may have for the United States? 

Answer. We have seen press reports indicating there has been a reduction in oil 

shipments under the Petrocaribe program. If Petrocaribe were to cease or to significantly decline, a number of countries in Central America, including Nicaragua, and 

the Caribbean could face financial challenges. Several countries have expressed a 

desire to transition their energy production from petroleum to other more sustainable sources. Of note, Nicaragua has already transitioned to obtaining more than 

half of its electric power from a variety of renewable energy sources. The Nicaraguan Government is also already preparing its public for smaller subsidized 

assistance programs or is finding other ways to finance the programs in the lead 

up to 2016 elections. 

Current U.S. activities, including Connecting the Americas 2022 and efforts under 

the U.S. Strategy for Central America, emphasize fostering conditions for investment, including through regulatory reform, increasing access to affordable and 

cleaner energy generation and transmission, and promoting competitive, independent, and environmentally sustainable energy markets. 

If I am confirmed, I will engage with Nicaragua to further these activities, promote its economic integration within Central America, and support the adoption of 

transparent and democratic institutions as a more stable and reliable path to economic growth and to reduce economic volatility. 

RESPONSES OF PERRY L. HOLLOWAY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE COOPERATIVE REPUBLIC OF GUYANA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HOLLOWAY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. For the past several days, Venezuelan President Maduro has chosen to 

focus his efforts on a long-standing border dispute with its neighbor Guyana—an 

action that has caused increased tensions between the two countries and negatively 

affects Guyana in a disproportionate way. President Maduro has issued a decree 

claiming Venezuelan control over the waters off the coast of the land being disputed, 

leaving Guyana with barely any offshore area and threatening the drilling agreement it has with ExxonMobil. 

♦ What is your assessment of the dispute between Guyana and Venezuela? And, 

to your knowledge, are there any other U.S. interests that could be affected by 

Maduro’s aggressive tactics? 

Answer. Guyana’s relationship with Venezuela is complicated by the ongoing disputes over territorial boundaries. It is imperative that any efforts to resolve this situation be through peaceful means consistent with international law, whether that 

be through the Caribbean Community, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Organization of American States, the United Nations, or another 

mechanism agreeable to both parties. We are examining Venezuela’s recent claims. 

To assert maritime rights or jurisdiction, Venezuela’s claims must be consistent 

with the international law of the sea, including respect for the rights and freedoms 

of other states. The uncertainty caused by this dispute has affected Guyana’s ability 

to attract investment and otherwise develop its natural resources, and it is in the 

interest of all countries of the region that it be allowed to do so. 

Question. The recent elections in Guyana resulted in a change of the ruling 

party—the People’s Progressive Party (PPP)—for the first time in 23 years. In a 

country with severe ethnic and sectarian divisions, the new administration of David 

Granger, from the Partnership of National Unity (APNU), promises to address these 

issues and create spaces for better ethnic relations. Yet, this important milestone 

occurred as U.S. assistance in Guyana has largely dried up. 

♦ How do you view current U.S. cooperation with the Guyanese Government? 

What specific opportunities do you see for engagement and cooperation with the 

new ruling party to ensure these democratic processes are strengthened and 

solidified? What do you think the U.S can do to promote better ethnic relations 

in Guyana? 

Answer. The United States values its bilateral relationship with Guyana. President Granger has expressed a desire to deepen Guyana’s relationship with the 

United States, and we are seeing renewed levels of engagement with both Embassy 

Georgetown and the Department by Government of Guyana departments and agencies. We will continue to engage with President Granger and the Government of 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Guyana on the full range of issues that define our shared interests and that 

strengthen democratic institutions and processes: countering transnational organized crime; increasing Guyana’s ability to compete within the broader global economy; providing economic, social, and political opportunities for all citizens; reducing 

the prevalence of HIV/AIDS; and supporting the nation’s ability to adapt to climate 

change and manage its natural resources, including in the extractives sectors. 

The United States has always worked to bridge the differences between Guyana’s 

ethnic populations and political parties through public diplomacy programs and 

daily engagement by Embassy officials with key government and civil society 

groups. We continue to urge President Granger and all elected officials to focus their 

efforts on issues that unite the nation and to move away from the ethnic based politics of the past that resulted in unequal economic development and social exclusion 

for large parts of the population. 

RESPONSES OF PETER F. MULREAN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF HAITI, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MULREAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. After years of deadlock, Haiti’s Government appears to be committed to 

organizing elections. Are they really? Is it true that, as of June 9, 2015, funding was 

still about 40 percent short of the estimated $66 million needed for the Haitian elections? What is the government of Haiti doing to fill that gap? 

Answer. The Government of Haiti is moving forward with three rounds of elections, on August 9, October 25, and December 27 of this calendar year. The first 

vote will be for the first round of parliamentary elections; the second vote will include a second round of parliamentary elections, the first round of Presidential elections, and local government positions; the third vote will be the second round of 

Presidential elections. Due to political gridlock which delayed elections for almost 

4 years, Haiti’s independent Provisional Electoral Commission (CEP) only began 

work on the elections in January of this year. As a result, there are concerns that 

the relevant Haitian institutions will not be fully ready for the first round on 

August 9, due to delays in hiring and the training of staff. However, the CEP has 

met major deadlines for printing of the ballots and voter registration lists and its 

President, Pierre-Louis Opont, has said there will be no delay in holding the first 

round of voting for Parliament. 

With regard to the shortage of electoral-related funding in the basket fund administered by the UNDP, a July 16, 2015, donor conference in New York at the United 

Nations resulted in an additional $14.2 million in elections funding pledged by the 

United States, Canada, Brazil, Norway, and Mexico. In addition, several other countries that did not pledge indicated they were considering additional donations. The 

U.S. pledge was for $9 million, which raises the total amount of funding the United 

States has dedicated to these elections to $27.8 million, of which $11.5 went to the 

basket fund and $4 million to UNOPS for logistical support, which MINUSTAH provided in the last election. The Government of Haiti has said it will cover any funding shortfalls for the election. 

Question. Approximately half of all Haitians have access to basic health services 

at U.S.-supported health facilities. This is remarkable. But, is it sustainable? What 

will you do you engage the Government of Haiti to take on its own responsibilities 

to the Haitian people? 

Answer. The sustainability of our programs in Haiti depends ultimately on the 

capacity of the Government of Haiti to maintain them, reflective in turn of the support of the Haitian people. 

Our development efforts in Haiti are designed to foster economic growth, enhance 

government capacity, strengthen democracy, and improve security and respect for 

rule of law. Progress in these areas will, in turn, improve the Government of Haiti’s 

ability to deliver quality services and meet the needs of the Haitian people. If confirmed, I will continue to advance the efforts of the United States to support the 

long-term goals of the people and Government of Haiti to build and realize a more 

prosperous and secure nation. 

In the health sector, the U.S. Government is supporting the Ministry of Health 

to advance its ownership and oversight of the public health system on several 

fronts. Specifically, our programming is helping the Ministry of Health to improve 

data collection and usage, upgrade internal management systems, manage diverse 

funding sources, and improve its ability to attract, train, and retain professional 

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health workers. These capacity-building initiatives are laying the groundwork for 

long-term sustainability while continuing efforts to improve health outcomes. As we 

progress in these efforts with the Ministry of Health, both directly and in partnership with other donors, we will continue to work to ensure that access to health 

services is widely available. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MULREAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. Haiti is scheduled to hold its well-overdue legislative elections as early 

as next month, followed by local and Presidential elections later in the year. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to advance United States support for the 

Haitian electoral process? More importantly, how will you ensure collaboration and 

commitment with the Haitian authorities to prioritize the security of all Haitians 

both during the time leading up to the election and as they go to the polls? 

Answer. If confirmed by the Senate, I will continue the strong support of the 

United States for the holding of credible and long-overdue elections; this would be 

one of my highest priorities. Political gridlock in Haiti has stalled needed reforms 

and elections are key to ensuring that solutions are identified and implemented. The 

engagement of the United States and our international partners has been instrumental in getting the elections scheduled and on track to take place this year. These 

efforts, which include close collaboration with President Michel Martelly, Prime 

Minister Evans Paul, the Provisional Electoral Commission (CEP) and major political parties, need to continue through the electoral period and beyond in order to 

help the Haitian people address the systemic problems that continue to challenge 

the effectiveness of that country’s electoral process and institutions. 

We have also been heavily engaged with MINUSTAH, the Haitian National Police 

(HNP), and the CEP as Haiti finalizes its electoral security plan. The recent reduction in the U.N.’s military footprint requires the HNP to increasingly take responsibility for nationwide security. The scale of the elections and the HNP’s limited 

resources, including personnel and vehicle shortfalls, will challenge the force to 

maintain order if widespread disturbances occur. The HNP has sought and will require significant assistance to undertake the roles MINUSTAH performed in previous elections. To this end, the U.S. has committed over $30 million dollars in support of these elections, including some $2.8 million in vehicles, spare parts to repair 

inoperable vehicles, and communications equipment to improve the HNP’s security 

and logistics posture. 

Question. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) has 

supported Haiti with police and military personnel. However, these efforts are only 

temporary until the Haitian National Police is strengthened and capable of sustaining the security of the country. In your view, how is the Haitian Government 

working to improve the Haitian National Police capabilities. How is the United 

States supporting these efforts? 

Answer. The United States has had an excellent working relationship with the 

Haitian National Police (HNP). The Haitian Government established a 5-year police 

development plan in 2012 aiming to grow the force to 15,000 officers by the end of 

2016 and improve its professionalism; U.S. efforts are aligned to help the Haitian 

Government achieve these goals. Thanks to generous funding provided by the U.S. 

Congress for the HNP—over $200 million since the earthquake—we have assisted 

the HNP’s growth by about 1,000 officers a year, to a current level of 12,200 officers. 

We recently funded improvements to the Police School that will enable basic training classes of 1,500 cadets a year to help the HNP toward its growth target. Our 

support for police training, as well as that of the Government of Canada and 

MINUSTAH, has made the HNP the most respected Haitian Government institution 

with a majority of Haitians trusting their police according to Department of State 

polling. Haiti’s successful pilot community policing unit in Port-au-Prince, supported 

by a U.S.-funded partnership with the New York Police Department and by 

MINUSTAH, is growing and expanding to additional provinces. We provide embedded mentors in key HNP offices to improve strategic planning, budget, career development, and logistics capabilities, all aimed at improving the force’s ability to sustain itself. Since the 2010 earthquake, we have improved police infrastructure by 

building six police stations and installing facilities for Haiti’s counternarcotics police 

to enable their deployment around the country. The HNP’s performance has improved, most notably in antikidnapping investigations and crowd control capacities. 

The HNP now rarely calls on MINUSTAH quick reaction support and has been 

largely effective in managing recent politically motivated protests. Early 2015 saw 

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a relative lull in protest activity, and although violence against MINUSTAH and 

HNP personnel has increased, Haiti remains secure overall. 

Question. During the past month, more than 17,000 Haitian migrants in the 

Dominican Republic have voluntarily chosen to return to Haiti. This number is 

expected to increase given the current policies in the Dominican Republic to regularize unauthorized migration in the country. There is concern that the large quantities of individuals returning to Haiti may overwhelm Haitian authorities, who 

may not have the capacity of the Haitian Government to adequately receive all 

returnees. 

♦ Can you describe our current cooperation with the Government of Haiti to 

ensure an appropriate screening process? If confirmed, what steps will you take 

to ensure that Haitian returnees are afforded a fair process of reintegration to 

Haitian society? 

Answer. The United States has been in close contact with the Government of 

Haiti to understand its contingency planning on how to process Haitian nationals 

being returned to Haiti or Dominicans of Haitian descent who arrive in Haiti. Embassy staff and implementing partners have also monitored the actual situation of 

arrivals from the Dominican Republic to better understand the situation and any 

humanitarian needs. 

The United States is funding civil society organizations and international organizations, including the International Organization for Migration (IOM). IOM, in coordination with local civil society, is monitoring population movements at the border 

and referring people in need of protection, especially unaccompanied children. 

We are encouraging the governments of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic 

to consult and collaborate with each other and with civil society groups and international organizations to develop processes that uphold the rule of law, provide procedural safeguards, and are consistent with each country’s international obligations 

and commitments. Our Ambassador to Haiti has also led international engagement 

efforts to assist the Haitian Government in proactively managing increases in movements across the border. If confirmed by the Senate, I will continue robust engagement with the Haitian authorities on their efforts to manage this immediate issue 

and build capacity more generally in managing movement at their borders. 

Question. Haitian workers continue to suffer restrictions on freedom of association, minimum wage violations, and other labor rights abuses, despite the promises 

of the HOPE II to bring attention to labor conditions. The United States last trade 

union program, funded by the Department of Labor, was shuttered in May. 

♦ As Ambassador, how will you ensure that Haiti’s workers and unions get the 

support and capacity-building they need to advocate for better labor rights 

enforcement and working conditions? 

Answer. Since the implementation of the HOPE II legislation, producer compliance with the international core labor standards—which include freedom of association, the elimination of all forms of compulsory or forced labor, the abolition of child 

labor, and the elimination of discrimination—has improved, and there has been 

significant progress in relations between factoryowners and labor advocates. For 

example, during the last official identification cycle by the U.S. Government for noncompliance, only one producer out of 23 eligible producers was identified as noncompliant with one or more core labor standards, and that producer has reinstated 

all of the union members seeking reinstatement who were the subject of the noncompliance finding. In addition, through the Social Dialogue Table established in 

March 2014 to create a space for dialogue, textile workers and factoryowners were 

able to hold successful minimum wage negotiations and submit consolidated recommendations to Haiti’s Superior Wage Council (CSS) for consideration. The CSS 

adopted a number of recommendations made by the Social Dialogue Table, becoming 

the first successful union-management minimum wage negotiation in the history of 

Haiti’s textile industry. 

The Government of Haiti has also actively engaged with both the International 

Labor Organization (ILO) and the U.S. Government in all aspects of the HOPE II 

implementation program and is building its capacity to monitor and inspect textile 

factories and mediate disputes. The ILO’s Better Work Haiti program, funded by the 

U.S. Government, has continued to perform factory assessments, provide compliance 

advisory services, and issue the biannual reports required under the HOPE II legislation. While the reports show that there have been improvements in regards to the 

core labor standards and some aspects of working conditions, lasting solutions need 

to be developed in categories such as occupational safety and health. To meet this 

need, Better Work Haiti is placing a greater emphasis on in-depth advisory and 

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training services with the aim of promoting more sustainable solutions to the compliance problems that have persisted in the sector. 

The U.S. Government’s program to build the capacity of worker organizations 

closed in May 2015. If confirmed by the Senate, I will give labor issues priority 

attention and the Embassy, in partnership with other partners, most notably the 

ILO and the Government of Haiti’s Office of the Ombudsperson, will continue to engage directly with worker organizations in Haiti to ensure ongoing support for 

unions in their efforts to represent the interests of apparel sector workers in Haiti. 

Question. More than 17,000 Haitians have voluntarily chosen to return from the 

Dominican Republic. This number is expected to increase in the following months 

as the Dominican Republic moves forward with the implementation of its migration 

policies. 

♦ In your view, what is the effect that the large quantity of returnees will have 

in the elections? 

Answer. We are carefully monitoring these returns and are heavily engaged on 

migration concerns with the Governments of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, as 

well as international organizations and NGOs. To date the spontaneous returns 

have not resulted in a significant humanitarian crisis, although we stand ready to 

assist the Government of Haiti should numbers increase substantially. The Government of the Dominican Republic has indicated that there will be no large-scale 

deportations. So far we have not seen any significant effect on Haiti’s election 

planning. 

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, JULY 22, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Hon. Paul Wayne Jones, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Poland 

Hon. Hans G. Klemm, of Michigan, to be Ambassador to Romania 

Kathleen Ann Doherty, of New York, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus 

James Desmond Melville, Jr., of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Estonia 

Samuel D. Heins, of Minnesota, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom 

of Norway 

Thomas O. Melia, of Maryland, to be an Assistant Administrator 

of the U.S. Agency for International Development 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:09 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson presiding. 

Present: Senators Johnson, Shaheen, and Menendez 

Also present: Senators Amy Klobuchar and Al Franken. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN 

Senator JOHNSON. Good afternoon. This hearing of the European 

subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is called 

to order. 

Welcome, Senator Klobuchar and Senator Franken from Minnesota, to introduce our first nominee, Mr. Samuel D. Heins. If the 

good Senators would offer their introductions, we would appreciate 

it. 

Senator Klobuchar. 

STATEMENT OF HON. AMY KLOBUCHAR, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA 

Senator KLOBUCHAR. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And 

thank you very much for holding this hearing. I know your State, 

like ours, has a lot of Norwegians, so we appreciate it. 

Senator JOHNSON. I am one of them. 

Senator KLOBUCHAR. Well, I could not have guessed, with your 

last name. 

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I am proud to be here today to introduce Sam Heins, the nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Norway. 

Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to note that today 

marks exactly 4 years since the terrorist attacks that claimed 77 

lives in Oslo and Utoya. A number of remembrance ceremonies are 

taking place across Norway, and the victims and their loved ones 

are in our thoughts and prayers. 

I think it is a somber day, but it is also a very important day 

to show our solidarity with Norway and rededicate ourselves to the 

friendships between our countries. And getting an ambassador confirmed would be a major step forward. 

As a Senator from the State, as I noted, that is home to 800,000 

people of Norwegian heritage, really more than anywhere except 

Norway itself, I think it is only fitting that the nominee to be the 

United States Ambassador to Norway be from Minnesota. 

As the Norwegian Ambassador to the United States Kare Aas 

noted, the ties between the Midwest and Norway are strong, and 

nowhere are they more deeply felt than in Minnesota. 

Of course, there is much more to our nominee Sam Heins than 

the fact that he has Minnesota heritage. In addition to being an accomplished lawyer, Mr. Heins has demonstrated his devotion to, 

and leadership in, the cause of advancing human rights. In 1982, 

he founded, organized, and served as the first board chair for the 

Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, which monitors and responds to human rights abuses throughout the world. 

In 1985, he cofounded the Center for Victims of Torture, which 

provides services, research, and advocacy for victims of torture 

from across the world, where he continues to serve as a board 

member. It started as a humble rehabilitation center in St. Paul. 

Today, the center that our nominee founded is an internationally 

recognized organization that operates around the globe, providing 

desperately needed help to those who have been victimized by repression and violence. 

This record of accomplishment is particularly appropriate for an 

Ambassador to Norway. Norway has long been an international 

leader on human rights issues. Just last month, for example, the 

United States and Norway issued a joint statement of support for 

international programs initiated by Freedom House and other likeminded groups to help civil society organizations around the world 

that have been threatened with violence as the result of their 

human rights advocacy. 

Mr. Heins’ extensive work on human rights and with NGOs that 

support human rights will be extremely helpful in sustaining and 

building on the strong United States-Norwegian partnership in this 

area. Norway is one of our strongest and most dependable international allies. We know of their important NATO involvement, especially on this committee you know that. And its military has participated in operations with the United States in the Balkans and 

in Afghanistan. 

Norwegians work alongside Americans in standing up to Russian 

provocations in Ukraine, in countering ISIS and the spread of violent extremism. 

As such, Norway deserves an ambassador who understands the 

country and is deeply committed to the relationship. We all know, 

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for a variety of reasons, as of today, it has been 663 days that Norway has not had an ambassador. The Foreign Minister was in to 

see me and he actually knew the exact number of days. 

So I am very pleased, Mr. Chairman, that you and Chairman 

Corker were willing to hold this hearing so quickly after Mr. Heins 

has been nominated, so we can remedy the situation, which you did 

not cause. And I thank you so much for holding this hearing. 

Senator JOHNSON. I appreciate you acknowledging that, and I 

also appreciate your persistence. 

You have a tireless advocate there, Mr. Heins. 

Senator Franken. 

STATEMENT OF HON. AL FRANKEN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA 

Senator FRANKEN. Thank you, Chairman Johnson, for holding 

this very important confirmation hearing. The chairman is not just 

a Norwegian-American. He actually grew up in Minnesota. 

Senator KLOBUCHAR. Yes, I know that. I heard that. 

Senator FRANKEN. He does not like to admit it. 

Senator JOHNSON. That could be used against me, so be careful. 

[Laughter.] 

Senator FRANKEN. And he is a tremendous Vikings fan because 

of that. 

Senator JOHNSON. That will be used against me. [Laughter.] 

It is also not true. 

Senator KLOBUCHAR. That record will reflect that is not true. 

Senator FRANKEN. The record will reflect that is not true. 

Senator JOHNSON. We do have some Super Bowls under our belt. 

Senator FRANKEN. You do. We have some Super Bowls under our 

belt. We lost them all, but they are under our belt. 

But, as you know, and as I think Senator Klobuchar mentioned, 

about 20 percent of Minnesotans trace their ancestry to Norway, 

and we have more Norwegian Americans living in Minnesota than 

in any other State and, as you just said, anywhere else but in Norway. 

Norway and Minnesota enjoy a very productive bilateral relationship. Our universities collaborate on research projects. We collaborate in areas of renewable energy, health care, and other areas. 

And, of course, as you know, Mr. Chairman, our nations cooperate 

on very important security issues. 

So it is very fitting that Sam Heins, a distinguished Minnesotan, 

has been nominated to serve as our next Ambassador to Norway. 

Mr. Heins is a graduate of the University of Minnesota, and he is 

a brilliant lawyer. He has been a great voice on behalf of women’s 

rights, on human rights, refugees, just to name a few, and he has 

worked tirelessly to make sure that victims of torture receive the 

services that they need. 

I am pleased that he was nominated to serve as Ambassador to 

Norway after this long vacancy, and I look forward to his speedy 

confirmation. 

I thank you and Senator Corker. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Franken. Remind me not 

to invite you to another hearing. [Laughter.] 

Senator FRANKEN. Okay. I will do that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator JOHNSON. No, really, I thank both of the good Senators 

from Minnesota for coming in and offering those kind words of introduction. 

And I would ask the other nominees now to be seated at the 

table, and we will continue on with the hearing. 

It looks like we could have used just a slightly bigger table, but 

it looks like we squeezed you all in there. 

Again, I want to welcome all of the nominees. I want to thank 

you for your previous service to the Nation and your willingness to 

serve as Ambassador of our Nation to the countries we are going 

to be handling nominations for: Ambassador to the Kingdom of 

Norway, Ambassador to Poland, Ambassador to Romania, Ambassador to Cyprus, Ambassador to Estonia, and nominee for the Assistant Administrator for Europe and Eurasia at USAID. 

I am very happy to help move these nominations along. These 

are critical posts. It is extremely important that America is wellrepresented, and I assume, being patriots, you will do a good job 

of conveying, from my standpoint, American values to those countries, but at the same time recognize that your role is to make sure 

that we as elected officials of America understand the viewpoints 

of those countries to which you are going to be Ambassadors. 

It is a critically important role, and, again, I am just very 

pleased that we are moving these nominations along in an expedited fashion so that our Nation will be well-represented in these 

countries. 

With that, I will turn it over to our ranking member, Senator 

Shaheen. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I would just like to echo the chairman’s comments about appreciation for your willingness to continue to serve this country and 

to serve in very important roles in Europe. 

For a number of years, I think we viewed Europe as our most 

important ally, and we were well on the way to a Europe that was 

whole and free and at peace. Sadly, we are not in that position 

today. 

So your willingness to serve at a time when there is continued 

financial upheaval in Europe, as well as the threat from Russia 

and from ISIS, is absolutely critical. 

So thank you very much, and I look forward to hearing your testimony. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. 

We will just go from left to right. I will just introduce the nominees before you testify. Our first nominee is Ambassador Paul 

Wayne Jones, a nominee for the Ambassador to Poland. Ambassador Jones is a career member of the Foreign Service and currently serves as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in 

the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, a position he has 

held since 2013. 

Ambassador Jones. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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STATEMENT OF PAUL WAYNE JONES, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and committee 

members. It is a privilege to appear before you as President 

Obama’s nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Republic of Poland. I am honored by the trust and confidence that 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. 

With your permission, I would like to take this opportunity to 

briefly introduce some family members here today. My wife Catherine and I have been representing the United States together for 

the past 20 years of our marriage. Catherine, an award-winning 

author and mobile app developer, has lived in more countries than 

I have as the daughter of a retired U.S. Foreign Service officer and 

Ambassador Brandon Grove, whom I would also like to introduce. 

We are so proud of our two children, Allie and Hale, who have 

been on the Foreign Service road with us since birth. 

My brother-in-law, Paul Grove, is well-known for a distinguished 

career here in the Senate, as well as his wife, Martha, similarly at 

the National Archives, and their children Ella and Sam. 

I regret that my father, a World War II veteran, did not live to 

see this day. 

Mr. Chairman, I bring broad experience to this position, having 

served overseas on four continents, as well as in Washington over 

the past 28 years, including as Ambassador and three times as 

deputy chief of mission. I also bring intensive current experience 

from the past 2 years as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

State for Europe and Eurasia, where I have been responsible for 

U.S. relations with Europe, particularly Russia and Ukraine, as 

principal deputy to Assistant Secretary Toria Nuland. 

I am honored to be nominated to succeed Ambassador Steve 

Mull, a longtime friend who has served with distinction for the past 

3 years, together with an extraordinary team of Americans and 

Poles at our Embassy in Warsaw and our consulate in Krakow. 

Today, Poland has become one of our closest and most capable 

NATO allies, a relationship that at its core is founded on democratic values and a shared commitment to policies that provide 

peace and prosperity for our peoples. 

Poland will host the 2016 NATO summit, an example of its growing transatlantic and regional security role. The alliance will review implementation of its readiness action plan, which includes 

strengthening the headquarters of Multinational Corps Northeast 

in Poland and standing up NATO’s new spearhead force, which 

conducted its first live training exercise last month in Poland. 

For its part, Poland is strengthening the alliance through its 10- year, $45 billion defense modernization program; its commitment 

now enshrined in law to invest at least 2 percent of its gross domestic product in annual defense spending; and its future hosting 

of a U.S. site for NATO ballistic missile defense. 

Poland has shared our sacrifice in Iraq and Afghanistan, is contributing to NATO’s mission in Afghanistan today, and is a member of the counter-ISIL coalition. 

Mr. Chairman, as President Obama said in his June 2014 visit 

to Warsaw, the United States has an unwavering commitment to 

Poland’s security through our shared Article 5 obligations. In the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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wake of Russia’s actions in Ukraine, we have demonstrated this 

commitment. 

The United States maintains a persistent rotational military 

presence in Poland, complemented by significant U.S. and NATO 

air, land, and sea exercises in Poland and in the region. And as 

Secretary Carter announced last month, we will begin 

prepositioning military equipment and materiel in Central and 

Eastern Europe, a large portion of which will be in Poland. 

Our relationship with Poland takes inspiration from the strong 

cultural ties between our peoples, fostered by a vibrant community 

of some 10 million Polish Americans. Since the fall of communism 

in 1989, Poland has set a standard of democratic and economic reform based on shared transatlantic values. A staunch supporter of 

Ukraine, Poland has provided Ukraine financial, decentralization, 

anticorruption, and security assistance. Poland is also one of the 

top contributors of monitors to the OSCE special monitoring mission in Ukraine. 

The United States and Poland enjoy very strong economic ties. 

U.S. exports to Poland have grown 22 percent since 2009, supporting tens of thousands of American jobs. U.S. defense companies 

are full partners in Poland’s defense modernization. And the recent 

selection of Raytheon’s Patriot system will strengthen those ties 

and sustain jobs here at home. 

The United States is a leading and growing source of investment 

in Poland across a wide range of sectors. While security is the foundation of our relationship, particularly today, if confirmed, I will 

seek to deepen our ties across the board, from education exchanges 

and entrepreneurship to trade, investment and innovation, energy 

security, science and technology, law enforcement, and counterterrorism. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working with this 

committee and with Congress. I am happy to address your comments and questions. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jones follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR PAUL WAYNE JONES

Mr. Chairman and committee members, it is a privilege to appear before you as 

President Obama’s nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Republic 

of Poland. I am honored by the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry have placed in me. 

With your permission, I’d like to take this opportunity to introduce some family 

members here today. My wife, Catherine, and I have represented the United States 

together for the past 20 years of our marriage. Catherine, an award-winning author 

and mobile app developer, has lived in more countries than I have, as the daughter 

of retired U.S. Foreign Service officer and Ambassador Brandon Grove, whom I’d 

also like to introduce. We’re so proud of our two children, Allie and Hale, who have 

been on the Foreign Service road with us since birth. My brother-in-law, Paul 

Grove, is well known from a distinguished career here in the Senate, and his wife, 

Martha, similarly at the National Archives. I regret my father, a World War II veteran, did not live to see this day. 

Mr. Chairman, I bring broad experience to this position, having served overseas 

on four continents as well as in Washington over the past 28 years, including as 

Ambassador and three times as deputy chief of mission. I also bring intensive current experience from the past 2 years as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

State for Europe and Eurasia, where I have been responsible for U.S. relations with 

Europe, particularly Russia and Ukraine, as principal deputy to Assistant Secretary 

Toria Nuland. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

373 

I’m honored to be nominated to succeed Ambassador Steve Mull, a longtime friend 

who has served with distinction for the past 3 years, together with an extraordinary 

team of Americans and Poles at our Embassy in Warsaw and consulate in Krakow. 

Today, Poland has become one of our closest, most capable NATO allies, a relationship that at its core is founded on democratic values and shared commitments 

to policies that provide peace and prosperity for our peoples. Poland will host the 

2016 NATO summit, an example of its growing transatlantic and regional security 

role. The alliance will review implementation of its Readiness Action Plan, which 

includes strengthening the headquarters of Multinational Corps Northeast in 

Poland and standing up NATO’s new spearhead force, which conducted its first live 

training exercise in Poland last month. 

For its part, Poland is strengthening the alliance through its 10-year, $45 billion 

defense modernization plan; its commitment, now enshrined in law, to invest at 

least 2 percent of its gross domestic product in annual defense spending; and its 

future hosting of a U.S. site for NATO ballistic missile defense. Poland has shared 

our sacrifice in Iraq and Afghanistan, is contributing to NATO’s mission in Afghanistan, and is a member of the Counter-ISIL coalition. 

As President Obama said in his June 2014 visit to Warsaw, the United States has 

an ‘‘unwavering commitment to Poland’s security’’ through our shared Article 5 obligations. In the wake of Russia’s actions in Ukraine, we have demonstrated this commitment. The United States maintains a persistent, rotational military presence in 

Poland, complemented by significant U.S. and NATO air, land, and sea exercises in 

Poland and the region. And as Secretary Carter announced last month, we will 

begin prepositioning military equipment and materiel in Central and Eastern 

Europe, a large portion of which will be in Poland. 

Our relationship with Poland takes inspiration from the strong cultural ties 

between our peoples, fostered by a vibrant community of some 10 million PolishAmericans. Since the fall of communism in 1989, Poland has set a standard of 

democratic and economic reform based on shared transatlantic values. A staunch 

supporter of Ukraine, Poland has provided Ukraine financial, decentralization, 

anticorruption, and security assistance. Poland is also one of the top contributors 

of monitors to the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine. 

The United States and Poland enjoy strong economic ties. U.S. exports to Poland 

have grown 22 percent since 2009, supporting tens of thousands of American jobs. 

U.S. defense companies are full partners in Poland’s defense modernization, and the 

recent selection of Raytheon’s Patriot system will strengthen these ties and sustain 

jobs at home. The United States is a leading and growing source of investment in 

Poland across a wide range of sectors. 

While security is the foundation of our relationship, particularly today, if confirmed I will seek to deepen our ties across the board, from education, exchanges 

and entrepreneurship, to trade, investment, and innovation, energy security, science 

and technology, law enforcement, and counterterrorism. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and 

Congress. I am happy to address your comments and questions. Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador Jones. 

Our next nominee is Ambassador Hans Klemm, a nominee for 

Ambassador to Romania. 

Ambassador Klemm is a career member of the Foreign Service 

and currently serves as senior adviser to the Under Secretary for 

Management at the Department of State, a position he has held 

since January 2015. He previously served in posts in Germany, 

Japan, and South Korea. 

Ambassador Klemm. 

STATEMENT OF HON. HANS G. KLEMM, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO ROMANIA 

Ambassador KLEMM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, and distinguished members of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee. It is an honor for me to appear before you today as 

President Obama’s nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to Romania. I am humbled and grateful for the confidence 

that the President and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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If confirmed, I pledge to promote our interests, protect American 

citizens, and encourage even stronger ties with our excellent ally 

and strategic partner, Romania. 

Mr. Chairman, I wish to note with regret that my wife, Mari, is 

not here today due to professional obligations that kept her overseas. If confirmed, however, Mari will eagerly join me in support 

of our mission in Bucharest. 

Romania is a staunch NATO ally and a significant contributor to 

international peace and security. For years, it has been among the 

top 10 countries providing troops in Afghanistan, first to the International Security Assistance Force and now to the Resolute Support mission. As a demonstration of its commitment to European 

defense, Romania is hosting a European-phased adaptive approach 

missile defense site. 

Romania is also home to a forward operating site, which hosts 

hundreds of U.S. Marines and U.S. Army personnel and serves as 

an important regional logistics hub. And Romania has stood firmly 

aside the United States in responding to Russian aggression in the 

region. 

If confirmed, I will work resolutely to further strengthen both 

Romania’s role within NATO and our bilateral military partnership. 

Romania also has a key role to play in ensuring the prosperity 

of southeastern Europe. With its long history of domestic oil and 

gas production, it is well-placed to help Europe diversify sources 

and transit routes for energy. To do so, however, Romania must 

support regional energy cooperation and diversification, and the efficiency of its domestic gas transmission network. 

If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our engagement with Romania 

in the area of energy security. 

The information technology sector is another that has tremendous potential in Romania, as suggested by the growing presence 

of American firms in that country. We urge Romania to make further reforms to boost its economic development and the prosperity 

of its people, including creating more opportunity for American exports and investment. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Romanian Government and both of our private sectors to promote bilateral trade 

and investment, including the negotiations toward a transatlantic 

trade and investment partnership. 

Last but perhaps most importantly, as you know, Mr. Chairman, 

Romania has been engaged in an extended, serious effort to root 

out high-level corruption and improve adherence to the rule of law. 

As Vice President Biden said during a visit to Bucharest last year, 

corruption represents a clear and present danger to a country’s national security. 

To tackle corruption, a scourge that affects the lives of all its citizens, Romania has stood up powerful, independent law enforcement and judicial entities. Scores of local, regional, and national officials have been investigated, indicted, and convicted. 

If confirmed, I pledge to redouble our support to Romania’s 

anticorruption institutions and civil society to bolster the country’s 

adherence to the rule of law. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senators, Romania is a friend and strategic partner and a stalwart ally. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you on the many 

areas of U.S. interest in Romania. I will also look forward to welcoming you to Bucharest, where you will see firsthand the outstanding work our Embassy is doing on behalf of the American people. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Klemm follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR HANS G. KLEMM

Thank you Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, and distinguished members of the 

Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

It is an honor for me to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be 

the United States Ambassador to Romania. 

I am humbled and grateful for the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to promote our interests, protect American citizens, and encourage even stronger ties with our excellent ally and 

strategic partner, Romania. 

Mister Chairman, before beginning my remarks, I would like to note with regret 

that my wife, Mari, could not be here today due to professional obligations. If I am 

confirmed, Mari greatly looks forward to supporting our mission in Bucharest. 

Romania is a staunch NATO ally and a significant contributor to international 

peace and security. For years, it has been among the top 10 countries providing 

troops in Afghanistan both to the International Security Assistance Force and now, 

Resolute Support Mission—saving U.S. taxpayers tens of millions of dollars by 

deploying and returning its own troops using Romania’s own capabilities. I am 

proud to say that the United States helped Romania to develop these capabilities 

through an Excess Defense Articles grant of several C–130s. If confirmed, I will 

build on this cooperation to further increase Romanian defense capabilities and 

strengthen the alliance. 

I also wanted to take a moment to publicly acknowledge Romania’s commitment 

to European defense. Romania is hosting the U.S. site at Deveselu for NATO ballistic missile defense—the first new U.S. Navy facility in the European theater since 

Souda Bay in Crete. Romania is also home to our Forward Operating Site at Mihail 

Kogalniceanu, which hosts hundreds of U.S. Marines and U.S. Army personnel and 

serves as an important logistics hub for TRANSCOM. These examples of Romania’s 

commitment are also the result of our excellent bilateral defense cooperation. Our 

military leaders at EUCOM, the European combatant command, and here in Washington, working together with the Department of State and across the interagency, 

have done a superb job in laying the foundation of this relationship. And if confirmed, I will rely on their expertise and advice to build on these successes. 

Romania has stood with us in responding to Russian aggression in the region. Its 

leaders condemned Russian violations of Ukrainian sovereignty and have urged 

European Union solidarity on sanctions against Russia—including increasing them, 

if necessary, until Russia reverses course. Romania has provided humanitarian and 

development assistance to Ukraine and leads the NATO Cybersecurity Trust Fund 

for Ukraine. If confirmed, I hope to consult often with the Romanian Government 

on the best united course of action to resolve the conflict. 

On the economic and energy fronts, Romania has a key role to play in ensuring 

the prosperity of southeastern Europe. With its long history of domestic oil and gas 

production and openness to exploration, Romania is well placed to help Europe 

diversify sources and transit routes for energy. Over time, we hope that Romania’s 

role in the production and transit of energy for the region will grow. But in order 

to do so, Romania should advance priority projects that enhance regional energy 

cooperation, efficiency, and diversification—including upgrades to its domestic gas 

transmission network and improved interconnections with its neighbors. We 

applaud Romania’s efforts to build a pipeline to Moldova, which will help that country benefit from an integrated European energy market. Our engagement with 

Romania in the energy sector has been robust and collaborative. To foster continued 

growth and attract continued investment, Romania must ensure that it has the appropriate regulatory and policy framework. If confirmed, I will continue our strong 

engagement on these issues. 

Romania has supported the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership 

Agreement, which will create jobs and economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic. Romania has improved its investment climate, and its economy is one of few 

among European Union members in recent years to achieve close to 3 percent 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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growth. Romania enjoys several advantages, including a skilled, multilingual labor 

force and a strategic location bridging Europe with Central Asia, the Caucasus, and 

the Middle East. The information technology sector has tremendous potential in 

Romania, as evidenced by the growing presence of American firms and the overwhelmingly positive response to the recent cyber-security trade mission led by 

Department of Commerce Deputy Secretary Bruce Andrews. Now, Romania still 

needs to undertake further reforms. The United States has encouraged Romania to 

continue to professionalize the management of state-owned enterprises, strengthen 

its regulatory framework, and increase transparency in official decisionmaking. 

These reforms are crucial to increase the well-being of the Romanian people and create more opportunity for Romanian and American companies. If confirmed, I look 

forward to working with the Romanian Government and private sector to make 

more progress on these fronts. 

Last but perhaps most important, Romania has been engaged in a years-long, 

serious effort to root out high-level corruption and improve adherence to the rule 

of law. As Vice President Biden said during a visit to Bucharest last year, corruption represents a clear and present danger to a country’s national security, and outside forces exploit these weaknesses to exercise malign influence and undermine the 

independence of sovereign countries. That is exactly why we have been so engaged 

in helping Romania sustain empowered, independent entities to tackle an issue that 

affects the lives of all Romanians. We are also helping Romania to focus on asset 

forfeiture, transparency initiatives, and on supporting the next generation of reformers. Altogether, Romania has made significant achievements in fighting corruption. 

Scores of local, regional, and national officials have been investigated, indicted and 

convicted on corruption charges. We must remain engaged with our Romanian partners to help ensure continued progress and that Romania’s anticorruption institutions have the freedom and independence to act, and to ensure the Romanian people 

will see no backsliding on the hard-won progress made so far. If confirmed, I will 

support Romania’s anticorruption institutions and civil society to strengthen adherence to the rule of law. 

We have many agencies represented at Embassy Bucharest. Besides the Department of State, there is the Department of Defense, FBI, U.S. Secret Service, the 

Drug Enforcement Administration, the Department of Justice, Department of Commerce, and Department of Agriculture, in addition to others. If confirmed, ensuring 

the Embassy’s efficient and effective operation and its good stewardship of taxpayers dollars will be among my top priorities. 

Senators, Romania is a strategically important friend and stalwart ally that has 

made great strides in transforming itself, even as it helps us to keep a watchful eye 

on Russia’s destabilizing actions in the region. If confirmed, I will work with you 

and your colleagues on the many areas of U.S. interest and look forward to welcoming you all to Bucharest, where you can see firsthand the outstanding work our 

Embassy is doing on behalf of the American people and in support of our strategic 

partnership. Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ambassador Klemm. 

Our next nominee is Mr. Samuel Heins, a nominee for the ambassadorship to the Kingdom of Norway. Mr. Heins was a partner 

at Heins Mills & Olson in Minneapolis, MN, from 1994 to 2013. 

In 1983, he founded Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, 

where he continues to serve as a member. 

Mr. Heins. 

STATEMENT OF SAMUEL D. HEINS, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY 

Mr. HEINS. Thank you, Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, 

and members of the committee, for the opportunity to appear before you today. 

I would also like to thank Senator Klobuchar and Senator 

Franken for their generous remarks. I hope I can live up to the 

standards that they set as exemplary public servants. 

I would also like to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

for their trust and confidence in me. I am extraordinarily grateful 

to the President for nominating me to be Ambassador to Norway, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and I am honored and humbled that the committee is considering 

my nomination. 

I would like to introduce my wife and partner, both professionally and in life, Stacey Mills. I would not be here today without 

her love and support. 

I am also joined by some wonderful members of our family, my 

stepson, Clark Newman, and my niece, Nicole Mills. 

My mother, who is 97, is watching and is very proud that I have 

the honor to appear before you today. 

If confirmed by the Senate, I intend to be a reliable, diligent, and 

energetic representative of the United States to Norway. I will undertake those duties recognizing the vital importance of our bilateral relationship and the utmost seriousness of the work of a U.S. 

Ambassador. As a key part of this responsibility, I will ensure the 

safety and security of U.S. citizens and our Embassy community in 

Norway. 

Norway holds a unique place in the world, and its relationship 

with the United States is of tremendous value and significance. 

Norway is one of the world’s great democracies, and its leadership 

publicly declares that the United States is its closest ally. 

If the Senate confirms my nomination, I will devote every effort 

to enhancing this remarkable relationship. 

I know from my own experience that our friendship extends beyond the formal relations between sovereign nations. There are 

more than 800,000 proud Norwegian-Americans, as my Senators 

have remarked, in my home State of Minnesota alone. They share 

their culture, history, and pride in their heritage with the rest of 

us. And we Minnesotans are happy to think of ourselves as honorary Norwegians. We are proud of the admirable Norwegian culture that is an intrinsic and historic part of our State. 

In facing the challenges that confront us as a nation, we know 

that Norway is a dependable and responsible partner. As a founding member of NATO, Norway is a long-standing and steadfast 

ally. Norwegian and American military personnel have served side 

by side in operations in Afghanistan, Kosovo, over the skies of 

Libya, and beyond. Norway has repeatedly demonstrated its military readiness and commitment to interoperability through regular 

joint exercises with U.S. and other allied forces. 

Former Norwegian Prime Minister Jan Stoltenberg is the current 

NATO Secretary General, as you know, a testament to the respect 

of the alliance for Norway’s dedication to transatlantic security. 

Norway has been fully committed to the U.S.-EU approach to 

support Ukraine, imposing all rounds of sanctions against Russia 

despite the economic burden. 

Norway has also repeatedly called for full implementation of the 

Minsk agreement and is supporting Ukraine’s reform efforts. Norway is a strong partner in the coalition to counter ISIL, contributing military trainers for Iraqi forces, as well as millions of dollars 

in humanitarian support for both Iraq and Syria. 

In addition, Norway is at the forefront of our efforts to combat 

violent extremism, hosting a 2-day summit in June to further the 

agenda of the White House summit on countering violent extremism held in February. 

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Norway and the United States are substantial investors in each 

other’s business enterprises. Over 300 U.S. companies have a presence in Norway, and Norway is the fifth fastest-growing source of 

foreign direct investment in the United States. If confirmed, I intend to expand this relationship and work to create even more opportunities for U.S. businesses and American workers. 

We share with Norway vital economic and environmental interests in the Arctic. We are fortunate that our staunch friend Norway works closely with us on the Arctic Council, which we now 

share, sharing our goals for responsible stewardship of the region 

and strengthening international cooperation. 

Norway has established itself as a peacemaker and peacekeeper, 

as well as a generous activist in the alleviation of humanitarian 

crises and the promotion of human rights around the world. I know 

from my work over the last 30 years with human rights and humanitarian NGOs that in the international arena, Norway commands principled, moral high ground. It has earned its reputation 

as an honest broker. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 

Norway in pursuit of these important undertakings. 

Throughout my career, I have been a business manager and advocate and negotiator. I will bring these skills to bear, if the Senate 

confirms me as Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway. Norway’s 

partnership and alliance with the United States requires ambassadorial representation in Oslo that it is hardworking, informed, and 

dedicated to advancing what can only be described as an extraordinary international friendship. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Heins follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SAMUEL D. HEINS

Thank you Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, and members of the committee 

for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would also like to thank Senator 

Klobuchar and Senator Franken for their generous remarks. I hope I can live up 

to the standards they set as exemplary public servants. 

I would also like to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their trust 

and confidence in me. I’m extraordinarily grateful to the President for nominating 

me to be Ambassador to Norway, and I’m honored and humbled that the committee 

is considering my nomination. 

I’d like to introduce my wife and partner, both professionally and in life, Stacey 

Mills. I wouldn’t be here today without her love and support. I’m also joined by 

some wonderful members of our family, my stepson, Clark Newman, and my nieces, 

Elizabeth Potter and Nicole Mills, and nephew, Noah Potter. My mother, who is 97, 

is watching and is very proud that I have the honor to appear before you today. 

If confirmed by the Senate, I intend to be a reliable, diligent, and energetic representative of the United States to Norway. I will undertake those duties recognizing the vital importance of our bilateral relationship and the utmost seriousness 

of the work of a U.S. Ambassador. As a key part of this responsibility, I will ensure 

the safety and security of U.S. citizens and our Embassy communities. Norway 

holds a unique place in the world, and its relationship with the United States is 

of tremendous value and significance. Norway is one of the world’s great democracies, and its leadership publicly declares that the United States is its closest ally. 

If the Senate confirms my nomination, I will devote every effort to enhancing this 

remarkable relationship. 

I know from my own experience that our friendship extends beyond the formal 

relations between sovereign nations. There are more than 800,000 proud Norwegian-Americans in my home State of Minnesota alone. They share their culture, 

history, and pride in their heritage with the rest of us. We Minnesotans are happy 

to think of ourselves as honorary Norwegians. We are proud of the admirable Norwegian culture that is an intrinsic and historic part of our State. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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In facing the challenges that confront us as a nation, we know that Norway is 

a dependable and responsible partner. As a founding member of NATO, Norway is 

a long-standing and steadfast ally. Norwegian and American military personnel 

have served side by side in operations in Afghanistan, Kosovo, over the skies of 

Libya, and beyond. Norway has repeatedly demonstrated its military readiness and 

commitment to interoperability though regular joint exercises with U.S. and other 

allied forces. Former Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg is the current 

NATO Secretary General, a testament to the respect of the alliance for Norway’s 

dedication to transatlantic security. 

Norway has been fully committed to the joint U.S.-EU approach to support 

Ukraine, imposing all rounds of sanctions against Russia despite the economic burden. Norway has also repeatedly called for full implementation of the Minsk Agreement, and is supporting Ukraine’s reform efforts. 

Norway is a strong partner in the Coalition to Counter ISIL, contributing military 

trainers for Iraqi Forces, as well as millions of dollars in humanitarian support for 

both Iraq and Syria. In addition, Norway is at the forefront of our efforts to combat 

violent extremism, hosting a 2-day summit in June to further the agenda of the 

White House summit on Countering Violent Extremism held in February of this 

year. 

Norway and the United States are substantial investors in each other’s business 

enterprises. Over 300 U.S. companies have a presence in Norway, and Norway is 

the fifth fastest-growing source of foreign direct investment in the United States. 

If confirmed, I intend to expand this relationship and work to create even more 

opportunities for U.S. businesses and American workers. 

We share with Norway vital economic and environmental interests in the Arctic. 

We are fortunate that our staunch friend Norway works closely with us on the 

Arctic Council, sharing our goals for responsible stewardship of the region and 

strengthening international cooperation. 

Norway has established itself as a peacemaker and peacekeeper, as well as a generous activist in the alleviation of humanitarian crises and the promotion of human 

rights around the world. I know from my work over the last 30 years with human 

rights and humanitarian NGOs that in the international arena, Norway commands 

principled, moral high ground. It has earned its reputation as an honest broker. If 

confirmed, I look forward to working with Norway in pursuit of these important 

undertakings. 

Throughout my career I have been a business manager, an advocate, and a negotiator. I will bring those skills to bear if the Senate confirms me as Ambassador to 

the Kingdom of Norway. 

Norway’s partnership and alliance with the United States requires ambassadorial 

representation in Oslo that is hardworking, informed and dedicated to advancing 

what can only be described as an extraordinary international friendship. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Heins. 

Our next nominee is Mr. James Melville, a nominee for the Ambassador to Estonia. Mr. Melville is a career member of the Foreign 

Service and currently serves as the Deputy Chief of Mission of the 

U.S. Embassy in Berlin. 

Previously, Mr. Melville has served as Executive Director of the 

Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs and in positions in London, Moscow, Paris, and Brussels. 

Mr. Melville. 

STATEMENT OF JAMES DESMOND MELVILLE, JR., NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA 

Mr. MELVILLE. Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, thank you 

for holding this hearing today. It is a privilege to appear before you 

as the President’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Estonia. It is a tremendous honor to be asked to serve in this post, 

and I would like to thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

for their confidence in me. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to protect American citizens and further U.S. 

interests in Estonia. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

380 

Mr. Chairman, with me is my wife, Joanna. We celebrated our 

31st anniversary yesterday. I would have loved to have introduced 

you to our sons, Desmond and Daniel, but they were unable to 

make the trip down here today. I am very pleased, however, to introduce my rooting section from New Jersey, led by my mom, 

Georgina Melville; my sister-in-law, Ruth Bayus; my sister and 

brother-in-law, Eileen and Frank Karpicki; my nephew, Nicolas 

Karpicki; and my nieces, Kathleen and Francesca Karpicki. 

Danny and Desmond were born in Berlin during our first assignment, and they grew up in the Foreign Service. 

My late father immigrated to America when he was young, as 

did my mother’s parents. They raised me and my six brothers and 

sisters to be very proud of our Irish heritage but to be even prouder 

to be Americans. 

It has been the greatest honor of my life to serve our Nation for 

nearly 30 years, and I am deeply fortunate to have had Joanna and 

our sons by my side. We are all very excited about the prospect of 

an assignment to Estonia, a country we last visited in its first year 

of independence from Soviet occupation while assigned to the U.S. 

Consulate in St. Petersburg. 

Estonia is a strong and reliable ally in NATO, a member of the 

E.U. and the Eurozone, and a provider of development assistance 

focused on good governance and democracy. 

This year, we marked the 75th anniversary of the Welles Declaration, under which the United States would not recognize the incorporation of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania into the Soviet 

Union. This declaration provided critical support and encouragement for Estonia during their 50 years of occupation and remains 

a powerful symbol today. Our shared values continue to underline 

our robust cooperation bilaterally, regionally, and globally. 

If confirmed, I hope to work to reinforce our partnership with Estonia during a new period of Russian aggression in the region and 

continue to strengthen the already deep and productive relationship we have enjoyed these many years. 

A NATO ally since 2004, Estonia has shown unwavering support 

for our shared objectives around the world. Estonian troops served 

with us in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Estonia continues to contribute to NATO’s Resolute Support mission. Estonia has met the 

NATO standard of committing 2 percent of its GDP to defense 

spending, serving as a model for other allies in making the investments necessary to ensure our common security. Estonian soldiers 

have proven themselves accomplished and knowledgeable partners 

in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world, nonetheless, our continued support remains crucial in helping Estonia respond to growing threats. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working to implement the European Reassurance Initiative and continuing efforts to facilitate 

joint training and exercises, and increasing interoperability under 

Operation Atlantic Resolve. 

The birthplace of Skype, Estonia has established itself as a world 

leader in information technology. If confirmed, I will continue to 

work to expand our opportunities for trade and commercial relations with this innovative partner. This includes working with my 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Estonian colleagues in support of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. 

As an expert on cyber issues, Estonia hosts the NATO Cyber 

Centre of Excellence in Tallinn, which the United States joined in 

2011, and has shared its expertise on e-governance with other nations, including Ukraine and other eastern partnership countries. 

If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our strong cooperation on 

cyber issues. Outreach to and promoting resilience within all parts 

of society is an important component of an Ambassador’s work. If 

confirmed, I will work closely with my team to continue outreach 

to the Estonian- and Russian-speaking public, including youth, as 

we welcome the strengths of a diverse and inclusive society. 

Estonia has played an active role in advancing our shared security, economic, and social values. If confirmed, I look forward to 

representing my country in advancing a still deeper connection between the United States and Estonia. 

I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed you today 

and am at your disposal to answer any questions you may have. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Melville follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JAMES D. MELVILLE, JR. 

Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, members of the committee, thank you for 

holding this hearing today. It is a privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Estonia. It is a tremendous 

honor to be asked to serve in this post, and I would like to thank President Obama 

and Secretary Kerry for their confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress to protect American citizens and further U.S. interests in Estonia. 

Mr. Chairman, with me is my wife Joanna. We celebrated our 31st anniversary 

yesterday. I would have loved to introduce you to our sons, Desmond and Daniel, 

but they were unable to make the trip down here today. I am very pleased, however, 

to introduce my rooting section from New Jersey, led by my Mom, Georgina Melville, and including my sister-in-law, Ruth Bayus, my sister and brother-in-law, 

Eileen and Frank Karpicki, my nephew, Nicholas Karpicki, my nieces, Kathleen and 

Francesca Karpicki, my sister, Laura Hampton, and my niece, Colleen Hampton. 

Danny and Desmond were born in Berlin during our first assignment, and they 

grew up in the Foreign Service. My late father immigrated to America when he was 

young, as did my mother’s parents. They raised me and my six brothers and sisters 

to be very proud of our Irish heritage, but to be even prouder to be Americans. It 

has been the greatest honor of my life to serve our Nation for nearly 30 years, and 

I am deeply fortunate to have had Joanna and our sons by my side. We are all very 

excited about the prospect of an assignment to Estonia; a country we last visited 

in its first year of independence from Soviet occupation while assigned to the U.S. 

consulate in St. Petersburg. 

Estonia is a strong and reliable ally in NATO, a member of the EU and the 

Eurozone, and a provider of development assistance focused on good governance and 

democracy. This year we mark the 75th anniversary of the Welles Declaration under 

which the United States would not recognize the incorporation of Estonia, Latvia, 

and Lithuania into the Soviet Union.This declaration provided critical support and 

encouragement for Estonia during their 50 years of occupation and remains a powerful symbol today. Our shared values continue to underline our robust cooperation 

bilaterally, regionally, and globally. 

If confirmed, I hope to work to reinforce our partnership with Estonia during a 

new period of Russian aggression in the region and continue to strengthen the 

already deep and productive relationship we have enjoyed these many years. 

A NATO ally since 2004, Estonia has shown unwavering support for our shared 

objectives around the world. Estonian troops served with us in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Estonia continues to contribute to NATO’s Resolute Support Mission 

(RSM). Estonia has met the NATO standard of committing two percent of its GDP 

to defense spending, serving as a model for other allies in making the investments 

necessary to ensure our common security. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

382 

Estonian soldiers have proven themselves accomplished and knowledgeable partners in Iraq and Afghanistan and around the world, nonetheless our continued support remains crucial in helping Estonia respond to growing threats. If confirmed, I 

look forward to working to implement the European Reassurance Initiative (ERI) 

and continuing efforts to facilitate joint training and exercises and increasing interoperability under Operation Atlantic Resolve. 

The birthplace of Skype, Estonia has established itself as a world leader on information technology. If confirmed, I will continue to work to expand opportunities for 

trade and commercial relations with this innovative partner. This includes working 

with my Estonian colleagues in support of TTIP. 

As an expert on cyber issues, Estonia hosts the NATO Cyber Security Center of 

Excellence in Tallinn, which the United States joined in 2011, and has shared its 

expertise on e-governance with other nations, including Ukraine and other Eastern 

Partnership countries. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our strong cooperation on cyber issues. 

Outreach to, and promoting resilience within, all parts of society is an important 

component of an ambassador’s work. If confirmed, I will work closely with my team 

to continue outreach to the Estonian and Russian speaking public, including youth, 

as we welcome the strengths of a diverse and inclusive society. 

Estonia has played an active role in advancing our shared security, economic, and 

social values. If confirmed, I look forward to representing my country in advancing 

a still deeper connection between the United States and Estonia. 

I am grateful for the opportunity to have addressed you today, and am at your 

disposal to answer any questions you may have. Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Melville. 

Our next nominee is Ms. Kathleen Doherty, a nominee for Ambassador to Cyprus. Ms. Doherty is a senior member of the Foreign 

Service and currently serves as the Deputy Assistant Secretary in 

the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. 

Previously, Ms. Doherty has served at U.S. Embassies in London, 

Moscow, and Rome, working on economic affairs. 

Ms. Doherty. 

STATEMENT OF KATHLEEN ANN DOHERTY, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS 

Ms. DOHERTY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen. I am 

honored to appear before you today to be considered for the position of United States Ambassador to Cyprus. I am grateful to be 

nominated by President Obama, and I appreciate Secretary Kerry’s 

confidence in me. 

If confirmed, I pledge to work with all of you to advance in Cyprus the fundamental U.S. interests in a Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace. 

I am pleased to be joined today by my partner, Mike Nelson; my 

sister, Erin; and many friends. I am thankful for the support of 

family and friends all these years. 

Today is part of a journey that started when I traveled overseas 

at age 13 to visit Ireland, where my father was born and where I 

first became curious about the world beyond. As the daughter of an 

immigrant, I am proud to represent the United States and the hope 

of promise of this country. 

This is a hopeful time for Cyprus, a country situated at the crossroads of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. With the resumption 

of settlement talks in May and the strong commitment of both the 

Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot leaders, there is a real window of opportunity to forge a just and lasting peace. 

If confirmed, I would do all that I could to support efforts by courageous and visionary leaders, ordinary people, and the United NaFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

383 

tions, to reach the promise of a bizonal, bicommunal federation. A 

reunified Cyprus would provide for a more prosperous future for all 

Cypriots. 

Such an example would resonate well beyond the island. It would 

strengthen Greece-Turkey relations. A reunified Cyprus would also 

enhance regional security and boost NATO-EU cooperation. 

Senators, I also believe it would serve as an inspiration for others who wish to define a new future after a painful past. 

The Republic of Cyprus is a valued friend and an important strategic partner. The United States cooperates with Cyprus on a 

range of priorities, including counterterrorism, maritime security, 

and law enforcement. Cyprus’ participation in the counter-ISIL coalition and its efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass 

destruction demonstrate its commitment to international security. 

U.S.-led investment in Cyprus, increasing nearly sevenfold over 

the last 2 years, is an example of our growing economic ties. Cyprus’ economy is turning the corner earlier than projected after the 

country’s acute fiscal crisis in 2012. Its economic reform programs 

will help ensure that this positive growth continues. 

At the same time, progress on a settlement could have a positive 

impact on the entire island’s economy. Study after study has shown 

a Cyprus settlement would create opportunities for greater trade 

and investment, bringing tangible benefits to all Cypriots. 

The discovery of natural gas reserves in Cyprus’ offshore waters 

has expanded possibilities for increasing regional energy security 

through diversification of resources, routes, and suppliers. We have 

emphasized our support of the Republic of Cyprus’ right to develop 

hydrocarbon resources in its exclusive economic zone. 

We believe that resources should be shared equitably between 

both communities within the context of an overall settlement. Hydrocarbons have the potential, if managed correctly, to serve as an 

incentive for a Cyprus settlement. If confirmed, I would seek to 

build upon this potential. 

During his visit to Cyprus in May 2014, Vice President Biden 

emphasized that a reunified Cyprus would expand the possibilities 

for strengthening our partnership. 

If confirmed, I will be accredited to one government, the Republic 

of Cyprus. That said, I will support both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities in their efforts to pursue reconciliation 

and reunification. 

If confirmed, I believe my experience will prepare me well for the 

challenges and opportunities ahead. Throughout my 25-year career, 

I worked closely with Members of Congress, the U.S. military, and 

nearly all U.S. Government agencies and departments. 

While serving in Washington and at posts overseas, I have 

strengthened United States-European relations, promoting trade, 

investment, economic opportunity, and innovation. I have been a 

strong advocate for the diversification of energy supplies and for 

the United States and the EU to work together to address energy 

challenges. I have championed efforts that enhance European security working through NATO and the EU And while serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary, I worked on the peace process in Northern 

Ireland, which gave hope to long-divided communities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

384 

If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to strengthening the bonds 

between the United States and Cyprus, and working with Members 

of Congress, partners in the U.S. Government and elsewhere, and 

with the talented staff of the Embassy in Nicosia to further our 

goals and support the promise of a better future for all Cypriots. 

Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, thank you again for the opportunity to be here with you today. I would be pleased to answer any 

questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Doherty follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KATHLEEN A. DOHERTY

Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, members of the committee, I am honored 

to appear before you today to be considered for the position of the United States 

Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus. I am grateful to be nominated by President 

Obama and appreciate Secretary Kerry’s confidence in me. If confirmed, I pledge to 

work with all of you to advance in Cyprus the fundamental U.S. interest in a 

Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace. 

I’m pleased to be joined today by my partner, Mike Nelson, and my brother Bob 

Doherty, who along with the other members of my family have supported me all 

these years. Today is part of a journey that started when I first traveled overseas 

at 13 to visit Ireland, where my father was born, and where I first became curious 

about the world beyond. As a first generation American on my father’s side, I am 

proud to represent the United States and the hope and promise of this country. 

This is a hopeful time for Cyprus, a country situated at the crossroads of Europe, 

the Middle East, and Africa. With the resumption of settlement talks in May and 

the strong commitment of both the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders, 

there is a real window of opportunity to forge a just and lasting settlement. If confirmed, I would do all that I could to support efforts by courageous and visionary 

leaders, ordinary people, and the United Nations to reach the promise of a bizonal, 

bicommunal federation. A reunified Cyprus would provide for a more prosperous 

future for all Cypriots. Such an example would resonate well beyond the island, 

strengthening Greece-Turkey relations and links across the Eastern Mediterranean. 

It would serve as an inspiration for others who wish to define a new future after 

a painful past. A reunified Cyprus would also enhance regional security and boost 

NATO–EU cooperation. 

The Republic of Cyprus is a valued friend and important strategic partner. If confirmed, I am committed to boosting our bilateral relationship to promote peace, 

security, and prosperity in the region and beyond. The United States cooperates 

closely with Cyprus on a range of priorities including counterterrorism, maritime 

security, and law enforcement. Cyprus’ hosting of the Joint OPCW–U.N. Mission to 

dismantle Syria’s chemical weapons, participation in the Counter-ISIL Coalition, as 

well as its regional efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction demonstrate its commitment to international security. 

U.S.-led investment in Cyprus, increasing nearly sevenfold over the last 2 years, 

is a concrete example of our growing economic ties. Cyprus is supportive of our 

efforts to conclude the U.S.-EU Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership 

(TTIP). TTIP can help develop the island’s growing professional services sector and 

provide new opportunities for entrepreneurship. Cyprus’ economy is turning the corner, earlier than projected after the country’s acute fiscal crisis in 2012. As the sacrifices required by fiscal consolidation and structural reforms are beginning to bear 

fruit, Cyprus’ economic reform programs will help ensure that this positive growth 

continues. At the same time, progress on a settlement could have a positive impact 

on the entire island’s economy. Study after study has shown a Cyprus settlement 

would create opportunities for greater trade and investment, bringing tangible benefits to all Cypriots. If confirmed, I would draw upon my years of experience creating 

opportunities in the areas of entrepreneurship, innovation, and commerce—particularly for women and young people—and push this vision forward. 

The recent discovery of natural gas resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, 

including in Cyprus’ offshore waters by U.S. company Noble Energy in 2011, has 

expanded possibilities for increasing regional energy security through diversification 

of resources, routes, and suppliers. We have emphasized our support of the Republic 

of Cyprus’ right to develop hydrocarbon resources in its exclusive economic zone. We 

also believe the resources should be shared equitably between both communities 

within the context of an overall settlement. Hydrocarbons have the potential, if 

managed correctly, to be a catalyst for increased cooperation as well as enhanced 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

385 

regional stability, security, and prosperity. Energy potential should serve as an 

incentive to a Cyprus settlement. If confirmed, I would seek to build upon this 

potential. 

During his historic visit to Cyprus in May 2014, Vice President Biden emphasized 

that a reunified Cyprus would expand the possibilities for strengthening our partnership. If confirmed, I will be accredited to one government, the Republic of 

Cyprus. That said, I will support both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities in their efforts to pursue reconciliation and reunification. 

If confirmed, I believe my experience will prepare me well for the challenges and 

opportunities ahead. Throughout my 25-year career, I have worked closely with 

Members of Congress, the U.S. military, and nearly all U.S. Government agencies 

and Departments, and know how we can work together to support the goal of a 

whole and prosperous Cyprus.While serving in Washington as Deputy Assistant Secretary in our Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs and at posts overseas, I 

have strengthened U.S.-European relations, promoting trade, investment, economic 

opportunity and innovation. I have been a strong advocate for the diversification of 

energy supplies, and for the U.S. and European Union to work together to address 

global and regional energy challenges. I have championed efforts that enhanced 

European security, working through NATO and the EU, and while serving as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, I supported the peace process in Northern Ireland, 

which gave hope to long divided communities. 

If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to strengthening the bonds between the United 

States and Cyprus, and working with Members of Congress, partners in the U.S. 

Government and elsewhere, and with the talented staff of the Embassy in Nicosia 

to further our goals in Cyprus and support the promise of a better future for all 

Cypriots. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for the opportunity 

to be here with you today. I would be pleased to answer any questions you may 

have. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Doherty. 

Our final nominee is Mr. Thomas Melia. 

Am I pronouncing that correctly, ‘‘Melia’’? 

Mr. MELIA. We pronounce it ‘‘Melia.’’ But you may have it—— 

Senator JOHNSON. I am happy to go with your pronunciation. I 

will probably still get it wrong, but it is close. 

A nominee for Assistant Administrator for Europe and Eurasia 

at USAID, Mr. Melia is currently executive director of Democracy 

International and previously served from 2010 to 2015 as Deputy 

Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights 

and Labor at the Department of State. 

Mr. Melia. 

STATEMENT OF THOMAS MELIA, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Mr. MELIA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Shaheen, Senator 

Murphy. It is an honor to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to be Assistant Administrator for Europe and 

Eurasia at the U.S. Agency for International Development. 

I am grateful for the trust and confidence placed in me by President Obama, Acting Administrator Lenhardt, and Secretary Kerry 

at this critical time in the region. 

I am pleased to be joined today by my best friend, my spouse, 

Amy Conroy; our son, Toma ́s; and my brother, Tim, who is standing in for the wider Melia clan, my mother, Margaret; my sister, 

Kay; my brothers, Terry and Pat, who may be watching on the 

video link today. 

It happens that Amy grew up in a USAID family as her father, 

Dennis, pursued a career in the agency and its predecessor agenFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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cies from the early 1950s to the 1980s, working to advance U.S. interests in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Since then, Amy has built 

a distinguished career promoting women’s participation in American politics and in leading some of the best-known and most important nonprofit advocacy organizations in the United States. 

My son, Toma ́s, meanwhile, as he prepares to enter the seventh 

grade, is learning the importance of public service, too, and investing great energy in developing critical national security skills in lacrosse, basketball, and soccer. 

For more than 30 years, I have worked to promote democratic 

governance and fundamental freedoms throughout the world, mainly while working for nongovernmental, nonprofit organizations, and 

now at Democracy International, an exciting new entrant in the 

community of democracy support organizations. 

I believe the United States can, and should always be, a reliable 

friend of democracy and its advocates worldwide, not only because 

a more democratic world would enhance America’s prosperity and 

security, but because democracy is the only political framework 

that can ensure that universal human rights are respected and 

that the voices of the poor and marginalized are heard by their 

leaders. 

As Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor most of these last 5 years, I 

oversaw the Bureau’s work in three regions, including Europe and 

Eurasia. 

I know this region and its people well. I was the U.S. chair of 

several bilateral working groups and led delegations to address 

human rights, civil society, rule of law issues in countries across 

the region—including Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Hungary, Moldova, Russia, Turkey, and, of course, Ukraine, where I led 

official U.S. missions more than six times in 3 years. 

Ukraine is a central focus of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and 

Eurasia, as it is across the administration. The agency plays an important role supporting the Government of Ukraine’s accelerated 

reform efforts, and I want to acknowledge the many members of 

this committee, in particular, who have led Congress in providing 

vital support to the people of Ukraine. 

In various capacities inside and outside government over the 

years throughout my career, I have seen firsthand the effectiveness 

of development assistance as an important aspect of our foreign 

policy, particularly in the former Communist countries of Europe 

and Eurasia. Yet, even with this success, the region’s transformation is incomplete, and we find ourselves today at a tipping 

point. 

The threat of political and economic backsliding remains. The resurgence of extreme nationalism across the continent reminds us of 

the fragility of the post-war social compact we once thought had 

been secured by creation of the European Union. Trafficking in persons continues to be a serious human rights challenge in the region. Conspicuous, high-level corruption undermines public confidence in the utility of democratic institutions and open markets. 

It turns out there is more to be done to secure the transition 

from totalitarian to the Europe we have all envisioned—whole, 

free, and at peace. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Having begun my professional career working for more than 5 

formative years for Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, I understand 

and appreciate the important role that Congress plays—and in my 

view should play—in the development and execution of U.S. foreign 

policy. The Congress is the democratic fulcrum that ensures our 

international policies properly project American values and remain 

focused on core national interests. If confirmed to the position the 

President has nominated me for, I would welcome the opportunity 

to work closely with this committee as together we chart the way 

forward to advance USAID’s mission: to end extreme poverty and 

promote resilient, democratic societies—while advancing our own 

security and prosperity. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with you on a regular 

basis. Thank you again for the opportunity to speak to you today. 

I welcome any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Melia follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THOMAS O. MELIA

Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, members of the committee, it is 

an honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be Assistant 

Administrator for Europe and Eurasia (E&E) at the U. S. Agency for International 

Development (USAID). I am grateful for the trust and confidence placed in me by 

President Obama, Acting Administrator Lenhardt, and Secretary Kerry at this critical time for the region. 

I want first to recognize the outstanding work being done by Susan Fritz, who 

has been leading the Bureau as acting Assistant Administrator since January. Ms. 

Fritz has served our country with great distinction throughout a 25-year career at 

USAID and is a true expert on the development challenges we confront in the 

region. I also want to acknowledge with appreciation Paige Alexander, the previous 

Assistant Administrator for E&E, and to thank her for advice and guidance during 

this process. I worked closely with Ms. Alexander in my previous position at the 

Department of State and know how effective her leadership was in the region and 

in the U.S. Government’s interagency deliberations. 

I also want to thank my family, friends, and professional colleagues whose support and encouragement have allowed me to pursue this opportunity. I am especially pleased to be joined today by my best friend, my spouse, Amy Conroy, and 

our son Toma ́s. It happens that Amy grew up in a USAID family, as her father pursued a career in the Agency and its predecessors from the early 1950s to the 1980s, 

working to advance U.S. interests in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Her sisters were 

born in Ethiopia and Iran, when the Conroy family was posted to those countries. 

Since then, Amy has built a distinguished career promoting women’s participation 

in American politics and in leading some of the best-known and most important 

nonprofit advocacy organizations in the U.S. For more than 30 years, she has been 

making significant contributions to strengthen American democracy. Toma ́s, meanwhile, as he prepares to enter the seventh grade, is learning the importance of public service at the community, national and international levels. 

For more than 30 years, I have worked to promote democratic governance and 

fundamental freedoms throughout the world, mainly while working for nongovernmental, nonprofit organizations, including the National Democratic Institute and 

the bipartisan Freedom House. Since leaving government service earlier this year, 

I am proud to be working at Democracy International, an exciting new entrant in 

the community of democracy support organizations. As a university teacher and 

occasional writer of articles and books, I have also had the opportunity to discuss 

with scholars and practitioners how the United States might better help those men 

and women in other countries who share our values to build their own democratic 

societies and institutions. While each country’s path will be decided by its own citizens—we as outsiders will only ever be supporting actors in other nations’ national 

dramas—I believe that the United States can and should always be a reliable friend 

of democracy and its advocates worldwide. This is why it is so important that the 

U.S. Government’s recently released second Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) highlights, as one of the Nation’s four top strategic priorities, 

‘‘promoting open, resilient and democratic societies.’’ For this is the only sure path 

to enduring development outcomes for the poorest and least resilient societies. It is 

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the only political framework that can ensure that universal human rights are 

respected, and that the voices of the poor and the marginalized are heard by their 

leaders. 

From 2010 to earlier this year, I served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State 

in the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL). In that role, I 

oversaw the Bureau’s work in three regions, including Europe and Eurasia. I know 

this region and its people well. I have worked with political leaders, including government officials and opposition leaders, human rights activists and community 

leaders. I have coordinated our efforts with our closest allies. I was the U.S. chair 

of several bilateral working groups, and led delegations to address human rights, 

civil society, or rule of law issues in countries in this region—including Armenia, 

Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Hungary, Moldova, Russia, Turkey—and of course 

Ukraine, where I led official U.S. missions more than six times in 3 years. 

Senator Cardin may recall that I led or participated in many U.S delegations to 

meetings of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) during 

those 5 years, including each year’s Human Dimension Implementation Meeting in 

Warsaw, where I led our interaction with civil society and human rights activists 

from across the OSCE region. I was honored to serve and work closely with both 

Secretaries of State Hillary Clinton and John Kerry in the annual ministerial meetings of the OSCE. Moreover, during these past 5 years, I was also fortunate to work 

with impressive colleagues from across the U.S. Government, including at the 

Department of Justice and Department of Defense, as well as the National Security 

Council staff, and most frequently with USAID counterparts, so I know the interagency apparatus and procedures well. 

Having begun my professional career working for more than 5 years for Senator 

Daniel Patrick Moynihan, I understand and appreciate the important role the Congress plays—and in my view should play—in the development and execution of U.S. 

foreign policy. The Congress is the democratic fulcrum that ensures our international policies are leveraged to properly project American values and remain 

focused on core national interests. If confirmed in this role, I would welcome the 

opportunity to work closely with this committee as together we chart the way forward to advance USAID’s mission: to end extreme poverty and promote resilient, 

democratic societies—while advancing our own security and prosperity. 

USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia was created a quarter century ago, pursuant to specific legislative mandates enacted after the fall of the Berlin Wall and 

the dissolution of the Soviet Union, with the goals of promoting Euro-Atlantic integration and fostering a Europe whole, free, and at peace. I have seen firsthand the 

effectiveness of development assistance as an important aspect of our foreign policy, 

particularly in the formerly Communist countries of Europe and Eurasia. For well 

over two decades, the United States and USAID have played a key role in the 

region, supporting successful transitions from assistance to partnership in 10 formerly Communist countries that have joined the European Union. Today, we count 

several of these countries as some of the United States strongest and most able 

allies. The region serves as a model for the principles of sustainable development, 

for creating the conditions where international assistance is no longer needed. 

However, even with this success, the region’s transformation is incomplete, and 

we find ourselves today at a tipping point. In a growing number of countries that 

had appeared to have successfully transformed, the threat of political and economic 

backsliding still remains. Multiple political crises and the recent resurgence of 

extreme nationalism in multiple countries across the European Continent remind us 

of the fragility of the post-war social compact we once thought had been secured by 

creation of the European Union. Trafficking in persons continues to be a serious 

human rights challenge in the region. Conspicuous high-level corruption undermines 

public confidence in the viability and utility of democratic institutions and open 

markets. It turns out there is more to be done to secure the transition from totalitarian rule to the Europe we all have envisioned—whole, free, and at peace. 

Development assistance remains a strategic imperative in a region facing rising 

internal and external pressures. Structural instability and democratic and economic 

stagnation are all exacerbated by Russia’s aggressive actions, reminding us that the 

United States still has an important role to play. 

Ukraine is a central focus of USAID’s E&E Bureau, as it is across the Obama 

administration. The agency continues to play an important role supporting the Government of Ukraine’s accelerated reform efforts across key sectors, providing macroeconomic assistance, helping strengthen civil society, supporting energy security, 

and providing humanitarian relief to conflict-affected communities in the east. 

While progress is being made, Ukraine must continue to aggressively pursue not 

only enactment of new laws, but also actually implementing real reforms. In order 

to be successful, Ukraine will need continued support and technical assistance from 

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the international community, and I want to acknowledge the many members of this 

committee in particular who have led the Congress in providing vital support to the 

people of Ukraine. 

I want to emphasize, however, that Russian pressure is not limited to Ukraine. 

At a Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations hearing 

on February 24, 2015, Secretary Kerry, in response to a question regarding Russian 

influence in the region, stated, ‘‘Whether it’s Serbia, Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia, other places—they are all in the firing line.’’ If confirmed, I will be a strong 

advocate for strong continued USAID engagement in the Balkans, as well as in 

Georgia and Moldova, where increased Russian pressure has the potential to destabilize those countries and threaten important progress toward implementation of 

the historic Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area 

agreements with the European Union. It is important that the United States continues to support the sovereign right of these countries to choose their own futures 

and help them meet the conditions of these agreements. I also want to say—to the 

peoples of Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, and Russia—that we support their 

aspirations to live in prosperous, democratic countries, at peace internally and with 

their neighbors, and more fully integrated into Europe and the modern world. 

This is a pivotal moment for the wider European region, facing its most significant challenges—economic, social, political and military—in decades. The United 

States and USAID have an important role to play in the region and must continue 

to demonstrate leadership and commitment to Europe’s success. If confirmed, I look 

forward to working with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and all of our 

partners to achieve our objectives in the region. 

Thank you again for giving me the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome any questions you might have. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Melia. 

Let me start with the nominees for ambassadorships to the different countries with the same question. We will just go from left 

to right. Tell me what is the number one or top two or three opportunities in terms of economic cooperation between our two countries. 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

As I briefly outlined in my statement, we have a strong economic-commercial relationship between the United States and Poland, but I believe there is opportunity for significant growth. 

Poland’s economy has been consistently growing over the last 

years, even during the financial crisis. And it is strong across the 

board, a comprehensive growth. Poland’s significant domestic market, its location next to significant markets, present a lot of opportunities for U.S. exporters and U.S. investors. 

Secretary Pritzker led a delegation of the President’s export 

council last fall to Poland and identified several different areas 

where there is great promise to expand our exports and our investments in both directions. Those include areas such as defense, as 

I mentioned, the defense industry, IT, aerospace, areas such as 

green cities, green technology, energy cooperation. 

So I will, if confirmed, work very closely with the American business community, the Polish business community, to try to expand 

those opportunities. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ambassador. 

Ambassador Klemm. 

Ambassador KLEMM. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, an excellent 

question. 

You are familiar with Romania, as a result of your visit there 

last year. The country has great potential. It is one of the fastest 

growing in the European Union. It has relatively low debt, and it 

is fiscally sound and has an educated population. As a result, there 

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is already a substantial presence of U.S. investment in the country, 

particularly in the sectors of energy, IT, and manufacturing. 

All that said, I think there is still great potential for American 

firms to increase their presence in Romania and, importantly, increase exports to the country to support job growth here at home. 

That growth in U.S. presence and, actually, economic development in of itself in Romania is hindered I think by two major factors. One is corruption. Romania still faces a serious problem with 

corruption. Within the European Union, it is ranked among the 

very bottom of countries facing corruption and, of course, the contribution that makes to its business and investment environment. 

And the other one is infrastructure. 

In both cases, Romania is committed to improving its environment. It is drawing on European Union resources to help build out 

its infrastructure, particularly in roads and rail and energy. And 

then corruption, as I mentioned in my remarks, and as you saw 

firsthand, Senator, it has put into place some very powerful and 

courageous institutions in law enforcement and the judiciary to try 

to deal with corruption and over time has established really both 

a courageous and remarkable record in terms of pursuing corruption at the local, regional, as well as national level. Thank you. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Murphy and I, when we were in Romania, met an incredibly courageous young woman, Laura Kovesi. 

And as Ambassador, we, certainly, hope that you make sure that 

she remains supported by the Romanian Government. 

Mr. Heins. 

Mr. HEINS. Thank you, Senator. 

There are identified a number of really great opportunities for 

American companies in Norway. They include oil and gas, in particular technologies for cleaner extraction, more efficient extraction, 

of oil and gas, and technologies that would permit the extraction 

of oil and gas in evermore remote and difficult to work in areas. 

LNG transport, carbon capture and technology, other green technologies, including wind and solar and hydro; there are opportunities in the marine industry for joint partnerships with Norway; and 

in health care, with regard to medical devices, medical equipment 

and pharmaceuticals—these all present real opportunities, I believe, for U.S. industry to export to Norway. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Melville. 

Mr. MELVILLE. Thank you, Senator. 

Estonia is a very successful economy and very welcoming to 

American businesses. There are approximately 100 American companies who already have a presence in Estonia, which has a welldeserved reputation as an innovative, creative place for startups. 

And the best example, of course, I already mentioned. That is 

Skype. 

But Estonia has a very responsible approach to managing their 

economy, as well. They have a balanced budget. They are very open 

to investors from the United States. We only have about 2.2 percent of their economy in exports now, and there is lots of room for 

advocacy and growth there, which, if confirmed, I look forward to 

taking advantage of. 

Senator JOHNSON. I would mention the way they balanced their 

budget was to dramatically reduce spending. 

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Ms. Doherty. 

Ms. DOHERTY. Thank you, Senator. 

As I mentioned in my testimony, U.S. investment has already increased sevenfold in the past 2 years in Cyprus, primarily in the 

professional services sector and tourism, but, most importantly, in 

the energy sector. Cyprus is in the process of identifying the depth 

of its natural gas reserves, but the potential is quite high. U.S. 

company Noble has already invested a significant amount of money 

in exploration. 

But, obviously, the most important thing that could happen for 

Cyprus and U.S. business opportunity is reunification of the island, 

which would offer great opportunity for U.S. trade and investment 

and also Cypriot investment in the United States. 

I spent most of my career actually doing economic and commercial advocacy and diplomacy, and I spent a lot of years promoting 

innovation and entrepreneurship, especially among young people 

and women. So I look forward to doing that, if I were to be confirmed. 

Senator JOHNSON. Can you also tell me a little bit about what 

you know about the banking crisis there in 2012 and 2013, kind 

of the cause and effect, and the aftermath? 

Ms. DOHERTY. Yes, Senator. 

As you do know, Cyprus went through a very serious economic 

and fiscal crisis in 2012. Cyprus has undertaken several economic 

reforms. Despite very high unemployment and other constraints, it 

actually expects to have modest growth this year. So we are reasonably optimistic that Cyprus is moving forward in terms of economic opportunity, and its reform program is quite serious and ambitious. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Melia, within Europe and Eurasia, can 

you talk about the top priorities for U.S. assistance through 

USAID? 

Mr. MELIA. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Thank you. 

The mix of assistance programs in this region differs somewhat 

from other parts of the world for some obvious reasons. In the Europe and Eurasia region, USAID’s programs revolve around support for democratic transformation, through democracy and governance programs; support for economic growth, helping promote institutional and structural reform to make these countries more attractive to international investment; to reform their legal structures, to 

be more law-abiding and fair and transparent; and providing, in 

some cases, startup investments for small- and medium-sized businesses to model the kind of investments that the private sector can 

use to jump start business development. 

So economic growth is a big part of it. Energy security is the 

other piece, energy security, economic growth and democratic 

transformation. 

Senator JOHNSON. Can you just mention the country names 

where the top priorities are, where most of the aid is flowing? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, the biggest focus these days, of course, is 

Ukraine. The investment in Ukraine went from about $50 million, 

2 years ago, to $150 million in the current year. That reflects the 

heightened priority that we are all placing on bolstering Ukraine 

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at this difficult moment and the action by this committee and the 

Congress to enable us to do that. 

So Ukraine is the biggest focus and that program is built around 

these three priority sectors—democratic transformation, economic 

growth, energy security, which is paramount in Ukraine. And there 

is a modest health program as well in Ukraine, which has a large 

incidence of drug-resistant tuberculosis. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you. 

Senator Shaheen. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Since I think almost everyone has mentioned energy security, let 

me just urge you, as you are looking at the potential for energy resources throughout Eastern Europe and in the countries that we 

hope you will be representing the United States in, that you also 

look at energy efficiency. It is an area where we have tremendous 

potential to export. It is the cheapest and fastest way to develop 

energy. And it is a place where I think, particularly in some of the 

countries that you are representing, that there has not been much 

focus. Ukraine is one of those, which has been mentioned several 

times. So I would just urge you to think about that. 

Mr. Melia, you talked about support for Ukraine. Georgia and 

Moldova are also countries where USAID still has a robust effort. 

But in most of the countries in Europe, USAID funding has declined precipitously. 

So is that a reflection of a lack of need for those economic development programs? 

Mr. MELIA. Well, thank you, Senator. And coming from the great 

State of New Hampshire, I am sure you are very familiar with energy-efficiency programs. That is very much a part of the energy 

programs in Ukraine and in the region. So I want to acknowledge 

that it is an important part. 

No, the declines over the last few years in assistance levels for 

the region do not reflect necessarily a diminishing of the need. It 

has reflected the challenge we all face in trying to make limited 

and sometimes dwindling amounts of money available to deal with 

a growing number of crises in the world. 

In the FY16 budget request, the administration has proposed increasing funding levels in almost, I believe, in every country that 

we have an aid program in these days. 

I would be a strong advocate for enlarging those budgets, at the 

same time ensuring that the money is well-targeted and well-spent. 

We have not talked about the Balkans, Serbia and its neighbors—— 

Senator SHAHEEN. I was about to raise that. So I am glad that 

you did. 

Mr. MELIA. They are also in the line of fire from Russia. The 

Russian propaganda and meddling in local politics and the pugnacious energy politics are being applied against Serbia and its neighbors, as well as against those countries that adjoin Russia. 

So I will be an advocate for more robust programs in the key 

countries across the region. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. I appreciate you saying that. As 

you point out, economic assistance, development assistance, is one 

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of the best ways that we can encourage democratic values in many 

of the countries that we are working in. 

Let me just ask you, if you could, to zero in a little bit more on 

the Balkans. I was just in Bosnia, and one of the things we heard 

there is the economic challenges that they are facing. And given 

the other governance challenges, are there other ways in which we 

can support Bosnia that would be helpful as they are trying to address their governance challenges as well? 

Mr. MELIA. Bosnia and its neighbors are still in the process of 

creating new states. Institutions and habits of democratic governance are still very much in their nascent stages. So I would hope 

that we would be able to continue to provide the kind of technical 

advice and information exchanges that help them do that. 

At the same time, we can deploy American know-how in other 

fields that are important to them—energy security, how to manage 

grids, how to develop energy efficient approaches to industry and 

housing. There is a lot of information that we can bring to help 

people make better decisions. It does not always require a lot of 

money, but it requires some money to be present and to be able to 

deploy the know-how that Americans have developed over the 

years. 

So I think there is more to be done in the Balkans. I just visited 

Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia earlier this year on one of my last 

trips at the State Department. And they generally want more 

American presence. They are finding their way through coalitionbuilding and democratic politics, media, and transparency. There 

are a lot of things that are very much in progress there that I 

think we should not walk away from at this point. When Europe 

writ large is at a tipping point, we need to consolidate the gains 

that we helped them achieve before we move on to the next crisis. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. I could not agree more, and I look 

forward to working with you to address those challenges. 

Ms. Doherty, you talked about the potential in Cyprus to come 

to an agreement that might reunite the country and address what 

has been a frozen conflict for a very long time. We have heard that 

before. So what are the reasons that we should be hopeful that this 

time might be different? 

Ms. DOHERTY. Thank you, Senator. That is an extremely important question, and I would like to express why we think the situation is different. 

Primarily, the commitment of the two leaders, the Greek Cypriot 

President and the Turkish Cypriot leader, are fundamentally committed to the process of reunification. They actually know each 

other from their childhood. They have worked together before. And 

they have been pursuing these talks since May. They have been 

meeting regularly and the negotiators meet almost every single 

day. 

We want to be supportive of the process as much as possible, and 

if confirmed, I will do what I can to be supportive to both communities as they try to undertake a very difficult path to reconciliation 

and reunification. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Jones, one of the other places I recently visited was Poland. 

I was there in June for the global security conference in Wroclaw. 

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What I heard from the Poles was a great deal of concern about 

Russia and its renewed threat to particularly Eastern Europe. 

What more can we do to support Poland in its efforts to be a bulwark against further incursions by Putin into Eastern Europe? 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Senator, for obviously a very important question and one that can be addressed in many ways. 

Briefly, Poland obviously has become a significant contributor to 

security in the alliance and in Central and Eastern Europe through 

its military but also through its society, its democracy and the activism of its civil society in the region, and through its economy 

that is helping other countries nearby grow. 

I think we want to address the full spectrum, the hybrid spectrum of possibilities of interference with our partners and our allies. And I think we have done an excellent job within the NATO 

alliance and bilaterally at deterring and bolstering the security of 

Poland and our allies. I think there is more we can do in the areas 

of cybersecurity, in the areas of countering disinformation, in the 

areas of energy security, as you mentioned, all of which are 

vulnerabilities to allies and partners in the region. 

Thank you. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you very much. My time has expired. 

Again, thank you all for your willingness to serve. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Let me congratulate all of the nominees on their nominations 

and extend I think the thanks of all of us for your families’ willingness to join, because it is a collective effort, at the end of the day, 

so we appreciate their willingness to sacrifice on behalf of the Nation as well. 

Mr. Melville, anyone who was born in Jersey City and has family 

from Berlin has got to be an extraordinary public servant. So congratulations on your particular nomination. 

As you know, the President Ilves, whom I visited with last year, 

lived and studied in New Jersey. And he can actually turn a New 

Jersey accent pretty quickly, so you will have a lot to talk about 

with them. 

Mr. MELVILLE. If confirmed, Senator, I very much look looking 

forward to working with President Ilves, another Jersey boy. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Yes, and it is amazing how he can turn it 

on. He tells me he does not do it very often, and it does not necessarily help him there are lot. But anyhow, you will have a lot to 

talk to him about. 

I think what is happening in Estonia, the challenges, the concerns they have in Poland, which I was also at last year, obviously 

with the Russian invasion, countries that all have legitimate reasons to be concerned about Russia’s resurgence and its actions, concerns in the case of Estonia about Russian-speaking populations 

and what that means to stability in the country, particularly with 

all the propaganda that Russia spends an enormous amount of 

money in those countries, and how we counteract that. So I look 

forward to working with both of you in your respective nominations. 

Let me turn to Ms. Doherty. You are going to a country that as 

you and I discussed, I have a lot of interest in, Cyprus. I have been 

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following the Cyprus question for the better part of my congressional career. 

I think for the first time in decades, Cyprus has a historic opportunity to forge a lasting agreement between the Greek and Turkish 

Cypriots. And the efforts of President Anastasiades and the Turkish Cypriot leader Akinci have put all of the difficult issues on the 

table, which I think is very important. 

However, one of the concerns that I have even in a moment in 

which I think there is an opportunity is that, at the end of the day, 

any potential agreement has to be Cypriot-led and Cypriot-agreed 

to. When we try to impose upon the Cypriots our will or the will 

of the international community, that is a challenge. We saw that 

in the Annan plan, which was rejected by the people of Cyprus. 

So I hope we have learned from that lesson and try to be a 

facilitator, but not try to impose our will on the Cypriots, because 

that will not have a lasting effect. 

I think there are some things that are important to recognize, 

and so as you visited with me and I shared with you some of my 

concerns, I come to this with the view that, even though we have 

expectations at this moment, at the core of this problem is an invasion of Turkey and an occupation of Northern Cyprus. And I would 

like to hear your views on that, as a starting point. 

Ms. DOHERTY. Thank you, Senator. And thank you for your interest in Cyprus all these years. You have a lot of expertise on the 

issue and on the country, and I very much appreciate that as well. 

As you mentioned, this needs to be a Cypriot-led process, and it 

is a Cypriot-led process. The commitment of both the Turkish Cypriot leader and the Greek Cypriot President, they seem very determined to doing and taking the very tough questions at hand. 

I think the issues of the past are very painful. They need to be 

recognized. They need to be considered. They need to be acknowledged. 

But I think at this moment, as we said, we have a historic moment that we need to look at the future and really concentrate on 

what can be done to actually move this process through its process 

of reconciliation and reunification. And if I were to be confirmed, 

I would do a lot of listening to both sides. I would be engaged as 

much as possible, as they asked me to be, and try to be supportive 

of the U.N.-facilitated process as well, Senator. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I appreciate our desire to look forward, but 

sometimes unless we reconcile ourselves with the past, it is difficult to move forward. 

America had slavery as an original sin, and it was not until we 

came face to face with that reality that it was not truly possible 

for us to liberate ourselves and to move forward in a way that really had all American society progress. 

So what I would hate to hear is you as the United States Ambassador not acknowledge or say what your predecessor has said about 

the reality is that we have the most militarized place in the world 

in Northern Cyprus with thousands of Turkish troops who invaded 

and occupied a sovereign country, a country that is part of the European Union. 

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So while you want to focus on the future, can I have an assurance that I will not be hearing from you that there was never an 

invasion of Cyprus? 

Ms. DOHERTY. Senator, the years of intercommunal violence were 

terrible and many lives were lost. I think we need to really think 

about those and recognize it. 

I worked in the peace process in Northern Ireland, and I also understand how violence can divide communities. 

I think we need to focus on the future, Senator, and I think the 

issue—— 

Senator MENENDEZ. I appreciate that, but you are not giving me 

an answer to my question. 

Ms. DOHERTY. The issue of foreign troops is one of the core elements of the peace process and settlement process. The two Cypriot 

leaders need to find a resolution that is satisfactory to both—— 

Senator MENENDEZ. So if Turkey, who says in a recent visit by 

the President of Turkey to the occupied section of Cyprus, who says 

that this is time for the agreement to come about—sounds good— 

but then at the end insists that Turkish groups continue to be in 

Northern Cyprus even if there is an agreement between Turkish 

and Greek Cypriots that the European Union is enough of a safeguard. 

Would we say that we still want to look forward then? Or would 

we acknowledge that agreement between the two parties is what 

should prevail, and that Turkey would have to seek to withdraw 

its troops? 

Ms. DOHERTY. I think, Senator, we need to focus on what the 

Turkish President has said. He said this is an opportunity not to 

be missed. He said that even just this morning in Cyprus. 

So I think we need to work very closely with Ankara, as well as 

Athens, as well as the two communities on both sides of the island, 

in ensuring that we have a resolution that is satisfactory to all parties. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, may I have two additional 

minutes? 

Well, okay, I know what the State Department tells you to say. 

That is not satisfactory to me. And I think it does not take a lot 

to acknowledge that if Greek and Turkish Cypriots come to an 

agreement, which says we want the Turkish troops out of here and 

we are willing to accept the European Union as our security guarantee, that we should be able to say that the two parties who are 

the people who are most involved in terms of their lives and future, 

that we should be able to honor that. And if we cannot say that, 

that is a problem. 

So I hope that the State Department will allow you in some response in writing to give me a better response than what we got. 

Let me ask you this, the committee on missing persons in Cyprus 

has been unable to access so-called Turkish military zones where 

the remains of Greek and Turkish Cypriots missing persons are 

likely buried. They have been very slow in allowing the process of 

exhumations to move forward. What is your take on this issue, considering the fact that the United States has contributed over 

$500,000 to the committee for the exhumation and identification of 

the remains of 500 Turkish Cypriots and 1,500 Greek Cypriots? 

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Ms. DOHERTY. We have called repeatedly for expeditious access 

to all burial sites, as have the two Cypriot leaders. While the access has been slow, Senator, the Turkish Government has provided 

information on two new military sites, as you have seen in the 

U.N. security report that was just released, which is a step forward, a positive trend forward. 

That said, we continue to raise this issue with Ankara, and we 

will continue to press for a greater and more expeditious access to 

all burial sites. 

Senator MENENDEZ. So if you are confirmed as Ambassador, you 

will make that one of your priorities? 

Ms. DOHERTY. I will, indeed, sir. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Finally, for the purposes of not extending 

the time here, I will submit some questions for the record for you 

and a few others. 

Cyprus is the only European country where the United States 

still maintains an arms embargo. It is on a short list with countries 

that it does not deserve to be, like North Korea and Iran—despite 

being a strategic partner of the United States, despite being part 

of the coalition fighting ISIL, despite being one of the only stable 

democracies in the region, a member of the European Union, and 

someone that is working with us on just about every element that 

we want to. 

Now, an amendment that I authored was passed on the national 

defense authorization bill, which passed here in the Senate. Do you 

have a view as to lifting the outdated arms embargo on this European Union country? 

Ms. DOHERTY. Thank you, Senator. 

Cyprus is an important partner. We are prohibited under the 

Foreign Assistance Act of 1987. There is a statutory requirement 

that prohibits defense sales and transfers. So we are obligated to 

follow that statutory requirement. 

That said, we do have some waiver authority. And we have on 

a case-by-case basis, provided equipment to Cyprus under our 

waiver authority. And we would consider all possibilities should the 

Cypriot Government present us with a list of requests. We will consider those within our own authorities. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, I will submit, Mr. Chairman. I do not 

want to delay—— 

Senator JOHNSON. You can ask more questions. 

Senator MENENDEZ. That is an invitation I will not resist. I am 

sure Ms. Doherty would appreciate—— 

Ms. DOHERTY. I am from New York, sir. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I understand, yes. Which is a great suburb 

of New Jersey. [Laughter.] 

So we like New Yorkers. 

Look, just a different topic, on Cyprus, obviously, but a different 

topic. 

In the future for both the Greek and Turkish Cypriots is the exclusive economic zone, which abuts alongside Israel, in terms of the 

zone. Cyprus and Israelis have been working jointly toward being 

able to explore the fulfillment of that exclusive economic zone, 

which can not only be a tremendous opportunity for Cyprus and, 

if there is reunification, a tremendous opportunity for Turkish and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Greek Cypriots, but also an opportunity to help Europe with its energy needs and keep moving away from Russia’s dominance in that 

respect. 

But Turkey came in there and started claiming responsibility— 

not responsibilities, but started claiming that it has rights, even 

though it is nowhere near this exclusive economic zone, sent in the 

Barbaros exploration ship into Cypriot waters, followed it with 

warships. 

Do we believe that the Cypriot Government has the right to explore the exclusive economic zone in accordance with international 

law that we would want to have observed in our own interests? 

Ms. DOHERTY. Yes, Senator. We believe the Republic of Cyprus 

has the right to develop its exclusive economic zone. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay. And we would hope that that would 

be without the interference of other countries? Is that a fair statement? 

Ms. DOHERTY. The incident mentioned, that you described, sir, 

we did raise our concerns and we feel very strongly that the Republic of Cyprus does have its right to develop its own. So if I were 

to be confirmed, I would also speak out for anything that raises 

tension and serves as an impediment to the reconciliation process. 

Senator MENENDEZ. One final question, then to Mr. Melville and 

Ambassador Jones. What do you think, in your respective roles 

with Poland and Estonia—and you may have answered this before. 

I tried to listen while I was in my office in a meeting, keeping the 

TV on. So I do not know if I missed it. 

But as it relates to this issue of Russia and its bombardment in 

Eastern Europe and the efforts on both trying through its media 

and other forums to affect communities particular more in Estonia 

but also with the challenge that the former President of Poland described to me when I was visiting with him, what is the U.S. role 

in responding to that? 

Mr. MELVILLE. Thank you, Senator, for that important question. 

Yes, the Russian-speaking population of Estonia is about a quarter, more or less 300,000, concentrated in the northeast part of the 

country. Fortunately, recent polling indicates a strong identity on 

the part of these Russian-speaking Estonians with Estonia. They 

like the fact that they are members of a stalwart ally, a strong democracy with progressive, liberal economic opportunities. But it is 

true there is a cultural pull of Russia. 

We have been looking for opportunities to reach out to that community to counter the Russian propaganda with fact-based, truthful reporting. 

So, for example, through the international visitors program, we 

have invited journalists to be trained in the United States, and 

through various other programs, in investigative techniques and 

honest reporting. We are looking for opportunities to encourage 

English-language training in this community as well. And the Embassy, as a matter of fact, spends a lot of time and resources on 

public outreach to that community. 

As a Russian speaker myself, if confirmed, Senator, I would look 

to spend a lot of time there. And I think there is a lot of strength 

through diversity that I think the United States provides a wonderful model of. And that would be an important part of the public 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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outreach that I would engage in, were I to be confirmed as Ambassador. 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Senator. 

Poland is a terrific partner in this effort to counter Russian 

disinformation and propaganda. Some of the things that the United 

States is doing in cooperation with Poland and a number of other 

interested partners include helping to network and build capacity 

among Russian-speaking independent journalists in the Russianspeaking areas, such as in Estonia and other countries nearby Russia, also helping with building capacity in content and building capacity of broadcast capability. 

I think there are a couple of different threats coming our way in 

the area of disinformation. One is to this Russian-speaking community. Another is, frankly, to Europe and even in our country where 

the effort is more about trying to confuse debates and undermine 

solidarity within the alliance and within the European Union. 

I think what we are working together with several countries on 

is to try to make clear, sort of unmask this propaganda machine, 

and make clear to our publics, our elites, our legislatures, and our 

government partners how this is done and how coordinated it is 

emanating from Moscow. 

And if confirmed, I will, certainly, take up that issue very energetically with the Government of Poland. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your courtesy. I appreciate it. 

Senator JOHNSON. No, I appreciate it, because that is actually a 

line of questioning I was going to continue on, quite honestly. 

So I am hearing that we are pushing back. Do either of you two 

gentlemen think that we are pushing back even close to enough? 

Ambassador Jones. 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I think Russia has invested a significant amount of money over 

a period of many years in creating what appears to be very slick 

and Western-looking media capabilities that are existing in many, 

many countries, including our own, and I think we are starting our 

pushback. 

I think we are off to an important start, collaborating with other 

governments. But we will not be matching the annual budget that 

Russia frankly puts into this effort. So we have to do it smarter. 

We have to rely on, in my view, as I say, networking and building 

capacity among journalists. And I think over time, we have the potential to turn this into a strategic vulnerability for Russia. 

Senator JOHNSON. I am concerned when I hear you say we are 

not going to match the budget. Russia is about a $2 trillion a year 

economy. Western Europe combined with the U.S. is over $30 trillion. We have started but we are not even close to pushing back. 

It is completely inadequate. 

And this is extremely important. They are getting away with 

what they are doing in Ukraine because of their incredibly effective 

propaganda. 

When I was over there with Senator McCain, we sat down with 

Foreign Minister Sikorski. I know he has some ideas. I would really encourage you to work with the Foreign Minister and, certainly, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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the Polish people. We have to push back. I think it is just absolutely vital. 

As long as I am on Poland here, we held a hearing in my other 

committee, the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, on the visa waiver program. I think an awful lot of people 

had a perspective that this actually represented a security threat 

to America. I think the testimony was pretty clear that if properly 

handled, if properly structured, if a country is fully cooperating and 

put in place the requirements of a visa waiver program, that it actually improves our security. 

Can you speak to that, because I know Poland as well as other 

European countries that are no longer on these visa waiver systems would like to become part of it? Can you just kind of speak 

to your perspective in terms Poland? 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I could not agree 

more with the approach you just outlined. 

The Obama administration is committed to the expansion of the 

visa waiver program through legislation that would allow greater 

flexibility, so that countries such as Poland can be considered to 

join the visa waiver program. 

Poland has a growing and strong economy. So we strongly believe 

that it would benefit our business as well as our people-to-people 

ties. As you indicated, there are a number of requirements that Poland has already instituted. Poland is a very close cooperator on 

counterterrorism and law enforcement. So those requirements are 

virtually all met. 

So as I say, we would welcome additional flexibility that would 

allow us to consider Poland. 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay, good. Obviously, I hope they succeed, 

because it actually does improve our own security, particularly in 

light of what is happening now with terrorism around the world 

and folks going into Europe. 

The first congressional delegation trip I took 2 months into my 

term here was to visit Georgia, Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It was very obvious then talking to representatives of all 

five of those nations that Russia had a very overt, were not trying 

to hide it at all, effort to destabilize those democracies. 

Again, propaganda is going to be extremely important. What 

other measures can we take? I will start with you, Ambassador 

Klemm. 

Ambassador KLEMM. Thank you, Senator. 

In the case of Romania, you do not have the presence of a population with strong Russian ties. In fact, the relationship between 

Russia and Romania, historically, has often been fraught. So the 

inclination of the population in Romania to be attracted to Russian 

propaganda starts at a very low level. 

The affection, according to opinion polls, among Romanians for 

the United States, for example, is very, very high, and for Russia 

actually remarkably low. 

That said, Romanians are very concerned about Russia and Russian aggression and the impact that has had on regional security. 

They share a very long border with Ukraine. And right over the horizon across the Black Sea, is Russia itself. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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So the steps that they have taken are working with us and with 

the NATO alliance to ensure that the alliance and the bilateral security posture is strong and able to resist Russian aggression. 

Senator JOHNSON. Talk about the other ways that Russia tries 

to destabilize. Obviously, they utilize their oil and gas resources. 

Corruption within these systems is endemic and a legacy of the Soviet system. 

Just describe a little bit about that in terms of what the 

pushback would be and the other ways that Russia tries to destabilize other than just propaganda. 

Ambassador KLEMM. Yes, sir. You have raised two important 

areas. 

One is in energy. Here, too, Romania is fortunate that it is somewhat isolated from those pressures in that it is still a net exporter 

of energy. It is very, very slight. Their oil and gas reserves are declining. But at least today, they have not been vulnerable to Russian pressure on energy. That said, all of their neighbors are. All 

of their neighbors are very much reliant on Gazprom sources, particularly natural gas. 

What we have been encouraging Romania to do is to invest in 

its energy infrastructure, which is antiquated, so that it can be 

part of a European-wide solution to improve diversification of energy resources. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Melville, you can feel free to answer those 

two questions, but I also want you to speak to the difference in perspective that I hear as I meet with representatives from Eastern 

Europe versus representatives of Western Europe, in terms of the 

imperative of pushing back or basically how we should push back 

on Russian aggression. Can you speak to that issue? 

Mr. MELVILLE. Yes, Senator. 

Estonia, as you know, has been one of our most stalwart allies 

in terms of responding to the recent Russian aggression. Within 

the European Union, they have advocated the imposition of sanctions, despite the fact of having that border with Russia and close 

trade ties. It would have economic consequences, but Russia’s conduct is so objectionable that they are willing to take the leadership 

role in standing up to that aggression. 

So the Estonian Government has been very clear that until Russia implements all of the provisions of the Minsk agreement and 

withdraws from their illegal annexation of Crimea, the sanctions 

should stay in place. 

So the policy of the Estonian Government and the United States 

Government in response to Russian aggression is indistinguishable. 

Senator JOHNSON. Although, do the Eastern European countries 

not want us to have a far more robust response? I mean, they 

would like to see us provide lethal defensive weaponry, for example. I think the Eastern European countries would like to see that. 

Western European countries would not or are certainly more cautious about it. 

Is that an accurate statement? 

Mr. MELVILLE. I would point to Estonia’s role as a NATO ally. 

They provide security to the alliance. They have stepped up markedly their contributions toward host nation support for the presence that has been increased since the Wales summit last year. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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We have a persistent and continuing presence of American troops 

now in Estonia. The Estonians are spending 40 million over the 

next 5 years to beef up the host nation support that they are providing for the infrastructure to support those troops. They are taking great measures to improve their border security. And, of course, 

their borders are also NATO borders. That is another contribution 

to our collective security. 

And as the President said when he was in Tallinn last September, the defense of Tallinn, Riga, and Vilnius is the same as the 

defense of Berlin, Paris, and London. 

So I think Estonia’s role in the alliance and leadership in standing up to Russia and the increased aggression has been admirable. 

Senator JOHNSON. Ambassador Jones, can you speak to that 

basic comment about the different perspectives, Eastern Europe 

versus Western Europe? And do you really believe that Poland is 

satisfied with America’s response to this? Do you think they prefer 

seeing a little bit more robust response to the situation in Ukraine, 

for example? 

Ambassador JONES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I think that since the summit in Wales, the last NATO summit, 

the response from NATO and from the United States has grown 

much more visible and much more tangible to countries such as Poland. 

Senator JOHNSON. Describe that a little bit for us. 

Ambassador JONES. As Secretary Carter just announced last 

month, we will be prepositioning an armored brigade worth of 

equipment and materiel in several countries of Central and Eastern Europe for use in exercises, for use in training. We will also 

be, using the European reassurance initiative funding, upgrading 

the infrastructure in Poland, particularly at two bases, an aviation 

base and an army base. So we will be able to more effectively train 

together on this continuous, persistent basis with U.S. forces and 

forces from—every member of the alliance that contributes to this 

effort. 

I think as we have seen, we have had an aviation detachment 

in Poland for some years now. We increased the numbers within 

days of aircraft to that detachment, within days of Russia’s land 

grab in Crimea. 

So I think the people of these countries are seeing that response. 

Now I will not say that there are not differences about how we 

should take it forward. As I indicated in response to Senator 

Shaheen’s question, I think that that conversation has to be a 

wide-ranging one that includes all of the hybrid war threats and 

not only military equipment. 

Senator JOHNSON. Is it your sense that the Government of Poland is satisfied with our response? Is there going to be mounting 

pressure to do more? 

Ambassador JONES. I think the government is satisfied with our 

response to date. But obviously the threat is evolving, and our response to it continues to grow. So as that goes on, I look forward, 

if confirmed, to participate in that conversation. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Melia, you mentioned human trafficking. 

Can you just make a few comments on that? 

Mr. MELIA. Thanks for the question, Mr. Chairman. 

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It remains one of the scourges of the region, human trafficking 

and forced labor, sex trafficking. It is a widespread problem. Some 

of the governments are beginning to pay more attention to it and 

take our exhortations more seriously. 

USAID has several programs in five countries in the region, specifically working either with government agencies to increase the 

ability of the justice sector to address this as a criminal matter and 

prosecute offenders, and also with civil society to increase social 

service provisions to victims of trafficking. 

Senator JOHNSON. Can you talk about where the real problem regions are? 

Mr. MELIA. I confess I do not have the numbers at the tip of my 

tongue. Ukraine is the biggest country with the largest population. 

It is centrally located. It is a big problem there. There are other 

countries that are both sources and transit points for trafficking. 

A number of these countries have large portions of their laborers 

working in Russia, where they are often subject to atrocious working conditions. 

So there are a number of countries that have different aspects 

of this problem. The programs that the U.S. Government has been 

supporting address both the government efforts in those cases 

where we have willing partners but also then supporting social 

service and advocacy organizations in a number of the countries to 

press their governments to be more active on this. 

Senator JOHNSON. Okay, thank you. 

Again, I just want to wrap up and thank all of the nominees for 

your willingness to serve this Nation. 

As Senator Menendez mentioned, I also want to thank your families. This is a full commitment on the part of yourself and your 

families. Thank you very much. 

I, certainly, wish you the best in what I am sure will be your appointments to the posts. 

So with that, the record will remain open for questions until 

noon on Monday, July 27. 

This hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:41 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF JAMES DESMOND MELVILLE, JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO

THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MELVILLE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. The OIG gave our Embassy in Tallinn a ‘‘D’’ grade last month, citing 

serious concerns about maintenance and security issues, finding that it does not 

meet—and cannot be retrofitted to meet—even the most basic security standards. 

Despite this, the Embassy was taken off the ‘‘Top 80’’ OBO Capital Security Construction Program. 

♦ Please explain why that is the case. If confirmed, how will you make securing 

our Embassy in Tallinn a priority of the U.S. Government? 

Answer. If confirmed, keeping personnel safe and secure will be one of my highest 

priorities. Based on its security risk rating relative to other posts, Tallinn did not 

score high enough on the Department’s September 2013 Risk Matrix to be placed 

on the Department’s Top 80 List. Hence it is not scheduled for a New Embassy 

Compound (NEC) on the current Capital Security Construction Program (CSCP) 

schedule. The Bureau of Diplomatic Security is currently conducting its annual 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

404 

update to its Risk Matrix, which will be the basis for a revised Top 80 List and 

CSCP schedule. The Department does, however, have projects underway and plans 

to improve Embassy Tallinn’s physical and security infrastructure. 

Understanding that the Department has a prioritization process, OBO continues 

to improve the security and physical infrastructure of Embassy Tallinn to the extent 

possible. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the Department of State 

to keep U.S. personnel serving in Tallinn safe and secure. 

RESPONSES OF KATHLEEN ANN DOHERTY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DOHERTY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. Is the Cyprus problem, at its core, one of invasion and occupation? 

Answer. The Cyprus problem is rooted in a complicated history, which has 

resulted in the presence of U.N. peacekeeping forces; the division of the island, and 

the presence of Turkish troops in the north. Outstanding issues related to these 

events, including properties and the presence of foreign troops, must be addressed 

in the context of the settlement process. We remain focused on supporting efforts 

to achieve a just and lasting settlement. The U.S. Government has consistently 

sought to use language to describe these events that would enable us to play an 

effective role in support of that process. Like you, we believe that Cyprus is poised 

for tremendous economic growth and opportunity, and we look forward to working 

together to unlock the island’s great potential. 

Question. Do you support lifting the arms embargo on Cyprus? 

Answer. I believe we should have normal trade and security relations with all of 

our European Union partners. The United States is actively supporting efforts to 

achieve a just and comprehensive settlement, which would obviate the rationale and 

statutory requirements for special procedures for arms exports to Cyprus. Until 

then, we will continue to license, on a case-by-case basis, exports to Cyprus of 

defense articles in accordance with the existing statutory framework. 

Question. What will the U.S. position be if Turkey isn’t willing to honor an agreement between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to have Turkish troops leave? 

Will the United States pressure Turkey to honor that agreement? 

Answer. The United States would support a settlement that is agreed to by both 

Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. We believe Cypriot leadership of the settlement process is critical to its success. Thus, we would actively urge Turkey, and all 

stakeholders, to respect and support a solution welcomed by both sides, including 

one in which the sides agreed to address the withdrawal of troops from the island. 

RESPONSES OF THOMAS O. MELIA, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF

THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE MELIA’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. Europe and Eurasia Bureau.—With the rise of a belligerent Russia, the 

E&E Bureau has taken on new prominence, yet the E&E Bureau offices at USAID 

are offsite. This sends a bad message. If you are confirmed, will you commit to 

working to move this now much more important bureau to offices within the USAID 

headquarters building? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work with agency officials to ensure that the E&E 

bureau’s space needs are adequately addressed consistent with the challenges of 

finding appropriate space for all the agency’s personnel. 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE MELIA’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please describe your top three priorities for your role, if confirmed. 

Answer. As I mentioned in my testimony, the Europe and Eurasia region faces 

heightened political, economic, and energy challenges at present. If confirmed, I will 

bring the Europe & Eurasia (E&E) Bureau’s considerable expertise to bear as the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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United States elevates its support for Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia to counter 

Russian aggression and continue to advance a Europe whole, free, and at peace. 

I will continue to prioritize the E&E Bureau’s work across the region on Democracy, Human Rights and Governance, Economic Growth, and Energy Security. All 

three of these areas are mutually reinforcing and are critical to the short- and 

longer-term development of countries across the region, helping to make them more 

stable and resilient to external pressure. 

If confirmed, I will also continue to advance USAID’s new model of development 

by leveraging partnerships with the private sector, universities, and civil society; 

promoting science, technology, and innovation; and focusing on sustainable results 

through rigorous monitoring and evaluation of our work. In addition, if confirmed, 

I will seek closer partnership with like-minded partners, including support for countries in the region seeking further Euro-Atlantic integration. 

Question. If confirmed, what could Congress do to help USAID Europe and Eurasia better meet your goals and mission? 

Answer. Congress has long played a critical role in helping to advance the U.S. 

objective of a Europe whole, free, and at peace—and particularly during the crisis 

of the past 2 years as Russia’s aggressive behavior has obliged us to reinvigorate 

our efforts to assist the countries transitioning from communism. 

As I stated in my testimony, having worked for more than 5 years for Senator 

Daniel Patrick Moynihan, I understand and appreciate the important role that Congress plays in the development and execution of U.S. foreign policy. The Congress 

is the democratic fulcrum that ensures our international policies are leveraged to 

properly project American values and remain focused on core national interests. 

Congress has long played a critical role in helping to advance the U.S. objective of 

a Europe whole, free, and at peace. If confirmed, it will be a priority for me to work 

closely with members this committee and with others in Congress to address the 

challenges we face in Europe and Eurasia. 

Question. The Foreign Relations Committee is working to draft legislation to help 

tackle corruption in Ukraine and assist in their economic recovery. What recommendations would you have for this legislation, pertaining to USAID efforts? 

Answer. As I noted in my testimony, I am grateful for the strong bipartisan support that the Congress has shown Ukraine and for the consistently strong position 

regarding the need for the Ukrainian Government to take concrete measures to 

address corruption. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the committee and others in Congress to identify additional tools and resources to support 

the Government of Ukraine’s efforts to address endemic corruption. 

It is important to recognize the whole-of-government approach required to tackle 

corruption. USAID, along with colleagues across the U.S. Government, is working 

closely with the Ukrainian Government, the Verkhovna Rada and Ukrainian civil 

society to address the long-standing challenge of combating corruption in Ukraine. 

The impact of corruption on Ukraine’s economy over the past two decades has been 

far reaching and has left Ukraine with a weakened economy, preventing sustainable 

growth and prosperity for the Ukrainian people. 

USAID’s efforts are closely linked to State Department and Justice Department 

efforts to support the Prosecutor General’s Office (PGO) and National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) to ensure the Government of Ukraine prosecutes 

corruption, as a real deterrent to corrupt practices. USAID also continues to support 

civil society actors as they hold the Government of Ukraine accountable and advocate for reforms. 

It is also worth noting that the new Ukrainian Government has taken steps to 

put in place a strategy and laws to fight corruption, including setting up a new independent National Anti-Corruption Bureau, ensuring that politicians and government 

officials disclose their assets and recently standing up new patrol police in Kiev. To 

support this effort, since the Maidan, the U.S. Government has provided $38 million 

in assistance including: technical assistance; support to establish new agencies; and 

support for civil society and media engagement on passage, enactment, and implementation of anticorruption measures and key reforms. 

Question. What progress has Ukraine made under President Poroshenko on fighting corruption? How is USAID helping with this effort? 

Answer. Corruption is a central challenge for Ukraine, and it must be addressed 

in order for Ukraine’s reforms and progress to be sustainable. Eliminating opportunities for corruption is an overarching and cross-cutting focus of all of USAID’s programming in Ukraine from agriculture, to energy, to health. For example, USAID 

works with Ukraine’s judiciary to promote greater transparency and accountability 

of judicial institutions and reduce opportunities for corruption. USAID supports the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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development and implementation of merit-based judicial selection and standardized 

judicial discipline procedures and monitoring by civil society organizations of judicial selection and discipline processes. USAID also works with Ukraine’s Parliament 

to advance an anticorruption framework and legislation, and to increase understanding of the national budget process for both parliamentarians and the public. 

USAID’s support to civil society fosters citizen activism and participation in policymaking, and helps civil society organizations monitor the government, which 

directly ties into anticorruption efforts by enhancing government accountability. I 

understand that USAID has promoted reforms through a broad coalition of civic activists and experts, who have played a significant role in driving many of the government’s major anticorruption achievements to date. These achievements include 

the creation of a national anticorruption strategy, reform of the public procurement 

system, the creation of a National Anti-Corruption Bureau and National Agency for 

the Prevention of Corruption, strengthened antimoney laundering regulations, official asset disclosure laws, and partial judicial reform, including reform of the Prosecutor General’s office. USAID also works to improve the quality of local media and 

investigative journalism to promote government accountability and enhance the 

transparency of public activities. 

The Group of States against Corruption (GRECO), the Council of Europe’s corruption watchdog, said Ukraine had fulfilled 20 of 25 recommendations the group made, 

marking considerable progress over the past year. However, full implementation of 

these anticorruption reforms will be critical to Ukraine’s long-term success. 

Question. What conditionality would you recommend to ensure that Ukraine’s 

anticorruption efforts are successful? 

Answer. It is my understanding that the United States and international partners 

are working closely with the Ukrainian Government and civil society to incentivize 

Ukraine’s efforts to address corruption. A key element is conditionality on U.S. and 

international financing (macroeconomic support) to Ukraine. Major structural 

reforms required for IMF, U.S., and other international support include: governance 

reforms, including anticorruption and judicial measures, deregulation and tax 

administration reforms, and reforms of state-owned enterprises to improve corporate 

governance and reduce fiscal risks. Broader energy sector reforms, including 

Naftogaz’s restructuring, are intended to increase energy efficiency and foster energy independence. The loan guarantees signed by the United States and Ukraine 

also included conditionality focused on two new Ukrainian anticorruption agencies, 

the establishment of the National Agency on Prevention of Corruption (NAPC) and 

ensuring that the Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NAB) has the necessary startup resources to begin investigations and operations to combat corruption. To fulfill loan guarantee conditionally Ukraine also passed a new State Procurement Law to strengthen governance and checks and balances, including by 

reducing exemptions from competitive processes. 

Question. How long do you think that the United States and EU will need to commit to ensure Ukraine develops the proper rule of law and sufficient economic 

growth? 

Answer. The United States is strongly committed to support Ukraine’s short, medium, and long term reform efforts in the area of rule of law. The United States 

partners with the European Union and other international donors to work collaboratively in support of these reforms. Over the past year, the Government of Ukraine 

(GOU) has achieved some progress in this area—such as instituting merit-based 

tests for judges. However, there is still significant work to be done to reform the 

judiciary and establish a credible rule of law in Ukraine. Both the U.S., EU, and 

international community understand that reforming the rule of law in Ukraine is 

a long-term process given the deteriorating effects of more than 20 years of entrenched corruption in the rule of law sector and of longer term legacies from the 

Soviet era that continue to distort the justice system in Ukraine. 

USAID is well-positioned to support the GOU in developing the rule of law in 

Ukraine, and has provided key technical support in informing the GOU about the 

lustration efforts and models that were developed in Eastern Europe after the 

fall of communism in the early 1990s. For example, USAID rule of law efforts 

established objective reappointment criteria that are being used to vet judges. The 

Agency also works with civil society organizations and media professionals to engage various audiences outside of the judiciary and justice sector to build demand 

for the rule of law in Ukrainian society. 

The United States is similarly engaged, taking short, medium, and longer term 

steps to strengthen Ukraine’s economy. Ukraine has suffered from decades of economic mismanagement and corruption and its economy has been severely impacted 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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by the eurozone crisis. More recently, Russian aggression, including the use of 

energy, trade, and finance as weapons, has led to further economic contraction. 

Given these challenges, USAID, as part of the broader U.S. Government effort, is 

committed to working with the GOU, and partners like the EU, to take steps to 

strengthen the Ukrainian economy today and into the future. 

Question. What safeguards are in place to ensure that U.S. foreign assistance to 

Ukraine is not diverted into the pockets of corrupt officials? Do you believe more 

could be done on this front? 

Answer. My understanding is that the majority of U.S. assistance to Ukraine is 

given in the form of technical, or advisory, assistance rather than direct assistance 

to the Government of Ukraine. I have been assured that when assistance is, in fact, 

provided to the GOU, it is accompanied by rigorous oversight measures on the part 

of the USAID mission, including funding for independent civil society watchdogs to 

ensure greater accountability and transparency. If confirmed as Assistant Administrator, I will place a premium on safeguarding all taxpayer investments in the region through robust oversight, including strong fiduciary controls, and rigorous monitoring and evaluation. 

Question. What USAID programs can be used to help in President Poroshenko’s 

‘‘de-oligarchization’’ effort? 

Answer. Improvements to economic governance are the key to curbing the influence of oligarchs in the economy. This includes removing barriers to business startups; increasing transparency and uniform enforcement of laws and regulations that 

govern the business sector; and adopting and enforcing strong antimonopoly, competition policy, and antitrust legislation. Changes to the legal and regulatory regime 

are important but the creation and strengthening of the institutions that implement 

and enforce the rules is a more difficult task that requires changing the attitudes 

and behavior of underpaid and poorly trained civil servants at all levels. 

I understand that USAID has received a request from the Government of Ukraine 

(GOU) to provide technical assistance in privatizing state-owned companies, and is 

exploring ways to support this request. USAID personnel have deep expertise in this 

area and could provide technical assistance working with the GOU to ensure that 

tender documents reflect accurate valuation and that competitions are free and fair. 

Other municipal entities in Ukraine have requested USAID assistance in ‘‘deoligarchizing’’ unfair concession agreements so that contracts provide value to citizens, rather than funnel money uniquely to oligarchs. 

Question. What effect, if any, have U.S. Sanctions against Russia had on Ukraine? 

What could be done to mitigate negative effects? 

Answer. As I understand the situation, an important part of the U.S. assistance 

program is aimed at helping Ukraine reorient its trade and become less reliant on 

the Russian market and therefore less vulnerable to Russia’s abrupt and punitive 

cutoffs of trade with Ukraine, a tactic Russia has frequently used to pressure 

Ukraine before and since the imposition of international sanctions against Russia 

for its aggression against its neighbor. This includes not only the considerable work 

with European nations to provide reverse flow of natural gas to assist Ukraine during the winter seasons, but also assistance to help Ukrainian firms meet Western 

product standards and improve their productivity and competitiveness; building 

business linkages and relationship in new markets; helping the government develop 

and implement a sound export promotion strategy; improving trade policy, including 

better capacity to utilize understanding of WTO rules and procedures; and enhancing trade facilitation to reduce the time and cost of getting goods across borders. 

Question. What efforts, specifically, is USAID taking spark or support FDI by the 

private sector both from the EU and other developed nations? What industries or 

economic sectors do you see as the best potentialities for these efforts? 

Answer. The most important step that any country in this region can take to 

attract foreign direct investment (FDI) is to make meaningful and visible improvements in the business enabling environment. Potential investors need to know that 

the host country government truly welcomes investors and protects their rights. A 

significant focus of the U.S. assistance program in the Europe and Eurasia region 

is aimed at improving economic governance. While there are significant differences 

between countries, the most promising sectors in the region include agriculture and 

agro-processing, energy, information technology, light manufacturing, and tourism. 

For example, in Ukraine, the sectors with the greatest potential for FDI are agriculture production and processing, energy, information technology, health, and 

transportation infrastructure roads, highways, rail, ports, and commodity storage. 

With a focus on small- and medium-sized enterprises in the agricultural sector, I 

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understand that USAID supports partnerships in developing Ukraine’s agriculture 

sector to spur economic growth that increases competitiveness, productivity, employment, and incomes. USAID’s goal is to work with private sector partners to promote 

agricultural development by leveraging the expertise of commercial partnerships to 

benefit small- and medium-sized enterprises in productive and profitable ways. 

Question. How is/does USAID (intend to) work with the EU, the IMF, and DOS 

to insure that USAID funds are not allotted in a duplicative manner? To what 

extent does USAID work in conjunction with the EU, the IMF, and DOS to prevent 

duplication of efforts and funds? 

Answer. USAID participates in broad donor coordination, including the EU, IMF, 

multilateral organizations, and bilateral donors in the field across Europe and Eurasia. This is done regularly on a sector-by-sector basis to ensure complementarity 

and effective use of resources. For example, with respect to coordination with the 

Department of State and the broader interagency, coordination on assistance and 

funds in Ukraine is done in Washington through the State Department’s Assistance 

Coordinator for Europe and Eurasia (State/EUR/ACE) and in Kiev through the U.S. 

Embassy’s special coordinator for assistance, retired ambassador Clifford Bond. 

USAID’s guidance for developing Country Development Cooperation Strategies 

(CDCS) and project design documents includes mandatory sections on donor cooperation to promote collaboration and guard against duplication. 

Question. The Department of State’s 2014 Trafficking in Persons report cites 

Ukraine and other E&E countries in the Tier 2 and Watch List categories, meaning 

they have made commitments to pursue significant efforts to reduce trafficking. 

What USAID programs are helping to combat human trafficking and verify these 

efforts? In your opinion, what more could be done by USAID to address this 

problem? 

USAID has committed to playing a vital role in international efforts to counter 

all forms of human trafficking. Through the adoption of its code of conduct in compliance with Executive Order 13627, USAID has pledged to incorporate a standard 

trafficking in persons clause into all of its acquisition and assistance instruments. 

My understanding is that missions are expected to support the implementation 

of the Countering Trafficking in Persons (C–TIP) Code of Conduct and to identify 

opportunities to strengthen anti-TIP efforts in their respective missions. Especially 

in Tier 2 Watch List and Tier 3 countries, missions are encouraged to develop antiTIP strategies across all technical areas and integrate anti-TIP components into ongoing programming. To support these efforts, the Europe and Eurasia Bureau has 

developed a Toolkit for Integrating C–TIP into Cross-Sectoral Programming in 

Europe and Eurasia. 

At the regional level, USAID has projects in five countries: Azerbaijan, Belarus, 

Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, and Ukraine: 

In Azerbaijan, USAID provides assistance victims of human trafficking and forced 

labor, through the provision of technical and financial assistance to NGO-run shelters for female, male, and child victims of human trafficking and forced labor. 

In Belarus, USAID works to strengthen government agencies and civil society 

organizations to counter TIP. The project has two objectives: (1) containing TIP 

through prevention and protection activities; (2) and capacity-building for domestic 

stakeholders. The project is also supporting civil society organizations to strengthen 

their role in countertrafficking efforts. 

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, USAID supports the Ministry of Security and the 

Department for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings to carry out their strategy 

and action plan. The goal of the assistance is to strengthen the capacities of C–TIP 

institutions and organizations to adopt and implement more effective policies, laws, 

and regulations to provide better protection and assistance to the TIP victims. 

USAID’s support will help Bosnia and Herzegovina implement 18 out of 33 strategic 

goals of the strategy. 

In Moldova, USAID addresses trafficking issues by working to strengthen and improve the capacity of justice sector institutions to respond to the needs of victims 

in a more transparent and accountable manner. USAID support has improved the 

knowledge of judges and prosecutors to investigate and classify trafficking as well 

as assisted the National Institute of Justice to develop a C–TIP curriculum for inservice training of judges and prosecutors. 

In Ukraine, USAID and the Department of State work to strengthen the Government of Ukraine’s capacity to undertake countertrafficking work, including prosecution and prevention and reintegration assistance to victims of trafficking under the 

institutionalized framework of the National Referral Mechanism (NRM). Additionally, U.S. Government programs work to build local capacity and support for tarFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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geted prevention programs and strengthen the capacities of law enforcement to investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes. 

Question. What current USAID missions in Ukraine have been affected by Russian aggression in the past year? Have these instances affected project design for 

future missions? If so, how would you address these interruptions? 

Answer. Following the Maidan, USAID has strategically refocused several programs in Ukraine to respond to the rapidly changing environment in Ukraine which 

has been impacted by increased Russian aggression, the conflict in Ukraine’s east, 

and the severely weakened Ukrainian economy. 

For example, I understand that the USAID economic growth programming for the 

financial sector was affected by conditions on the ground and as the GOU 

reprioritized its most pressing needs. USAID has strategically considered the priorities for the current and anticipated environment and needs of the GOU, not only 

for the financial sector, but across sectors to ensure that assistance programs are 

impactful and well targeted. My understanding is that USAID has been addressing 

such interruptions by assessing how other programs may be able to extend assistance, considering headquarters (Washington, DC)-managed regional mechanisms, 

and using other tools to fill gaps and address short-term assistance needs. 

Question. What role is USAID playing in providing humanitarian assistance to 

those areas of eastern Ukraine affected by the war? What are the biggest problems? 

Is more funding needed? 

Answer. The presence of more than 1 million registered internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ukraine is a major potential source of instability. Tensions emanate 

from competition over resources and economic opportunity, social integration of 

IDPs, and diminishing morale and confidence in the Ukrainian state. The lawless 

environment, unstable security situation, and bureaucratic restrictions have severely disrupted freedom of movement into and out of the nongovernment controlled 

areas (NCGAs) of Eastern Ukraine, affecting civilians’ access to critical services, income, and basic goods. The elderly, persons with disabilities, families with children, 

and people in institutional care, many of whom are unable to flee, are extremely 

vulnerable. Hospitals and clinics are only partially operational due to lack of medicines, medical supplies, and personnel, as well as damage and destruction. 

Although some international organizations and NGOs are currently able to operate in NGCAs, their status is precarious, in part due to the security situation and 

new registration requirements by separatist authorities’ increasing interference by 

separatist authorities. The needs of the displaced population outside of the conflict 

zone have outstripped the response capacity of the local government and civil society 

and volunteer groups. IDP reception centers and local governments are overwhelmed, underresourced and underprepared for possible high levels of new arrivals. Burdensome administrative processes, challenges in replacing lost documentation, the poor state of the economy, and competition over limited resources continues 

to restrict the ability of IDPs to get jobs, housing, and access government IDP benefits. Further, there is a near total lack of direct service provision for survivors of 

gender-based violence. To respond to these challenges, the U.S. Government has provided $61.5 million in humanitarian assistance in FY 2014 and FY 2015, including $27.4 million from 

USAID. 

USAID has provided food, shelter, water supplies, cash resources for local procurement of food, psychosocial support, and livelihood assistance to the most vulnerable conflict-affected populations, including children, the elderly, and female-headed 

households. 

Before the humanitarian response was fully operational, USAID helped catalyze 

assistance to communities responding to the displacement crisis and has since committed $10.2 million to help communities and government at the local and national 

level to mitigate deepened social tensions in conflict-affected communities in the 

east, and to increase access to information and inform public debate on the crisis. 

The Agency is also committing $3 million to support help Ukraine’s health sector 

efforts in addressing psychosocial trauma and support physical rehabilitation for 

people with disabilities. 

If confirmed, I will work with my team, and with the Congress, to assess the 

needs on the ground and mobilize the requisite resources. 

Question. What role do you foresee USAID playing in helping Ukraine hold free 

and fair elections later this year? Under what conditions would USAID be able to 

help separatists? 

Answer. I understand that USAID intends to provide assistance in training election commissions and educating voters and other stakeholders on an entirely new 

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system for local elections. The Agency’s programming will also support robust election oversight, including comprehensive monitoring by Ukrainian civil society. In 

the lead up to the elections, USAID has assisted and supported civil society engagement in improving election legislation and is supporting efforts to reform political 

and campaign finance. USAID programs encourage political parties and candidates 

to be more responsive to citizens and to engage more constructively with civic organizations and local officials between elections. I understand that USAID is providing 

approximately $3.1 million in assistance related to the upcoming local elections. Any 

local elections in the nongovernment controlled areas in the east would have to be 

conducted according to Ukrainian law and OSCE/ODIHR standards. 

Question. How is USAID working to help Ukraine achieve an independent and 

effective judicial system? 

Answer. USAID has been working with the Government of Ukraine (GOU) to 

develop an independent and efficient judicial system, by supporting judicial self-governance in Ukraine to help insulate the judiciary from political influence. This includes budget independence, disciplining of judges, judicial education, as well as the 

development of court administration functions. I understand that USAID has 

supported amendments to the Law on the Judiciary and the Status of Judges and 

the Law on the High Council of Justice. Additionally, USAID supports efforts to 

strengthen the institutional capacity of the High Qualifications Commission by supporting clear standards for transferring judges; automating the judicial qualifications exam; training judicial inspectors and establishing standards for adjudicating 

judicial misconduct; and developing an integrated system for managing judicial selection and discipline procedures. All of these efforts are aimed at helping Ukraine 

develop an independent and effective judicial system. 

In 2015, several notable achievements have occurred in the sector, many of which 

were directly supported by USAID assistance: the Verkhovna Rada passed the Law 

on Fair Trial, signed into law in March 2015; the GOU passed the Justice Sector 

Reform Strategy in May 2015; the High Council of Justice is now operational again 

as of June 2015, after being blocked for over a year, and is proceeding to consider 

a backlog of cases regarding approval of transfer, reprimand, and dismissal of 

judges; and the judiciary amendments to the constitution have been drafted and the 

Venice Commission issued a preliminary opinion on July 24 positively assessing the 

judicial amendments to the constitution with some key recommendations to further 

improve these amendments. The success of these current interventions will be both 

the foundations for genuine rule of law reform, and serve as indicators for progress, 

such as judiciary amendments to the constitution, and the GOU’s ability to reform 

core judicial functions and roles, including lustration of judges and limiting judicial 

immunity. 

Question. Given that Ukraine’s current natural gas exchange with Gazprom, as 

well as imports from Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, is a temporary solution at 

best, what is USAID doing to address the short-term ‘‘reverse-flow’’ supply shortage 

of natural gas? 

Answer. USAID support to Ukraine is part of a broad U.S. interagency and 

multidonor effort that balances near term priorities with longer term development 

needs, focusing on areas of greatest impact. The Department of Energy and the 

State Department Energy and Natural Resources Bureau are focused on improved 

natural gas production and alternative supply arrangements. 

USAID continues to focus on near term activities to lessen external energy market 

pressure on Ukraine, specifically through the stabilization of Ukraine’s power sector 

in light of external pressure on fuel supply; and providing legal regulatory support 

to move Ukraine into European Union energy markets and offering protections associated with inclusion in a larger market. 

My understanding is that medium- to long-term activities focus on setting the 

groundwork for Ukraine to upgrade its energy sector to modern standards, specifically through improving the investment environment necessary for energy supply 

diversification and energy efficiency; and improving energy sector governance to 

help curb corrupt practices and wasteful mismanagement. 

Question. In the latest USAID-Department of State (DOS) joint strategic plan, 

USAID and DOS list Strategic Goal 3 as promoting a transition to ‘‘low-emission, 

climate resilient’’ energy projects. Considering the dire economic situation in 

Ukraine, Kosovo, Bosnia, and Herzegovina and others, as well as the precarious energy situation in light of Russian energy dependence and aggression, do you see this 

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nologies over other more cost-effective sources of power that could help jumpstart 

these economies? 

Answer. USAID seeks to support the mutually reinforcing goals of enhanced 

energy security, EU integration, and accelerated transition to a sustainable, clean 

energy economy throughout the region, following five key tenets: 

1. Diversification of energy imports and domestic supplies is essential to reduce 

vulnerability to potential disruptions. 

2. Integrated regional electricity and gas networks and markets are needed to enhance security, foster energy development, and tap economies of scale. 

3. Rational energy pricing and harmonized, transparent energy regulatory frameworks are required to attract private investment to modernize energy infrastructure 

and develop new supplies. 

4. Improved energy efficiency and renewable energy development can contribute 

to enhancing energy security as well as increased competitiveness, sustainable economic growth and GHG emissions reduction. 

5. Addressing the energy needs of low income and vulnerable populations is a necessary component of an overall energy reform program. 

USAID works toward these objectives through support of the Energy Community 

Treaty, which seeks to harmonize energy and environmental practices and regulations of the Contracting Parties of the Balkans and Eastern Europe countries with 

those of the European Union. Accomplishing this goal would modernize energy governance in the E&E region and link E&E countries to the EU internal energy market, enhancing energy security and encouraging investment, regardless of the chosen electric generation technology. 

Question. Kosovo has suffered from shortcomings in the rule of law, including corruption and organized crime. What role is USAID playing to help Kosovo in this 

area? What results have been achieved? 

Answer. USAID has been supporting Kosovo’s justice sector since Kosovo gained 

its de facto independence from the former Yugoslav Republic. USAID helped establish the Kosovo Judicial Council (KJC) and worked to support the Kosovo Prosecutorial Council, Kosovo Judicial Institute, Ministry of Justice and other justice sector 

institutions. The Agency played a key role in the process of judicial reappointments 

and vetting of judges in Kosovo. Through its efforts with the KJC, USAID has 

helped the Kosovar judiciary develop objective and transparent performance criteria 

to allow judges to do their work more effectively and efficiently. The Agency has also 

been working to reduce the backlog of cases in Kosovo, introduce more effective case 

management techniques, and professionalize the cadre of court administrators and 

managers. By introducing more transparent and streamlined court and case management techniques, USAID has helped to reduce opportunities for corruption in the 

judiciary in Kosovo. For example, I understand that through one USAID program 

the KJC drafted and approved its first strategic plan since 2007, providing the 

courts a roadmap to improve the work and independence of the judiciary and implemented a backlog reduction strategy, including a case tracking database to register 

all current and pending court cases. Over 20,000 cases have been reviewed and over 

5,000 cases have been closed. In addition, 18 courts have been refurbished in compliance with international standards, significantly increasing court staff efficiency, 

public accessibility, and accommodation for persons with disabilities. 

Question. How do USAID programs help the nation of Georgia reduce its economic 

and energy dependence on Russia? 

Answer. My understanding is that USAID’s programs in Georgia are oriented 

around the goal of strengthening and sustaining a democratic, free-market, Western-oriented transformation in that country. Specific components of the Economic 

Growth program seek to improve the business enabling environment for trade and 

investment and strengthen ties with the West. This includes support for harmonization of Georgia’s laws and regulations with its Deep and Comprehensive Free 

Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with the European Union, promotion of East-West trade 

via the New Silk Road linking the Black Sea to Central and East Asia, and development of policies and regulations in the energy sector to promote energy security and 

regional trade of electricity. 

Contributions by USAID and other donors have helped Georgia to reduce its dependency on Russia in the areas of fossil fuels, oil and gas, through the establishment of the Southern Corridor for oil and gas. Over the last decade USAID/Georgia 

installed gas pipelines from Azerbaijan; built electricity infrastructure; leveraged 

hundreds of millions of dollars in private financing for hydropower generation; and 

built the capacity of the Ministry of Energy, the energy regulator, the Transmission 

System Operators and other stakeholders to assess, model, plan, and implement all 

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the steps necessary to set up an open electricity market. Current assistance is 

devoted to increasing energy efficiency. 

In the gas sector, by laying pipeline to transport gas from Azerbaijan through 

Georgia, the country has already decreased its reliance on Russian exports. In 2013 

Georgia imported 27 percent less gas from Russian and 1,052 percent more gas from 

Azerbaijan than it had in 2010 when USAID assistance began. 

In the electricity sector, USAID is helping transition the country into an openmarket system in which Georgia is able to trade freely with Turkey. By opening the 

Georgian market to Turkey, Georgia will be able to access the wider European market for exports of its native hydrogeneration resources, and in so doing, will invite 

increased foreign, likely European, investments in hydrogeneration within its borders—and decrease dependency on Russian trade. Increased hydrogeneration capacity within Georgia and a direct connection to European markets will significantly 

decrease, if not eliminate, the country’s remaining reliance on Russian electricity 

markets. 

Question. Is Georgia making progress in creating an independent judiciary? How 

is USAID helping Georgia develop a depoliticized judicial system? 

Answer. I believe that Georgia is making progress to create a more independent 

judiciary, but challenges remain to further strengthen its judiciary. USAID has 

played a leadership role in supporting Georgia’s efforts to develop an independent 

judicial system for more than a decade. Specifically, USAID efforts have strengthened the High Council of Justice (HCOJ), the High School of Justice (HSOJ), as well 

as the Ministry of Justice (MOJ), the Legal Aid Service (LAS), and the National 

Center for the Development of the Quality in Education (NCDQE). Institutional 

independence of the judiciary insulates judges from political influence and coercion. 

I understand that USAID has engaged with a number of prominent NGOs, such as 

the Eurasia Partnership Foundation (EPF) and its affiliate the Caucasus Resource 

Research Center (CRRC), as well as the Georgian Young Lawyers Association 

(GYLA), and Transparency International (TI) to provide external oversight of the 

judiciary and make the system more transparent to the public and reduce opportunities for abuse and corruption. Most recently, the composition of the High Council 

of Justice was changed to bring in members of civil society, which reduces political 

control of the Chair of the Supreme Court. 

Question. What lessons can USAID learn from programs in Georgia in the wake 

of Russian aggression that it could apply to Ukraine? 

Answer. My understanding is that USAID’s efforts in Georgia have informed how 

USAID addresses similar challenges in Ukraine. In response to a crisis like we saw 

in Georgia in 2008 and in Ukraine today, timely, coordinated assistance, based on 

an assessment of needs can have powerful and lasting impacts. For example, USG 

contributions to economic stabilization in Georgia, combined with those of other 

partners, likely prevented a much deeper and more drawn out economic decline, in 

the face of both conflict and global recession. Years later, beneficiaries are aware 

and appreciative of U.S. emergency humanitarian and long-term development 

assistance. 

One of the greatest challenges facing Ukraine is the legacy of corruption. Georgia 

has demonstrated that the best way to fight corruption is to get out in front of the 

problem and put in place systems for transparency and proactive disclosure of information. USAID has been instrumental in helping to put many of these systems into 

place. This includes strengthening the professionalism of the State Audit Office so 

that it can exercise its independence, working with the Ministry of Justice to enhance freedom of information requirements, expanding the use of open government 

data through Georgia’s open data portal, helping the Competition and State Procurement Agency stand up a Dispute Resolution Board, and setting the stage for 

a new civil service legal framework based on open competition and consistent standards. Many of these activities were coupled with grants to civil society to monitor 

compliance and hold government accountable to its promises. 

Question. What is your opinion of USAID Forward and other reform efforts? If so, 

how do you see these reforms being implemented in Eastern European and Eurasian nations specifically? 

Answer. I understand that USAID has implemented a series of reforms over the 

last several years, known collectively as USAID Forward. By all accounts, these reforms have strengthened the Agency’s focus on results, partnership, and innovation 

over the past 5 years. USAID now has in place a rigorous and transparent process 

for designing strategies and projects while evaluating their achievement of results 

in a more focused and selective manner. Its partnership agenda has grown substantially. USAID’s direct partnering with local actors and local systems, which has alFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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most doubled since 2010, reflects the Agency’s commitment to creating processes 

whereby countries own, resource, and sustain their development. It has also increased its emphasis on innovative approaches through the use of science, technology and open innovation. 

Regarding implementation of USAID Forward in Europe and Eurasia, I understand that efforts are furthering collaboration among external partners, leveraging 

additional resources, and increasing innovation through two Science, Technology, Innovation and Partnership (STIP) leader Missions. Public-private partnerships in the 

region are highly leveraged and direct support to local organizations has increased 

tremendously. 

Additionally, USAID’s development projects are designed with monitoring mechanisms at the forefront, allowing for objective evidence-based evaluations of development projects and for ensuring a responsible use of resources. Evaluations are used 

in the region to not only track progress and results, but to provide evidence that 

will inform management decisions for improvements that are needed, and to inform 

follow on or future programming. 

Question. Specifically, what is your plan for implementing ‘‘local solutions’’ to promote country ownership while also ensuring reasonable accountability measures? Do 

you believe these two goals are compatible for Ukraine in its current state? 

Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to enabling countries to lead, resource, and sustain their own development. This is a commitment I share and, if 

confirmed, will prioritize in Europe and Eurasia. I agree that country ownership 

should be at the core of how USAID does business. At the same time, USAID should 

and does exercise robust oversight and maintain appropriate fiduciary controls to 

safeguard taxpayer dollars and ensure prudent investments with an increased emphasis on solid project design with clear purpose and measures of progress and evidence-based monitoring and evaluation. 

With regard to Ukraine specifically, my understanding is that USAID integrates 

anticorruption activities into every project design in Ukraine. For example, 

anticorruption measures are included in programs to support the judiciary, education, health/pharmaceutical procurement, e-governance, permitting, financial disclosure, and energy, agriculture, and economic development. 

After many years of false starts, under the current government in Kiev, the world 

is beginning to see progress on implementation of anticorruption reforms in 

Ukraine. More than a dozen key pieces of legislation have been passed, including 

laws to establish the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the National 

Anti-Corruption Prevention Agency (NAPC). The Ukrainian government is in the 

process of standing up these two agencies, which are critical to fighting corruption. 

USAID has bolstered monitoring and independent evaluations in the region by organizing monitoring workshops for implementing partner staff, and contracting for 

independent evaluations of its programs to ensure intended impact, including three 

such evaluations in Ukraine last year. If confirmed, I will build on these efforts to 

strengthen the monitoring and evaluation of Agency programming, including in 

Ukraine. 

Question. Historically, some have cited tensions between USAID and the Department of State, stating that USAID efforts are often supplanted by the diplomatic 

imperatives of DOS. Do you feel this is the case? If so, other than publishing the 

joint strategic plan every 5 years, how else do you plan to work with DOS to ensure 

that USAID missions are not sidelined? 

Answer. All agencies report to the President of the United States and seek to implement his articulated policies. While each agency has its distinct role to play, I 

believe that the inevitable tensions that emerge in large organizations can be effectively mitigated and minimized through personal diplomacy and a tone of collaboration and complementarity that is set by senior officials. During my time at the 

Department of State, from 2010 to 2015, I actively reached out to USAID and to 

other agencies—including the Department of Defense, the Department of Justice, 

and of course, the National Security Council staff—to ensure that funded programs 

and diplomatic initiatives were mutually understood and reinforced. This included 

joint missions to a number of countries in the E&E region, including with the previous Assistant Administrator, Paige Alexander, and other counterparts across the 

U.S. Government. These visits were, in my opinion, valuable in enhancing collaboration and finding an appropriate balance between diplomatic imperatives and development goals. If confirmed, I hope to continue this practice with colleagues at the 

Department of State and other U.S. agencies. 

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NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, JULY 30, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Lucy Tamlyn, of New York, to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Benin 

Jeffrey J. Hawkins, Jr., of California, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, to be Ambassador to 

the Central African Republic 

David R. Gilmour, of Texas, to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic 

Daniel H. Rubinstein, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Tunisia 

Carolyn Patricia Alsup, of Florida, a Career Member of the Senior 

Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Gambia 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:04 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake, Gardner, Murphy, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

Thank you all for being here. It is nice to see the nominees and 

family members, as well. That is always the best part. 

Today, we have ambassadorial nominees for Benin, Togo, Central 

African Republic, Tunisia, and The Gambia. These are all important and challenging posts, to put it mildly. I look forward to hearing from today’s nominees about how diplomatic engagement can 

help build positive economic and political trends in Benin and 

Togo, and how to address ongoing challenges that we have in Tunisia, which is often said to be, as we spoke about yesterday, the 

most successful democratic transition of those who were involved in 

the Arab Spring. 

If confirmed, the Ambassador-designate will mark the return of 

the U.S. Ambassador to Bangui, following a 2-year gap. That is significant. I look forward to hearing how U.S. interests, including 

stability, can be advanced in the complex environment, certainly, 

in Central Africa. 

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Finally, the committee is eager to hear about the best way to go 

forward in The Gambia as well. 

I look forward to all of you sharing your expertise. 

Senator Markey is voting and will come back here shortly, but 

we will go ahead and get started. I am glad to have Senator Gardner here. I know he has to leave shortly, but I appreciate his interest. 

The first nominee is Lucy Tamlyn. Ms. Tamlyn is a career Foreign Service officer with the Foreign Service and currently is serving as director in the Office of Special Envoy for Sudan and South 

Sudan. Ms. Tamlyn has served in a wide range of overseas positions, including Deputy Chief of Mission in Lisbon, economic consular at the U.S. mission in the OECD in Paris, Provincial Reconstruction team leader in Iraq. And Ms. Tamlyn also served as Deputy Chief of Mission in Chad. 

So glad to have you here. 

Our second nominee is David Gilmour. Mr. Gilmour is a career 

Foreign Service officer and currently serves as Deputy Assistant 

Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs. Previously, Mr. Gilmour 

led the Africa Bureau’s Public Diplomacy Office. Mr. Gilmour’s numerous overseas assignments include Deputy Chief of Mission in 

Panama City, Panama, and in Malawi as well. 

Jeffrey Hawkins is our third nominee today. He is a career member of the Foreign Service also, most recently consul general in 

Lagos, Nigeria. Prior to that assignment, he was director of the 

South and Central Asian Affairs Office in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. He served in a number of overseas 

assignments, as you all have, including Deputy Chief of Mission in 

Angola, Brunei, and political economic chief at the U.S. Embassy 

in Kabul, Afghanistan. 

Daniel Rubinstein is a career Foreign Service officer as well. He 

most recently served as Special Envoy for Syria, a place without 

any problems at all, so thank you for your service there. That is 

the position that he has held since 2014. Previously, he served as 

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Mr. Rubinstein’s overseas leadership positions include serving as consul general in Jerusalem, chief of the 

Civilian Observer Unit in the Sinai in Egypt, and Deputy Chief of 

Mission in Amman, Jordan. He also served as director of the Office 

of Israel and Palestinian Affairs. 

Finally, we have Carolyn Patricia Alsup, a career member of the 

Foreign Service. Ms. Alsup also served recently as Deputy Chief of 

Mission in Ghana. Previously, she led the Office of Central African 

Affairs and Deputy Chief of Mission in The Gambia. So this will 

be a return trip for you, if confirmed. Ms. Alsup also held a number 

of positions in economic affairs at the State Department, including 

serving as executive assistant of the Economic Bureau and special 

assistant in the Office of Under Secretary of Economics, Business 

and Agricultural Affairs. 

Thank you all for being here, and I appreciate your service and 

meeting with you before. I am just amazed at the sacrifices that 

you made and that your families have made as well. 

I appreciate having family members here. I hope that you will introduce them as you begin your remarks. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

417 

And we will recognize Lucy Tamlyn first. 

STATEMENT OF LUCY TAMLYN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF BENIN 

Ms. TAMLYN. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and members of the 

committee, it is a great honor for me to appear before you today. 

I am grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador 

to the Republic of Benin. 

My husband, Jorge Serpa, is here today, representing many farflung family members, especially our children, Ben and Filipa. Unexpected evacuations and long separations have not dampened 

their enthusiasm or the pride they take in being part of the Foreign Service family. I know that I could not have come this far 

without their support. 

I joined the Foreign Service in 1982 and have served in positions 

of increasing responsibility across three continents, including three 

assignments with the Bureau of African Affairs. 

Working alongside of, and learning from, extraordinary colleagues and leaders in the State Department, I have gained the experience and the understanding, which, if confirmed, will enable 

me to faithfully represent and advance U.S. interests in Benin. 

Mr. Chairman, Benin is a strong partner of the United States. 

The people of Benin are justly proud of their democratic traditions 

and record of peaceful transfers of power. President Thomas Boni 

Yayi, serving his second and final 5-year term, was invited by 

President Obama in 2011 to the White House as one of four African 

Presidents representing Africa’s democratic progress, which, as 

President Obama stated at the time, is vital to a stable and prosperous Africa, and also critical to the stability and prosperity of the 

world. 

With 50 percent of the Beninese population under 18 years of 

age, Benin is a vibrant and dynamic nation rich in culture, history, 

and potential. We partner with the Government of Benin to provide 

a helping hand to support the inclusive economic growth, which is 

the centerpiece of the country’s own poverty reduction strategy, 

and which will enable the people of Benin to achieve a better future for themselves and their families. 

Our largest assistance program targets malaria, a disease which 

is particularly deadly for the young and which takes an enormous 

economic toll on the economy. 

Benin is on track to receive a second Millennium Challenge Compact, a reflection of its ability to sustain high rankings in the 

MCC’s political, economic, and social indicators, and to muster the 

political will to address shortcomings when those rankings slip. 

U.S. investment in Benin through the Millennium Challenge Account will help address energy shortfalls, which are a serious impediment to economic growth. 

Benin is a strong regional partner on other fronts. It has stood 

with its neighbors to confront the horrors of Boko Haram and is a 

member of the Lake Chad Basin Multinational Joint Task Force, 

to which it has pledged a battalion. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

418 

The government partners with the United States and other international donors to combat drug trafficking, piracy, and maritime 

crime. 

Our shared human rights values are reflected in the stands that 

Benin takes in international fora and its multiple contributions to 

peacekeeping operations worldwide, including in Cote d’Ivoire, 

Mali, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 

But challenges remain internally and externally for Benin. Robust economic growth is essential to meet the needs of the people. 

But despite considerable efforts on the part of President Yayi’s government, extreme poverty and corruption remain serious obstacles 

to achieving development goals. 

The country is vulnerable to economic shocks, particularly emanating from larger economies in the region. Transnational organized crime can flourish where borders are porous and thinly 

surveilled, and where corruption corrodes the rule of law. 

And finally, extremist violence threatens Benin’s near neighbors, 

where perpetrators of such violence find recruits in disenfranchised 

and vulnerable communities. 

My priorities, if confirmed, will be to identify those areas where 

U.S. partnership can assist the government and people of Benin 

continue as a beacon of democracy, stability, peace, and tolerance 

in the region. I will seek to further strengthen the ties of friendship 

and understanding with the people of Benin. And I will look for 

ways to advance U.S. interests for the benefit of the American people through a partnership with Benin, which bolsters the fight 

against transnational organized crime and enables us to stand together for shared values internationally. 

Benin has welcomed more than 2,000 Peace Corps Volunteers 

over the years, and in the truest spirit of partnership, these Volunteers have given much and received much from the host communities in which they worked. 

Kate Puzey was one such Volunteer whose life was tragically cut 

short, but whose memory very much endures. If confirmed, one of 

my highest priorities will be to continue to work with the Government of Benin for justice for Kate Puzey and our family. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, for the opportunity to address you today. I am very happy to take any questions that you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Tamlyn follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LUCY TAMLYN

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor for me to appear 

before you today. I am grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic 

of Benin. 

My husband, Jorge Serpa, is here today representing many far-flung family members, especially our children, Ben and Filipa. Unexpected evacuations and long separations have not dampened their enthusiasm or the pride they take in being part 

of the Foreign Service family. I know that I could not have come this far without 

their love and support. 

I joined the Foreign Service in 1982 and have served in positions of increasing 

responsibility across three continents, including three assignments with the Bureau 

of African Affairs. Working alongside of, and learning from, extraordinary colleagues 

and leaders in the State Department, I have gained the experience and the understanding which, if confirmed, will enable me to faithfully represent and advance 

U.S. interests in Benin. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

419 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Benin is a strong partner of the 

United States. The people of Benin are justly proud of their democratic traditions, 

and record of peaceful transfers of power. President Thomas Boni Yayi, serving his 

second and final 5-year term, was invited by President Obama in 2011 to the White 

House as one of four African Presidents representing Africa’s democratic progress, 

which as President Obama stated at the time, is vital to a stable and prosperous 

Africa, and also critical to the stability and prosperity of the world. 

With 50 percent of the Beninese population under 18 years of age, Benin is a 

vibrant and dynamic nation rich in culture, history, and potential. We partner with 

the Government of Benin to provide a helping hand to support the inclusive economic growth which is the centerpiece of the country’s own poverty reduction strategy, and which will enable the people of Benin to achieve a better future for themselves and their families. Our largest assistance program targets malaria, a disease 

which is particularly deadly for the young, and which takes an enormous economic 

toll on the economy. Benin is on track to receive a second Millennium Challenge 

Compact, a reflection of its ability to sustain high rankings in the MCC’s political, 

economic and social indicators, and to muster the political will to address shortfalls 

when those rankings slip. U.S. investment in Benin through the Millennium Challenge Account will help address energy shortfalls, which are a serious impediment 

to economic growth. 

Benin is a strong regional partner on other fronts. It has stood with its neighbors 

to confront the horrors of Boko Haram and is a member of the Lake Chad Basin 

Multinational Joint Task Force, to which it has pledged a battalion. The government 

partners with the United States and other international donors to combat piracy, 

drug trafficking, and other maritime crime. Our shared values are reflected in the 

stands that Benin takes in international fora and in its multiple contributions to 

peacekeeping operations worldwide, including in Cote d’Ivoire, Mali and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 

But challenges remain internally and externally for Benin. Robust economic 

growth is needed to meet the needs of the people, but despite considerable efforts 

on the part of President Yayi’s government, extreme poverty and corruption remain 

serious obstacles to development. The country is vulnerable to external shocks, particularly emanating from larger economies in the region. Transnational Organized 

Crime can flourish where borders are porous and thinly surveilled and where corruption corrodes the rule of law. And finally, extremist violence threatens Benin’s 

near neighbors, as perpetrators of such violence find recruits in disenfranchised and 

vulnerable communities. 

My priorities, if confirmed, will be to identify those areas where U.S. partnership 

can assist the government and people of Benin continue as a beacon of democracy, 

stability, peace and tolerance in the region. I will seek to further strengthen the ties 

of friendship and understanding with the people of Benin. And I will look for ways 

to advance U.S. interests for the benefit of the American people through a partnership with Benin which bolsters the fight against transnational organized crime and 

enables us to stand together for shared values internationally. 

Benin has welcomed more than 2,000 Peace Corps Volunteers over the years 

and—in the truest spirit of partnership—these Volunteers have given much, and 

received much, from the host communities in which they worked. Kate Puzey was 

one such volunteer whose life was tragically cut short—but whose memory very 

much endures. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be to continue to work 

with the Government of Benin for justice for Kate Puzey and her family. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee for the opportunity to 

address you today. I am very happy to take any questions which you may have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Gilmour. 

STATEMENT OF DAVID R. GILMOUR, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE TOGOLESE REPUBLIC 

Mr. GILMOUR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have submitted a 

longer versions of my statement for the record. 

Mr. Chairman, I am honored to appear before you today, and I 

am grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador 

to Togo. I am also grateful for the support of Assistant Secretary 

of State for African Affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

420 

I am joined today by my wife, Judith Martin, who has spent a 

lifetime in the Foreign Service, first with her father, S. Douglas 

Martin, a career State Department officer, and her mother, Pauline, and later as my cherished partner as we traveled the world 

and raised our family in eight overseas posts and in Washington 

during my 29 years in the Foreign Service. 

Also, here is our son, Tristan. Our other two children, Miles and 

Schyler, are watching online from Texas. 

I would also like to acknowledge my father, John Gilmour, who 

could not be here today. He worked for 34 years in local government, proudly serving the citizens of the small town in Michigan 

where I grew up. Everything I know about integrity, treating people with respect, and dedication to public service, I learned from 

my dad. 

Mr. Chairman, I believe my service in four African posts and in 

senior positions in Washington, as well as postings elsewhere in 

the world, including as Deputy Chief of Mission in Panama, have 

prepared me for this assignment. If confirmed, I will draw upon 

these experiences to advance U.S. interests in Togo and the West 

African region. 

The United States and Togo enjoy a strong relationship and 

broad mutual interests. Togo lies at the heart of West Africa, a region that is important to the security of the United States, and to 

which the United States has long-standing economic and cultural 

ties. 

Mr. Chairman, our policy priorities in Togo are to safeguard the 

welfare of American citizens, promote democracy and good governance, improve maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, promote 

human rights, combat transnational crime, advance commercial opportunities for U.S. business, and improve the quality of health 

care and education. 

Togo is recovering from 15 years of political and economic isolation that began in the early 1990s due to political instability. The 

country’s long cycle of decline ended in 2007, following largely free 

and fair legislative elections. 

The political situation has stabilized over the past few years, and 

successive elections were recognized by the international community as free and fair, despite some shortfalls. 

Most recently, Presidential elections in April of this year were 

judged credible by international observers, and the United States 

congratulated the people of Togo for exercising their democratic 

rights. 

The country is presently at peace. Should I be confirmed, I will 

work to maintain a peaceful, transparent, and fair political climate, 

thereby consolidating and expanding on the democratic gains of the 

past several years. 

Togo has been a willing partner in advancing security in West 

Africa and beyond. If confirmed, I look forward to helping enhance 

Togo’s ability to police and regulate the Gulf of Guinea and to expand their capacity to train and deploy peacekeepers, as they have 

successfully done in Mali, Darfur, Cote d’Ivoire, and many other 

conflicts. 

If confirmed, I will strongly support Togo’s efforts to address the 

challenges or corruption, wildlife trafficking, smuggling, and trafFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

421 

ficking in persons, which also threaten the national interests of the 

United States. 

The Government of Togo recognizes that improving the investment climate is key to sustained economic growth and eliminating 

poverty. If confirmed, I will support reforms that promote investment and provide opportunities for American companies. I will 

work to strengthen Togo’s developing role as a regional trade and 

transportation hub, and encourage Togolese entrepreneurs to take 

full advantage of the opportunities provided by AGOA. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to address you. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in representing 

the interests of the American people in Togo. I am happy to answer 

any questions. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Gilmour follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DAVID R. GILMOUR

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today, and grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they 

have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to Togo. I am also grateful for 

the support of Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield. 

I am joined today by my wife, Judith Martin, who has spent a lifetime in the Foreign Service, first with her father, S. Douglas Martin, a career State Department 

officer, and later as my cherished partner as we traveled the world together and 

raised our family in eight overseas posts and in Washington during the 29 years 

of my Foreign Service career. Also here is our son, Tristan. Our other two children, 

Miles and Schyler, will be watching online from Texas. I would also like to acknowledge my father, John Gilmour, who could not be here today. He worked 34 years 

in local government, serving the citizens of the small town where I grew up in 

Michigan. Everything I know about respect, integrity, and dedication to public service, I learned from my dad. 

Mr. Chairman, I believe my service in four African posts and in senior positions 

in the Bureau of African Affairs in Washington, as well as postings elsewhere in 

the world, including as Deputy Chief of Mission in Panama, have prepared me for 

this assignment. If confirmed, I will draw upon these experiences to advance U.S. 

interests in Togo and the West African region. 

The United States and Togo enjoy a strong relationship and broad mutual interests. With a population of nearly 7 million inhabitants, Togo lies at the heart of 

West Africa, a region that is important to the security of the United States, and 

to which the United States has long-standing cultural ties. If confirmed, I will do 

my utmost to broaden and strengthen our mutual pursuit of this shared agenda. 

Mr. Chairman, our policy priorities in Togo are to safeguard the welfare of American citizens, promote a representative democracy and good governance, improve 

maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, promote human rights, improve the capacity to combat transnational crime, advance commercial opportunities for U.S. businesses, and improve the quality of health care and education. To achieve these 

goals, the United States has a range of programs supporting public health, security 

sector reform, international peacekeeping and economic development. If confirmed, 

I commit to working closely with our international partners to help Togo promote 

empowerment and prosperity for all Togolese, regardless of their ethnic, religious, 

regional or political affiliations. 

The United States established diplomatic relations with Togo in 1960 following its 

independence from a French-administered trusteeship. Togo is recovering from 15 

years of political and economic isolation that began in the early 1990s due to political instability. Togo’s long cycle of decline ended in 2007, following largely free and 

fair legislative elections. The political situation has stabilized over the past few 

years, and Presidential and legislative elections, held in 2010 and 2013, respectively, were recognized by the international community as free and fair, despite 

some shortfalls. Most recently, April’s Presidential elections were judged credible by 

international observers, and the United States congratulated the people of Togo for 

exercising their democratic rights before, during, and after the vote. The country is 

presently at peace. Should I be confirmed, one of Embassy Lome ́’s top priorities will 

be to support and maintain a peaceful, transparent, and fair political climate, thereby consolidating and expanding on the democratic gains of the past several years. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

422 

A stable, peaceful, and prosperous Togo serves American interests and expands 

Togo’s ability to contribute to regional stability. The United States maintains a good 

relationship with the Togolese military, which has been a willing partner in key 

areas such as maritime security and international peacekeeping. If confirmed, I look 

forward to maintaining our strong partnership with Togolese security officials to 

effectively police and regulate Togolese waters in the Gulf of Guinea. Additionally, 

if confirmed I hope to strengthen Togo’s capacity to engage in peacekeeping missions 

through the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance program, which 

has been active in Togo since 2009, and has assisted with the training and deployment of Togolese peacekeeping forces to Mali, Darfur, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, 

Burundi, Sudan, Chad, and the Central African Republic. Also, beginning in 2013, 

the Government of Togo has stepped up its effort to curb wildlife trafficking, making 

several seizures and arrests. The United States is providing technical expertise and 

material support to help the Togolese law enforcement community overcome this rising challenge. If confirmed, I look forward to maintaining our strong partnership 

with the Togolese on this issue. 

Poverty continues to breed corruption and crime, smuggling, and trafficking in 

persons. If confirmed, I will support Togo’s efforts to address these challenges, which 

also threaten the national interests of the United States. The Government of Togo 

recognizes that an improving but still challenging investment climate and a developing but still weak private sector are key impediments to Togo’s prospects for sustained economic growth, and eliminating poverty. If confirmed, I will take advantage of available initiatives to promote a healthy economy, including identification 

of public-private partnerships that include American companies and that enjoy 

United States Government guarantees. The Embassy will look to use regional programs offered through the U.S. Agency for International Development to strengthen 

Togo’s developing role as a regional trade hub, as well as to help ensure that the 

country makes the most of Lome ́’s deep-water port, which is a significant contributor to the Togolese economy. If confirmed, I will encourage the Togolese Government and Togolese entrepreneurs to take full advantages of the opportunities and 

preferences provided by AGOA. 

Development assistance to Togo provided through the U.S. Agency for International Development focuses primarily on improving Togo’s national public health 

capacity; USAID’s West African Regional Health Office runs multiple health programs in Togo, including HIV/AIDS prevention. Through the Department of 

Defense’s HIV/AIDS Prevention Program monitored by Embassy Lome ́, 50 newborns 

were born free of HIV to HIV-positive mothers last year. This year that program 

has been expanded to include 150 mothers. If confirmed, I will look to employ such 

existing initiatives, including the multilateral partnership of the Global Fund to 

Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM), to assist the Togolese Ministry of 

Health in improving basic public health programs and treating and eradicating disease. The Embassy in Lome ́ will also continue to support a robust Peace Corps presence in country with a programmatic focus on health, especially on HIV/AIDS 

awareness and prevention. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, for this 

opportunity to address you. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in representing the interests of the American people in Togo. I am happy to answer any 

questions you have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Hawkins. 

STATEMENT OF JEFFREY J. HAWKINS, JR., NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC 

Mr. HAWKINS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be the next 

Ambassador of the United States to the Central African Republic. 

I thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for entrusting me 

with this important responsibility. 

If confirmed, I will work with Congress to advance the interests 

of the United States in the Central African Republic. 

Joining me here today is my wife, Annie. I am deeply grateful 

to Annie and to our small children, Max and Alex, for allowing me 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

423 

this opportunity to serve my country, despite the hardships and 

sacrifices that it will require of them. 

Mr. Chairman, the Central African Republic, a Texas-sized nation in the heart of Africa, is blessed with an abundance of natural 

resources and a resilient and entrepreneurial people. Sadly, however, cycles of conflict have roiled that nation for decades. 

Beginning in late 2012, the Central African Republic saw its latest and certainly its worst such cycle. Conflict left thousands dead 

and hundreds of thousands displaced. Armed factions, including 

foreign groups like the heinous Lord’s Resistance Army, controlled 

large swathes of its territory. The picture, frankly, was bleak. 

Mr. Chairman, a transitional government, with strong support 

from the international community and the United States Government, is taking the first, difficult steps toward peace. If confirmed, 

my primary objective will be to support this process. 

We have a strong interest in CAR’s success. A successful transition will help forestall a return to anarchy and atrocities on victim 

populations. A successful transition also will assist in preventing 

extremist and trafficking groups from using the country’s 

ungoverned spaces for their own nefarious purposes. 

Finally, it will also aid in reducing regional instability. 

The people of the Central African Republic are clearly ready for 

a new beginning. Earlier this year, they gathered together in grassroots consultations to speak about their hopes for their nation’s future. Armed groups agreed to halt the use of child soldiers and 

committed to stopping violent conflict. 

The country’s political transition will culminate later this year 

with a constitutional referendum and elections. 

The international community provides key support to this process. In particular, the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic, MINUSCA, has operated in the country since September 2014. Nearly 10,000 U.N. 

peacekeepers and some 900 French troops provide the security 

backbone for this deployment. 

The United States has made a real commitment to the positive 

change we are beginning to see in the Central African Republic. 

Over the past 2 years, we have contributed some $800 million to 

assist at-risk populations, underwrite the U.N. effort, reform the 

justice sector, aid the electoral process, and encourage peace-building and reconciliation. 

In September of last year, with support of the Congress, we reopened our Embassy after nearly 2 years of closure. 

Mr. Chairman, we may not have a better opportunity to break 

the cycles of conflict in CAR. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will ensure that U.S. resources are used appropriately. I believe my deep 

experience in Africa, years working in post-conflict environments 

like Afghanistan, and strong Foreign Service leadership credentials 

will be useful in promoting U.S. Government interests there. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I thank you for this 

opportunity to appear before you today, and welcome any questions 

you might have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Hawkins follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

424 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JEFFREY J. HAWKINS, JR. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today as the President’s nominee to be the next Ambassador of the United States 

to the Central African Republic. I thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

entrusting me with this important responsibility. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to advance the interests of the United States in the Central African Republic. 

Joining me here today are my wife, Annie, and our children, Max, 5, and Alex, 

3. Regrettably, security conditions do not permit families to join our diplomats working in Bangui. I am deeply grateful to Annie and the boys for allowing me this 

opportunity to serve my country, despite the hardships and sacrifices that it will 

require of them. 

Mr. Chairman, the Central African Republic, a Texas-sized nation in the heart of 

Africa, is blessed with an abundance of natural resources and a resilient and entrepreneurial population. 

Sadly, however, cycles of conflict and political instability have roiled that nation 

for more than 30 years. Beginning in late 2012, the Central African Republic saw 

its latest, and worst, such cycle. Regional and ethnic conflict left thousands dead 

and hundreds of thousands displaced. Armed factions, including foreign groups like 

the heinous Lord’s Resistance Army, controlled large swathes of its territory. The 

picture, frankly, was bleak. 

Mr. Chairman, there is now reason for hope in the Central African Republic. A 

transitional government—with strong support from the international community 

and the United States Government—is taking the first, difficult steps toward peace. 

If confirmed, my primary objective will be to support this process. Should this 

process succeed, a newly peaceful and democratic Central African Republic will face 

many serious challenges. We have a strong interest in CAR’s success. A successful 

transition will help forestall a return to anarchy and atrocities on victim populations. The transition also will assist in preventing extremist and criminal trafficking 

groups from using the country’s ungoverned spaces for their own nefarious purposes 

and in reducing regional instability. A successful transition will put the people of 

CAR in a position to rebuild their lives and build a better nation themselves. 

The people of the Central African Republic are clearly ready for a new beginning. 

Earlier this year, Central Africans gathered together, in grassroots consultations 

known as the Bangui Forum, to speak about their hopes for their nation’s future. 

At the forum, armed groups agreed to halt the use of child soldiers and committed 

to stopping violent conflict. Voter registration began in June and continues to expand throughout the country. The country’s political transition will culminate later 

this year with a constitutional referendum and elections. 

The international community provides key support to this process. In particular, 

the U.N. Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African 

Republic—MINUSCA—has operated in the country since September 2014, to reinforce the transition and protect civilian populations. Nearly 10,000 U.N. peacekeepers and approximately 900 French troops provide a security backbone for this 

deployment. 

The United States has made a real commitment to the positive change in the Central African Republic. Over the past 2 years, we have contributed over $800 million 

to assist at-risk populations, underwrite the U.N. effort, reform the justice sector, 

aid the electoral process, and encourage peace-building and reconciliation. In September of last year, with support of the Congress, we reopened our Embassy after 

nearly 2 years; the Embassy is a vital platform for oversight of our operations and 

I want to recognize here the extraordinary efforts of our team on the ground in 

Bangui. 

Mr. Chairman, we may not have a better opportunity to break the cycles of conflict in CAR. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will ensure that U.S. resources are used 

appropriately so that they will contribute effectively to sustainable change in the 

Central African Republic. I believe my deep experience in Africa, years working in 

post-conflict environments like Afghanistan, and strong Foreign Service leadership 

credentials will be useful in promoting U.S. Government interests there. 

In closing, I would like to express particular thanks to the outstanding team currently serving at Embassy Bangui for their courage and fortitude in leading our 

engagement in the Central African Republic. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I thank you for this opportunity to 

appear before you today, and welcome any questions you may have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Rubinstein. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

425 

STATEMENT OF DANIEL H. RUBINSTEIN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TUNISIA 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be 

the next Ambassador to the Republic of Tunisia. 

I would also like to thank Secretary Kerry for placing his trust 

in me to manage the relationship with this important partner, and 

recently designated Major Non-NATO Ally. 

Before I begin, I would also like to take a moment to recognize 

and thank my family, my wife, Julie, and our children, Jonah and 

Simon. They have provided unconditional love and constant support throughout my career. 

Mr. Chairman, I have had the honor of serving as a Foreign 

Service officer for the last 26 years, much of it in the Middle East, 

including 1 year in Tunisia. My previous assignments have provided me with an extensive background in economic and counterterrorism issues that are critical to our partnership with Tunisia. 

While my time in Tunisia was before the 2011 revolution, I maintain an abiding respect and admiration for the country, its culture, 

and its people. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Tunisia, I 

pledge to work with my colleagues in the executive and legislative 

branches of our government to advance our national interests and 

deepen this partnership. 

During President Caid Essebsi’s visit to Washington in May, 

President Obama affirmed the enduring partnership between the 

United States and Tunisia based on both mutual interests and 

shared values. Tunisia’s democratic progress is an important counterpoint to those who assert that Islam and the Arab world are 

somehow incompatible with democracy. 

Chairman Flake, let me assure you that during these challenging 

times, I am deeply cognizant that the number one priority of an 

Ambassador is the safety of Americans abroad. If confirmed, I assure you that I will carefully monitor the security environment as 

I seek to advance our diplomatic objectives, with no higher responsibility than ensuring the security of all U.S. citizens in Tunisia 

and all personnel under my charge. 

In addition to keeping this commitment in mind, I will also continue to be mindful that this is a critical time in our engagement 

with Tunisia. 

Since the 2011 revolution, Tunisia has taken remarkable and inspiring steps to build an accountable and representative democracy. But despite historic legislative and Presidential elections in 

2014, the democratic transition and the country’s security remain 

fragile. 

In recent months, Tunisia has endured two horrific terrorist attacks that threaten the progress so many Tunisians have fought for 

since Mohamed Bouazizi set himself alight in Sidi Bouzid and thus 

sparked the Arab Spring. 

Those vile attacks on innocent tourists and Tunisian citizens underline the enormous security challenges facing Tunisia. The reasons for radicalization are many but what is clear is that high levels of youth unemployment, feelings of marginalization, and instability in Libya are exploited by those who wish to undercut 

Tunisia’s progress in the name of radicalism and barbaric violence. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

426 

If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues across the U.S. Government to direct resources to increasing the capacity of Tunisian 

Security Forces to address and degrade the threats posed by groups 

like AQIM, Ansar al-Sharia Tunisia, and ISIL, which has claimed 

responsibility for the Bardo Museum and Sousse attacks. 

Tunisia’s security services have made commendable progress in 

dealing with dangerous extremists, but more needs to be done. In 

the wake of the attacks, the Tunisians have asked for continued 

support for their military and internal security forces to include increased information-sharing, equipment, and training to effectively 

identify threats and subvert efforts of violent extremist groups. 

If confirmed, I will continue these endeavors, and I will also support reform to Tunisia’s judicial, prison, and police forces to help 

make them more professional institutions that are more responsive 

and accountable to their public. 

And while security support is critical, Mr. Chairman, the United 

States must also help strengthen Tunisia’s economy in order to address some of the root causes contributing to the rise of extremist 

violence. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of 

Tunisia in support of its economic reform agenda. I will also support the government and private sector’s efforts to increase access 

to economic opportunities for all, to include marginalized and economically disadvantaged populations. 

I firmly believe that we cannot forget what makes Tunisia special: Its democracy. Islamists, secularists, and many in between are 

working together daily to negotiate and seek consensus. Tunisia is 

the only Arab country ranked as ‘‘free’’ by Freedom House. The 

consolidation of democratic governance will take time and patience 

as Tunisia builds its institutions and works to ensure the freedoms 

guaranteed to Tunisian citizens by their constitution. 

Tunisia’s people expect transparency in government institutions, 

and for government officials, security forces, and their private sector leaders to behave in ways that are not corrupt and that benefit 

the public. If confirmed, I will ensure the United States continues 

to promote reforms that will address issues of transparency and accountability, and prioritizes the rights of the Tunisian people. 

If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will also pay close attention to the 

management of the Embassy and its hardworking and dedicated 

personnel. As our partnership with and assistance to Tunisia 

grows, I can assure you I will work to ensure we have adequate 

staff and resources to properly manage the many facets of the relationship. 

I thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, for the 

opportunity to testify before you. I can assure you today that, if 

confirmed, it will be my honor to further U.S. interests and 

strengthen our relationship with Tunisia, and I look forward to the 

opportunity to welcome you in Tunisia, if confirmed, and work with 

you and your staffs to achieve those goals. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Rubinstein follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DANIEL H. RUBINSTEIN

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Tunisia. I would also like to thank Secretary Kerry for placFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

427 

ing his trust in me to manage the relationship with this important partner, and 

recently designated Major Non-NATO Ally. Before I begin, I’d also like to take a 

moment to recognize and thank my family—my wife, Julie, and our children, Jonah 

and Simon. They have provided unconditional love and constant support throughout 

my career. 

Mr. Chairman, I have had the honor of serving as a Foreign Service officer for 

the last 26 years, much of it in the Middle East, including a year in Tunisia. My 

previous assignments have provided me with an extensive background in economic 

and counterterrorism issues that are critical to our partnership with Tunisia. While 

my time in Tunisia was before the 2011 revolution, I maintain an abiding respect 

and admiration for the country, its culture, and its people. If confirmed as U.S. 

Ambassador to Tunisia, I pledge to work with my colleagues in the executive and 

legislative branches of our government to advance our national interests and deepen 

this partnership. 

During President Caid Essebsi’s visit in May, President Obama affirmed the 

enduring partnership between the United States and Tunisia based on both mutual 

interests and shared values. Tunisia’s democratic progress is an important counterpoint to those who assert that Islam and the Arab world are somehow incompatible 

with democracy. 

Chairman Flake, let me assure you that during these challenging times, I am 

deeply cognizant that the number one priority of an ambassador is the safety of 

Americans abroad. If confirmed, I assure you that I will carefully monitor the security environment as I seek to advance our diplomatic objectives, with no higher 

responsibility than ensuring the security of all U.S. citizens in Tunisia and all personnel under my charge. 

In addition to keeping this commitment in mind, I will also continue to be mindful 

that this is a critical time in our engagement with Tunisia. Since the 2011 revolution, Tunisia has taken remarkable and inspiring steps to build an accountable and 

representative democracy. But despite historic legislative and Presidential elections 

in 2014, the democratic transition and the country’s security remain fragile. 

In recent months, Tunisia has endured two horrific terrorist attacks that threaten 

the progress so many Tunisians have fought for since Mohamed Bouazizi set himself 

alight in Sidi Bouzid and sparked the Arab Spring. Those vile attacks on innocent 

tourists and Tunisian citizens underline the enormous security challenges facing 

Tunisia. The reasons for radicalization are many but what is clear is that high levels of youth unemployment, feelings of marginalization, and instability in Libya are 

exploited by those who wish to undercut Tunisia’s progress in the name of radicalism and barbaric violence. 

If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues across the U.S. Government to direct 

resources to increasing the capacity of Tunisian Security Forces to address and 

degrade the threats posed by groups like AQIM, Ansar al-Sharia Tunisia, and ISIL, 

which has claimed responsibility for the Bardo Museum and Sousse attacks. 

Tunisia’s security services have made commendable progress in dealing with dangerous extremists, but more needs to be done. In the wake of the attacks, the 

Tunisians have asked for continued support for their military and internal security 

forces to include increased information-sharing, equipment, and training to effectively identify threats and subvert efforts of violent extremist groups. If confirmed, 

I will continue these endeavors and I will also support reform to Tunisia’s judicial, 

prison, and police forces to help make them more professional institutions that are 

more responsive and accountable to their public. And while security support is critical, the United States must also help strengthen Tunisia’s economy in order to 

address some of the root causes contributing to the rise of extremist violence. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Tunisia in support of its 

economic reform agenda. I will also support the government and private sector’s 

efforts to increase access to economic opportunities for all, to include marginalized 

and economically disadvantaged populations. I will promote these efforts through 

expanded technical support for the government’s reform efforts, through greater coordination with international partners to leverage their resources and expertise, and 

via continued support for workforce development and entrepreneurship initiatives. 

I will prioritize the strengthening of Tunisia’s economic institutions and increasing 

public sector transparency and accountability. 

I firmly believe that we cannot forget what makes Tunisia special: its democracy. 

Islamists, secularists, and many in between are working together daily to negotiate 

and seek consensus. Tunisia is the only Arab country ranked as ‘‘free’’ by Freedom 

House. The consolidation of democratic governance will take time and patience as 

Tunisia builds its institutions and works to ensure the freedoms guaranteed to 

Tunisian citizens by their constitution. Tunisia’s people expect transparency in government institutions, and for government officials, security forces, and private sector 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

428 

leaders to behave in ways that are not corrupt and benefit the public. If confirmed, 

I will ensure that the United States continues to promote reforms that will address 

issues of transparency and accountability and prioritizes the rights of the Tunisian 

people. 

If confirmed, I will also pay close attention to the management of the Embassy 

and its hard working and dedicated personnel. As our partnership with, and assistance to Tunisia grows, I can assure you I will work to ensure we have adequate 

staff and resources to properly manage the many facets of the relationship. 

I thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and members of the committee, for the opportunity to testify before you. I can assure you today that, if confirmed, it will be my honor to further U.S. interests and strengthen our relationship 

with Tunisia, and I look forward to the opportunity to welcome you in Tunisia and 

work with you and your staffs to achieve those goals. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Alsup. 

STATEMENT OF CAROLYN PATRICIA ALSUP, NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA 

Ms. ALSUP. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you today. I wish to express my gratitude 

to the President and Secretary of State for the trust and confidence 

they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of The Gambia. 

If confirmed, I would embrace the opportunity to apply my 23 

years of experience as a Foreign Service officer to advance U.S. priorities in The Gambia. I believe my previous experience as Deputy 

Chief of Mission in The Gambia from 2005 to 2007, and my most 

recent experience as Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy in 

Ghana, would be particularly helpful in continuing to advocate for 

U.S. objectives in The Gambia. 

Throughout my Foreign Service career, I have relied on my ability to build and maintain a strong, collaborative team with high 

morale and a clear sense of purpose to advance U.S. interests and 

objectives, whether it was promoting increased literacy, facilitating 

U.S. investment, encouraging entrepreneurship, advancing human 

rights, or supporting democratic institutions and free and fair elections. 

I believe I am well-prepared to assume the duties and responsibilities of U.S. Ambassador to The Gambia and to deal with the 

many opportunities and challenges associated with that position. 

The United States and The Gambia share a long history dating 

back to the mid-1800s. The Gambia has a rich cultural heritage, 

perhaps made most famous in the United States by Alex Haley’s 

novel, ‘‘Roots,’’ which still today brings many African-Americans to 

the country on a journey to discover their heritage. 

The United States is committed to helping the Gambian people 

improve their lives by promoting democratic principles, human 

rights, and economic development. If confirmed, I will continue our 

efforts to engage the Government of The Gambia on these core 

areas to accomplish our shared goal of greater prosperity for The 

Gambia and for the Gambian people. 

The Gambia is a troop-contributing country for U.N. peacekeeping missions, including a substantial presence in Darfur, a 

very important contribution to international peace and security. 

But peace and security must start at home. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

429 

The Gambia, as a predominately moderate Muslim country 

where people of different faiths have long lived together with little 

tension, could play an important role in promoting tolerance and 

countering violent extremism. However, The Gambia will not be 

able to play that role to the fullest without making changes at 

home. 

We remain deeply concerned about the downward trajectory of 

The Gambia’s human rights record. Gambians are being arbitrarily 

arrested and detained for longer than the constitutionally mandated 72-hour period, and discriminatory legislation and verbal and 

physical abuse have been targeted against the LGBTI community. 

Furthermore, we still do not know the whereabouts of two missing dual Gambian-American citizens who were last seen in The 

Gambia over 2 years ago. 

Human rights is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy; respecting 

and upholding human rights is also a cornerstone of maintaining 

a just and peace society, and mitigating the lure of violent extremism. 

In my career, I have found that when we as diplomats are open 

to dialogue, to listen and speak frankly, that we can make great 

strides in narrowing our differences on even the most contentious 

issues. If confirmed, I will seek regular dialogue with Gambian officials, political parties, civil society, journalists, youth, and women 

to emphasize the importance of respect for and protection of all 

human rights. 

Lastly, although the U.S. Embassy footprint in The Gambia is 

small, we are able to expand our reach through the 92 Peace Corps 

Volunteers working in the education, environment, and health sectors. Peace Corps has been active in The Gambia since 1967 and 

has been warmly welcomed by the government and people of The 

Gambia. If confirmed, I would make my top concern the safety and 

security of the nearly 2,000 U.S. citizens in The Gambia, about half 

of whom are minors. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear today. 

I would be pleased to respond to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Alsup follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CAROLYN P. ALSUP

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today. I wish to express my gratitude to the President and Secretary of State for 

the trust and confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador 

to the Republic of The Gambia. 

If confirmed, I would embrace the opportunity to apply my 23 years of experience 

as a Foreign Service officer to advance U.S. priorities in The Gambia. I believe my 

previous experience as Deputy Chief of Mission in The Gambia from 2005 to 2007 

and my most recent experience as Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy in 

Ghana would be particularly helpful in continuing to advocate for U.S. objectives in 

The Gambia. Throughout my Foreign Service career I have relied upon my ability 

to build and maintain a strong, collaborative team with high morale and a clear 

sense of purpose to advance U.S. interests and objectives—whether it was promoting 

increased literacy, facilitating U.S. investment, encouraging entrepreneurship, 

advancing human rights, or supporting democratic institutions and free and fair 

elections. I believe I am well-prepared to assume the duties and responsibilities of 

U.S. Ambassador to The Gambia and to deal with the many opportunities and challenges associated with that position. 

The United States and The Gambia share a long history dating back to the mid1800s. The Gambia has a rich cultural heritage perhaps made most famous in the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

430 

United States by Alex Haley’s novel, ‘‘Roots,’’ which, still today, brings many African-Americans to the country on a journey to discover their heritage. 

The United States is committed to helping the Gambian people improve their lives 

by promoting democratic principles, human rights, and economic development. If 

confirmed, I will continue our efforts to engage the Government of The Gambia on 

these core areas to accomplish our shared goal of a greater prosperity for The Gambia and for the Gambian people. 

The Gambia is a troop contributing country for U.N. peacekeeping missions, 

including a substantial presence in Darfur, a very important contribution to international peace and security. But peace and security must start at home. The Gambia—as a predominately moderate, Muslim country where people of different faiths 

have long lived together with little tension—could play an important role in promoting tolerance and countering violent extremism. 

However, The Gambia will not be able to play that role to the fullest without 

making changes at home. We remain deeply concerned about the downward trajectory of The Gambia’s human rights record. Gambians are being arbitrarily arrested 

and detained for longer than the constitutionally mandated 72-hour period, and discriminatory legislation and verbal and physical abuse have been targeted against 

the LGBTI community. Furthermore, we still do not know the whereabouts of two 

missing Gambian-American citizens who were last seen in The Gambia over 2 years 

ago. Human rights is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy; respecting and upholding 

human rights is also a cornerstone of maintaining a just and peace society and mitigating the lure of violent extremism. In my career, I have found that when we as 

diplomats are open to dialogue—to listen and speak frankly—that we can make 

great strides in narrowing our differences on even the most contentious of issues. 

If confirmed, I will seek regular dialogue with Gambian officials, political parties, 

civil society, journalists, youth and women to emphasize the importance of respect 

for, and protection of, all human rights. 

Lastly, although the U.S. Embassy footprint in The Gambia is small, we are able 

to expand our reach through the 92 Peace Corps Volunteers working in the education, environment, and health sectors. Peace Corps has been active in The Gambia 

since 1967 and has been warmly welcomed by the government and people of The 

Gambia. If confirmed, I would make my top concern the safety and security of the 

nearly 2,000 U.S. citizens in The Gambia, about half of whom are minors. 

Thank you Mr. Chairman for the opportunity to appear today. I would be pleased 

to respond to your questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you all for your testimony. 

We have been joined by Chris Murphy, a Senator from Connecticut. Thank you for being here. 

Let me just start with a couple questions. 

Ms. Tamlyn, how can Benin take better advantage of AGOA and 

improve their economic performance? Is that a reasonable prospect? 

Ms. TAMLYN. Thank you, Senator. That is an excellent question. 

Their exports under AGOA are very small, at least those that are 

covered by AGOA. Of course, some of their primary exports are not 

covered, such as cotton. 

But I think one of the ways we can work with them to improve 

that record is, in fact, through the Millennium Challenge Compact, 

which is going to work on improving the supply of electricity. For 

many small businesses or agro industry, the inability to maintain 

a steady production line because of gaps in electricity coverage is 

a real impediment to economic growth and to getting those products out to market. 

So I think that is a very important contribution that we are making. We do hope that we will be able to see an increase in economic 

production generally and hope that that translates as well into 

products that can be exported to the United States, products that 

are valued added that U.S. consumers seek and that help benefit 

to the economy of Benin. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Gilmour, to what extent does the Togolese military play in 

domestic politics? 

Mr. GILMOUR. Thank you, Senator. 

The military has played less and less of a role in politics, fortunately, in recent years because there has been a process of reform 

since 2007. There have been successful free and fair elections. And 

part of our strategy has been to work with the Togolese military 

to increase their professionalism to be able to deploy peacekeeping 

missions. 

They have about 1,000 peacekeepers on deployment right now. 

That is both military and foreign police units that have deployed. 

I think that is the largest contingent in Mali right now. 

So that has helped a great deal. And then our other key area in 

working with them has been in the maritime area. They have been 

a very strong partner in terms of building their capacity to patrol 

the waters off the coast of Togo. Togo has become a kind of safe 

harbor for the region. On any given day, there are over 100 ships 

lying off of Lome, waiting to go into the other nearby ports and into 

Lome itself, because the Togolese military has done such a good job 

of patrolling their waters. 

Much of that is thanks to assistance from the United States. We 

have donated patrol boats and done quite a bit of training. If confirmed, I would certainly look forward to working to intensify that 

cooperation. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Hawkins, elections have been postponed now twice in CAR. 

What is the likelihood that they will go as scheduled? And if so, 

does that allow for adequate preparation? 

Mr. HAWKINS. An excellent question and one that will be determinate in the future of this country. 

The electoral process is underway. Elections are scheduled in October. There will be a constitutional referendum followed by Presidential elections subsequently. In November, there will be legislative elections. That is the plan. 

The first part of that now is voter registration, and we have had 

some fairly promising news. Registration in Bangui is up. Almost 

300,000 people have been registered there. The Embassy estimates 

that approximately 350,000 eligible voters live in Bangui, so that 

part of the process is doing well. 

They are moving out into the provinces now to register voters. 

Funding remains an issue, and there is still a gap of about $15 

million to pay for the elections. Getting election preparations out 

into those provinces, particularly in areas where government control is weak, is going to be an issue. 

Another issue is the voting of refugees. That is a key element in 

this because those refugee populations must be brought in and included, or you will not have elections that will reflect the will of 

the entirety of the people. 

So there are a lot of issues at stake, but we are there. We are 

supportive. We have done work. The U.S. Government has done 

work on the constitutional drafting process, on the electoral code. 

We are just putting in $2 million into electoral education. So we 

are hopeful that things will go ahead as planned. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Rubinstein, what types of U.S. engagement have been effective in Tunisia? It is one of the best examples of transition after 

the Arab Spring. What have we done that has worked? 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for the 

question. 

My sense is that there has been some very effective diplomatic 

engagement in the first instance, particularly to keep all of the 

leading elements of Tunisia’s body politic, whether they were 

secularist, Islamist, or others, working together during some of 

these very fragile moments of the transition. That involved, I 

think, some very good engagement out in the field at the most senior levels. 

Of course, we provided resources to ensure that both the legislative and the Presidential elections occurred peacefully and in ways 

that were credible, free, and fair. So I think that engagement was 

very, very effective. 

I think on the security side, there has been as well some very 

effective engagement. The Tunisian and U.S. militaries have a long 

history of working together. That engagement has deepened not 

only through Joint Military Commissioned annual meetings but 

also through now a far more robust set of activities, primarily 

training and equipping the Tunisians on various capabilities, particularly in the CT area. So that is going to continue. 

I think on the economic side as well there has been some very 

effective engagement. We are providing some technical advice as 

they tackle some of the key critical economic reforms that need to 

be really driven home during this period. That includes getting a 

new investment code, banking reform, tax and customs reforms, as 

well as a public-private partnership law. We have had some really 

good engagement with technical advisers to get them where they 

need to be on those fronts. 

Senator FLAKE. That sounds like a full range. 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Yes, sir. 

Senator FLAKE. Ms. Alsup, when we spoke in my office, we 

talked about realistic expectations about the situation in The Gambia. One of the issues is trafficking. How can we help in that regard? What impact can we have on government there? 

Ms. ALSUP. I am glad you asked that question, Senator. We are, 

in fact, bringing the head of The Gambia’s coordinating committee 

on anti-trafficking here to the United States for a seminar that is 

coming up in August on combating trafficking in persons. Through 

the J/TIP office at the State Department we also provided some 

training through UNODC, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

With regard to prisoners who were released, I believe 200 a while 

ago, what do you think prompted that action? 

Ms. ALSUP. Well, I think that the action was purportedly a gesture in honor of the Eid celebration. However, I believe that it was 

done primarily to show the world that The Gambia is trying to 

move toward a greater respect for human rights. At least, that is 

my hope that is what it means. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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We have been joined by Senator Markey. If we seem blurry-eyed, 

we both arrived yesterday at 3:30 a.m., having just traveled to Africa. I am glad to have taken the trip and to be back. 

If you want to make any statement or launch into questions? 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The chairman and I did have a great time in Africa, Ethiopia and 

Kenya, for several days. 

We thank you each for being willing to serve our country in the 

roles that you are nominated for. It is a very important continent, 

and it is just exploding economically. But underneath it, there are 

many historical tensions, problems that continue to exist. 

Mr. Rubinstein, I was in Tunisia 3 years ago. They were just 

drafting the new constitution, with a lot of hope for the country. 

It is where the peaceful revolution really began, and it turned into 

something that is unrecognizable in other countries. But in Tunisia, I think there is still a commitment to trying to fulfill the original ideal. 

Can you talk a little bit about that and what, from your perspective, is the greatest threat to Tunisia being a model that ultimately 

can be emulated? 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Thank you very much, Senator. 

I share your optimism regarding Tunisia. What I would say 

though is, as opposed to a model for the rest of the Middle East, 

perhaps it is better to think of it as an example. The reason I mention that is because the very high number of differences between 

all of these countries in the Middle East, whether going through 

Arab Spring experiences or not. 

But certainly, it serves as an example where there was political 

compromise practiced by people of very, very different perspectives, 

if we think about Nahda on the Islamist side all the way through 

to Nida Tounes on the other side, strongly secular. The fact that 

those political movements and others have continued through very, 

very challenging times to work through their differences, reach consensus, and also pass off power, as we saw Nahda do in 2014 to 

the transitional government, concede defeat in the last elections, 

these are hopeful signs that there is significant buy-in on the part 

of really all parts of the Tunisian political spectrum to continue on 

that path of democratic transition. 

Frankly, I think what threatens it most are these horrific terrorist attacks. That is why the Tunisian security forces do need to 

be bolstered. They do need our help. With the generosity of the 

Congress, I suspect that we will be able to bring them greater security capacity, particularly in the area of border security. 

Senator MARKEY. I agree with you. I visited Tunisia, Libya, and 

Egypt in the spring of 2012. They were all drafting their new constitutions. They each had a Muslim Brotherhood in each country. 

It was pretty clear that each Muslim Brotherhood was different 

from the other. It is not monolithic. Each one, to a certain extent, 

has to reflect the history of its own country and be accommodating 

to it, including the 1959 constitution that gave equal rights to 

women in Tunisia. It just cannot be overturned overnight in a 

country. 

That is why Tunisia, in my mind, is something that is really 

hopeful, but we have to keep our eye on it as well. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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If I could go to Togo for a second, there was just an election. 

There was a resounding victory. It has been rejected by the opposition. There are accusations of fraud. 

You just heard the President, Mr. Gilmour, talk about that in 

Ethiopia before the African Union. Can you talk a little bit about 

Togo, this election, and how you view our ability to work for that 

government to make sure that it has the kind of credibility that the 

President was talking about? 

Mr. GILMOUR. Thank you, Senator. 

There has been a process of political reform going on in Togo 

since 2006, with what they call the global political agreement that 

was negotiated between the opposition and the government. Since 

that time, they have had free and fair elections in several instances, including in April of this year. There were questions about 

the fairness of the election and the administration beforehand. 

Our Ambassador, Ambassador Whitehead, who is there was very 

much part of the discussions of bringing in the other international 

observers, including the International Organisation of La 

Francophonie, to help lend credibility to the administration of the 

elections. 

So everyone who was there who observed had a consensus that 

the elections were, indeed, free and fair. 

One opposition leader, as you mentioned, has rejected the results, but fortunately since the election, things have been peaceful, 

so people have not come out in the street to protest. I think we still 

can make progress, certainly, on the issue of term limits, which the 

President talked about in his speech in Ethiopia. 

In fact, term limits have been on the agenda in Togo for several 

years. There were negotiations as recently as last year between the 

government and opposition about the modalities of how they might 

work that out. In fact, in the legislature last year, there was legislation introduced but did not pass. So the government and opposition were not able to come to agreement on kind of the implementation and how term limits could work. 

I am told that term limits are still on the agenda and that the 

president is willing to talk about this and that the opposition is, 

of course, very much engaged in the question. So I would look forward to, if confirmed, continue to facilitate that dialogue, as Ambassador Whitehead has done. 

Senator MARKEY. If I could go to Gambia for a second and talk 

a little bit about that tension that exists between the United States 

and the Gambian Government over democracy and its operation in 

Gambia. 

Can you talk a little bit about that, Ms. Alsup, so we can get 

your perspective? 

Ms. ALSUP. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

Yes, there is a very real tension between the United States and 

The Gambia regarding democracy and human rights. If confirmed, 

that would be one of my priorities, to establish a dialogue. I believe 

it is important that we engage. I do not think that changes can be 

made overnight, but I think it is important that we continue to emphasize the importance of democratic principles, the importance of 

respect for human rights, particularly with regard to arrests. There 

have been many arbitrary arrests. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

435 

We were pleased with the release of the prisoners recently. Many 

of them were the family members of people who had been involved 

in the December 30 coup attempt, so we were very pleased that 

they had been released. 

However, it is something that would be ongoing. We have had a 

good relationship now with the Foreign Minister, someone whom I 

had met with frequently when I was in The Gambia before. But I 

think we need to have that kind of dialogue that we have with her 

at all levels of the government. That would be my top priority, to 

establish that dialogue. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you so much. I thank all of you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Murphy? 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank 

you all for being with us here today. 

Mr. Hawkins, I just wanted to talk about what you have learned 

so far in your preparation for this post, as to the effect of the U.S. 

spending and U.S. aid in CAR. I was trying to figure out what the 

number is. It looks to me around $70 million or so, heavily in humanitarian aid and really small amounts of money being spent on 

this election. I think we have less than $1 million in electoral support. 

What is your sense of what we have been able to leverage with 

the amount of money that we are spending there, and what you 

have heard from folks in terms of recommendations about where 

we might need to spend more in order to get a bigger bang for our 

buck? 

Mr. HAWKINS. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that question. 

I think you have to break our assistance down a bit. The overall number in the last 2 years is quite large. It is about $828 million. 

A lot of that is for assistance for refugees and internally displaced 

people. They estimate that about 2.7 million people in CAR need 

some sort of assistance. That is over half the population of the 

country. So this year alone, we will be providing about $101 million 

in that area. 

Another big ticket item is our support to MINUSCA, to the U.N. 

peacekeeping operation, our assessed contributions. I think for the 

last little bit over a year, that has run at about $452 million. 

So those are big and very impactful and very important contributions that we have made. 

In some other areas, the numbers are smaller but still important. 

One area that we are looking at very closely is the justice sector. 

The INL Bureau in the State Department has about $25 million to 

help reestablish the justice system in that country, in a place that 

has had such dreadful occurrences and people’s rights abused in 

such awful way, providing people an outlet, a justice outlet, is 

hugely important. That has been impactful. The court has started 

working in Bangui, at least. In the first session, they went through 

a number of cases. 

We are also providing assistance for victims of sexual abuse, 

which in that conflict context is very important. 

Some of the contributions in other areas are smaller. The electoral area is certainly one that requires attention of the interFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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national community. The shortfall there is pretty significant, as I 

mentioned earlier. It is about $15 million. That is an immediate 

need, because those elections are taking place in a few months, if 

they hold to the schedule. So that is, certainly, something that we 

will need to look at more closely. 

We are not alone on this, of course. There is an international coalition of willing partners who have contributed in various ways. 

The International Contact Group for CAR just met on the 27th, 

and we were represented there, and a number of countries in the 

AU and others were looking at those issues. 

But there is a lot to do. I am very proud of the U.S. contributions 

so far. If confirmed, I look forward to overseeing those programs, 

ensuring that they are operated appropriately, and making the best 

case possible that we have the resources we need to move this forward. 

Senator MURPHY. Having spent $800 million there, it would be 

a shame if we relatively nickel and dimed them such that they 

could not run an appropriately funded election. 

Mr. Rubinstein, I was with a big delegation in Tunisia earlier in 

the year, and I wanted to ask you a couple questions in that context. 

On a bipartisan basis, we were there and made a commitment 

to do everything that Tunisia needed in order to continue on its 

democratic path. Then as a member of the Appropriations Committee, we just voted for a foreign aid budget that did not fund the 

President’s request for Tunisia, something that, from what I understand, the Tunisians have noticed. There seems to be a separation 

between our rhetoric and what we are able to deliver. 

There is some vague language in the appropriations bill that we 

are going to try to find the money somewhere else, but is this going 

to be an issue for you? Can we fulfill the commitments that we 

have made, formally or informally, if we do not ultimately fund the 

number that the President has requested? 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Thank you very much, Senator, for that question. 

My sense is that the increases that are in the administration’s 

request for fiscal year 2016 are very well grounded and they reflect 

some very serious needs not only in the security area where it is 

plainly obvious that Tunisia is facing some extremely serious 

threats with these two major attacks, but also in the economic reform and the democracy, governance, and rights areas. 

Frankly, if those two areas do not keep up in some way with the 

security side of the relationship, that could get out of whack. I 

think that is a problem. 

So I do sense that we have made those rhetorical commitments. 

Tunisia is counting on our support as well as that of other countries. Thankfully, we do have other countries that are in the mix. 

Of course, Tunisia getting support from the IMF and the World 

Bank and others. But I think they are primarily looking to the 

United States to meet these needs at this time and to ensure that 

they stay on the path, particularly, I would add, on the side of giving them the fiscal space so that they can make these very difficult 

economic reforms, particularly reforming state-owned banks, investment, tax, customs. These are going to entail some real choices, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and probably some winners and losers. It will be important for us 

to provide that fiscal space for them. 

Senator MURPHY. I wanted to ask you one more question, drawing on your long experience in the region. I tend to think the way 

that we think of the region is far too black and white. There are 

not really friends and enemies. There are degrees of friends and degrees of enemies or adversaries, whatever you want to call them. 

We had a meeting with a cross-section of opposition leadership 

while we were there that included Nahda, that included Rachid 

Ghannouchi. 

Actually, some members of our delegation chose not to take part 

in that meeting because they did not want to be associated with 

a member of an Islamist party. 

So just talk to me about how the United States deals with, specifically, a group like Nahda, but the general phenomenon of 

Islamist parties who cannot be completely excluded from political 

coalitions but often have values that are completely antithetical to 

those that we wish were the core of these emerging democracies? 

So maybe speak to it specifically with respect with Nahda, but I 

am sure you may have thoughts in a broader sense from your experience in the region. 

Mr. RUBINSTEIN. Senator, I think you properly identified the key 

factor, and that is: Is the Islamist movement both an important 

part of the national political fabric and social fabric of the country? 

And secondly, are they playing by the rules? Those are two indicators that at least I have looked to and, if confirmed, I would look 

to in Tunisia to see if they are continuing to do what they have 

done so far, which is to participate fully and constructively in political life there, to engage in compromise, to be supportive of the reforms the country needs. 

In fact, they have been very supportive. They have formed key 

coalitions to get things done with Nida Tunis and other parties. 

That is something I think should be, frankly, strengthened. 

As far as other movements in other parts of the region, I think 

you made an excellent point. They do need to be looked at in terms 

of their commitments to representative democracy and whether 

they want to be a good actor, a constructive actor, and know how 

to turn over power to others when appropriate, when citizens have 

voted. On those indices or indicators, Nahda has done very well. 

Certainly, I think it has been entirely appropriate that we engage 

with them, as we do with other Tunisian political parties and 

movements. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Markey had a followup. 

Senator MARKEY. I just had a couple questions for you, Mr. Hawkins. 

The Central African Republic has historically not really had religious tensions, but they seem to have broken out. Can you talk a 

little bit about how out of character it is in the history of the country? And what is going on right now in terms of those new ethnic 

and religious tensions being activated? 

Mr. HAWKINS. Thank you very much, Senator. 

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The origins of the current cycle of conflict in CAR are complicated. There are many different elements to that. There are regional and economic, ethnic tensions that all play into this. 

Unfortunately, as we went from late 2012, 2013, some of these 

tensions took on, as you noted, sir, an increasingly sectarian flavor. 

I think that is a cause of real concern. That has been one area of 

emphasis for us on the policy side and on the assistance side, focusing again on reconciliation and bringing people together after this 

incredibly divisive period in their history. 

We are spending this year and last about $15 million on reconciliation programs. 

Given my experience in Nigeria, where we did a lot of interfaith 

work, working with evangelical Christians and Muslim clerics, 

bringing those people together is so important to creating a national identity, an inclusive national identity. If confirmed, that 

will be one of my priorities as Ambassador to the re. 

Senator MARKEY. Can you talk a little bit about the role of conflict diamonds in the Central African Republic right now? 

Mr. HAWKINS. Hugely important. One of the major industries of 

the country, and again, this is a country that has been blessed with 

very rich resources and yet is at the bottom of every indicator for 

economic growth. 

Diamonds play a key part now in fueling conflict because many 

of the bad actors in CAR are sitting on diamond resources. And 

diamonds will play an absolutely crucial role in getting this country 

out of this conflict, because that will be one of the main sources of 

revenue. 

I was quite surprised, in studying for preparation for taking on 

this assignment, if confirmed, that something like 100,000 people 

in a country of 5 million depend on the diamond industry in the 

CAR. So it has a huge effect. 

The focus internationally has been on the Kimberley Process. 

That coalition of producing and purchasing countries has suspended CAR since 2013. The Kimberley Process is looking very 

closely at ways that those parts of the diamond industry that are 

now increasingly under the international control or under state 

control can be brought into the system and that maybe diamonds 

can be used to fund good things, to fund the government, to fund 

support for the people, as opposed to funding conflict. 

Senator MARKEY. Good luck to all of you on your missions. 

And thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Markey. 

I want to thank all of you for being here. I appreciated meeting 

you all in my office. I wish you all the best. Certainly, our country 

relies on your professionalism and your expertise and your willingness to serve. 

And also to your families, I want to express appreciation for the 

sacrifices that they all make in their own way. 

I think one of these is an unaccompanied post. To Annie and 

Max and Alex, that is a particular sacrifice, in that regard. 

But for all of you, I know that there are a lot of sacrifices that 

are made, and we just want you to know that this committee and 

the Senate, the Congress, appreciates that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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So thank you for your service. Thank you for what you are doing. 

We look forward to moving this process along with your nominations. 

I should say that the record will stay open for a couple days, 

until Friday. So if anything needs to be submitted until then, it 

will be included in the record. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you very much. This meeting is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:03 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF LUCY TAMLYN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF

BENIN, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE TAMLYN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR ISAKSON

Question. As we discussed during your office call, one of my highest priorities in 

office is ensuring that justice is done for Kate Puzey, who was murdered in Benin 

while serving as a Peace Corps Volunteer. There has been progress in the prosecution of this case, including assistance by our own FBI. 

♦ Will you commit to continuing the same level of engagement on this issue as 

your predecessor, Ambassador Michael Raynor? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing Ambassador Raynor’s high 

level of engagement to achieve justice for Kate Puzey. This tragedy took the life of 

an extraordinary young woman who was dedicated to improving the well-being of 

Beninese children—especially girls—and to promoting increased understanding 

between the United States and Benin through her service in the Peace Corps. 

Your ongoing engagement on this issue and numerous trips to Benin, including 

for the 5th anniversary of Kate’s murder in March 2014, have helped keep the 

Puzey investigation at the forefront of bilateral relations. President Yayi has been 

consistent in his commitment to seeing that justice is served. The Beninese Government and law enforcement cooperation with U.S. authorities and U.S. law enforcement remains high. The U.S. interagency law enforcement team is working closely 

with Beninese counterparts to develop and pursue new leads and to lay the foundation for successful prosecution. 

If confirmed, I will work to continue this strong cooperation between the U.S 

interagency team and the Government of Benin. I also pledge to work with you to 

ensure this issue remains a top priority in U.S.-Benin relations. 

RESPONSES OF DAVID R. GILMOUR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

TOGOLESE REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE GILMOUR’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. According to the most recent Country Reports on Human Rights, ‘‘corruption and inefficiency were endemic in the police force, and impunity was a problem.’’ 

♦ What resources are available through State Department to combat police corruption, and what can you do as Ambassador to help Togo establish a roadmap 

to reforming police? 

Answer. Police modernization and training programs are available through the 

Department of State Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) 

to help combat police corruption. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Togo, I will 

continue to advocate for efforts to modernize Togo’s stance toward corruption and 

the prosecution of corruption. 

I will also continue to promote programs to combat corruption through the 

Embassy in Lome and the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement 

(INL). The United States, through the Embassy in Lome and through other INL and 

Department of Justice programs, has facilitated several anticorruption workshops 

and other training opportunities for Togolese law enforcement and judicial perFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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sonnel. Embassy Lome also enjoys a very productive working relationship with the 

Ministry of Security and Civil Protection and engages with the government regularly on efforts to reinforce the capacity of Togo’s national police. This summer the 

Government of Togo announced the creation of a high authority unit tasked with 

preventing and fighting against corruption, including corruption among government 

officials. If confirmed, I will also pursue additional INL programs aimed at increasing police professionalism and capacity. Additionally, with assistance from donors 

such as the European Union, I will work collaboratively with our international partners to implement a justice modernization project to improve transparency and efficiency as a roadmap to reforming police in Togo. 

Question. The 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report indicates that Togo is making 

considerable efforts to comply with the minimum standards for eliminating trafficking, but has not demonstrated efforts to address trafficking of adults. 

♦ If confirmed, what steps will you take to encourage the Government of Togo to 

increase prosecution of traffickers, and enact draft laws outlawing forced labor 

and trafficking for sexual exploitation? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our call on the Government of Togo to step 

up its current efforts to convict and punish traffickers. I will also stress to the Government of Togo the importance of enacting the draft law prohibiting forced labor 

and forced prostitution of adults. To help the Togolese public better understand the 

complexities involved in human trafficking in Togo and influence their government 

to enact the draft legislation, I will increase Embassy Lome’s public diplomacy on 

the issue and engage with grassroots organizations and the public in antitrafficking 

efforts. 

RESPONSES OF JEFFREY J. HAWKINS, JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HAWKINS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What is the status of the position held most recently by Ambassador 

Stuart Symington and what is the plan as it relates to U.S. engagement on the 

issue of facilitating a regional effort toward political reconciliation? 

Answer. Ambassador Stuart Symington becomes Deputy Assistant Security for 

African Affairs for the Central African Region and Security Affairs on August 3, but 

will continue to serve as the Special Representative for the Central African Republic 

(CAR). Special Representative Symington will continue to support our policy objectives in the Central African Republic by engaging and facilitating regional and 

international efforts toward the ongoing political reconciliation processes in CAR. 

Question. What role will the J Under Secretariat, and specifically the Bureau for 

Conflict and Stabilization (CSO) have in maintaining close and continuing cooperation toward a negotiated settlement and stabilization of the country? 

Answer. CSO is providing targeted, diplomatic, and analytic support in Washington and the Central African region, to Embassy Bangui, the Africa Bureau, and 

other key international actors to help advance critical transition processes in the 

Central African Republic (CAR). These processes include local and national-level 

dialogues, constitutional reform, reconciliation, and elections preparations, as part 

of our effort to help ensure that these initiatives continue to be a priority beyond 

the May 2015 Bangui Forum. CSO is focusing on analyzing atrocities and political 

violence risks associated with the transition process, and, depending on funding and 

the situation in country, providing direct on-the-ground support to programs, such 

as those associated with reconciliation and early warning/response, furthering the 

objectives which came out of the Bangui Forum. 

CSO initially deployed an employee to Bangui in May 2015 for 3 weeks to support 

the Embassy in analyzing atrocities and political violence risks during the transition 

process; providing an update on these processes as they relate to medium and longer 

term goals of the U.S. Government, CAR Government, and international community; developing recommendations on how to guide next steps; and providing 

enhanced diplomatic engagement. The CSO employee returned to Bangui in July for 

another 3 weeks in order to followup on these initiatives and identify potential 

points of intervention for CSO in the areas of reconciliation and early-warning/ 

response. CSO’s current effort in CAR is supported by CSO’s previous work in CAR, 

which includes an in-country interagency conflict assessment and planning exercise 

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in 2011; DC-based mass atrocities prevention planning in 2013; and DC-based 

national and local level dialogue consultations and research in 2014. 

Since 2011, CSO has also been involved in the counter-Lord’s Resistance Army 

(LRA) mission, which includes CAR, through a field representative, based in Kampala, Uganda, that supports the LRA-affected countries. 

Question. In the same vein as above, what role will the Department of Defense 

play in helping to facilitate a more stable and politically viable CAR in this challenging region and what priority will they have? 

Answer. The Department of Defense (DOD) will continue to support U.S. security 

assistance efforts, led by the State Department, in the Central African Republic 

(CAR). To date, DOD has supported the troop contributing countries to the U.N. 

Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in CAR (MINUSCA) by providing 

airlift, equipment, and the construction of U.N. base camps in-country, and will continue to provide support to the peacekeepers on a bilateral basis and to the U.N. 

where possible. 

Question. How will the nominee be further empowered as Ambassador and the 

post and his country team be resourced to address the significant deficiencies 

at post and those in the political environment identified during his confirmation 

hearing? 

Answer. We remain committed to expanding and normalizing operations following 

the resumption of the activities of Embassy Bangui in September 2014, despite operating in a challenging environment in the Central African Republic (CAR). 

This summer, we will increase the number of Embassy staff in order to expand 

our political, economic, development, and public diplomacy engagement in CAR. We 

intend to maintain and, when conditions permit, increase the number of temporary 

personnel, allowing the United States to address specific programmatic and operational priorities that broaden our overall engagement and ensure appropriate stewardship of U.S. resources. 

In addition, Embassy support staff will continue their efforts to improve management and information technology platforms, thus enabling staff to keep up with the 

increased workload. 

We are working to lease housing in addition to using existing U.S. Governmentowned residences on and off the Embassy chancery compound, thereby lessening the 

burdens placed upon the Embassy’s aging infrastructure and improving the overall 

quality of life for Embassy personnel. 

If confirmed, I will continue to make strides in normalizing our Embassy’s operations, thus permitting us to continue the important work of helping the Central 

Africans find the peace, justice, and prosperity they richly deserve. 

Question. What is the U.S. Government position on the holding of an election in 

October 2015 in CAR? 

Answer. The United States, in line with the position of the international community, supports the efforts of the CAR authorities to hold the first round of Presidential and legislative elections in October 2015 or as soon as possible. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HAWKINS’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. As the Central African Republic looks toward national elections, many 

people in the country are continuing to face a humanitarian crisis. There are 

approximately 400,000 people displaced internally and another 420,000 Central 

Africans living as refugees in neighboring countries. The U.N. estimates that 2.7 

million people throughout the Central African Republic, over half the country’s population, are in need of humanitarian assistance. And while parts of the country have 

indeed stabilized, there are areas of CAR that remain violent and volatile. 

♦ In your estimation, what are the greatest challenges to a coordinated international response to assisting displaced populations? What can be done to ensure United Nations and international organizations are meeting the continuing 

needs of these populations? 

Answer. The greatest challenges to a coordinated international response to assist 

displaced populations in the Central African Republic (CAR) are insecurity, lack of 

basic state services, and funding. 

Ongoing insecurity and recent clashes in some areas of CAR continue to create 

new displacement and additional humanitarian needs while preventing people from 

returning to their homes and livelihoods. Targeted attacks against humanitarian 

agencies hinder access and provision of services to affected populations. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Humanitarian agencies also face the daunting task of substituting for the state 

system in the provision of basic services, such as primary health care, education, 

and clean water. This stretches their limited resources as they try to meet the needs 

of all Central Africans, including the displaced, in areas where there is little state 

presence. 

Also, the U.N. strategic response plan to support some 2.7 million people in need 

of humanitarian aid in CAR remains only 32 percent funded. Consequently, humanitarian agencies must make difficult choices about their operations and the populations slated for assistance. 

The United States will continue our critical support and build upon the roughly 

$251 million in humanitarian aid we have provided in FY14 and FY15 to date in 

order to ensure the United Nations and international organizations are meeting the 

needs of the CAR’s people. Further, we will work closely with other donors and 

liaise directly with U.N. humanitarian agencies to ensure that support reaches 

those most in need, including internally displaced persons and refugees, and is not 

duplicative. 

Question. The Bangui Forum was widely praised by the international community 

for its inclusiveness. The forum brought together members of the transitional 

government, armed groups, and civil society to discuss the way forward on elections, 

disarmament of rebel groups, and the creation of justice and reconciliation 

mechanisms. 

♦ (a) What is the status of implementation of recommendations from the Bangui 

Forum, such as disarmament of Seleka and anti-Balaka fighters, a constitutional revision process, and mechanisms for reconciliation? What, in your view, 

are the key challenges to implementation? 

Answer. (a) Following the conclusion of the May 2015 Bangui Forum, the transitional government established a followup committee to begin the process of implementing the Forum’s recommendations. The naming of the committee members, 

however, has been subject to debate and revisions as some groups, including the primarily Muslim, ethnic Peulhs have complained they were not adequately represented on the committee. Consequently, there has been little progress in the 

implementation of the Forum’s recommendations. 

The U.N. Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in CAR (MINUSCA) 

has developed a $10 million predisarmament, demobilization, reintegration, and repatriation (DDRR) program that intends to jump-start the process of disarming 

former armed combatants. The program faces challenges as rebel leaders have proven reluctant to comply with the May 10 DDRR agreement because they are unsure 

of what long-term DDRR and security sector reform will look like. Donor support 

for DDRR remains insufficient. On a positive note, in May the international community successfully encouraged a group of ex-Seleka soldiers to vacate a camp in downtown Bangui, which allowed the removal of approximately 3 tons of explosives that 

had been in danger of spontaneous explosion. 

Discussions at the Bangui Forum helped inform an early July workshop of Central African Republic (CAR) experts and international observers on the constitution. 

The draft constitution will now move to the Transitional National Council, the 

interim Parliament, for consideration, after which the draft will be presented to voters at an October 4 referendum. 

The transitional CAR Government is considering several mechanisms for reconciliation including transitional justice measures, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and a Commission on Good Governance. 

The key implementation challenges of the Bangui Forum recommendations are 

the lack of financial resources and human capacity capable of organizing, leading, 

and carrying out programs that could convert recommendations to reality. 

♦ (b) How is the administration planning to support the implementation of these 

recommendations? 

Answer. (b) In support of the Bangui Forum’s recommendations, we are working 

with the United States Institute of Peace to develop a grant that will assist and 

work with the Bangui Forum followup committee. In addition, Embassy Bangui is 

closely monitoring the constitutional drafting process and, through the American 

Bar Association, is supporting the efforts of CAR’s civil society to advocate for an 

inclusive and representative draft. 

♦ (c) The inclusion of civil society and community leaders is absolutely essential 

to the success of these efforts. If confirmed, what would you do to encourage 

the continued consultation of civil society in the constitutional revision process? 

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Answer. (c) I witnessed, as Consul General in Lagos, Nigeria, during the recent 

Presidential elections, the importance of having civil society and community leaders 

engaged in political processes. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work closely with 

all facets of CAR’s civil society, through public diplomacy campaigns, training workshops, and informal dialogue, to ensure they are well informed and engaged in the 

political transition, including the constitutional revision process. I will further work 

with the CAR transitional authorities, including members of the transitional Parliament who lead the constitutional drafting process, to encourage a robust dialogue 

with the people of CAR about the democratic foundations upon which their country 

should be built. 

Question. How much in total funding has the United States provided to help reestablish rule of law in the Central African Republic in fiscal years 2014 and 2015, 

and what do we hope to achieve through the activities that we have funded? What 

has been accomplished to date? What plans are in place to assess progress in helping reestablish the criminal justice system? What assistance has been provided to 

the police, gendarmerie, and prosecutors? How do we plan to measure its effectiveness? 

Answer. In fiscal year (FY) 2014, the United States Government provided $15.6 

million to help reestablish rule of law and criminal justice in the Central African 

Republic (CAR). In FY 2015, we intend to spend $10.2 million for these activities 

in the CAR. 

With this funding, we hope to assist the CAR Transitional Government reestablish law enforcement and criminal justice processes, thereby strengthening the rule 

of law in the country. 

With our assistance, the CAR Court of Appeals held its first criminal court session 

in more than 5 years. The court heard 78 cases, a figure that was 25 percent higher 

than anticipated. We have opened and staffed three legal aid centers in major towns 

for victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). With additional U.S. support, the American Bar Association-Rule of Law Initiative (ABA–ROLI) is working 

on several cases of SGBV victims and the United Nations Development Programme 

(UNDP) is working with the Ministry of Justice to deploy mobile courts to the provinces, and to develop rehabilitation plans for courts in provincial cities. 

In support of reestablishing the police and gendarme, we, in collaboration with 

UNDP, expect to hold a groundbreaking ceremony for the rehabilitation of several 

police and gendarmerie facilities in several weeks. We are also working with the 

U.N. Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission to CAR (MINUSCA) to 

deliver critical equipment for the police, gendarmerie, and newly reconstituted civilian prison service. 

The capacity and level of operations of criminal justice institutions in CAR are 

extremely low, and some institutions, such as courts, barely function, which provides a clear baseline for measuring progress. As a result, basic output-related 

measurements such as the holding of a criminal court session, number of cases 

heard, opening of legal aid centers, number of SGBV cases being accepted, and rehabilitation and reopening of prisons and police and gendarmerie stations will continue to provide immediate, meaningful indicators on the progress in reestablishing 

criminal justice and rule of law. 

With our partners, we have established clearly defined output and outcomerelated measurements to assess and monitor progress. With ABA–ROLI, we have 

a monitoring and evaluation plan that has defined indicators, ranging from the 

number of bar association attorneys trained to the percentage increase in paralegals’ 

knowledge of basic legal principles. With UNDP, we are expanding our monitoring 

and evaluation to better gather and analyze criminal and court data, conduct surveys, and track other information. 

Finally, the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) sits 

on the steering committee that directs UNDP’s work in CAR and is working to send 

additional staff to Bangui for on-site monitoring and oversight. 

RESPONSES OF DANIEL H. RUBINSTEIN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF TUNISIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE RUBINSTEIN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What is the Chief of Mission’s role in engaging the Tunisian American 

Enterprise Fund? How will you work with the Tunisian American Enterprise Fund 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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to ensure that it is reaching its maximum investment potential? What are the challenges to the Tunisian American Enterprise Fund’s success? 

Answer. The Tunisian-American Enterprise Fund (TAEF), seeded with $60 million in Economic Support Funds, has made an initial investment of $2.7 million in 

a Tunisian microcredit firm and hopes to invest approximately $7 million over the 

next several months in Tunisian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs). I expect 

TAEF to fully invest its funds and create growth in SMEs, venture capital opportunities, and in microfinance. 

The TAEF has had challenges navigating a difficult and complicated Tunisian 

financial regulatory system, but after creating innovative investment platforms, it 

is poised to make important investments in the Tunisian economy in the coming 

year. Hopefully, the Enterprise Fund activities will also bolster the Tunisian Government’s reforms that directly bear on the Fund’s activities, such as small business 

establishment and expansion. 

If confirmed, I will continue to closely monitor the Fund’s progress, engage with 

its board of directors to advocate for additional progress, and ensure that the Fund 

is effectively working to promote sustainable and inclusive economic growth and 

employment in Tunisia. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, AUGUST 4, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Ann Calvaresi Barr, of Maryland, to be Inspector General, United 

States Agency for International Development 

David Malcolm Robinson, of Connecticut, to be an Assistant Secretary of State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations) and Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization 

Edwin Richard Nolan, Jr., of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Suriname 

John L. Estrada, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Trinidad and Tobago 

Scott Allen, of Maryland, to be United States Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:33 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. David Perdue, presiding. 

Present: Senators Perdue and Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID PERDUE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA 

Senator PERDUE. The Foreign Relations Committee will come to 

order. 

The hearing today is to consider nominations for five individuals 

to a wide range of posts. I look forward to discussing the wide 

ranges of challenges and opportunities that our nominees expect to 

face, if confirmed. 

I want to thank each of you for your dedication to public service, 

for your families, for the support you have. We welcome your families and friends who are present here today. I have met a few of 

them. 

Today, I would like to introduce our nominees. We will do that 

first, and then we will proceed to questions after a statement from 

the ranking member. 

First, we have Ms. Ann Calvaresi Barr of Maryland to be Inspector General, United States Agency for International Development. 

Welcome, Ms. Barr. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. David Malcolm Robinson of Connecticut, to be Assistant Secretary of State, Conflict and Stabilization Operations, and coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization. 

Mr. Edward Richard Nolan, Jr., of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Suriname. 

John L. Estrada of Florida to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Trinidad and Tobago. 

Mr. Scott Allen to be Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. 

Several of you have spent many years dedicated in service to our 

country already. For that, we are sincerely thankful. I look forward 

to hearing your testimony today, but I would like to add a personal 

note. 

I have made a couple trips outside of the United States. I have 

met many of your compatriots in the State Department. I can tell 

the people of America that the best of the best represent us abroad. 

I want to thank each of you and the people you represent for what 

you do. 

With that, I will turn it over to the ranking member, Senator 

Kaine. 

Senator Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. That was a gracious comment, and I am going to continue in that way. 

I think we have a bipartisan appreciation on this committee that 

the work that you do is very important, and that you do it under 

very difficult circumstances, and often did you do it without the understanding and, sadly, even the appreciation that we ought to extend to you. 

I think one of the lessons that America learned from the Vietnam 

era is whatever our political feelings about any particular military 

conflict, we should express our thanks and appreciation to those 

who serve in uniform. I think we have gotten better at that, and 

I thank God for that. But we have a whole lot of people who serve 

not in military uniform but still representing the United States, 

whether they be State Department or USAID or DEA agents who 

work overseas. We have a lot of folks who are kind of small-a ambassadors working overseas who represent the United States every 

day, often in dangerous places, and often sent to places that they 

did not choose, and often sent without their families, if the places 

are particularly dangerous. 

I have also, as member of this committee and the Armed Services 

Committee, in my travels have had a chance to interact with a lot 

of the folks that you are already working with and that you will 

be working with. You have fantastic colleagues. Those of you who 

are going to be Ambassadors have that care on your shoulder of 

protecting the safety of the public servants who work for you. 

I congratulate you for being nominated but also just tell you that 

my sense is the same as Senator Perdue’s, that the people you will 

be working with are really top notch, and we owe you and them 

a great deal of thanks. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Quickly, about the nominees, Ms. Barr, your experience at GAO 

and as Deputy Inspector General of the U.S. DOT will be very, very 

valuable, if you are confirmed in this position as the Inspector General of USAID. It is an important agency. We care deeply about the 

mission. The role of the IG is very important to the USAID being 

successful. 

Ambassador Robinson, as a Career Member of Foreign Service, 

your current tenure as the Principal Deputy High Representative 

of the International Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and 

other roles will undoubtedly benefit you in the position you have 

been nominated for as Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau 

of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. 

Mr. Allen, your 20 years of work in the financial sector will be 

a great match as you go to take on the task of an institution whose 

mission has probably gotten a little bit more complicated than it 

has been, the U.S. Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. We have been following the situation in Europe closely. I know you will have interesting insights for us on 

that. 

Mr. Nolan, you are also a career Foreign Service member. You 

currently serve as Minister of Political Affairs of the U.S. Embassy 

Ottawa and you previously served in The Hague. Thirty-four years 

of combined service will serve you well as the U.S. Ambassador in 

Suriname. 

And then, Mr. Estrada, I cannot resist, as a father of a Marine, 

to give you a shout-out for your strong service, 34 years of service 

in the Marines and really the achievement of what has to be the 

top job in the Marine Corps, even over Commandant, Sergeant 

Major of the Marine Corps, the highest-ranking enlisted Marine. 

What a wonderful track record. I know you will bring that to your 

position of the Ambassador of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. 

Everywhere I travel, I always stick my head in Post One at every 

Embassy to thank the Marine security guards who are trained at 

Quantico in Virginia. I know you have interacted with them, and 

they will be new family in this new role. 

So I appreciate your service. I applaud you for your nomination. 

And, Mr. Chair, I look forward to the questions. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Now we will open it up to questions, and I would like to give 

each of you—I am sorry, we will do testimony first. I jumped 

ahead. I am anxious to get to these questions. 

Senator KAINE. He is tough. He wants to get to the cross-examination, so you guys better hunker down over there. [Laughter.] 

Senator PERDUE. What I was going to do, though, actually, was 

give you the privilege of introducing your family and guests, each 

of you, and I will ask you to do that as you give your statement. 

Up first is our nominee to become the Inspector General of 

USAID, Ms. Calvaresi Barr. She is currently the Deputy Inspector 

General at the Department of Transportation. 

Ms. Calvaresi Barr. 

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STATEMENT OF ANN CALVARESI BARR, NOMINATED TO BE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Ms. CALVARESI BARR. Thank you, Chairman Perdue and Ranking 

Member Kaine. It is a great honor to be here today as the President’s nominee for Inspector General of the United States Agency 

for International Development. If confirmed, I look forward to 

working with you on important oversight and accountability matters related to U.S. foreign assistance. 

Before I begin, I would like to recognize my husband, David, who 

is in Iraq on a State Department detail; my daughter, Julianna, 

who completed her second year at Dickinson College and will soon 

begin a year of study in Italy; my mother, Julia; my late father, 

Anthony; my siblings, Kathleen, Dominic, and Anthony; my mother-in-law, nieces, nephews, and other members of my sizeable 

Italian family. 

Together, they have instilled in me strong ethical and moral values, and taught me that hard work, dedication, and humility are 

the foundation to building resilient relationships and mutual respect. As you can see, I am surrounded by much love and support. 

I have served in the government accountability community for 

more than 3 decades. My civil service career includes 25 years at 

the Government Accountability Office and 6 years at the DOT’s Office of Inspector General. GAO served as a critical training ground 

for me, and I had the privilege to work for many role models, including three outstanding Comptrollers General. 

During my time at GAO, I worked in multiple offices, including 

5 years in GAO’s former European Office, leading audits of largescale, cross-cutting programs that resulted in improved operations 

and significant cost-savings across government. 

Particularly gratifying and fulfilling was work I performed while 

stationed overseas, work that concerned national security interests, 

international development efforts, and the state of human rights 

conditions in countries throughout Africa and the Middle East. 

My GAO experience prepared me well for working alongside 

DOT’s Inspector General Calvin Scovel, whose exceptional leadership I respect very, very much, and I learned from, and is recognized across the OIG community. 

I must tell you, he surprised me today, and he is here with me. 

I could not be happier about that. 

Thank you, Cal. 

Within my first weeks as Assistant Inspector General for Audit 

and Evaluation, I led the development of a comprehensive strategy 

for mitigating risks in DOT’s oversight of $48 billion in transportation projects funded under the Recovery Act. Our strategy enabled us to quickly identify and inform the department of 

vulnerabilities that required immediate attention or a sustained 

focus before funds were further obligated or expended. 

I also collaborated with senior managers to institute new policies 

and streamline procedures that enhanced product quality and accountability for issuing timely and relevant audit reports. 

After my first year at DOT, the inspector general selected me as 

his deputy. In this role, I identified opportunities for greater 

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port activities, as well as programs to further develop and motivate 

staff. I also personally sponsored many initiatives aimed at broadening perspectives and encouraging greater coordination and 

partnering. 

Our returns on investment and employee survey scores demonstrate the success we have had in cultivating a skilled and highperforming workforce and in achieving results. Over the past 5 

years, we averaged a return of $26 for every dollar appropriated 

and seen remarkable improvements in our Employee Viewpoint 

Survey scores. 

Of particular note, we ranked first in effective leadership, support for diversity, and innovation across the OIG community. 

If confirmed, I would approach this new responsibility with a 

clear understanding that foreign assistance is an integral part of 

U.S. engagement with an increasingly interdependent world, and 

that the success of AID’s mission depends in large part on effective 

partnerships with the State, Defense, and other Federal entities, 

industry, foreign governments, international donors, and the academic and scientific communities. 

The independent work of USAID OIG is critical to ensuring 

transparency and accountability at USAID, as well as at the four 

other entities I would have oversight responsibility for. 

I would continue to model the highest standards of leadership. 

Effective leaders marshal rather than direct. And I welcome the opportunity to marshal the dedicated professionals at AID OIG. 

I would work to ensure they have the tools needed to combat 

fraud, waste, and abuse. Despite the many challenges these professionals face, they remain resolved to carry out their important 

audit and investigative mission around the globe. Nothing short of 

a work environment characterized by integrity is acceptable to support their dedication. 

AID reflects the good will of the American people, and while 

working in areas affected by poverty, conflict, and instability, I saw 

firsthand how effective foreign assistance programs can help transform lives and unlock human potential. 

I remain passionate about that cause and, to that end, to helping 

ensure that every dollar spent furthers foreign assistance goals. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to address 

your areas of concerns; ensure transparency; and provide complete, 

timely, and accurate information on the progress of key foreign assistance priorities. 

Thank you very much for this opportunity to appear before you 

today. I am happy to answer any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Calvaresi Barr follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ANN CALVARESI BARR

Chairman Perdue, Ranking Member Kaine, and members of the committee, it is 

a great honor to sit before you today as the President’s nominee for Inspector General of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). I very much appreciate your consideration of my nomination, and if confirmed by the full Senate, I 

look forward to working with you on important oversight and accountability matters 

related to U.S. foreign assistance. 

I would first like to recognize my family, who are always there for me: my husband, David, who is currently in Iraq on a State Department detail; and my daughter, Julianna, who completed her second year in International Studies at Dickinson 

College and is beginning a year of study in Italy. I would also like to recognize my 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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mother, Julia, and late father, Anthony; and my siblings, Kathleen, Dominic, and 

Anthony. Also with me, in person or in spirit, are my mother-in-law, Aldonna; 

nieces, nephews, and other members of my sizeable Italian family. Together, they 

have instilled in me strong ethical and moral values and taught me that hard work, 

dedication, and humility are the foundation to building resilient relationships and 

mutual respect. I would also like to recognize my mentors, colleagues, and friends 

for their inspiration, encouragement, and support—some of whom are also here 

today. As you can see, I am surrounded by much love and personally blessed as a 

result. 

It has been a privilege to serve in the government accountability community for 

more than three decades. My civil service career—which began in local government 

in my hometown of Reading, PA—includes 25 years at the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and 6 years at the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) 

Office of Inspector General (OIG). As the premier Government agency that wrote 

the standards for auditing and accounting, GAO served as a critical training ground 

for me from the time I started as a graduate co-op to my entry into the Senior Executive Service. During my tenure, I had the privilege to work with three outstanding 

Comptrollers General, as well as many other leaders who served as role models to 

me. While at GAO, I led a number of complex and high-profile audits in multiple 

offices—including 5 years in GAO’s former European Office in Frankfurt, Germany. 

These audits included assessments of large-scale, cross-cutting programs, and 

resulted in improved operations and significant cost savings across Government. 

Many of these audits focused on acquisition and procurement practices, financial 

and grant management, and export controls. I also worked closely with the Comptroller General to identify and develop key national indicators used by state, local, 

and foreign governments for gauging economic, social, cultural, and environmental 

health. This effort resulted in the development of a comprehensive system for 

assessing and improving the United States position in the world in these areas. 

Particularly gratifying and fulfilling was work I performed while stationed overseas, where I took part in improving and overseeing plans for implementing programs that provide aid. This work concerned international development efforts and 

the state of human rights conditions in Somalia, Turkey, Israel, and the former 

Yugoslavia and Zaire. I also worked on audits related to national security concerns, 

such as the drawdown of forces from Europe, the evacuation of noncombatants, and 

the deployment of female forces to the Persian Gulf. 

My GAO experience prepared me well for the next chapter of my Federal career— 

working alongside DOT’s Inspector General, Calvin Scovel III, whose vision and 

exceptional leadership I learned from and are highly regarded throughout the OIG 

community. Within my first weeks as Principal Assistant Inspector General for 

Audit and Evaluation, I led the development of a comprehensive strategy for identifying and mitigating risks in DOT’s oversight of $48 billion in transportation 

projects funded under the new American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. Our risk 

mitigation strategy enabled us to quickly identify and inform the Department of 

vulnerabilities that required immediate action or a sustained focus before funds 

were further obligated or expended. We subsequently adopted this approach for our 

surface transportation reauthorization and Hurricane Sandy relief audits. 

During this time, I developed a vision for the Office of Audits and, in collaboration 

with senior managers, devised a strategic plan for the office with achievable goals, 

objectives, and performance measures. Ultimately, our aim was to enhance product 

quality and stress accountability for issuing timely and relevant reports. To get 

there, I worked with senior managers to streamline processes and institute new programs, policies, tools, and procedures. 

After my first year at DOT, the inspector general selected me as his deputy, 

expanding the scope of my responsibilities to include providing leadership and direction for OIG’s investigation and operational support activities. From this position, 

I was able to fully appreciate each office’s distinct focus and outlook, as well as the 

need for greater synergies to fully develop and leverage our resources. Continual 

dedication to developing and motivating staff was critical to achieving these goals. 

I personally sponsored Communities of Practice, a forum where staff share knowledge to broaden perspectives and encourage greater coordination and partnering. I 

also established and participate in an OIG-wide mentoring program, monthly leadership brown bags for managers and line staff, an Adjunct Faculty Training Program, a Job Shadow Program, and an external Speakers Series. 

Our returns on investment and positive employee survey scores demonstrate the 

success we have had in cultivating a skilled workforce and high-performing teams, 

building coalitions, branding the organization, and in achieving results. Over the 

past 5 years, our return on investment has averaged $26 for every dollar spent on 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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our office, with a high in fiscal year 2013 of $41 for every appropriated dollar. During this time, we made over $8.5 billion in financial recommendations through our 

audits, and realized more than $1.8 billion in fines, restitutions, and recoveries from 

our investigations. We have also seen remarkable improvements in our Employee 

Viewpoint Survey scores. I am proud to report that last year, DOT’s OIG ranked 

in the top 15 percent among the Government’s 314 subcomponents. Among the 

Department’s subcomponents and across the OIG community, we ranked first in 

effective leadership, support for diversity, and innovation. Moreover, we ranked in 

the top 10 among all 314 subcomponents in those three categories as well as worklife balance. 

If confirmed as USAID’s inspector general, I would approach this new responsibility with a clear understanding that foreign assistance is an integral part of U.S. 

engagement with an increasingly interdependent world, and that the success of 

USAID’s mission depends in large part on effective partnerships and coordination 

with the State Department, Department of Defense, and other Federal entities, as 

well as with industry, foreign governments, other international donors, and the academic and scientific communities. The independent work of USAID OIG is critical 

to ensuring transparency, integrity, and accountability at USAID, the Millennium 

Challenge Corporation, U.S. African Development Foundation, Inter-American 

Foundation, and Overseas Private Investment Corporation. It is equally important 

that OIG systems and processes thoroughly reflect oversight community standards 

and best practices. 

If I have the honor and privilege of serving as USAID’s next inspector general, 

I would continue to model the highest standards of leadership and integrity. My 

experience has taught me that the most effective leaders, past and present, share 

at least one common trait—they marshal rather than direct. I welcome the opportunity to marshal the workforce of committed professionals at USAID OIG. With 

shared vision, clear expectations, strategic planning, and stewardship of resources, 

I would work to ensure they have the tools needed to fully engage in identifying 

and responding to major management challenges and to combat program fraud, 

waste, and abuse. Despite the many challenges these professionals face, they remain 

resolved to carry out their important mission—that is, to promote efficiency, effectiveness, and integrity in foreign assistance programs and operations around the 

world. Nothing short of a highly motivating, positive, trusting, and productive work 

environment is acceptable to support their dedication. 

Aid reflects the good will of the American people, and during my time working 

throughout Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, I saw firsthand how effectively 

implemented foreign assistance programs can help transform lives and unlock 

human potential. I remain passionate about the cause and, to that end, to helping 

ensure that every dollar spent furthers foreign assistance goals. 

If confirmed as Inspector General, I look forward to continuing my Government 

service at USAID and to working with Congress to address your concerns; ensure 

transparency; and provide complete, timely, and accurate information on the 

progress of key foreign assistance priorities. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today. I am happy to answer 

any questions you may have. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you very much. 

Ambassador Robinson currently serves as Principal Deputy High 

Representative at Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. He is nominated to serve as Assistant Secretary of State for Conflict and Stabilization Operations, and coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization. 

It sounds like four jobs to me, Mr. Ambassador. 

Ambassador Robinson. 

STATEMENT OF DAVID MALCOLM ROBINSON, NOMINATED TO 

BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (CONFLICT AND 

STABILIZATION OPERATIONS) AND COORDINATOR FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND STABILIZATION 

Ambassador ROBINSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking 

Member Kaine. It is an honor to be here today. 

I first want to thank the President, the Secretary of State, and 

Under Secretary Sewall for the confidence they have placed in me. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I look forward, if confirmed, to working with you and other members of this committee to advance the difficult but essential work 

of the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. 

But before I say anything else, I want to recognize and thank my 

wife, Donna, who is here today. She has been the rock of stability 

and grace in an otherwise hectic Foreign Service life. 

So thank you, Donna. 

Senators, I have spent much of my 30 years as a Foreign Service 

officer, nearly half of those as a member of the Senior Foreign 

Service, in conflict zones or in other unstable environments, from 

Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Central America, to regions of Africa and 

Asia that have been scarred by war. I know intimately the civilian 

costs of violent conflict, and I have worked extensively with other 

actors in the international arena to try to address those costs. 

Unfortunately, the cost in ruined lives and political instability 

continues to grow. The number of refugees and internally displaced 

persons worldwide is now nearly 60 million, more than at any 

other time since World War II, and no corner of the globe is immune, even in areas in which the roots of representative civilian 

governance are beginning to take root. Some 30 countries in Africa 

will have elections in the next 21⁄2 years. Those expressions of 

democratic practice must be protected against efforts to undermine 

or delegitimize them through violent conflict. 

Repeating cycles of conflict sap our diplomatic, military, and development resources. There is no simple solution, including, as the 

President and the Secretary of State recently noted, a purely military response. 

Instead, we have to use all the tools at our disposal, including 

civilian, to anticipate, prevent, or limit conflict, whenever and 

wherever we can. A focus on prevention is not only cost effective, 

it also gives us a chance to find lasting political and social responses to these challenges, because there is a chance to break the 

cycles of violence. 

Three and a half years ago, CSO was created to give the Secretary, the Department of State, and, most importantly, our diplomatic missions overseas the information and tools they need to 

more effectively address the threat of violent conflict. There have 

been notable successes. For example, CSO is supporting interagency efforts to stem the tide of al-Shabaab in the Horn of Africa 

and Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin. It has helped prevent 

violence around elections in Kenya, Nigeria, and Bangladesh. And 

it has strengthened civilian security in some of the most dangerous 

parts of Central America. 

At the same time, I know well that CSO’s mission and methodology have not always been clear and consistent. I read last year’s 

hard-hitting inspector general report, and I take it seriously, as 

does the current leadership of CSO. Most of the recommendations 

already have been closed, and the few remaining are well on their 

way to successful conclusion. These changes reflect a maturing culture within the Bureau, and I welcome the chance to make them 

lasting and to better integrate the Bureau within the broader work 

of the Department. 

CSO has a talented and dedicated staff. What it needs now is 

seasoned leadership. If confirmed, I will work to make sure the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Secretary and our diplomatic missions have reliable tools based on 

solid analysis and lessons learned to anticipate, prevent, and respond to conflict, especially the worst forms of conflict directed at 

civilians: mass atrocities and violent extremism. 

I will work to ensure the accountability and effectiveness of our 

efforts through robust monitoring and evaluation and a sound management controls program. And I will strengthen our partnerships 

within the Department, the interagency community, and among 

our allies. 

Finally, if confirmed, I assure you I will lead a Bureau that 

measurably strengthens American diplomacy in this critical arena. 

I welcome your questions. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Robinson follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR DAVID M. ROBINSON

Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished members 

of the committee. It is an honor to be here today as the nominee for Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. I am grateful for the 

confidence President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Under Secretary Sewall have 

placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other members 

of the committee to advance the difficult work of preventing and responding to violent conflict. 

I have spent much of my 30 years as a Foreign Service officer, almost half as a 

member of the Senior Foreign Service, in conflict zones and unstable environments, 

from Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Central America, to other regions of Asia and Africa 

scarred by war and persecution. I know intimately the civilian costs of violent conflict, atrocity, and extremism, and I have worked extensively with other actors in 

the international community to overcome them. 

Unfortunately, the cost in ruined lives and political instability continues to grow. 

The number of refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide is now nearly 

60 million, more than at any time since World War II, and no corner of the world 

is immune. Even where representative civilian governance is taking root—some 30 

African countries will have elections over the next 21⁄2 years—those exercises in 

democracy must be protected against threats to violently undermine or delegitimize 

them. 

Conflict carries other costs, as well, sapping our diplomatic, military and development resources. There is no simple solution, including, as the President and the Secretary of State recently noted, a purely military response. Instead, we have to use 

all the tools at our disposal, including civilian ones, to anticipate and prevent conflict, wherever and whenever we can. A focus on prevention is not only more cost 

effective; it also gives us the space to find effective, lasting political and social 

responses to these challenges. 

Three and a half years ago, CSO was created to enhance the State Department’s 

ability to prevent and respond to conflict, giving the Secretary of State, regional 

Assistant Secretaries and our Ambassadors the information and tools they need to 

more effectively understand and respond to the threat of violent conflict. There have 

been notable successes. CSO’s talented and dedicated staff, for example, is supporting interagency efforts to stem the tide of al-Shabaab in the Horn of Africa and 

Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin. They have helped prevent violence around 

elections in Kenya, Nigeria, and Bangladesh. And they have strengthened civilian 

security in some of the most dangerous parts of Central America. 

At the same time, I know well that CSO’s mission and methodology have not 

always been clear and consistent. I read last year’s hard-hitting inspector general 

report. Most of the recommendations have already been closed, and the few remaining are well on their way to successful conclusion. These changes reflect a maturing 

culture within the Bureau. I welcome the chance to make them enduring and to better integrate the Bureau within the work of the Department. 

What CSO needs now is seasoned leadership. If confirmed, my priorities will be: 

♦ To ensure the Secretary and our embassies have reliable tools based on solid 

analysis and lessons learned to anticipate, prevent, and respond to conflict, 

especially the most severe forms of conflict affecting civilians, such as atrocities 

and violent extremism. 

♦ To assure accountability and effectiveness of our efforts through robust monitoring and evaluation and sound management controls. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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♦ To serve as an active resource for and active partner with the Department and 

with our interagency and international counterparts in tackling these challenges. 

Finally, if confirmed, I assure you I will lead a Bureau that strengthens American 

diplomacy where it is needed most, where conflict and extremism undermine United 

States interests and values. 

Thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you today. 

I am happy to answer any questions. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Ambassador. 

Next we have Mr. Nolan, who is nominated to serve as Ambassador to Suriname. Mr. Nolan currently serves as Minister Counselor for Political Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa. 

Mr. Nolan. 

STATEMENT OF EDWIN RICHARD NOLAN, JR., NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SURINAME 

Mr. NOLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 

Kaine. I appreciate this opportunity to appear before you today. 

I am honored to be President Obama’s nominee to serve as the 

United States Ambassador to the Republic of Suriname. I thank 

the President for the confidence he has placed in me by putting me 

forward to the Senate for consideration, and I thank Secretary 

Kerry for his trust and support. 

I have had the honor to serve our country for 35 years as a Foreign Service officer. Every day of those 35 years, I have had the 

love and support of my wife, Tricia, who I would like to introduce 

to the committee, along with my children, Ryan and Katie, of 

whom I am immensely proud. I would not be here today without 

my wonderful family. 

During those 35 years, I have had the opportunity to contribute 

to some historic successes in U.S. foreign policy. Among them were 

the first conventional arms control agreements with the Soviet 

Union in the 1980s, the successful integration of the Warsaw Pact 

members into NATO in the 1990s, and the indispensable U.S. efforts to bring lasting peace to Northern Ireland through the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. 

I have also had the opportunity to lead large, multiagency missions, as Deputy Chief of Mission in both Cyprus and the Netherlands, and then later as Charge ́ d’Affaires at Mission Netherlands 

from 2011 to 2013. I also gained experience on many Caribbean regional issues in that time as a result of the Netherlands’ continued 

engagement with its Caribbean territories and its historic relationship with Suriname. 

If confirmed, I believe my leadership and policy experience will 

serve our mission and our team in Suriname well. If confirmed, I 

will proudly represent the United States in Suriname, a country 

whose people are among the most ethnically and religiously diverse 

in the world. Its citizens of African, Asian, European, and indigenous descent, practicing Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, 

and indigenous religions, live peacefully and productively together. 

As someone who has worked to build understanding between diverse religious and ethnic communities, from Protestants and 

Catholics in Ireland to Turkish and Greek Cypriots in Cyprus, I 

look forward to engaging with Suriname’s communities to learn 

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how they might be able to share their experiences with others in 

the region and around the world. 

If confirmed, I will also work with the Surinamese Government 

to promote the adoption of policies to increase U.S. trade and investment. Increased trade has the potential to drive progress and 

growth in Suriname, and it is in the interests of both of our economies. 

We will work with Suriname to find solutions that tap into, as 

well as conserve, the country’s extensive natural resources. The 

people of Suriname also are heirs to a vast rainforest and other 

natural areas that are contributing great economic and environmental benefits to Suriname and to the world. 

The Obama administration’s efforts to combat the dangers posed 

by pollution and the risks of climate change are tied to the conservation and health of such ecosystems. If confirmed, I will work 

hard with the Surinamese to help protect these critical natural resources and environment, a goal that I firmly believe is in the interests of both the United States and the people of Suriname. 

It is also in our interest to strengthen the rule of law in 

Suriname. In parliamentary elections this past May, President Desire Bouterse’s party won a slim majority, and he has been reelected to a second 5-year term. International observers found this 

election to be generally free and fair. 

We remain concerned, however, about some aspects of democratic 

governance, corruption, and judicial independence. If I am granted 

the opportunity to serve, I will continue the efforts of my predecessor to press the Government of Suriname for an independent judiciary capable of protecting and advancing democracy and the rule 

of law. 

Citizen security is another key goal of this administration in the 

region. The people of Suriname are benefiting from U.S.-sponsored 

programs, such as the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, through 

providing technical training to law enforcement officers, combating 

money-laundering and financial crimes, and preparing at-risk 

youth for successful and crime-free lives. If confirmed, I will seek 

to gain an increased commitment from the Government of 

Suriname to this partnership. 

Of course, my first priority would be protecting the safety and 

welfare of Americans in Suriname, both private citizens and the 

Embassy community. To ensure the safety and security of our staff 

in Suriname, we are building a new Embassy compound in Paramaribo and plan to move in next summer. I will work with the 

Government of Suriname, along with local police and other security 

services, to reinforce cooperation that will keep Americans secure. 

If confirmed, I look forward to representing the United States in 

Suriname, working with you and your colleagues in Congress on 

behalf of the administration, while also engaging Suriname in a 

regular and respectful dialogue on broad international issues to exchange views and, where possible, identify means of mutual interest and agreement. 

Mr. Chairman, I stand ready to answer any questions you might 

have. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Nolan follows:] 

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PREPARED STATEMENT OF EDWIN RICHARD NOLAN, JR. 

Mister Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity 

to appear before you today. I am honored to be President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Suriname. I thank the President for the confidence he has placed in me by putting me forward to the Senate 

for consideration, and I thank Secretary Kerry for his trust and support. 

I have had the honor to serve our country for 35 years as a Foreign Service officer. Every day of those 35 years I have had the love and support of my wife, Tricia, 

who I’d like to introduce to the committee along with my children, Ryan and Katie, 

of whom I am immensely proud. I would not be where I am today without my wonderful family. 

During those 35 years I have had the opportunity to contribute to some historic 

successes in U.S. foreign policy. Among them: the first conventional arms control 

agreements with the then-Soviet Union in the 1980s; the successful integration of 

the former Warsaw Pact members into NATO in the 1990s; and indispensable U.S. 

efforts to bring lasting peace to Northern Ireland through the implementation of the 

Good Friday Agreement. I have also had the opportunity to lead large, multiagency 

missions, as Deputy Chief of Mission in both Cyprus and the Netherlands, and then 

later, as Charge ́ d’Affaires at Mission Netherlands from 2011 to 2013. I also gained 

experience on many Caribbean regional issues in that time as a result of the Netherlands’ continued engagement with its Caribbean territories and its historic relationship with Suriname. If confirmed, I believe my leadership and policy experience 

will serve our mission and our team in Suriname well. 

If confirmed, I will proudly represent the United States in Suriname—a country 

whose people are among the most ethnically and religiously diverse in the world. 

Its citizens of African, Asian, European and indigenous descent, practicing Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, and indigenous religions, live peacefully and productively together. As someone who has worked to build understanding between 

diverse religious and ethnic communities, from Protestants and Catholics in Ireland 

to Turkish and Greek Cypriots in Cyprus, I look forward to engaging with 

Suriname’s communities and learning how Suriname might be able to share its 

experiences with others in the region and around the world. 

If confirmed, I will also work with the Surinamese Government to promote the 

adoption of policies to increase American trade and investment between our two 

countries. Increased trade has the potential to drive progress and growth in 

Suriname, and it is in both of our interests to increase economic ties. 

We will work with Suriname to find solutions that tap into, as well as conserve, 

the country’s extensive natural resources. The people of Suriname also are heirs to 

a vast rain forest and other natural areas that are contributing great economic and 

environmental benefits to Suriname and to the world. The Obama administration’s 

efforts to combat the dangers posed by pollution and the risks of climate change are 

tied to the conservation and health of such ecosystems. If confirmed, I will work 

hard with the Surinamese to help protect these critical natural resources and environment—a goal that I firmly believe is in the interest of both the United States 

and of the people of Suriname. 

It is also in our interest to strengthen the rule of law in Suriname. In parliamentary elections this past May, President Desire ́ Bouterse’s party won a slim majority, 

and he has been reelected to a second 5-year term. International observers found 

this election to be generally free and fair. We remain concerned, however, about 

some aspects of democratic governance, corruption, and judicial independence. If I 

am granted the opportunity to serve, I will continue the efforts of my predecessor 

to press the Government of Suriname for an independent judiciary capable of protecting and advancing democracy and the rule of law in Suriname. 

Citizen security is another key goal of this administration in the region. The people of Suriname are benefiting greatly from bilateral and regional assistance under 

U.S.-sponsored programs such as the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI)— 

through providing technical training to law enforcement officers, combating moneylaundering and financial crimes, and preparing at-risk youth to live successful and 

crime-free lives. If confirmed, I will seek to gain an increased commitment from the 

Government of Suriname to this partnership. 

Of course, my first priority would be protecting the safety and welfare of Americans in Suriname—both private citizens and the Embassy community. To ensure the 

safety and security of our staff working in Suriname, we are building a New 

Embassy Compound in Paramaribo and plan to move in next summer. I will work 

with the Government of Suriname, along with local police and other security services, to reinforce cooperation that will keep Americans secure. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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If confirmed, I look forward to representing the United States in Suriname, working with you and your colleagues in Congress on behalf of the administration, while 

also engaging Suriname in a regular and respectful dialogue on broad international 

issues to exchange views and, where possible, identify areas of mutual interest and 

agreement. 

Mr. Chairman, I stand ready to answer any questions you might have. Thank you. 

Senator PERDUE. Mr. Nolan, thank you. 

Next, we have Mr. John Estrada. Mr. Estrada is nominated for 

Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago. He currently serves as senior 

manager and senior program project manager at Lockheed Martin. 

Mr. Estrada. 

STATEMENT OF JOHN L. ESTRADA, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 

Mr. ESTRADA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 

Kaine. Good afternoon. It is an honor to appear before you today. 

I want to express my gratitude to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have placed in me 

through their renomination of me to represent my country as the 

next Ambassador to the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. I am particularly thrilled at the prospect of representing the United States, 

if confirmed, in the country of my birth. 

I was born in Trinidad and Tobago, and at the age of 14, I immigrated to the United States to forge a new life. I brought with me 

a respect for diversity and an inherent sense of the equal value of 

all people. I served with honor in the U.S. Marine Corps, attaining 

the corps’ highest enlisted rank as the 15th Sergeant Major in the 

history of the Marine Corps. 

After retiring from the Marine Corps, I continued serving my 

country as a Presidential appointed commission member of the 

American Battle Monuments Commission and as a committee 

member on the Defense Advisory Committee for Women in the 

Services. 

In the private sector, I led Lockheed Martin Training Solutions, 

Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary company specializing in flight 

training and logistics solutions. 

I firmly believe that one of the greatest aspirations of all free 

people is to live their lives to the fullest without limitations based 

on their ethnicity, class, race, gender, or sexual orientation. If confirmed as Ambassador, with that ideal as my guide, I would seek 

to strengthen the ties between the citizens and elected representatives of our two great nations. 

Trinidad and Tobago is an important Caribbean partner of the 

United States. The relationships between our countries rest on a 

strong foundation. We share a common language and a firm commitment to democratic principles, the rule of law, and a free market system. 

The United States mission to Trinidad and Tobago has three 

strategic objectives. 

On security, the mission first works to protect American citizens 

in Trinidad and Tobago. Related to the security of Americans, the 

Embassy works with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to 

improve the capacity of Trinidadian law enforcement and justice 

sector institutions to reduce violent crime and illicit trafficking, 

safeguard human rights, and create safer communities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

458 

Second, the mission promotes increased commerce and transparent investment climates to enhance our mutual prosperity. 

Third, on social inclusion, the mission conducts extensive outreach and encourages regional leadership by Trinidad and Tobago 

to protect vulnerable populations, including at-risk youth. 

If confirmed, I look forward to leading our efforts in these crucial 

areas. 

The United States and Caribbean partners have developed the 

Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, an ongoing, multifaceted citizen security initiative for the Caribbean, of which Trinidad and 

Tobago is a key player. In creating the Caribbean Basin Security 

Initiative, the United States and Caribbean partners are attempting to combat the drug trade and other transnational crimes that 

threaten regional security with the goal of substantially reducing 

illicit trafficking, increasing public safety, strengthening the rule of 

law, and addressing the underlying social and economic root causes 

of crime. 

I will do my utmost, if confirmed, to increase cooperation and encourage Trinidad and Tobago to take more of a leadership role in 

security in the Caribbean, where it has much to offer its neighbors. 

As a resource-rich country, Trinidad and Tobago is full of opportunity for energy companies. The United States works cooperatively with Trinidad and Tobago, both bilaterally and through the 

Caribbean Energy Security Initiative, to develop new avenues for 

regional energy security and conservation. 

I am excited Trinidad and Tobago is playing a growing role in 

regional integration and promoting business relationships in the 

hemisphere. If confirmed, I would advocate on behalf of U.S. companies and commercial interests to ensure a level playing field and 

support their engagements with Trinidad and Tobago. 

Education is the foundation for economic growth. If confirmed, I 

will work with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to explore 

ways in which we can provide at-risk youth and other vulnerable 

populations with tools that can help them succeed. 

I firmly believe that my 34 years of Active Duty service in the 

United States Marine Corps and my experience in the private sector, coupled with my personal history, have prepared me to represent the Government and people of the United States to the Government and people of Trinidad and Tobago. 

If confirmed, it would be my great honor to work closely with this 

committee and others in Congress to advance our shared objectives 

in the Caribbean. 

Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to appear before this 

distinguished committee. I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Estrada follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT BY JOHN LEARIE ESTRADA

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of this committee, good afternoon. It 

is an honor to appear before you today. I want to express my gratitude to President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have placed in me 

through their renomination of me to represent my country as the next Ambassador 

to the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. 

I am particularly thrilled at the prospect of representing the United States, if confirmed, in the country of my birth. I was born in Trinidad and Tobago and, at age 

14, I immigrated to the United States to forge a new life. I brought with me a 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

459 

respect for diversity and an inherent sense of the equal value of all people. I served 

with honor in the U.S. Marine Corps—attaining the corps’ highest enlisted rank as 

the 15th Sergeant Major of the Marine Corps. After retiring from the Marine Corps, 

I continued serving my country as a Presidential-appointed Commission member of 

the American Battle Monuments Commission and as a committee member on the 

Defense Advisory Committee for Women in the Services. In the private sector, I led 

Lockheed Martin Training Solutions, Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary company specializing in flight training and logistics solutions. 

I firmly believe that one of the greatest aspirations of all free people is to live 

their lives to the fullest without limitations based on their ethnicity, class, race, 

gender, or sexual orientation. If confirmed as Ambassador, with that ideal as my 

guide, I would seek to strengthen the ties between the citizens and elected representatives of our two great nations. 

Trinidad and Tobago is an important Caribbean partner of the United States. The 

relationship between our countries rests on a strong foundation. We share a common language and a firm commitment to democratic principles, the rule of law, and 

a free market system. 

The U.S. mission to Trinidad and Tobago has three strategic objectives: On security, the mission first works to protect American citizens in Trinidad and Tobago. 

Related to the security of Americans, the Embassy works with the Government of 

Trinidad and Tobago to improve the capacity of Trinidadian law enforcement and 

justice sector institutions to reduce violent crime and illicit trafficking, safeguard 

human rights, and create safer communities. Second, the mission promotes 

increased commerce and a transparent investment climate to enhance our mutual 

prosperity. Third, on social inclusion, the mission conducts extensive outreach and 

encourages regional leadership by Trinidad and Tobago to protect vulnerable populations, including at-risk youth. If confirmed, I look forward to leading our efforts 

in these crucial areas. 

The United States and Caribbean partners have developed the Caribbean Basin 

Security Initiative (CBSI), an ongoing, multifaceted citizen security initiative for the 

Caribbean, of which Trinidad and Tobago is a key player. In creating CBSI, the 

United States and Caribbean partners, we are attempting to combat the drug trade 

and other transnational crimes that threaten regional security with the goal of substantially reducing illicit trafficking, increasing public safety, strengthening the rule 

of law, and addressing the underlying, social and economic root causes of crime. I 

will do my utmost, if confirmed, to increase cooperation and encourage Trinidad and 

Tobago to take more of a leadership role in security in the Caribbean, where it has 

much to offer its neighbors. 

As a resource-rich country, Trinidad and Tobago is full of opportunity for energy 

companies. The United States works cooperatively with Trinidad and Tobago, both 

bilaterally and through the Caribbean Energy Security Initiative, to develop new 

avenues for regional energy security and conservation. I am excited Trinidad and 

Tobago is playing a growing role in regional integration and promoting business 

relationships in the hemisphere. If confirmed, I would advocate on behalf of U.S. 

companies and commercial interests to assure a level playing field and support their 

engagement with Trinidad and Tobago. 

Education is the foundation for economic growth. If confirmed, I will work with 

the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to explore ways in which we can provide 

at-risk youth and other vulnerable populations with tools that can help them 

succeed. 

I firmly believe that my service in the Marine Corps and my experience in the 

private sector, coupled with my personal history, have prepared me to represent the 

government and people of the United States to the government and people of Trinidad and Tobago. 

If confirmed, it would be my great honor to work closely with this committee and 

others in Congress to advance our shared objectives in the Caribbean. 

Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to appear before this distinguished 

committee. I look forward to answering your questions 

Senator PERDUE. Mr. Estrada, thank you very much. 

Finally, we have Mr. Allen, who is currently a private investor 

and philanthropist. He is nominated to serve as the U.S. executive 

director for the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. 

Mr. Allen. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

460 

STATEMENT OF SCOTT ALLEN, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. DIRECTOR OF THE EUROPEAN BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND 

DEVELOPMENT 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you, Chairman Perdue and Ranking Member 

Kaine. I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you 

today. 

I am honored that President Obama has nominated me to serve 

as the U.S. executive director for the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. 

I would like to take this opportunity to introduce my family 

members that are here today. 

Bette Allen, my mother, who is 91 years old, who is becoming a 

regular at confirmation hearings, as she attended the hearing for 

my brother, Craig Allen, who was confirmed by this committee to 

serve as Ambassador to Brunei in July 2014. 

My wife, Kanako, who has devoted her career to working on economic development issues, first at the United Nations and currently at the World Bank. She is my rock. 

Finally, our two daughters, Lisa, who has just returned from a 

couple of years in Kyoto, Japan; and Sara, who works in finance 

in New York. 

I come from a very close family with a history of government 

service. My sister, Sara Bowden, and her husband, Dennis Bowden, 

are also here today. During the Reagan administration, Sara 

worked at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. Dennis spent nearly 30 years at the CIA. 

And prior to his confirmation to serve as the Ambassador to 

Brunei, my brother, Craig Allen, spent a long career working at the 

Department of Commerce. 

Over the course of a 22-year career in investment banking, I became a specialist in emerging markets and credit. In the early 

1980s, I was part of a small team of bankers focused on the sovereign rescheduling of commercial bank debt. My primary country 

of focus was the Philippines, but I also worked on distressed 

sovereigns in Latin America as well as Eastern Europe, specifically 

Yugoslavia. 

Through this work, I came to appreciate the tradeoffs between 

balancing lenders’ need to protect loan assets with the sovereign 

nations’ desires to reduce pressure from debt service payments so 

that economic growth could improve their citizens’ livelihoods and 

increase repayment probabilities. 

Thirty years later, the players have changed, but many of the 

same dynamics continue to play out in Europe. 

I arrived in London in 1992 to lead Chemical Bank’s emerging 

markets business. Just a couple of years earlier, during President 

George H.W. Bush’s administration, the EBRD had been established, with the United States contributing 10 percent of the capital, the largest single country stake. 

The founding vision of the EBRD remains sound: fostering the 

economic vitality of the private sector through debt and equity capital to help countries effectively transition to market-oriented, pluralistic, and democratic societies. At the time, the context was a 

post-Soviet era. EBRD’s client countries were Eastern European 

countries that had just thrown off the yoke of communism. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

461 

The EBRD today has new challenges. The EBRD has taken its 

founding vision into select countries in Northern Africa, Turkey, 

and Jordan with the same conviction that the development of an 

economically vibrant private sector will foster a political transition 

to democracy in these new client countries. At the same time, it is 

working to complete the transition of several more advanced Eastern European countries by aiming to reduce investments in these 

countries while recognizing that there is still a role for the EBRD, 

given the effects of European economic turmoil and the Russian aggression in Ukraine. 

Over the medium term, however, these countries will need to follow the path of the Czech Republic, which has graduated from 

EBRD investments. 

EBRD’s role in Ukraine deserves special mention. At the time of 

the unlawful annexation of Crimea, Ukraine was the second-largest 

recipient of outstanding loans among EBRD countries of operation. 

Today, virtually all commercial and private sources of fresh capital 

are reluctant to invest in Ukraine, as lenders and investors judge 

the risk as too extreme, absent broader signals of support for 

Ukraine. 

The EBRD, true to its mission, continues to provide that signal 

and to make new lending available to private sector entities and 

the government. For calendar year 2015, the EBRD expects to 

make an additional $1.25 billion in new cash disbursements. If confirmed, I will seek to encourage the EBRD to continue to provide 

new financing to Ukraine entities on a prudent basis. 

My long involvement in emerging markets and portfolio management provides me with a deep understanding of credit and event 

risk. I also ran sales teams from London that covered institutional 

investors in Eastern Europe, Russia, Turkey, and the Middle East, 

many of the same countries where the EBRD is most active. 

If confirmed, I would like to focus on how the EBRD can most 

effectively support our allies in the region while balancing the financial risks that entails. My background and experience provides 

me with the skill set to ask the right questions and to understand 

the answers. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination, and I look forward to answering any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Allen follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT BY SCOTT AMES ALLEN

Chairman Perdue, Ranking Member Kaine, and distinguished members of the 

committee, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President Obama has nominated me to serve as the U.S. Executive Director for the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. 

I would like to take this opportunity to introduce my family members that are 

here today. Bette Allen, my mother, who is 91 years old. She is becoming a regular 

at confirmation hearings, as she attended the hearing for my brother, Craig Allen, 

who was confirmed by this committee to serve as Ambassador to Brunei in July 

2014. My wife, Kanako, who has devoted her career to working on economic development issues, first at the United Nations and currently at the World Bank. She is 

my rock. Finally, our two daughters: Lisa, who has just returned from a couple of 

years in Kyoto, Japan; and Sara, who works in finance in New York. 

I come from a very close family with a history of government service. My sister, 

Sara Bowden, and her husband, Dennis Bowden, are also here today. During the 

Reagan administration, Sara worked at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. Dennis spent nearly 30 years at the CIA. And, prior to his confirmaFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

462 

tion to serve as the Ambassador to Brunei, my brother, Craig Allen, spent a long 

career working at the Department of Commerce. 

Over the course of a 22-year career in investment banking, I became a specialist 

in emerging markets and credit. In the early 1980s, I was part of a small team of 

bankers focused on the sovereign rescheduling of commercial bank debt. My primary 

country of focus was the Philippines, but I also worked on distressed sovereigns in 

Latin America as well as Eastern Europe, specifically Yugoslavia. Through this 

work, I came to appreciate the tradeoffs between balancing lenders’ need to protect 

loan assets with the sovereign nations’ desires to reduce pressure from debt service 

payments so that economic growth could improve their citizens’ livelihoods and 

increase repayment probabilities. Thirty years later, the players have changed, but 

many of the same dynamics continue to play out in Europe. 

I arrived in London in 1992 to lead Chemical Bank’s emerging markets business. 

Just a couple of years earlier, during President George H.W. Bush’s administration, 

the EBRD had been established, with the United States contributing 10 percent of 

the capital, the largest single country stake. The founding vision of the EBRD 

remains sound: fostering the economic vitality of the private sector through debt 

and equity capital to help countries effectively transition to market-oriented, pluralistic, and democratic societies. At the time, the context was a post-Soviet era and 

EBRD’s client countries were Eastern European countries that had just thrown off 

the yoke of communism. 

The EBRD today has new challenges. The EBRD has taken its founding vision 

into select countries in Northern Africa, Turkey, and Jordan with the same conviction that the development of an economically vibrant private sector will foster a 

political transition to democracy in these new client countries. At the same time, 

it is working to complete the transition of several more advanced Eastern European 

countries by aiming to reduce investments in these countries while recognizing that 

there is still a role for the EBRD, given the effects of European economic turmoil 

and Russian aggression in Ukraine. Over the medium term, however, these countries will need to follow the path of the Czech Republic, which has graduated from 

EBRD investments. 

EBRD’s role in Ukraine deserves special mention. At the time of the unlawful annexation of Crimea, Ukraine was the second-largest recipient of outstanding loans 

among EBRD countries of operation. Today, virtually all commercial and private 

sources of fresh capital are reluctant to invest in Ukraine, as lenders and investors 

judge the risk as too extreme, absent broader signals of support for Ukraine. The 

EBRD, true to its mission, continues to provide that signal and to make new lending 

available to private sector entities and the government. For calendar year 2015, the 

EBRD expects to make an additional $1.25 billion in new cash disbursements. If 

confirmed, I will seek to encourage the EBRD to continue to provide new financing 

to Ukraine entities on a prudent basis. 

My long involvement in emerging markets and portfolio management provides me 

with a deep understanding of credit and event risk. I also ran sales teams from London that covered institutional investors in Eastern Europe, Russia, Turkey, and the 

Middle East, many of the same countries where the EBRD is most active. If confirmed, I would like to focus on how the EBRD can most effectively support our 

allies in the region while balancing the financial risks that entails. My background 

and experience provides me with the skill set to ask the right questions and to 

understand the answers. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination, and I look forward to answering 

any questions you may have. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you all very much. Now we will move to 

questions, and we will do it in reverse order. 

But I am going to ask one question of each of you, just to get 

it started, and it is the same question, but it will be for your different posts. 

A lot of times when we have these questions, we talk about the 

historical record and what you have done to get here. I accept the 

fact that all of you have stellar careers. It is obvious from reading 

your backgrounds. So I would like to know, for the record, how you 

see your next post, what those responsibilities would entail. So specifically, I would like to see what you think your priorities might 

be, as you look at this new responsibility, and what the challenges 

that you anticipate might be as well. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

463 

So, Mr. Allen, you are warmed up, so we will start with you and 

then we will go in reverse order. Thank you. 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you for the question. 

If confirmed, I would like to think that my long experience in 

managing risk and understanding risk would help the EBRD manage its portfolio. 

Clearly, working in emerging markets and sovereigns is full of 

credit risk and event risk that need to be understood and prudent 

measures taken to mitigate the risk wherever possible. 

In the case of Ukraine, there was a huge event risk. It is noteworthy that EBRD has managed its risk prudently and is continuing to lend to Ukraine, thereby aligning our interests in 

Ukraine with EBRD. 

So the management of risk is an area that I would like to focus 

on while at the EBRD, if confirmed. 

Thank you. 

Senator PERDUE. Mr. Estrada. 

Mr. ESTRADA. If confirmed, I have three priorities, as I see it. 

First and foremost is the protection of U.S. citizens traveling, visiting, and working in the country of Trinidad and Tobago. My second priority would be continuing efforts to strengthen the capacity 

of Trinidadian law enforcement and also improving the justice sector system, so they could deal with the crime and drug issues that 

they currently face. My third priority would be to focus on improving the climate in Trinidad and Tobago and throughout the Caribbean region for a fair and open, transparent trade market system. 

Senator PERDUE. What challenges do you think you will have in 

trying to achieve those three objectives? 

Mr. ESTRADA. For the first challenge, protection of U.S. citizens, 

Trinidad and Tobago is struggling. They are challenged by high 

crime. We need to ensure that we educate Americans visiting the 

country. For those that are living in the country, we need to continue to educate them on safe areas, where not to go, and where 

to go for assistance. We need to continue to reach out to them. That 

would be my first challenge. We should be communicating with 

every American in the country. That would be my biggest challenge. 

As far as strengthening the capacity of Trinidad law enforcement 

and justice sector systems, the country continues to struggle because of the illegal narcotics trade. They continue to struggle with 

corruption in some areas. And they need to strengthen their borders. They have very open sea lanes, so the challenge would be to 

get them to move a little bit more quickly on addressing those 

areas of concern. 

Senator PERDUE. Great. Thank you. 

Mr. Nolan. 

Mr. NOLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Like Mr. Estrada, my number one goal would be the safety and 

security of both official and nonofficial Americans in Suriname. The 

challenge we face there is continuing to professionalize the police 

and military institutions in the government; education and democratic control of the military; and a full range of law enforcement 

programs that would improve the police and military’s performance. The problem in Suriname is not terrorism at the moment, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

464 

even though that can change anywhere at any time. It is crime. So 

that makes it very important to work with the police. 

I think that leads into the second goal I would have, which are 

the issues under citizen security, democratic governance, and the 

rule of law. If we can work with the Surinamese to strengthen institutions there, it is not only a benefit in and of itself, but it will 

help us deal with some of our other concerns there, such as the 

transshipment of drugs and the trafficking in persons. 

These are some of the issues that we want to get at with the Surinamese, and I hope to do so, if confirmed. 

My third area would be to facilitate economic growth and development in Suriname. We have some significant U.S. investment in 

Suriname, including a very recent billion-dollar investment by a 

U.S. mining company in gold-mining. We want to move the Surinamese to a more sustainable, environmentally sensitive development pattern. 

Their rain forest is one of the world’s ecological treasures. If we 

can make sure they develop both for the benefit of the Surinamese 

people, for U.S. investors, but also to preserve that environment, 

to the extent possible, it will be very important. 

Thank you. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Ambassador. 

Ambassador ROBINSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, CSO is a young bureau that faces a complex and 

global challenge, and since its inception it has undergone a period 

of dynamic learning as it adjusts to that challenge and as it seeks 

to ensure its place in the interagency community. What I can say 

is that it has an extraordinarily dedicated and talented staff. 

So, my goal, my priority, is to provide the kind of disciplined 

leadership that seizes that staff, directs its attention, its talents, 

and its dedication to getting its job done and knitting that skill into 

the main fabric of the State Department, so that it delivers what 

it is designed to deliver in a way that is not only recognized as useful for the State Department and for the interagency community 

but is essential as it faces the challenge of violent conflict. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Ms. Calvaresi Barr. 

Ms. CALVARESI BARR. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I look really forward to assuming this role, if confirmed. I believe 

my 32 years in the accountability community positions me well. 

While I am not at the agency currently, I think I know how to 

get this job done, so a couple things that I would want to begin 

with. It is about learning the agency. And it sounds very simplistic, 

but it is a rule that I always followed. I would want to get a sense 

of the work, the processes, and the people, what is working well, 

what is not working well. That means I need to be in the listening 

mode. That means that I need to engage with our staff. I have to 

look at what sets our priorities. And the most important thing is 

to make sure that we have processes in place that yield work that 

is quality, that is reflective of the standards, and that is transparent to Congress and to the American public. 

I would certainly want to reach out to members of this committee 

to understand what your interests are, legislative interests, priorFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

465 

ities for the upcoming year, so that I can understand how our work 

can best meet those needs. 

In addition, I would want to coordinate with the AID administrator to understand what that individual believes are some of the 

greatest challenges and vulnerabilities. 

At the end of the day, and I think a couple of my panel members 

here mentioned it too, people are your greatest asset in an organization. And if you invest in them and you invest in their development, and you are a good leader that marshals and does not direct, 

it is amazing what you can get done. And the mission can be very, 

very well-served. 

So that would be how I would approach it. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

We will move on to the ranking member, Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Thanks to all of you. 

Ms. Barr, I wanted to ask you a question. I recognize you are not 

at AID now, so this is more how you would approach this. In the 

October 14 OIG audit of USAID and USAID’s compliance with 

FISMA, the Financial Information Security Management Act, the 

audit had a conclusion that USAID does not comply with FISMA. 

Although the agency has developed and documented the majority 

of the information security policies and procedures required under 

the act, USAID has not established an effective risk management 

program to ensure that policies and procedures are assessed and 

working as intended. 

Consequently, the audit found a number of information system 

weaknesses that, if exploited, could adversely affect the confidentiality, integrity, and availability of USAID’s data and information 

systems, and ultimately could have a negative impact on the agency’s ability to protect the security of its information and information systems. 

This is the kind of warning that I am sure is not unique to 

USAID, and we are dealing here with the challenge of the OPM 

data breach. 

How would you in the position kind of approach that kind of recommendation, in terms of trying to get USAID to comply more with 

the FISMA requirements, as described? 

Ms. CALVARESI BARR. Thank you for the question, Ranking Member Kaine. 

FISMA is a very, very important program and policy that we 

need to be very, very closely attuned to. I would say, in IT systems, 

the security posture of any IT system has to be absolutely secure. 

So conducting work audits that reveal where there are weaknesses 

or vulnerabilities in those IT systems, it is important to point out 

what those vulnerabilities are from an agency-wide perspective. In 

the case of AID, maybe even try to drill down as we did in the case 

of DOT, not just provide sort of the scorecard on the state of security posture across the agency but a scorecard by, in the case of 

DOT, administrations. 

So what I would like to do is take a look at that report. I would 

like to see what the recommendations are. I would like to see the 

status of those recommendations, the extent to which they are followed up. We will continue with our required work in the FISMA 

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area, and we would make sure that that system, as well as any 

other systems, have to be about protecting the integrity of data. 

And FISMA speaks to the heart of the integrity of data. 

So you would have my full commitment to keep a close eye on 

that. 

Senator KAINE. Here is a question that is really more about 

philosophically the role of an IG, as I am kind of new on the committee still at 21⁄2 years. I am really learning the job. There was 

a controversy within USAID about a previous acting director and 

a suggestion that this acting director, between 2011 and 2013, was 

removing from public audit reports recommendations or challenging comments and putting them in private letters to management instead. Some in the agency basically said that that was motivated to try to make him or others look better than they were. 

From an IG perspective, I mean, I am assuming that sometimes 

you come up with recommendations and some you might share confidentially or in a prefatory way or a preliminary way to try get 

people to make improvements, and then some you make public so 

that the world will know. How as an IG do you handle that as you 

are analyzing the performance of this agency that you are independently charged with overseeing? 

Ms. CALVARESI BARR. Certainly, I am aware of the concerns that 

you mentioned. I am aware of them but I do not know the key facts 

surrounding them, so I do not want to speculate actually on any 

of the particulars. 

But to your larger question as to what is the appropriate role of 

the IG and concern for those matters, it goes back to my role of 

ensuring that we have absolutely airtight processes that ensure 

that our work is evidence-based, that it is of quality, that it is free 

from any type of outside influence. The process has to include a 

good vetting, verification of the data, quality control checks of the 

data in-house before it is publicly released. 

So I want to take a really good look at the process that was used 

there that perhaps prompted maybe some weaknesses, and the 

process that prompted some of these questions, to make sure that 

we go ahead and fix any of that. 

At the end of the day, the most important thing is transparency 

of our work products. There should be no hidden findings anywhere. There should not be reports that are banished to management letters that never see the light of day. So you have my commitment that all of our work will be posted publicly upon final publication of the work. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you very much, Ms. Barr. 

Now to you, Mr. Robinson, two questions. I would like to ask you 

about Honduras, and I would like to ask you about Syria and the 

CSO work that is being done. 

I know there is work being done in Honduras because of the serious violence problem there. Honduras has been a good U.S. ally, 

but this is a very, very challenging area. In the Northern Triangle, 

you have the highest murder rates in the world, three of the five 

highest murder rates in the world in those countries. The President 

has proposed a significant investment in a plan in Central America 

to help them deal with the security situations. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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What is the CSO currently doing or what might it do, if Congress 

sees fit to appropriate significant funds to this initiative, to help 

Honduras and the other countries in the Northern Triangle deal 

with the violence issues? I ask because I lived there 35 years ago 

and have a particular and personal interest in it. 

Ambassador ROBINSON. Thank you, Senator. 

Under the President’s proposal, CSO would, in the first instance, 

design and then manage the monitoring and evaluation function to 

make sure that the proposal—that the programs—that are implemented in Honduras or in Central America—are, in fact, working 

as intended. As part of the monitoring and evaluation program, 

CSO has a commitment to developing the lessons learned that it 

then transfers to future planning and programs. So, it is a feedback 

loop that we would continue to refine the program in an intergovernmental fashion to get the best use out of it. 

On the particulars of Honduras itself, CSO launched a program 

in conjunction with USAID to do two things, first to address the 

tremendous violence that made Honduras, at that time, from 2012 

to 2014 when the program was running, the murder capital of the 

world and also to prepare to limit the damaging impact that violence would have on elections in Honduras. 

So, working with local NGOs, local civil society organizations, 

and with our USAID partners, CSO launched a program in Honduras to bring together civil society officials and police to create 

early warning systems, to create fast response systems, allowing 

community leaders to intervene where violence would be or was beginning to become even more problematic. 

In addition, working in the justice sector, it put pressure, 

through these civil society groups and through these NGOs, on the 

government and on particularly the attorneys general to perform 

their jobs. The result was astounding. The number of convictions 

increased enormously, where CSO had been working with the attorneys general. 

CSO has turned that program over, as it was intended to do, has 

transitioned it to the local implementers, to local partners in the 

field, and it continues to run today. So, the program is still effective. It is still functioning, and it will expand. 

CSO continues to support that. The Embassy supports it as well. 

And INL also supports that program. 

So, it is a good example of the interagency aspect of CSO’s work. 

On elections violence, CSO identified the hotspots that were likely to erupt. It created, again with local implementers, the civil society groups that could respond to the kind of political dialogue that 

was provoking electoral violence. It mapped out the major actors— 

both pro and con—and gave those, of course, to the Embassy, to the 

Ambassador. The Ambassador made phone calls to those actors, 

and, in fact, the elections did occur without the eruptions of violence that were anticipated in those areas. 

Following the elections, which is also a critical period to monitor 

violence, of course, the Ambassador actually visited those areas and 

talked to those people. The result was an extraordinarily strengthened regime of civil society action to take responsibility for the 

street violence that otherwise may have impeded the elections, and 

that, again, continues today. 

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At the end of the day, one of the benefits of the CSO action was 

to turn over to the Embassy, to turn over to our diplomatic mission, a new network of actors that can directly address the kind of 

violence that has disrupted Honduras. 

Senator KAINE. It is a very important issue, not just because I 

live there. I am not asking just for that reason. Obviously, with the 

huge upturn in the unaccompanied minors coming to the southern 

border of the United States heavily from Honduras, El Salvador, 

and Guatemala, driven by violence issues, smart investments and 

smart CSO participation in antiviolence strategies will have a direct benefit to the U.S. system as well. We are close partners. 

Let me ask you about Syria. I recently did a codel to Syria, and 

I met with individuals connected with the START team under the 

leadership of Mark Ward. I know that a lot of work of the CSO as 

a new bureau initially was done dealing with the Syrian refugee 

crisis. But I understand that that work has now been moved primarily from the CSO division within State over to the NEA division within State. 

Could you just describe why that is? I know there have been efforts to define what the CSO mission is within State, but I am curious about the reason for that transfer. 

Ambassador ROBINSON. Yes, Senator. 

Most CSO programs are designed to transition to a more sustainable platform. The purpose of CSO is to be agile, is to go in and 

to seek innovative, if that is what is required, or creative responses 

to problems, to fill in gaps that cannot be filled in, but not to substitute for capacity that can be found in country. 

CSO is not designed to remain in a place to be the operator for 

extended periods of time. 

As I mentioned in the Honduras example, CSO successfully 

transitioned its programs to local implementers. Obviously, Syria is 

a different story. The local implementers are not quite available to 

us at this point. 

Consequently, CSO did transition its programs to the NEA Bureau. That transition is now complete. That said, CSO remains engaged, in particularly staffing General Allen’s office and the 

counter-ISIL work and on the Liberated Areas Working Group, and 

we have a broad cadre of personnel in CSO with great experience 

in that part of the world. So, we remain deeply engaged in the 

planning efforts, but not in the actual implementation efforts, at 

this point. 

Senator KAINE. Mr. Chair, can I continue with questions for the 

other witnesses? 

Senator PERDUE. Absolutely. 

Senator KAINE. I have gone over my time. 

Senator PERDUE. No, you are in good shape. 

Senator KAINE. These are important positions. 

I actually would like to ask you, Mr. Nolan and Mr. Estrada, 

kind of the same question for Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago. 

You both mentioned public safety and security issues. We still continue to see major drug activity, drug transit from South America, 

often through Central America, through Honduras, as we were just 

describing, to the United States. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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General Kelly has testified often before the Armed Services Committee, where I serve, and has just basically said, in the 

SOUTHCOM domain, the resources for interdiction are just not 

what he would hope. He says I watch 75 percent of drugs coming 

into the United States just go right by me, and he was talking in 

an antisequester message, but, certainly, he is also talking about 

cooperation between the U.S. military in the SOUTHCOM space 

and other U.S. partners, State and others, as well as the militaries 

of the nations that we are dealing with. 

Talk a little bit about, in Suriname, and then in Trinidad and 

Tobago, the current status of mil-to-mil relationships, what you 

might do in your ambassadorial posts to help basically with this 

interdiction effort. 

Mr. Estrada, you talked about sea lanes needing to be better controlled to help this issue in Trinidad and Tobago. The United 

States can play a role in that. 

Talk a little bit about our military cooperation with each of your 

nations. 

Mr. Nolan first. 

Mr. NOLAN. Thank you, Senator. It is, certainly, an important 

question. 

Suriname is not a drug-producing country, but it is a major 

transshipment country. No drug transshipments are good. They 

tend not to come to the U.S. from Suriname. They are largely going 

to Africa and to Europe. But that does not mean we do not need 

to take action against them. 

A large problem that we have with Suriname is, even with the 

best of cooperation from the military, if we had that, it is just a 

very large and very unpopulated and difficult space to know what 

is moving through the country. 

So what we have tried to do with our programs, through 

SOUTHCOM, a partnership program with South Dakota National 

Guard and the Surinamese military, and with INL programming, 

is train the trainers on how to improve their ability to deal with 

controlling that space. We have tried to provide some additional capacity, because a lot of the drug flow does move along rivers once 

it gets into the country. 

To be honest, in the preelection period we had in Suriname in 

May, we were not getting tremendous cooperation from the government. A lot of the programs had stepped back a little bit even 

though training programs are still continuing. 

With the new government, we do have the same President, but 

I always take it as an opportunity to engage with the new government. We have some new ministers and we want to try again to 

engage them more fully. We think there are a lot of good people 

in the Surinamese military who really want to cooperate. I will try, 

if I am confirmed, to get more central buy-in so they get the resources and support they need to take advantage of the programs 

that we can offer both through INL funding and SOUTHCOM. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Nolan. 

Mr. Estrada, the SOUTHCOM question. 

Mr. ESTRADA. Thank you, Senator Kaine. 

The United States has instituted a comprehensive interagency, 

anticrime, and counternarcotics strategy aimed at assisting TriniFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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dad and Tobago law enforcement agencies to detect and interdict 

narcotics and to develop the skills to manage the evidence needed 

to prosecute those crimes. Agencies that are playing a part in this 

effort are the Drug Enforcement Agency, which works to help disrupt the flow of narcotics to the United States. This has, in fact, 

resulted in seizures of large quantities of cocaine and marijuana. 

There is still a lot of work to be done, working with all the different agencies. You mentioned SOUTHCOM. If confirmed as U.S. 

Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago, I will focus on those areas 

and work with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago. They realize they have a challenge in this area, and I will do everything I 

can to help them address that issue. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Estrada. 

Finally, Mr. Allen, a lot of the work that has been done by the 

EBRD initially has been with firms in Russia, so I was kind of 

going to ask, as you come into this post, how has the Russian dynamic with Ukraine and other European nations, how is that likely 

to change our trajectory of the EBRD work? 

And I was basically going to ask the same question about how 

the arc of EBRD work will change as a result of the challenges we 

have been seeing in Greece. You mentioned that have developed 

your appreciation through earlier work about this balance of trying 

to protect lenders interest, but also protect the interest of the government that wants to be able to grow and not just spend all their 

resources repaying debt. 

My layman’s read of a lot of the recent Greek deal is that we are 

lending them more money so that they can pay off bad debts, but 

without necessarily being able to use that money to be able to grow 

the economy. 

So you do not have to editorialize on that, but I am just kind of 

curious how the EBRD mission might address the Russia challenge 

and how it would address the current challenges posed by the 

Greek situation. 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you very much for both questions, Senator. 

Let us start with Greece. Everyone wants to help Greece. The 

EBRD, the United States, the eurozone wants to help Greece. 

EBRD is fortunate that it was not lending to Greece, so it has 

zero exposure. The Greek Government requested EBRD to start 

evaluating projects earlier this year. Clearly, there is a lot of uncertainty, a lot of event risk, a lot of economic turmoil in Greece. 

Going forward, some of that uncertainty needs to be alleviated 

before, in my opinion, the EBRD should start lending any money 

in Greece. In any event, my understanding is that any financing 

in Greece will be short term and very targeted toward the private 

sector, not with the government. 

In the case of Russia, a bit of history, if I may, please. The EBRD 

was set up in 1990. At that time, the Soviet Union was disintegrating. So the EBRD and the United States and administration at 

the time looked at the EBRD as a way to start developing the private sector. There were trade missions under Presidents Clinton 

and George W. Bush trying to do the same thing, by engaging with 

the private sector to increase the dynamics in the economy and 

through those dynamics to help prompt a political transition. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Again, from a historic perspective, when President Medvedev 

took over, there was a lot of optimism that this could happen. I 

mean, President Medvedev talked about establishing technology 

hubs. The EBRD, in fact, started to increase its lending around 

that same time. The United States was very much wanting to engage with Russia, and to see the development of the private sector, 

which hopefully would lead to more of a pluralistic democracy. 

The second coming of Vladimir Putin threw that optimism into 

a tailspin. The EBRD was caught with a lot of Russian loans. 

There is no doubt about that. Pre-Crimea Russian exposure of 

EBRD versus Russian exposure now, they have worked very hard 

to reduce that risk. So it has been reduced by 25 percent to 30 percent. That is a step in the right direction. 

Senator KAINE. Would that be from like about 30 percent down 

to low 20s? 

Mr. ALLEN. No, the Russian share of the EBRD portfolio was 

around 21 percent. Now it is around a little less than 14 percent. 

So the mitigation of Russian risk is happening. A lot of it is the 

rolloff of trade finance, but clearly there is no new business being 

done in Russia. The G7 has basically told the EBRD not to start 

any new business whatsoever post-Crimea. 

EBRD is still engaged with, obviously, its Russian counterparts 

in order to be able to ensure the timely repayment of loans. But 

it is not making any new payments, and it is mitigating and trying 

to reduce the overall risk. 

Senator KAINE. One followup and I am done. 

How about in Ukraine? 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes, Ukraine, it was the second-largest borrower 

from EBRD. U.S. interests are right along with the EBRD’s interests. It is a strategic priority for the EBRD and for the United 

States to continue to finance new business in Ukraine. The EBRD 

took some losses, but the commitment I think is seen in the fact 

that it is raising $1.25 billion in new transactions in Ukraine for 

2015. 

At this point in time, it is pretty safe to say that that the EBRD 

is probably the only, if not one of a couple, of lenders willing to put 

fresh capital in Ukraine. The event risks are enormous. The economy is under a lot of stress. 

And if confirmed, I would encourage the EBRD to continue this 

course of providing new financing to the private sector, as well as 

in the oil and gas sector with the government, and to continue to 

support Ukraine, which is aligned with our interests. 

Senator KAINE. Very informative answers, all of you. Thank you 

very much. 

Senator PERDUE. That is fascinating. 

I do want to follow up on one thing, Mr. Allen. With regard to 

the Russian exposure to the EBRD, how does that burn off? What 

is the duration of most of that risk? 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you very much for the question, Senator. 

I have not been at the EBRD, so I do not know in detail. I suspect that some of it is trade financed, because they work very well 

with banks. So some of it will be trade financed. I do not know 

what the duration of their portfolio is and whether or not loans 

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tion in overall exposures. Whether or not there has been any disposal or sale of loan or equity stakes, I cannot comment on because 

I do not know. 

But it is an interesting question. Clearly, the reduction in risk 

is good, and it needs to be accelerated whenever possible. 

Senator PERDUE. If you are confirmed, I will seek you out. I 

would like to learn more about that. Senator Kaine and I have 

talked about that. 

Mr. ALLEN. I look forward to that, sir. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you all very much for your testimony 

and your thoughtful responses. It is encouraging to see talent like 

you being willing to step up and do what you are about to do and 

what you have already done, most of you. 

That will be the end of our questioning today. The record will remain open, however, until close of business Thursday for members 

who wish to submit questions to the record. 

With that, this hearing is adjourned. Thank you very much. 

[Whereupon, at 3:39 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF EDWIN RICHARD NOLAN, JR., NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF SURINAME, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE NOLAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. In May, the National Democratic Party obtained 26 of the 51 seats giving them an absolute majority. President Desire Bouterse was reelected, however 

some remain concerned about democratic governance and corruption in the political 

system. 

In your testimony you stated that you ‘‘will continue the efforts of your predecessor to press the Government of Suriname for an independent judiciary capable 

of protecting and advancing democracy and the rule of law in Suriname.’’ 

♦ Can you provide more details about the efforts of your predecessor to improve 

the juridical system and what effects they have had? How would you continue 

to pursue such efforts? 

♦ If confirmed, please detail what specific policies will you promote to increase 

American trade and investment in Suriname? 

Answer. Ambassador Anania and Embassy Paramaribo have implemented training programs for prosecutors and judges, and additional training in complex financial crimes cases is planned for the coming months. They have advocated with 

senior government officials the need to establish an independent budget for the judiciary, which is currently funded via the Ministry of Justice and Police. 

If confirmed, I will seek to build upon of these programs and look for additional 

opportunities. In addition, I will urge the Government of Suriname to respect the 

separation of powers and to allow the judicial system to work without political interference. 

Embassy Paramaribo engages regularly with the business community, often connecting importers with U.S. producers. They provide U.S. business with investment 

and commercial information across sectors—including mining equipment and supplies as well as construction material and equipment. If confirmed, I will actively 

highlight commercial opportunities that U.S. companies can take advantage to 

expand their exports. I will also explore opportunities for partnerships with the 

Suriname Chamber of Commerce and an Embassy presence at Suriname’s largest 

trade fair. 

Question. In the 2015 Trafficking in Person report, Suriname was placed in Tier 

2 Watch List. 

♦ How do you intend to work with the Government of Suriname to encourage 

them to improve their efforts to combat trafficking in persons? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. Suriname is a source, transit, and destination country for women and 

children subjected to sex trafficking and men, women, and children subjected to 

forced labor. Workers in mining, agriculture, and fishing are highly vulnerable to 

forced labor, and women and girls are subjected to sex trafficking in remote and illegal gold mining camps in Suriname’s interior. Chinese migrants are also vulnerable 

to trafficking in the service and construction sectors. 

Senior government officials have made limited antitrafficking efforts. Workinglevel officials—primarily police and prosecutors—continue to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases and refer victims to assistance but without sufficient resources or adequate victim assistance structures in place. 

We continue to encourage the Government of Suriname to improve victim identification and to provide adequate resources for victims—including through establishment of long-term shelters for victims. We also encouraged government officials to 

vigorously investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes, to convict more traffickers, 

to provide additional resources for the police antitrafficking unit, and to improve 

interagency coordination on human trafficking issues. 

If confirmed, I will continue to pursue combating human trafficking as a priority. 

Suriname is not eligible to remain on the Tier 2 Watch List next year, so failure 

to make meaningful progress will result in an automatic downgrade to Tier 3. I will 

make clear to senior officials that their failure to make significant efforts to combat 

trafficking would have broad policy implications and consequences, including potential restrictions on foreign assistance. 

RESPONSES OF JOHN L. ESTRADA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE ESTRADA’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Mr. Estrada as you are aware, there is a conflict between Venezuela 

and Guyana stemming over oil exploration. If confirmed, what would be your position to better address the existing dispute between two of your neighboring countries. 

Answer. Any effort to resolve this situation should be through peaceful means, 

consistent with international law and the applicable obligations of both parties. If 

bilateral dialogue is not sufficient, there are a number of third-party options available to both governments in the search for a peaceful, mutually satisfactory resolution. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to support 

the resolution of this and any territorial disputes through peaceful means of 

dialogue. 

Question. Mr. Estrada, in your opening remarks, you stated that Trinidad and 

Tobago is a key player in the multifaceted citizen security initiative for the Caribbean (CBSI) and part of the initiative is ‘‘attempting to combat the drug trade and 

other transnational crimes that threaten regional security . . .’’ If confirmed, what 

specific measures would you take to combat drug trade and transnational crimes 

and preserve democratic stability in the region? 

Answer. The United States works closely with Trinidad and Tobago through the 

Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI). If confirmed, I would continue to 

expand cooperation to combat transnational crimes, such as illicit drug trafficking. 

Under CBSI, the U.S. Department of State supports a broad range of engagement 

with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago and the region to combat illicit trafficking and strengthen law enforcement capabilities. Specifically, we are working 

with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to build the capacity of the Trinidad 

and Tobago Police Academy (TTPA). The TTPA will serve as a center to provide specialized training to both the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service and regional law 

enforcement agencies. In order to augment this capacity, we are increasing specialized in-service training for police and improving capacity to develop evidence-based 

cases. Furthermore, we are providing K–9 training support to the Trinidad and 

Tobago Police Service and Trinidad and Tobago Prison Service to combat drug trafficking and transnational crime. 

Technical assistance for the Trinidad and Tobago Financial Investigations Unit 

and the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service’s Financial Investigations Branch provides regulators and investigators in these units with the tools they need to succeed 

in combating transnational crime. In addition, U.S. support for the Trinidad and 

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tries, participates in regular maritime security exercises and workshops to enhance 

regional coordination and operations against drug traffickers. 

Question. In the 2015 Trafficking in Persons report, Trinidad and Tobago was 

placed on the Tier 2 Watch List. How do you intend to work with the Government 

of Trinidad and Tobago to encourage them to improve their efforts to combat trafficking in persons? 

Answer. This past year, the Government of Trinidad and Tobago’s antitrafficking 

unit sustained efforts to identify trafficking victims and refer them to care. The government investigated trafficking offenses—including potentially complicit law 

enforcement and immigration officials—but initiated only one prosecution against a 

suspected trafficker under its 2011 antitrafficking law, a significant decrease compared to the 12 prosecutions during the previous reporting period. The government 

has yet to convict any individuals under its antitrafficking law and did not develop 

a national plan of action as mandated under that law. If confirmed, I will work 

closely with the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to improve this rate of conviction and develop a national action plan to protect trafficking victims and prosecute 

the traffickers. 

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NOMINATION 

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Susan Coppedge, of Georgia, to be Director of the Office to Monitor 

and Combat Trafficking, with the rank of Ambassador at Large 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:05 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Gardner, Perdue, Isakson, Cardin, 

Menendez, and Murphy. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 

come to order. 

Today we have before us Susan Coppedge to head the TIP Office 

for State. And I am thrilled that she is here. 

I just came from a meeting this morning. I was over at a church 

here on the Hill. There were people here from all over the country 

to push the legislation that we unanimously passed out of the Foreign Relations Committee under your leadership as chairman, the 

End Modern Slavery Initiative Act. And it was pretty overwhelming. I know I try to stay out of pulpits. [Laughter.] 

This was the only place from which I could speak today that had 

a microphone. But it was pretty overwhelming to see the numbers 

of people up here who care so deeply about this issue from all over 

the country. 

And you know, the issue of trafficking in persons and slavery is 

something that is not a Democrat issue. It is not a Republican 

issue. It is not an independent issue. It is just a moral issue, and 

it does not take major decision memos that sit on Presidents’ desks. 

It just takes all of us vigilantly fighting to make sure that we deal 

with this most abhorrent thing, and that is trafficking in persons 

but also the whole issue of slavery in general. 

So I just want to say to our committee I am so thrilled with today’s hearing. I am so appreciative and proud of our committee for 

what we have begun to do, and I think we have some momentum 

around this issue. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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But Susan Coppedge’s nomination could not come at a better 

time. I do not think there is anybody that was a part of the briefing 

last week that does not believe there is at least some degree of integrity that we need to challenge relative to the 2015 TIP Report. 

I am sorry. Something is amiss there. 

I want to thank Senator Cardin and Senator Menendez and Senator Perdue and others who were there. 

I am sorry. I do not think we have had an advocate at the 

State—I know we have not had an advocate. We have not had anybody in the position since November 2014. So to have somebody of 

this caliber who is absolutely first rate, who has lived a life around 

this issue and has been so committed just makes this a great day 

for our country. And I hope, after her testimony today, we will 

move quickly to have her confirmed. I am thrilled that she is here. 

And I think with her and her breeding some integrity but also 

some advocacy, that has been missing in this program will do a lot 

not just to restore, if you will, our preeminence in the world around 

this issue. I am sorry. I think we have lost a degree of that. That 

has nothing to do with our nominee. 

I actually believe we are on the verge of doing something relative 

to slavery that is going to show real U.S. leadership. And so for 

that reason, I am very pleased that Susan has agreed to be nominated and to go through the process of this hearing and hopefully 

to assume this role, which is so important to people around the 

world that live in poverty and basically—let us face it—they have 

no access to the criminal justice system because they just do not 

have the ability, unlike people like us that are U.S. Senators and 

people in the audience that have status in the world. So many people in poverty just do not and therefore are trafficked, are abused, 

and live lives of complete misery. And our Nation can do something 

about it, and with Susan’s leadership in the TIP Office to me is one 

of the essential building blocks to make that happen. 

So I am sorry my comments were so long. I will turn it over to 

our esteemed ranking member and thank him for his lifelong commitment to human rights. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, Mr. Chairman, I concur in everything you 

said. 

Ms. Coppedge, thank you very much for your willingness to step 

forward at this very important time. This is an extremely important position. It will take a great deal of your energy and time. And 

we thank you for your willingness to serve our country. 

I also want to thank your family because this is not easy on family. We know that. And we thank them for their willingness to 

share you with our country in carrying out one of our most important functions. 

Senator Corker is absolutely right. Modern day slavery is something that has to end. The number of people who are victims of 

trafficking is staggering. It is in the tens of millions. The profit to 

illegal entities from trafficking is in the hundreds of billions of dollars. So we are talking about a huge area of profit for criminal acFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tivities and an incredible human rights violation. It is modern day 

slavery. And we need to continue to be in the forefront. 

I first got engaged in this under the Helsinki Commission where 

we made this a U.S. priority in the OSCE. And we were successful 

in establishing a trafficking commitment within the OSCE. There 

is now a representative on trafficking in the parliamentary assembly. That person is Chris Smith, our colleague from the House of 

Representatives, who has been one of the great leaders on trafficking legislation. It was, I guess, about 15 years ago that we 

passed the trafficking in persons statute here, which set up the TIP 

Report, which is the gold standard for judging all countries’ commitments to universal standards to end trafficking. 

I have visited victim assistance centers around the world and 

seen firsthand those who have been victimized by traffickers. I 

have seen the consequences of it to families. I have seen the labor 

abuses that have taken place through trafficking. And it has to be 

our top priority. 

So the position that we are looking at today, Ambassador at 

Large and Director of the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking 

in Persons, the person who will head our TIP Office, has a critical 

mission to play because the United States is the global leader on 

this issue and the world watches what we do and how we respond. 

And our key person on this issue is the person we confirm for the 

position of Ambassador at Large and Director of the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. It is critically important 

that that person be effective in dealing with the Under Secretary 

for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, the Under 

Secretary for Political Affairs and our regional secretaries, particularly as they review progress being made in each around the world 

so that when the decision is made by the Secretary of State on the 

TIP Report, it is the Ambassador at Large who has been effective 

in ensuring objectivity when it comes to countries’ rankings on the 

TIP Report. 

So I very much look forward, Ms. Coppedge, to your testimony 

but also to quick confirmation. You have Senator Isakson at your 

side. You could not have a person who we are more impressed with 

his opinions on other people, than Senator Isakson. So we look forward to your testimony and, more importantly, we hope that we 

can move this quickly and get a confirmed position as head of the 

office. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

We will now turn to our witness, and as Senator Cardin mentioned, Johnny Isakson, our great friend and esteemed colleague, is 

going to introduce her, which makes it almost a unanimous assent 

on the floor when he does so. Senator Isakson, I know you are on 

the committee, but you know the drill. If you in fact have another 

meeting you need to go to, there is certainly no reason for you to 

stay during her testimony if there is something else you need to attend to. But we thank you very much for being the kind of person 

you are. We are glad someone from your State, which—let us face 

it—embodies all those values that you do here, is willing to ascend 

to this job. We certainly look forward to your introduction, and 

thank you so much for your service. 

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STATEMENT OF HON. JOHNNY ISAKSON, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA 

Senator ISAKSON. Well, thank you, Chairman Corker and Ranking Member Cardin and all the members of the committee with 

whom I have been honored to serve for a number of years. 

I appreciate the privilege of doing it. This is a twofer for me. 

About a year ago, I had the privilege of introducing Sally Yates to 

the Judiciary Committee, upon her confirmation as Deputy United 

States Attorney. Today in front of this committee, I am getting to 

introduce Susan Coppedge who studied under Sally Yates to be the 

Ambassador at Large for Trafficking in Persons, and I am honored 

and privileged to be able to do so. 

There are lots of things I could say about this lady, but the best 

thing is she has been there and she has done that. In the Northern 

District of Georgia in the last 15 years, she has prosecuted 21 high 

profile human trafficking cases. A couple of them I would like to 

mention. 

The Cortez-Mesa case, which resulted in the conviction of 10 

pimps and profiteers from the trafficking of young girls, six of them 

juveniles. Not only did she obtain long sentences, but she got restitution for those that were injured and trafficked, which was a 

great credit to her ability. 

And then the U.S. v. Pipkin case, where she put away for 40 and 

35 years, respectively, two of the most notorious criminals in terms 

of human trafficking that were coming out of Mexico into the 

United States of America. 

The Northern District of Georgia is probably the gatepost and 

the center post for transited people from Latin America and Central America and Mexico, up the eastern seaboard to New York 

City and New England in terms of drugs, organized crime, human 

trafficking, and illicit activity. She has been the lead prosecutor 

and has prosecuted a number of high profile cases, all of which resulted not only in convictions but in recognition from the U.S. Attorney for her outstanding service. 

She graduated from Stanford University with a juris doctorate, 

and got a magna cum laude, which I cannot even pronounce or 

spell, much less ever obtain, from Duke University in her undergraduate degree. And she is a very articulate, educated individual. 

But I have to tell you an irony. The day that Secretary Kerry 

interviewed her for this job was the day that Duke won the national championship in basketball. She says that is a good omen for 

today and hopefully it will be a good omen for her. 

It is a privilege and a pleasure for me to introduce to the committee one of Georgia’s outstanding attorneys, one who studyed 

under one of Georgia’s outstanding leaders in Sally Yates, and one 

of which I am very proud to introduce to this committee and one 

who understands the sensitivity of the chairman and the ranking 

member on the manipulation of numbers in terms of the TIP and 

is going to be committed to seeing to it we have unvetted, unvarnished information and we do the right thing when it comes to 

those rankings every single time. 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, 

an outstanding Georgian, Susan Coppedge. 

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The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you so much. As usual, an 

outstanding job. 

Our witness is Susan Coppedge, who has been nominated to 

serve as Director of the Office of Monitor and Combat Trafficking, 

with the rank of Ambassador at Large. And we look forward to 

your testimony. Thank you for being here. 

STATEMENT OF SUSAN COPPEDGE, NOMINATED TO BE THE 

DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT 

TRAFFICKING 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Mr. Chairman and Senator Cardin, thank you so 

much for the hearing today to consider the nomination for Ambassador at Large to monitor and combat trafficking in persons. 

Senator Isakson, thank you so much for that generous introduction. 

I am honored by the opportunity to appear before you, as I am 

honored and humbled by the confidence that President Obama and 

Secretary Kerry have placed in me to serve our Nation in continuing the global flight against human trafficking. 

I want to thank the individuals from the Office to Monitor and 

Combat Trafficking in Persons: Kari Johnstone and Carl Fox. They 

truly have their hearts in this fight and they stand ready to help 

me settle into the State Department. 

I also want to thank my husband, Lorenzo Amato, who is here 

today. Without his support and love for me and our children, I 

could not do this job. 

My father is here. My sister, my cousin, my brother-in-law, many 

of my friends from the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Atlanta are here. 

Colleagues and friends and fellow classmates from Duke and from 

Stanford are also here. 

Over my career, I have worked on cases that have assisted more 

than 90 individuals in leaving their victimization, and in many 

cases, those individuals participated in the process of bringing their 

exploiters to justice. I have worked with and trained Federal, 

State, and local law enforcement. I have partnered with NGOs, 

nongovernmental organizations, faith groups, and concerned citizens in Georgia who provide services to victims. 

Finally, I have educated jurors and judges that modern slavery 

often does not involve locks on the doors or victims who are willing 

to come forward. Human trafficking involves more subtle forms of 

exploitation and coercion. 

Our goal, everyone in this room who cares about this fight, is to 

ensure the dignity of all individuals. Human trafficking in all its 

forms, whether forced labor or sex trafficking, is modern slavery, 

and it is one of the greatest human rights causes of our time. We 

must assume our responsibility to stop this heinous crime and to 

address the conditions such as violent conflict, poverty, and discrimination that contribute to making individuals vulnerable. 

With the leadership of President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and 

Under Secretary Sewall, as well as the members of this committee 

who I know are dedicated to this fight, I know we can raise the 

priority of human trafficking and strengthen the U.S. leadership on 

this important issue. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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If confirmed, I commit to using this position passionately to advocate for the rights of individuals to be free from forced labor or sex 

trafficking, for victims to have access to comprehensive services, for 

survivors to be empowered to have a voice in policy, and for an end 

to the trafficking in human beings. 

If confirmed, I will seek to engage every segment of the U.S. Government to integrate antitrafficking policies into our Nation’s foreign policy goals. 

If confirmed, I pledge to do my utmost to uphold the integrity of 

the annual Trafficking in Persons Report and its tier rankings, including by ensuring that facts from the field are accurately presented in the report. The report is respected around the world and 

used in countless countries to increase prosecutions, enhance protections, and increase prevention of the crime. 

If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the many nongovernmental organizations and stakeholders doing critical work in this 

arena and partner with those in the business community who seek 

strong policies that ensure humane labor practices. 

I would like to close with the story of Carolina, a survivor I had 

the chance to know while I prosecuted her trafficker. Carolina was 

16 when Juan Cortes Meza romanced her in Mexico, promising her 

a better life here in the United States. Instead, Cortes Meza smuggled Carolina across the border and gave her the most shocking 

news of her life. He expected her to sleep with 20 to 30 men a night 

in his high-volume, low-cost prostitution business. At first, he told 

her it would only last until her smuggling debt could be paid. Then 

he told her it was the only way she could make money. Then when 

his deception and coercion were insufficient, he beat her to force 

her to continue. 

I had the privilege of being with Carolina as she bravely spoke 

to the Federal judge who heard her case, sharing her pain and describing how she cried every night. Only the walls could hear my 

cries is what Carolina told him. That day at trial, Atlanta heard 

Carolina, and today sharing the story with you, the United States 

hears Carolina. The indelible memory of her and of survivors like 

her fuels my commitment to antitrafficking work. There are many 

people in this room and listening today who are as passionate as 

I am. Each of us plays a part in this connected fight in helping survivors worldwide and in supporting governments, nongovernmental 

organizations, and citizens to end modern slavery. I so look forward 

to working with the members of this committee and others in our 

shared fight. 

Thank you again for your consideration, and I look forward to 

answering any questions that you have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Coppedge follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SUSAN COPPEDGE

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, 

thank you for this hearing to consider my nomination as Ambassador at Large to 

Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. I am honored by this opportunity to 

appear before you, as I am honored and humbled by the confidence President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me to serve our Nation in continuing 

the fight against human trafficking in the world. 

I want to thank Kari Johnstone, Carl Fox, and the team at the Office to Monitor 

and Combat Trafficking in Persons. Kari has been Acting Director since Ambassador 

Luis CdeBaca, my former DOJ colleague, departed the office, and she has done a 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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wonderful job. The entire TIP Office has their hearts in the fight against human 

trafficking and stands ready to help me settle into the State Department. 

I want to acknowledge my husband, Lorenzo Amato, who has been so wonderfully 

supportive of me and whose love for me and our children enables me to undertake 

the awesome responsibility of the position for which I have been nominated. My 

father Warren Coppedge is also here; unfortunately my mother and brother could 

not be here and we thought it best if my daughter, Lilliana who is seven, and my 

son Sebastian, who is three, stayed home today. I could spend days telling you of 

the love, support and guidance my parents have given me and the innumerable 

ways that they have made me the person I am. I certainly inherited the gift of gab 

from both of them and also an understanding of how important it is to serve. This 

lesson is summarized by a bumper sticker my father has on his car: ‘‘whatever you 

do to the least of these, you also do to me.’’ 

My parents instilled faith and a call to service in all of their children including 

my sister, Elizabeth Coppedge Henley, who is a Methodist minister and who is here 

today with her family, as are friends and colleagues from the U.S. Attorney’s Office 

in Atlanta, as well as friends and fellow classmates from both my undergraduate 

alma mater, Duke University, and my law school, Stanford University. There is also 

a large group back in Atlanta and my hometown of Dalton, GA, saying prayers for 

me and the work I hope to undertake, with the support and confirmation of the 

United States Senate. 

I want to thank Senator Isakson for being here to introduce me to the committee 

today and to Senator Max Cleland who could not be here but has been a vocal supporter of mine. I hope the bipartisan support will continue through this Senate confirmation process and, hopefully, as we work together in the future. 

As a federal prosecutor in the United States Attorney’s Office for the Northern 

District of Georgia, I have been dedicated to the fight against human trafficking for 

14 years. In 2002, I tried my first human trafficking case, serving as second chair 

to my wonderful colleague, Janis Gordon. This first case is an example of how a 

community can drive action on behalf of government officials. It started in 2000 

with a juvenile court judge who wrote an editorial in the Atlanta Journal Constitution decrying the ‘‘alarming increase’’ of the commercial sexual exploitation of girls 

based on her experience with 14, 15, and 16 year olds coming into her court on prostitution charges. These children’s bonds to get them out of jail were paid repeatedly 

by the same group of men, and those men did not face any criminal repercussions 

themselves. The judge’s editorial ignited a group of citizens to take up this issue 

and galvanized then-U.S. Attorney Richard Deane and other dedicated law enforcement officials with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Atlanta Police 

Department. Thirteen human traffickers were indicted under federal charges; 11 

pled guilty and 2 went to trial and were convicted by a jury. That was my first time 

meeting victims of modern slavery: teenagers who at 16 had been punished in juvenile court with a fine for prostitution and then released to the very traffickers who 

exploited them. I am so proud to have been a part of that first federal case in 

Atlanta and an advocate for justice for those young girls. This case earned the two 

most culpable traffickers prison sentences of 30 and 40 years and set me on the 

path to be here in front of you today. 

Since then I have indicted 49 traffickers in cases involving both American and foreign-born children and young women, victims of both sex trafficking and labor trafficking. Over my career, I have worked on cases that have assisted more than 90 

people in leaving their victimization and, in many cases, those individuals participated in the process of bringing their exploiters to justice. I have worked with federal, state, and local law enforcement in the fight against human trafficking. This 

meant, in the early days, conducting training for law enforcement as to what human 

trafficking was and the warning signs they might see. It also meant partnering with 

nongovernmental organizations, faith groups, and concerned citizens in Georgia who 

provided services to victims of trafficking by helping them find safe housing, finish 

school or obtain their GEDs, and apply for visas provided by the U.S. Government 

to foreign-born victims of trafficking. Finally, it has meant educating jurors and 

judges that modern slavery often does not involve locks on the doors or victims who 

come forward, but more subtle forms of exploitation and coercion that cause victims 

to be deprived of their freedom, their ability to say ‘‘no, I don’t want to do this 

work.’’ 

Even though I may sound a bit regional to those Senators not from Tennessee or 

Georgia, I have been engaged on the frontlines in the very antitrafficking efforts the 

State Department encourages foreign governments to pursue. Based on my extensive experience combating trafficking here in the United States, I have trained foreign law enforcement in Argentina, New Zealand, and Thailand. I have also worked 

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ing human trafficking prosecutions. The message I always seek to deliver, whether 

to foreign governments or to the Rotary Club, is that human trafficking cases are 

some of the most important cases that governments can undertake; these cases 

restore the individuals to the freedom and liberty to which all are entitled. 

The U.S. goal, which I know this committee is so dedicated to supporting, is to 

ensure the internationally recognized right of individual freedom and the dignity of 

all persons. Human trafficking in all its forms—whether forced labor or sex trafficking—is modern slavery, and it is one of the greatest human rights causes of our 

time. We must undertake our responsibility as modern day abolitionists with energy 

and commitment to stop this heinous crime and to address the conditions such as 

conflict, poverty, and discrimination that contribute to making individuals vulnerable to enslavement. 

With President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Under Secretary Sewall, we have 

leaders in the executive branch deeply committed to this agenda. We also have 

strong leadership on this committee from Senator Corker and Senators Menendez, 

Cardin, Rubio, and others who have kept the fight against human trafficking a priority for the Senate. I am well aware that the strong leadership of an Ambassador 

at Large is more important now than ever, and we should continue our efforts to 

combat human trafficking and lift up those who have suffered in its grip. Not only 

is it simply the right thing to do, it will also enable the United States to continue 

to lead on this important issue. 

Thus— 

If confirmed, I commit to using this position passionately to advocate for the 

rights of individuals to be free from forced labor or sex trafficking, for victims of 

human trafficking to have access to comprehensive services, for survivors to be empowered to have a voice in policy, and for an end to the trafficking of human beings. 

If confirmed, I will seek to engage every segment of the State Department and 

the rest of the U.S. Government to integrate antitrafficking policies into our 

Nation’s foreign policy goals: promoting open, resilient, and democratic societies, 

advancing inclusive economic growth, and preventing and mitigating conflict and 

violent extremism. Fighting human trafficking should be an integral part of all our 

engagements with other governments to further our nation’s values of freedom and 

liberty. 

If confirmed, I pledge to do my utmost to uphold the integrity of the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report and its tier rankings, including by ensuring the facts 

from the field are accurately presented in the report. 

The annual TIP Report is respected around the world and used in countless countries to try to increase prosecutions of the exploiters, enhance protections for the 

survivors, and encourage prevention of this crime. Thanks to the hearing held by 

this committee in August, foreign governments will know that the United States 

Senate and U.S. citizens are deeply concerned about human trafficking. This will 

only help to encourage countries to make real progress in fighting human trafficking, as I hope to do. 

If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the many nongovernmental organizations and stakeholders already in this arena who successfully raise awareness, support prosecutions, and offer services to survivors. 

If confirmed, I will partner with those in the business community who are deeply 

concerned with the treatment of workers in their supply chains and who seek strong 

legal regimes and policies that ensure humane labor practices and facilitate fair 

markets. 

Lastly, if confirmed, I will do everything within my abilities to maintain a close 

working relationship with Congress and with those federal agencies engaged in the 

fight against human trafficking. 

I would like to close with the story of Carolina. Carolina is a survivor I had the 

chance to know while I prosecuted her trafficker. She was 16 when Juan Cortes 

Meza romanced her in Mexico. He promised her that a better life awaited her in 

the United States, a life where he would marry her and they could make a living 

cleaning houses or selling clothes. Instead, Cortes Meza smuggled Carolina across 

the border and then gave her the most shocking news of her life—that he expected 

her to sleep with 20–30 men a night. He forced her into his high-volume, low-cost 

prostitution business. At first, Cortes Meza said it would only last until she paid 

back the smuggling debt. Then he told her it was the only way she could earn 

money in a country where law enforcement would not help her and she would end 

up in jail. Then, when his deception and coercion were not sufficient, he beat her 

to force her to continue. 

I had the privilege of being with Carolina as she bravely spoke to the federal 

judge who heard her case. I listened as she shared her pain and described how she 

cried every night. ‘‘Only the walls heard my cries,’’ she said. That day at trial, AtFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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lanta heard Carolina. Today, I share her story in the U.S. Senate and the United 

States hears Carolina. Every victim’s pain is our Nation’s pain as well. The indelible 

memory of Carolina’s cries—and of survivors like her—fuels my commitment to 

antitrafficking work. A commitment to human dignity is a commitment to a just 

world. There are many people in this room and listening today who are as passionate as I am. Each of us plays a part in this connected fight in helping survivors 

worldwide, and in supporting governments, nongovernmental organizations, and 

citizens to end modern slavery. I look forward to working with the members of this 

committee and others in our shared fight. 

Thank you again for your consideration and I look forward to answering any questions you may have. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much for your testimony and 

again for your commitment to this issue. I think you are aware we 

had a meeting last week off the Senate floor. We talked a little bit 

about some of our concerns with the current TIP Office. And I realize there is no one there in your position and there has not been 

anyone there since November 2014. But the TIP Report tier 

rankings are reviewed and differences adjudicated at the Under 

Secretary level, as we understand it, and ultimately by the Secretary of State. What is your understanding of the TIP Office Director in that process? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Well, my understanding is that the TIP Office Director, the position that I am being considered for, is the person 

who first marshals with the office staff all of the facts from the 

field, who spends the year engaging our missions, the State Department’s bureaus, citizens, and nongovernmental organizations, 

all report in facts to that office. Then the Ambassador, the Director 

of the office, advocates for the role that the TIP Office believes and 

the rankings the TIP Office believes those facts dictate. 

The CHAIRMAN. And you will commit to assuring that the integrity of that process is there. I will just put it that way. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Yes, Senator. 

The CHAIRMAN. What are some of the kind of things that you 

think can sometimes come into play to keep those TIP rankings 

from being what they should be? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Well, I have not been part of the process yet. So 

I am kind of watching from the sidelines. I do not want to be a 

Monday morning quarterback and critique the team on Sunday. 

But I can certainly can commit to you that I will do my best to ensure the integrity of the report and to let people higher up at the 

Department know that that report needs to be based on facts to uphold its integrity. 

The CHAIRMAN. It is our understanding that over time there has 

been a good deal of attrition in the office, I guess possibly due to 

lack of focus and lack of leadership. Obviously, you will change that 

hugely when you assume that role. Can you tell us a little bit about 

what your commitment is internally in the office in assuming this 

position? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Senator, as part of the nomination process, I 

have met with the individuals who work in that office, and I am 

very impressed by their dedication to the fight against human trafficking. They work hard and they care deeply about the issue. And 

I hope to be a good leader to them and a good champion for their 

report, and I look forward to working with the individuals who are 

there. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The CHAIRMAN. One of the things we all do—I had dinner with 

Senator Perdue last week, and we were talking about the fact that 

just the experience of being in other countries over a period of time 

ends up creating a body of knowledge that is second to none. I 

mean, it is amazing I think what all of us have learned by going 

to other parts of the world, understanding culture, seeing what is 

happening there. 

It is my understanding that the TIP Office has had a limited 

travel budget and because of constraints, many of their officers are 

not out doing those things. Obviously, that affects things in a big 

way. I just wonder what your take on that is and what your commitment to people getting out and seeing on the ground firsthand 

what is happening. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Well, I do think it is very important to get into 

countries, particularly ones that are in a position to make a difference if they have a visit from U.S. officials. And I am committed 

to going to countries and doing that. And I do believe that meeting 

people face-to-face and building those relationships, working not 

just with governments but with citizens and nongovernmental organizations in the country, who frequently supply information to 

the TIP Office, meeting those individuals so that they know they 

have an avenue of communication to reporting facts in the field as 

well is very important. 

And I think I am well situated, having been on the front lines 

in prosecuting these cases myself, to talk to people about the hurdles and the obstacles and suggest ways that we have overcome 

them here in the United States. And I look forward to doing that 

in the field. 

The CHAIRMAN. And what is your understanding of how the action plans for each country is developed? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Senator, my understanding is with the recommendations that are in the TIP Report that everyone can read, 

that those recommendations form the basis of the action plans for 

the countries. And the United States is certainly encouraging other 

countries to meet those goals and those suggestions in the TIP Report to increase their rankings. 

The CHAIRMAN. Will you commit to working closely with us on 

the committee and making us aware, if at any time you feel other 

forces are at work which are keeping your voice from being heard 

and the primary reason that you are assuming this job is being 

mitigated because of other forces? Will you work with us in that 

regard and ensure that that is not the case? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Senator Corker, I look forward to working with 

this committee because there are so many members on it who are 

passionate and dedicated to the fight against trafficking. I look forward to open communications with this committee. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, listen, before I turn to Senator Cardin, I 

just want to say again to have someone who, like most of us here 

know individuals, have met individuals, have defended individuals, 

have caused justice to come about for individuals, assuming this 

role certainly is something that is good for our country and great 

for those who, again, do not have today access to justice. And I 

hope you will take the same commitment—I think you will—relative to what you did in the case you described earlier. I hope you 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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will maintain that and carry that with you to the State Department as you assume this position. And I want to thank you for 

your willingness. I want to thank your family for their willingness. 

I understand they may actually move to Washington if you assume 

this role. We thank them in particular for that. 

And with that, I will turn to Ranking Member Cardin. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Thank you, Senator Corker. 

Senator CARDIN. Did Senator Isakson know he might be losing 

some Georgians? [Laughter.] 

Senator ISAKSON. We know how to deal with that. [Laughter.] 

Senator CARDIN. Well, let me again welcome you. 

I just really want to underscore the point that Chairman Corker 

made. As I understand the process on the rankings, the work that 

you do in your office working with missions around the world and 

working with NGOs and gathering the facts from every country— 

the initial work is done and accumulated by your office. That then 

works its way to determinations as to whether there is any disagreement as to the ranking for the coming year on the TIP Report. My understanding is that normally for about 80 or more percent of the countries there is no disagreement, and those rankings 

just routinely are accepted by the Secretary and included in the annual TIP Report. 

But there are a number of countries where there are some disagreements, and the disagreements usually occur between your office and the regional Secretaries working through the various missions. That then is elevated to the Under Secretaries, and the 

Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human 

Rights is advocating on behalf of your position, and the regional 

secretaries will usually advocate on behalf of the mission. 

Your role is to take a look at the human rights issue of trafficking. The regional Secretaries may have other areas of concern 

and relationships with countries that they must take into consideration. Trafficking is just one of the agenda items. 

So the point I just really wanted to underscore, as that process 

moves forward, it is critically important that the Director have 

input into the Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, 

and Human Rights so that the principal objective used in determining the rankings is progress made in trafficking. And that is 

where we need a strong advocate and an effective advocate. 

In order to achieve that, you need to build support for the trafficking agenda. And I could not help but think as you were talking 

about Carolina that that is exactly what you need to do. You got 

to put a face on this. When I talk about tens of millions of victims, 

people say, okay, what else is new? But when you talk about an 

individual who has gone through the tragedy of being trafficked, 

that helps people to understand why this is important. 

So I guess I would urge you to look at creative ways where you 

can build stronger support so that your recommendations will have 

stronger weight with the Under Secretaries as they make their recommendation to the Deputy Secretary and the Secretary of State. 

And you need to find, I hope, creative ways, working with the NGO 

community, to be able to personalize this. It affects all of our communities. And we can do something about it. And it starts with an 

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objective evaluation of every countries’ efforts and what they can 

do to improve their efforts. 

So I guess my point is that—I know you are committed to this, 

but I want you to understand you are going to reach some barriers 

in getting the results that you want because we have complicated 

relations with countries around the world, and there are not just 

human rights issues, there are other issues. 

We have a meeting with the Chinese head of state coming on Friday, and I would hope that human rights would be top on the agenda. But somehow I got a feeling that cybersecurity and maritime 

security and all those other issues are going to be talked about at 

greater length than some of the human rights issues that I would 

like to see elevated in that discussion. It is your responsibility in 

this position to be able to elevate the trafficking issues as these debates takes place well before the decisions on the rankings. 

Just get your reaction as to how you will try to carry that out. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. That was a great pep talk for me going into the 

job on things I need to consider and work diligently at. I know that 

relationships are not built just at the time the TIP Report comes 

out and that I want to build those relationships throughout the 

year at the State Department. And I want to integrate human trafficking along with those other issues that you mentioned because 

there are multiple parts to U.S. diplomacy, and human trafficking 

needs to be an integral part and one of those parts that is considered. 

Senator CARDIN. And as Senator Corker said, look, you have a 

lot of friends on this issue. You have friends in the United States 

Senate. You have friends in the NGO community. Just utilize the 

strength we have. I am proud that this issue has gained a great 

deal of strength through advocacy groups around America and 

around the world. And you need to be the leader to focus us on 

where we can be the most effective in helping you. If we know 

where problems exist in the political structure to make progress, 

then we can help you in doing that. On the other hand, if you feel, 

well, that is not your role, we may miss an opportunity. Your independent, objective information to us becomes critically important. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I think what he is 

saying—I will say it in a little different way. Look, we are going 

through a period of time where this issue is—I am sorry—not a 

focus. In Syria, we have not done what we said we would do, and 

people are dead and people are leaving. In Malaysia, I do not exactly know what has happened, but I do not think the TIP Office 

was heard at all. I do not think the issue of trafficking in persons 

has even been on the radar screen in modern times. I am sorry. 

It is a blight on our country. And you are entering at a time when 

all of us want to see that change. I think that is what he just said. 

[Laughter.] 

But with that, Senator Isakson. 

Senator ISAKSON. Well, let me follow up on that, Mr. Chairman 

and Ranking Member, and tell you in preparing to introduce 

Susan, I was reading some of her history in terms of cases, and the 

Cortes Meza case and the face she put on that case, which you 

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bragged about—one thing I did not say in the introduction, which 

I should have—and she probably would not volunteer on her own. 

But in her 15 years at the Northern District of Georgia, she has 

spent a lot of time advocating on behalf of people who are victims 

of trafficking. In fact, the Rotary Club of Roswell, which is the second-largest Rotary Club in Georgia, where David McCleary has 

heard her speech at that Rotary Club about 5 or 6 years ago I 

think—they adopted human trafficking as their number one issue. 

That Rotary Club has raised money, has traveled across the country, has worked to try and raise the awareness of that. And I think 

that is what you both are saying. It is out of sight and it is out 

of mind. 

And, Susan, you have a tremendous responsibility. We are politicians and we make a lot of speeches and we can talk about these 

things, but sometimes they heard, sometimes they are not. But if 

you can tell those stories of those 21 cases you prosecuted in the 

Northern District of Georgia, like Pipkin and like Cortes Meza, and 

tell the stories about really what happens to these people, it would 

do a world of good to help us raise that visibility as well. 

Secondly, in reading background material, you have taught, as I 

understand it, in New Zealand, Australia, and other countries with 

regard to human trafficking. Have you worked with their judiciaries or their legislatures or their prosecutors? Tell us about that. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Yes, Senator. I have worked training law enforcement both locally in Georgia, federally in the United States, and 

internationally in New Zealand, Thailand, and Argentina. And I 

was sent there probably with State Department money to talk to 

law enforcement about the difficulties of investigating and prosecuting these cases. Law enforcement everywhere is overwhelmed 

with people coming forward to them to report crimes, where human 

trafficking victims do not always come forward. So there is a lot 

more work on law enforcement’s part to uncover the crime. And 

then the victims are often afraid of law enforcement or ashamed 

of what has been happening to them. And so they are fearful of 

coming forward and working with law enforcement. 

So when I was in those countries, I was talking to law enforcement about how you move through some of the obstacles in prosecuting those cases. I was also stressing a victim-centered approach 

in the investigations and prosecutions. We never had a case where 

a victim was not willing to cooperate in the Atlanta U.S. Attorney’s 

Office, but if a victim did not want to pursue a case, it is the victim’s rights that should prevail in that instance. 

Senator ISAKSON. You know, sanctuary cities have gotten a lot of 

publicity in the United States over the incident that took place in 

San Francisco. But am I correct or incorrect? There are some sanctuary countries for human traffickers that exist today on the face 

of the earth. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Senator, I am not aware of that. I know there are 

some countries that do not comply with the minimum standards, 

and they are reported in the Trafficking in Persons Report. 

Senator ISAKSON. And that is the kind of information we want 

to make sure we have the very best information possible in the TIP 

Report so we do not mask what might be somebody actually harboring human trafficking elements. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. COPPEDGE. Yes, Senator. 

Senator ISAKSON. We are proud of you. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Thank you. 

Senator ISAKSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Isakson. 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ms. Coppedge, congratulations on your nomination. And I must 

underscore that if Senator Isakson comes and vouches for you, it 

has an enormous weight, at least with this Senator, and I think 

that is true for many others. I do not think he has just done that 

because you come from Georgia. So that is very meaningful. 

You and I had a good conversation. I just want to follow up on 

a couple of the things that we talked about. 

First of all, while I know you were not there, I hope you have 

an understanding of why many members of this committee have a 

concern about the 2015 TIP Report as it relates to Malaysia, from 

my perspective as it relates to Cuba and other countries where the 

narrative of why a country was upgraded from a Tier 3 worst 

standard to a Tier 2 just does not fit the upgrade. So without commenting on whether it is right or wrong, you have an understanding as to why members have a concern about the 2015 TIP 

Report. Is that fair to say? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Yes, it is, Senator. I have been following all of 

your hearings on this matter and reading the articles as well. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay. Hopefully it is not in the reruns at 

night on C–SPAN where you are—you know. 

Let me ask you. Knowing that, knowing what the concerns are 

as it relates to the upgrade, how do you plan to appropriately but 

nonetheless push back? 

I am looking for someone who is going to be a staunch advocate 

for the work that the people from the TIP Office do. They do an 

incredible job. I think it is difficult, when your work gets crushed 

from up above, to still have the passion and the commitment. It 

has to be diminished somewhat. And so this office needs a leader 

who will not only lead in the work and make sure that the information is as full and as transparent and as powerful to reflect the realities of a given country, but it also needs a leader at the table 

inside of the Department where, as has been said by Senator 

Cardin, there are competing interests. And personally, as much as 

I might disagree, I would be more respectful of the competing interests being said that, look, we need, for example, Malaysia in the 

Trans-Pacific Partnership. We think that is important to our pivot 

to Asia. I might disagree with that, but at least I respect that. We 

need this country because we have a security objective. So I can 

understand those. I cannot understand when we are told carte 

blanche that in fact there are upgrades because they did the right 

thing. I find that really hard to believe. 

So with that as the basis, I want to get a sense of what you will 

do internally in the State Department in this process. When your 

people have come to conclusions and now it is time to advocate, 

how strong of an advocate will you be, understanding that you will 

have superiors that may have a different view. I just want to get 

a sense of that from you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. COPPEDGE. Thank you, Senator Menendez. 

I will be a champion for the individuals in the TIP Office and the 

work that they do, and I will be that champion year round. Part 

of my job as a Federal prosecutor is to take the facts, present them 

to a jury of 12 people, and convince them that those facts are a violation of the law. And that is very similar to the work that the TIP 

Office does. They gather facts from the field. They present those to 

the State Department individuals who make the decision and convince them where the tier rankings should be. I view my job is to 

speak to truth to power, and if power does not like to hear it, then 

I can be outranked clearly in the State Department, but I will 

speak that truth. 

Senator MENENDEZ. So let me ask you. One thing is presenting 

facts to a jury. The other thing is did you ever in your 15 years 

of experience at the U.S. Attorney’s Office face a set of circumstances—and I do not need the specifics of it, but I just want 

to get a sense—face a set of circumstances in which something was 

taking place that you felt that you had to speak out. Look, it could 

have been something that should have been prosecuted, that there 

was a judgment maybe not to prosecute, or something that was 

going to be prosecuted that you felt there was a judgment that it 

should not be prosecuted, or anything like that that you had to face 

in those 15 years that was not the easy flow of saying okay, but 

that you actually faced a moment in which you felt you had to tell 

your superiors I think this is the wrong judgment. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. I have told my superiors that, Senator. I am a 

squeaky wheel and I present the facts in the way that I see them 

and I argue from my position very forcefully. Luckily in the U.S. 

Attorney’s Office in Atlanta, we have had excellent leadership that 

recognizes that no one case is worth tarnishing the reputation of 

justice in our community. So the office has been very supportive 

when I have spoken up and felt strongly about issues. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Let me ask you. I heard your answer to Senator Corker, but I want to understand. If this committee and members ask for information, will you be willingly disposed to give that 

information to members of this committee as we are making decisions? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. I am committed to open dialogue with this committee throughout the year not just right before the TIP Report is 

released, and I look forward to working with the committee. 

Senator MENENDEZ. And so am I to take away from your answers 

that underneath that Southern genteelness that I gather from you 

there is an iron will to do what is right here? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. There is an iron will to do what is right because 

of the individuals that I have met in trafficking cases. They do not 

have a voice. You Senators are their voice. I will remind you of that 

just as you have reminded me of my responsibilities. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Then with that understanding, I look forward to supporting your nomination. 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Thank you, Senator Menendez. 

The CHAIRMAN. I might add behind that New Jersey tough accent—— 

[Laughter.] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. There is a guy that actually cares 

about people in this type of situation. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I am glad you are an interpreter for the committee. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. You know, in her case, I need to be one. 

Let me just say we did have a meeting at the end of the week— 

a closed meeting. We did that for the benefit of the State Department so that we would not have media there and other things. I 

have, since that time, asked for three specific pieces of information 

from them, just for you to know because I know people will be asking you that in the hallway, to really understand what has happened. Instead of it being sweeping, three very specific things that 

came up actually during Tony Blinken’s testimony. I do hope they 

will provide that like now. We are asking for them to reply immediately. This should not take any time to get to us. And if not, then 

I would like to talk to the committee about next steps to force that 

to happen. I just wanted to make you all aware. I think most of 

us are very unsatisfied with the testimony that occurred last week. 

With that, Senator Perdue. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Welcome, Ms. Coppedge. Thank you for the courtesy of our visit 

last week. 

For the record, I want to remind those of us here that this issue 

could have been swept under. We could have taken that TIP Report, put it on a shelf, and let it sit there. I want to commend the 

ranking member, Senator Cardin, and our chairman, Senator 

Corker, for not letting that happen. And I think the fact that you 

have four of the most distinguished Senators of our time sitting 

here before you today—I am not one of those. These four gentlemen 

are very dedicated to this issue I know personally. And they have 

got other things to do this morning, but they are here because of 

this nomination and how important it is. And I applaud all of them 

for that. 

I am honored, Mr. Chairman, that our nominee today is from 

Georgia. I have watched her for the last decade attack this with 

a vigor. I think your question, Senator Menendez, should have been 

directed toward her husband to see if she really has the iron will. 

[Laughter.] 

I suspect that she does. 

But I applaud the work you have been doing. You are coming on 

a new level now and a new stage. 

And I want to clear a couple things for the record that we talked 

about last week. In my career in business, I have been very sensitive to this idea of taking advantage of the weak in our societies 

around the world. Every culture is a little different. This is a major 

impediment to me for international trade. And one of the things 

that makes us one world and a peaceful world is the fact that we 

do not take advantage. We do not stand for people who take advantage of the weak among us. And yet, children, for the last 50 years, 

have been definitely victims of global issues and power struggles 

around the world. 

Today in this 2015 report—I am not asking for your opinion 

about the 2015 report, but I do want to talk to you about children 

soldiers. Child labor has been a topic for the last 50 years as 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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globalization has taken root, and so a lot of progress has been 

made. In children soldiers, though, I am not so sure that much 

progress has been made. There are eight countries in this TIP Report. Countries like Burma, Congo, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, 

Sudan, Syria, and Yemen are listed as countries who have forces 

that openly have children soldiers. I know you have a sensitive spot 

in your heart about this. This is a little bit different level than 

what you have been dealing with. And not all of these countries are 

on this year’s report’s worst level. 

So my question is, as we look forward, will the fact that Tier 3, 

countries that have children soldiers—is that a major issue with regard to countries being placed on Tier 3? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Well, Senator, child soldiering is certainly a horrible issue that everyone is against in this room. And I am glad 

that you brought it up. And the TIP Report does list every year 

countries that engage children as soldiers or children as workers 

in their armies or armed forces, and that is required by the Child 

Soldier Prevention Act, which governs this area. It is listed in the 

TIP Report, and it is certainly one of the factors that is evaluated 

in the report when looking at the tier rankings. 

Senator PERDUE. Are you hopeful we can eliminate that? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. I am hopeful we can do lots of things, Senator. 

That is on the list. Yes, sir. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Along with that, you have heard discussed here today—and I 

think one of our concerns looking at this 2015 report is the efficacy 

of the report. It should be the gold standard that we and others can 

depend on when we evaluate countries in terms of where we put 

businesses, how we deal with them in the State Department, and 

how we think about them here in Congress. But we now learn that 

in this report in 2015, there are several countries that just do not 

comply. Several years, Germany has not provided information. 

Now, we have no reason to suspect they are not a continuing Tier 

1 operator, but the fact that they are not providing information 

gives me pause. The fact that India again has not provided information—they are still solidly a Tier 2 player in the report. 

How will you in your role help to maintain the efficacy of this 

report not just to make sure it is not politicized but also to make 

sure that the participating countries provide the information that 

is so important for you to make your determination? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. So one of the factors that I understand the TIP 

Report considers is whether the government provides information 

and data because that is the best source of prosecutions and support being provided to victims. And if no information is forthcoming, then the TIP Report and the office has to assume that they 

are not making efforts in that area. So I know that that is built 

into the review of the report. 

I also understand that we get information from civil society in a 

country and NGOs as well, but certainly governments are encouraged and requested to provide information. 

Senator PERDUE. You know, there is a reported tension between 

JTIP and the regional bureaus of State and U.S. missions overseas. 

They go back to JTIP’s creation back in 2001. Some observers contend that while JTIP is praised for raising the policy profile of 

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human trafficking, its ability to project its antitrafficking message 

as a priority is hampered by its perceived unequal footing vis-a-vis 

the regional bureaus at State. 

How will you resolve this? I mean, this goes across all the responsibilities at State, it looks like. How will you weigh in to make 

sure that does not negatively affect our ability to evaluate these 

countries? 

Ms. COPPEDGE. Senator, I will work to build relationships with 

regional offices and with our missions in the field. They are also 

a great source of information to the TIP Office about what is going 

on with respect to trafficking in that country. I want to get the 

trafficking message clearly out to the regions and the missions and 

just build those relationships up so that we are on equal footing 

with other offices there. Obviously, there are competing priorities, 

as Senator Cardin recognized, but JTIP and the TIP Office needs 

to have a loud voice at the table and someone that individuals are 

willing to work with, and I will strive to be that person. 

Senator PERDUE. Well, thank you for your answers, and congratulations on your nomination. 

Mr. Chairman, I look forward to fully supporting this nominee 

and her impact on this report going forward. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

I do not think there are other questions. I think people have had 

time to meet with you personally and very much appreciate your 

willingness to do this. 

The record will remain open for questions through the close of 

business Wednesday. If you would answer those promptly, it helps 

in you ascending to this position. I know you will do that. And 

again, thank you and your family’s willingness to do this. 

With that, the meeting is adjourned. Thank you. 

[Whereupon, at 10:50 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF SUSAN COPPEDGE, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE TO

MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE COPPEDGE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Of the 20.9 million victims worldwide, the ILO estimates that 68 percent are trapped in labor trafficking. Yet, only 5 percent of the convictions reported 

worldwide last year were labor cases. Labor traffickers operate with near impunity 

across the globe, in large part because of the increased resources it takes to recognize, investigate and prosecute these cases. 

♦ How can J/TIP help build this expertise globally and ensure that more labor 

cases are identified and prosecuted? 

Answer. I am deeply concerned with the low rate of prosecutions and convictions 

for labor trafficking crimes around the world. If confirmed, it will be a key priority 

for me—including through the dedication of resources—to advocate for increased 

prosecutions and convictions in these cases. 

Labor trafficking takes many forms including bonded labor, domestic servitude, 

and forced child labor, and it occurs in many industries and work environments— 

from formal to informal sectors, isolated mines to urban businesses, whether legal 

or not. One important area that I will prioritize, if confirmed, is government enactment and implementation of laws that encourage prosecution of suspected traffickers and afford sufficient protections for victims. I will also lead robust engageFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ment efforts to press governments to implement fully their own laws and international commitments. 

A TIP Office under my direction would continue to work hard to further the U.S. 

Government’s leadership in combating human trafficking in all its forms. In addition to strong diplomacy aimed at pushing governments to increase prosecutions and 

convictions, I will strategically program resources and forge close relationships with 

international organizations and NGOs, as well as civil society groups, to address the 

drivers of human trafficking. If confirmed, I will also encourage business leaders to 

adopt codes of conduct for employees prohibiting the purchase of commercial sex and 

the use of unscrupulous labor practices in their supply chains. I will reach out to 

community leaders to foster the belief that it is everyone’s responsibility to do their 

part to reduce the demand for human trafficking. 

I am committed to combating human trafficking in all its forms and, if confirmed, 

I will push governments around the world to do the same. 

Question. Worldwide, convictions dropped 23 percent last year from 5,776 to 

4,443. With an estimated 21 million victims worldwide, yet fewer than 45,000 victims reported to law enforcement last year and fewer than 4,500 convictions worldwide, it is a crime of very low risk to the traffickers. 

♦ How can J/TIP leverage its diplomatic power to increase the number of convictions over the coming year? 

Answer. The low number of trafficking prosecutions and convictions is a problem 

that I have worked my entire career to change and is one that I am deeply committed to addressing if confirmed as Ambassador. I will also continue the Department’s robust and multifaceted efforts to address global shortcomings in protecting 

trafficking victims and prosecuting and convicting traffickers, and I will use my 

position to make clear to governments around the world that it is a uniquely governmental responsibility to hold perpetrators accountable for these crimes. 

The annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report is an important tool to this end. 

The Department publicly documents government efforts to identify and protect victims and prosecute and convict traffickers. I understand Department officials 

engage foreign governments year round to identify the root causes of inadequate victim protection and law enforcement efforts, and urge authorities to take appropriate 

action to address deficiencies. The TIP Report is used by a range of stakeholders 

around the world to encourage government action. If confirmed, I will ensure the 

TIP Report continues to be the gold standard in assessing government efforts to 

combat human trafficking and prompting tangible progress around the world. I will 

do my utmost to ensure that the report remains an effective tool in pushing governments to address their deficiencies in this regard. 

Another tool is the foreign assistance administered by the Office to Monitor and 

Combat Trafficking in Persons. I know firsthand that such assistance plays an 

important role in supporting government efforts to address this crime and the needs 

of victims around the world. If confirmed, I will ensure these resources are used 

effectively to build the capacity of government law enforcement and victim protection efforts. 

Governments are ultimately responsible for holding traffickers accountable and 

protecting trafficking victims. If confirmed, I will use the tools at my disposal to 

urge all governments to fulfill this responsibility. 

Question. For several years, antitrafficking activists have raised concerns about 

the politicization of the TIP Report—namely that countries are sometimes upgraded 

undeservedly when it serves other political interests for the U.S. Government. Each 

time this happens, it sends a strong signal overseas that politics is more important 

than combating trafficking. 

♦ Given the widely held perception that several countries were undeservedly upgraded in this year’s report for political reasons, what will be done to rebuild 

the credibility of the report? 

Answer. I have closely followed the release of this year’s Trafficking in Persons 

(TIP) Report and the concerns expressed by members of this committee regarding 

the tier ranking decisions and the integrity of the report. 

Congress created the TIP Report and the tier rankings to provide a means for the 

Secretary both to make objective assessments of government efforts to combat 

human trafficking and to publish the conclusions of those assessments in an effort 

to prompt tangible progress around the world. Since 2001, the TIP Report has 

helped make antitrafficking efforts an essential component of United States foreign 

policy. It is widely—and rightly—recognized as the ‘‘gold standard’’ in assessing government efforts around the world and urging improvements. I understand the 

Department strives to make the report as objective and accurate as possible, docuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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menting the successes and shortcomings of government antitrafficking efforts measured against the minimum standards established under U.S. law. The power and 

influence of the report depends on maintaining the integrity of tier rankings and 

the accompanying country analyses. 

If confirmed, I will be a visible and vocal champion of therReport within the 

Department and I commit to ensuring its impartial standards and using the full 

range of resources at my disposal to maintain those standards. I will also encourage 

the Department to continue to use the report to elevate this issue on the global 

stage, to guide its antitrafficking programming around the world, and to encourage 

foreign governments to implement recommended improvements in their efforts. 

Question. In the 2008 reauthorization of the TVPRA, the State Department was 

authorized to suspend certain categories of U.S. visas (A–3/G–5) used for guest 

workers at specific diplomatic missions or international organizations that have 

abused or exploited such workers in the past. Despite several cases, the State 

Department has yet to suspend any countries A–3/G–5 visa programs for abuse. 

♦ If confirmed, will you ensure that this portion of the TVPRA is enforced? 

Answer. The fair treatment of domestic workers employed by members of foreign 

missions in the United States is a matter of particular importance to the State 

Department. If confirmed, I will take allegations of domestic worker abuse very 

seriously. 

It is my understanding that an internal Department working group convenes to 

review allegations of domestic worker abuse and brings them to the attention of the 

relevant foreign chief of mission, with a requirement to review the allegations and 

report back to the Department promptly regarding the findings. 

The Department also regularly reminds foreign chiefs of mission of their obligations toward domestic workers, as well as their obligation to comply with U.S. laws 

and Department requirements relating to the employment of domestic workers, 

including the suspension provision in the 2008 TVPRA. 

If confirmed, I will do my utmost to ensure the Department continues to review 

every allegation of domestic worker abuse that is brought to its attention and take 

appropriate action. I will support Department of State efforts to work with the diplomatic community on matters related to U.S. investigations into alleged abuse and 

compliance with U.S. requirements relating to the employment of domestic workers. 

If confirmed, I will take seriously the suspension requirements of the 2008 TVPRA 

and make recommendations to the Secretary accordingly. 

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE COPPEDGE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MARKEY

Question. Trafficking in persons is a crime that has a devastating role in the fishing and maritime industry. U.S. companies should bear some responsibility to prevent goods secured through the use of human trafficking victims from accessing U.S. 

markets. 

♦ Please describe how the State Department, in coordination with other relevant 

U.S. Government agencies, is conducting outreach to U.S. companies and suppliers to identify and mitigate sources of goods supplied with the use of trafficking victims, particularly in the fishing industry. 

Answer. The Department of State’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in 

Persons (TIP Office) has long documented the risks of human trafficking in the seafood sector. In recent years, a growing body of reporting has documented forced 

labor on coastal and deep sea fishing vessels, as well as in shrimp farming and seafood processing. In an industry where a largely migrant workforce faces harsh conditions, isolation at sea, and environmental factors that are forcing boats to travel 

greater distances for longer periods of time, the risks of trafficking in persons loom 

large. The 2015 annual Trafficking in Persons Report noted that 54 of 188 country 

narratives referenced forced labor in the seafood sector. 

It is my understanding that the Department is working with the business community to support companies in addressing the problem of forced labor in their supply 

chains, and also to leverage additional avenues of pressure on governments to establish and enforce clear antitrafficking laws and regulations that ensure respect for 

human rights and fair trade practices. 

I also understand that the Department of State regularly meets and consults with 

a variety of companies—including from the fishing, electronics, and travel and tourism industries—that have expressed an interest in addressing the potential vulnerability of human trafficking in supply chains. The TIP Office convenes meetings 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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with industry in coordination with other federal agencies, such as the Department 

of Labor, the Office of Management and Budget, and USAID. Specifically related to 

seafood, the TIP Office has convened NGOs, multinational corporations and associations, government officials, and leading academics to discuss the issue of human 

trafficking in the seafood sector, share model approaches to preventing such forced 

labor, and forge new partnerships. TIP Office staff members have also given presentations, met with seafood suppliers, and traveled with an industry coalition to Thailand to gain further insight, together with U.S. mission personnel, to examine the 

risks of human trafficking in the fishing industry as well as consider solutions to 

address concerns. 

Following the release of Executive Order 13627, Strengthening Protections 

Against Trafficking in Persons in Federal Contracts, the Senior Policy Operating 

Group’s Procurement and Supply Chains Committee and its members participated 

in a lengthy process for reviewing public comments and developing amendments to 

the Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR) implementing both the EO and Title XVII 

(Ending Trafficking in Government Contracting) of the 2013 National Defense 

Authorization Act. Committee members also participated in updating training for 

Federal Acquisitions personnel across the U.S. Government. 

I know that to support this work, the TIP Office entered into a cooperative agreement with Verite ́, an NGO leader in supply chain management, to gather data on 

the areas of greatest risk of trafficking in global supply chains and produced a 

report on those sectors and commodities with a history or indications of supporting 

trafficking or trafficking-related activities. In addition, under the agreement, Verite ́

will develop tools for federal contractors and corporations to analyze the risks of 

trafficking in their supply chains and implement ethical sourcing guidelines. The 

initiative included outreach to corporations to solicit expertise and advice to inform 

the development of the tools to be used by federal contractors and businesses. 

Finally, the initiative includes a pilot project to engage seafood sector companies 

and then provide tailored guidance for those companies who wish to adopt promising practices consistent with the principles of the EO. 

The State Department also chairs the Presidential Task Force on Combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated Fishing and Seafood Fraud (IUU Task Force), a 

practice that has significant overlap with issues of human trafficking. 

Question. Earlier this year, the State Department named Ghana as the first country in which to implement the Child Protection Compacts, which have a specific 

focus to prioritize the rescue of children in slave labor conditions and hold perpetrators of child slave labor accountable for these crimes. 

♦ As the head of the Trafficking in Persons Office, what will you do to ensure that 

the Ghanaian Government upholds their agreement to focus on the rescue of 

children enslaved and the arrest and prosecution of perpetrators? Also, how will 

you ensure that the Child Protection Compacts continue to be implemented in 

other countries to build successful models for ending child slavery? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the TIP Office closely monitors activities 

to implement the first Child Protection Compact (CPC) Partnership between the 

United States and the Government of Ghana. I will ask for regular reports noting 

any progress and obstacles toward achieving the jointly developed objectives of 

enhanced child protection, more effective prosecution of child traffickers, and prevention of the crime. If the Government of Ghana fails to adhere to its responsibilities under the CPC Partnership, the authorizing legislation permits the Secretary 

to suspend or terminate the assistance and to reinstate it after corrective action is 

taken. I also expect to engage the Ghanaian ministries participating in the CPC 

Partnership in an annual high-level bilateral dialogue to highlight accomplishments 

and challenges and to chart corrective action, if needed. 

I look forward, if confirmed, and should funds become available for this purpose, 

to implementing this unique model of foreign assistance by identifying additional 

prospective countries for such a Partnership, conducting appropriate interagency 

consultations, assessing the feasibility and likelihood of success, and negotiating 

future CPC Partnerships. In doing so, I would build on the Office’s experience and 

lessons learned through establishing the first CPC Partnership with Ghana. 

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NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 1, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Hon. Robert Porter Jackson, of Virginia, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoteniary of the United States of America to 

the Republic of Ghana 

Hon. Harry K. Thomas, Jr., of New York, to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Zimbabwe 

Julie Furuta-Toy of Wyoming, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea 

Dennis B. Hankins, of Minnesota, a Career Member of the Senior 

Foreign Service Class of Minister-Counselor, to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Guinea 

Linda I. Etim, of Wisconsin, to be an Assistant Administrator of 

the United States Agency for International Development 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:04 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake, presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake, Gardner, Barrasso, Markey, Murphy, 

and Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

I welcome you all to this hearing. 

I was pleased to meet with all of you in my office earlier. I appreciate you making that effort to get to know you better and talk 

about your history and what you hope to accomplish. As you know, 

I have long had an interest in African affairs and had some opportunity to spend time there, including in Zimbabwe where one of the 

nominees is headed. 

Today we will hear from nominees for Ghana, Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, and Guinea, and from the nominee to serve as Assistant Administrator at AID in its Africa Bureau. We will also examine a wide variety of issues. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ghana has embarked on its second MCC compact to address energy issues facing the country while it tries to diversify its economy 

away from oil. 

Zimbabwe’s aged dictator, Robert Mugabe, is beginning to show 

signs that his age may give way to succession at some point, and 

we will be watching that leadership struggle in that country. 

Equatorial Guinea continues to struggle with human rights and 

developing its resources in a way to benefit all of its citizens. 

Guinea, of course, is picking up the pieces from the Ebola outbreak that wrought such devastation there and is looking forward 

to building a post-Ebola health care system. 

Lastly, we will look at how the Africa Bureau and USAID can 

bridge the gap from this administration to the next one while ensuring little or no disruption in the work that it is doing in subSaharan Africa. 

I thank all of you for your time, for sharing your experiences and 

your expertise with us. I look forward to your testimony. We have 

a PAC scheduled around this today, and so I hope you do not take 

our desire for brevity in this hearing as anything other than we 

have a busy schedule and we appreciate you being here and also 

appreciate—I know many of you have family members sitting behind you, and hopefully you will recognize them in your testimony. 

But I would like to recognize Senator Markey for his comments. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. And 

thank you for your leadership on the subcommittee and for convening this hearing to consider the nomination of these distinguished public servants to serve as United States Ambassadors to 

countries in Africa and one to lead USAID’s Africa Bureau. 

And to all the nominees who are here today, thank you for dedicating your lives in service to our country. Every one of you has 

served with a commitment and a dedication that we appreciate and 

admire. 

These are important nominations. Africa presents much opportunity but also many challenges. 

Mr. Chairman, when you and I joined the President in Africa 

this summer, we saw firsthand the possibilities to spark Africa’s 

existing entrepreneurial spirit to create unprecedented economic 

opportunity and growth. We can and we should spur this growth 

by supporting expanded access to sustainable sources of power, innovative telecommunications, and Internet connectivity. All of 

these are fundamental requirements for commercial and social success in this modern 21st century era. 

At the same time, Africa faces tremendous challenges. We must 

strongly support efforts to prevent trafficking in persons, protect 

human rights, including the right of LGBT people, and strengthen 

democracy and good governance. 

So I look forward to the hearing today, and again, we thank all 

of you for being here and your willingness to serve our country. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Markey. 

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499 

Our first nominee is Robert Porter Jackson, career member of 

the Senior Foreign Service, most recently at the State Department 

and prior to that Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon, with 

previous postings in Morocco, Cote d’Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Botswana, 

Nigeria, Burundi. It is just about all of Africa there. 

Our second nominee, Harry K. Thomas, a career member of the 

Senior Foreign Service, currently serving as Diplomat in Residence 

at Arizona State University. A smart man. [Laughter.] 

I understand your wife enjoys it there as well. That is a good 

place to be. Everybody ends up in Arizona at some point, I should 

mention. 

Prior to that he served as Ambassador to the Philippines, previously posted in Washington, DC, and also around the world. 

Our third nominee is Julie Furuta-Toy, who is a career member 

of the Foreign Service as well. Her current posting is at our Embassy in Oslo, previous posts in Ghana, Washington, DC, and 

around the world. We talked in my office about springing from the 

equator up to Scandinavia and back. So that is quite a trip. I do 

not know what kind of clothes you pack wherever you go, but it has 

to be a variety. 

Our fourth nominee is Dennis B. Hankins, career member of the 

Senior Foreign Service also. He currently serves at our consulate 

in Brazil, prior postings in Sudan, Mauritania, Mozambique, DRC, 

and elsewhere. 

And also, the last as well, but Linda and I traveled in Africa recently, Linda Etim from Wisconsin, Assistant Administrator to 

USAID, the Africa Bureau there. I enjoyed being with you and Senator Markey as well and Kenya and Ethiopia. So I look forward to 

hearing your testimony. 

We will start with Ambassador Jackson. 

STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT PORTER JACKSON, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF GHANA 

Ambassador JACKSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking 

Member. I am honored to appear before you today, and I am grateful for the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

have placed in me as their nominee to be the Ambassador to the 

Republic of Ghana. 

I am joined by my wife, Babs Jackson, and other friends and colleagues this afternoon. 

Since I joined the Foreign Service 33 years ago, as you noted, I 

have served on three continents, as well as here at home. In these 

assignments, I have endeavored to promote human rights, 

strengthen civil society, foster development, and expand U.S. exports. I have repeatedly returned to Africa because I have found 

that in the course of 2 or 3 years, one can see what one has accomplished. I found that especially true as Ambassador to Cameroon. 

If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Ghana, I will draw 

upon these experiences to advance U.S. interests in Africa. 

Ghana is a strong partner of the United States, sharing democratic values and goals of human rights, economic growth, and regional stability. If confirmed, my priorities will be to promote democracy, good governance, peace, trade, education, and health, to 

unlock Ghana’s potential for sustained, inclusive, broad-based ecoFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

500 

nomic growth, and to help it graduate from traditional development 

assistance. 

Ghana is widely considered one of the leading democracies on the 

African Continent, with active political parties and civil society organizations. Ghana’s democracy benefits from a lively media, a history of peaceful political transitions, an apolitical military, and a 

good human rights record. Celebrating 58 years of independence in 

2015, Ghana has held six national elections since 1992, and power 

has alternated between its two largest political parties. If confirmed, I look forward to witnessing Ghana achieve its seventh consecutive peaceful and transparent national democratic elections in 

December of 2016. 

Ghana has been hit hard by low prices for its three major exports: cocoa, gold, and oil. Nonetheless, Ghana has the potential to 

become one of sub-Saharan Africa’s leading economies and provides 

enormous opportunities for bilateral trade and investment. While 

Ghana takes advantage of the African Growth and Opportunity 

Act, continued assistance to increase domestic capacity and market 

competitiveness is needed to help Ghanaian businesses take full 

advantage of trade benefits provided by this legislation. The recently launched Trade Africa Expansion Initiative, along with 

USAID’s West African Trade Hub, will play key roles in building 

the capacity of Ghanaian institutions and supporting Ghana’s efforts to expand exports. Along with the USAID-led Feed the Future 

programs, the Trade Hub will also increase regional trade in agricultural products to improve food security. If confirmed, I will explore new and innovative approaches to expand commercial ties. 

One of the brakes on Ghana’s growth has been inadequate infrastructure, especially in the energy sector. Ghana completed a 5- 

year Millennium Challenge account compact in 2012 focused on agricultural and rural development, and Ghana signed a second compact during the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit last August, this one 

focusing on the power sector. 

The summit itself highlighted U.S. ties with Africa. People-topeople links between the United States and Ghana have grown 

ever stronger over the last 50-plus years, and we have enjoyed a 

continuous and vibrant Peace Corps presence, as well as other exchange programs. Ghana is the original Peace Corps country, and 

Ghanaians are proud to say that while Peace Corps was born in 

the United States, it learned to walk in Ghana. More than 4,000 

Peace Corps Volunteers have served in Ghana since 1961, and 

there are currently 136 Volunteers in agriculture, education, and 

health projects. In fact, Ghana has made steady but uneven 

progress in improving health over the last decade. 

Ghana and the United States share an interest in countering terrorism, securing maritime borders, and promoting regional stability. We are also working together to combat drug and human 

trafficking. Ghana is an important supporter of peacekeeping and 

law enforcement through the Kofi Annan Peacekeeping Center and 

a regional training center, respectively. A longtime participant in 

peacekeeping operations, Ghana is also a partner in the Security 

Governance Initiative and the African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Initiative. And its stability has contributed to peace and security in West Africa. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

501 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, I thank you for the opportunity to address you this afternoon, and I welcome your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jackson follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ROBERT P. JACKSON

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and other members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you today. I am grateful for the confidence that President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador 

to the Republic of Ghana. I am joined today by Babette Pollard Jackson, my wife 

and partner for the last 26 years. 

Since I entered the Foreign Service 33 years ago, I have served in Canada, 

Burundi, Zimbabwe, Portugal, Cote d’Ivoire, Senegal, Morocco, and Cameroon, as 

well as here at home. In these assignments, I have endeavored to promote human 

rights, strengthen civil society, foster development, and expand U.S. exports. I have 

repeatedly returned to Africa because I have found that, in the course of 2 or 3 

years, one can see one’s accomplishments; I found that especially true as Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon. If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to the 

Republic of Ghana, I will draw upon these experiences to advance U.S. interests in 

Africa. 

Ghana is a strong partner of the United States, sharing democratic values and 

goals of human rights, economic growth, and regional stability. If confirmed, my priorities will be to promote democracy, good governance, peace, trade, education, and 

health, to unlock Ghana’s potential for sustained, inclusive, broad-based economic 

growth and to help it graduate from traditional development assistance. 

Ghana is widely considered one of the leading democracies on the African Continent, with active political parties and civil society organizations. Ghana’s democracy benefits from a lively media, a history of peaceful political transitions between 

the two main political parties, an apolitical military, and a good human rights 

record. Celebrating 58 years of independence in 2015, Ghana has held six national 

elections since 1992, and power has alternated between its two-largest political parties. If confirmed, I look forward to witnessing Ghana achieve its seventh consecutive peaceful and transparent national democratic elections in December 2016. 

Ghana has been hit hard by low prices for its three major exports: cocoa, gold, 

and oil. Nonetheless, Ghana has the potential to become one of sub- Saharan Africa’s leading economies and provides enormous opportunities for bilateral trade and 

investment. While Ghana takes advantage of the African Growth and Opportunity 

Act (AGOA), continued assistance to increase domestic capacity and market competitiveness is needed to help Ghanaian businesses take full advantage of the trade 

benefits provided by this legislation. The recently launched Trade Africa Expansion 

Initiative, along with USAID’s West African Trade Hub, will play key roles in building the capacity of Ghanaian institutions and supporting Ghana’s efforts to expand 

exports. Along with the USAID-led bilateral Feed the Future programs, the Trade 

Hub will also increase regional trade in agricultural products to improve food security. If confirmed, I will explore new and innovative approaches to expand commercial ties between the United States and Ghana. 

One of the brakes on Ghana’s growth has been inadequate infrastructure, especially in the energy sector. Ghana completed a 5-year $547 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact in 2012 focused on agriculture and rural development. Ghana signed a second MCC compact to transform the power sector on 

August 5, 2014, during the U.S.-Africa Leaders summit. 

The summit highlighted U.S. ties with Africa. People-to-people links between the 

United States and Ghana have grown ever stronger through more than 50 years of 

a continuous and vibrant Peace Corps presence, as well as Fulbright, Humphrey, 

Community College Initiative (CCI), and Kennedy-Lugar Youth Exchange and 

Study (YES) exchange programs. Ghana is the original Peace Corps country and is 

proud of the fact that while Peace Corps was born in America, it learned to walk 

in Ghana. More than 4,410 Peace Corps volunteers have served in Ghana since the 

program was established in 1961. There are currently 136 volunteers in Ghana 

working with their communities on projects in education, agriculture, and health. 

Ghana has made significant but uneven progress in improving health over the 

past decade. One of the key bottlenecks across almost all health indicators is the 

uneven distribution of wealth between Ghana’s impoverished North and the more 

affluent South. Many of our programs, including basic education, health, and agricultural assistance, therefore, focus on the North. 

Ghana and the United States share an interest in countering terrorism, securing 

the maritime borders, and promoting regional stability. We are also working 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

502 

together to combat escalating drug and human trafficking. Ghana is an important 

supporter of peacekeeping through the Kofi Annan Peacekeeping Training Center 

and law enforcement-oriented efforts through the Regional Training Center. A longtime participant in the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance 

(ACOTA) program, Ghana is also a partner country in the Security Governance Initiative and the African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Partnership (A–PRRP). Stability in Ghana has contributed to peace and security in West Africa, and if confirmed, I will support Ghana’s efforts to promote regional and global stability. Of 

course, as is the case for all Ambassadors, protecting the safety and welfare of U.S. 

citizens will be a top priority. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the opportunity to 

address you today. I welcome your questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Thomas. 

STATEMENT OF HON. HARRY K. THOMAS, JR., NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE 

Ambassador THOMAS. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today and grateful to 

President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Assistant Secretary Linda 

Thomas-Greenfield for the confidence they have placed in me as 

their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe. 

Permit me to thank my family for their support, especially my 

wife and partner, Mithi Aquino-Thomas; my sister, Nelda Canada; 

my cousins, Jen and Sharon Boyd; Comitrik and Leslie Smith; and 

my niece, Alya Thomas. We are also joined by friends from around 

the globe, and I very much appreciate their attendance to witness 

how our democracy functions. 

I would like to add my sincere appreciation to my mom who is 

here today, Hildonia Thomas, robust at 91, and my late father, 

Harry Thomas, Sr., whose guidance and love gave me the opportunity to be before you today. 

A special thanks to my in-laws, Colonel Aquino and Dr. Aquino, 

for their faith and trust in me. 

Finally, our three children, Casey, Emmanuel Miguel, and Zoe 

are away at university but with us today in spirit. 

Mr. Chairman, I will summarize my remarks as the entire testimony has been entered into the record. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priorities will be to ensure 

the security and safety of American citizens and to advance the interests and values of the United States and the American people. 

I am excited at the possibility of returning to Zimbabwe where 

I previously served our Nation during a time of relative harmony. 

It is the land where our daughter, Casey, learned to walk, talk, 

and respect the wonderful people of Zimbabwe. It is where I visited 

the beautiful and important game parks that must be protected, 

saw the great historic Zimbabwe ruins, experienced the wondrous 

Victoria Falls, and witnessed the excitement the entire world 

shared when Nelson Mandela was released from prison and paid 

his initial visit to Harare as an example of forgiveness, tolerance, 

and respect for human rights. 

With full recognition of the complex challenges Zimbabwe faces, 

I remain optimistic about the country’s future and believe that the 

United States has an important role to play in helping the people 

of Zimbabwe build a just, free, and prosperous nation. The trajectory of Zimbabwe’s recent past should not obscure the nation’s treFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

503 

mendous potential. Though battered by more than a decade of political strife, economic decline, and challenges to its health system, 

Zimbabwe retains a foundational human and physical infrastructure upon which it can build a strong future. It is in the interest 

of the United States to be a partner in that process, and if confirmed, I will continue the work of building productive and respectful relationships with all Zimbabweans of good will. 

The United States has shown its deep and abiding concern for 

Zimbabwe through the nearly $1 billion in humanitarian relief and 

health-related assistance we have provided to its people just in the 

last decade. There is no more explicit expression of our support for 

the people of Zimbabwe than our standing by them through their 

times of greatest need. We need, however, to prepare to move beyond a relationship defined by aid. 

U.S. policy in Zimbabwe is not about regime change. Only the 

people of Zimbabwe have the ability to change their government. 

Our policies support principles not parties or people. When, however, self-determination is denied, as it is in Zimbabwe through political violence, fraudulent and mismanaged elections, and restrictions on the rights and opportunity to take part in the conduct of 

public affairs, the United States cannot ignore such human rights 

violations. We have taken principled steps to demonstrate our concern about the actions of those responsible for and those who profit 

from miscarriages of the promise Zimbabwe offered at independence. We will consistently stand for the rights of Zimbabweans to 

participate fully in their nation’s political process. 

If confirmed, I will work to enable Zimbabwe to become a just, 

prosperous, and democratic state that meets the needs of its people, contributes to security and development in the region, and 

plays an important role in world affairs. We will not always agree 

with the Government of Zimbabwe, but we will always attempt to 

maintain a respectful and open dialogue. 

The United States seeks the full implementation of the 2013 

Constitution: credible, lasting democratic reforms; and respect for 

human rights and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will work toward 

those objectives which could be a trigger for the United States to 

open a much more dynamic relationship. 

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and 

I would be happy to answer any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Thomas follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF HARRY K. THOMAS, JR. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today, and grateful to President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Assistant Secretary 

Linda Thomas-Greenfield for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Zimbabwe. Please permit me to thank my 

family for their support especially my wife and partner Mithi Aquino-Thomas, a 

human resources instructor, my sister, Nelda Canada, a retired paralegal, my cousins, Ray and Jen Boyd, retired U.S. Government officials, and Sharon Boyd, who 

works for the Fairfax County Police. I would like to add my sincere appreciation 

to my mom, Hildonia Thomas, a former teacher and social worker, and my late 

father, Harry Thomas, Sr., whose guidance and love gave me the opportunity to be 

before you today. A special thanks to my in-laws, Col. Aquino and Doctor Aquino, 

for their faith and trust in me. Finally, our three children Casey, Emmanuel Miguel, 

and Zoe are away at university but with us today in spirit. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

504 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priorities will be to ensure the security and 

safety of American citizens and to advance the interests and values of the United 

States and the American people. 

I am excited at the possibility of returning to Zimbabwe where I previously served 

our Nation during a time of relative harmony. It is the land where our daughter, 

Casey, learned to walk, talk, and respect the wonderful people of Zimbabwe. It is 

where I visited the beautiful and important game parks that must be protected, saw 

the historic Great Zimbabwe ruins, experienced the wondrous Victoria Falls and 

witnessed the excitement the entire world shared when Nelson Mandela was 

released from prison and paid his initial visit to Harare as an example of forgiveness, tolerance, and respect for human rights. With full recognition of the complex 

challenges Zimbabwe faces, I remain optimistic about the country’s future and 

believe that the United States has an important role to play in helping the people 

of Zimbabwe build a just, free, and prosperous nation. The trajectory of Zimbabwe’s 

recent past should not obscure the nation’s tremendous potential. Though battered 

by more than a decade of political strife, economic decline, and challenges to its 

health systems, Zimbabwe retains a foundational human and physical infrastructure upon which it can build a strong future. It is in the interest of the United 

States to be a partner in that process and, if confirmed, I will continue the work 

of building productive and respectful relationships with all Zimbabweans of good 

will. 

The United States has shown its deep and abiding concern for Zimbabwe through 

the nearly 1 billion dollars in humanitarian relief and health-related assistance we 

have provided to its people just in the last decade. There is no more explicit expression of our support for the people of Zimbabwe than our standing by them through 

their times of greatest need. We need, however, to prepare to move beyond a relationship defined by aid. Zimbabweans are fully capable of feeding themselves, meeting the nation’s health and education needs, building a dynamic political system, 

and restoring what was once one of the strongest economies in Africa. Zimbabwe 

can and should be a nation of economic opportunities, of respect for the rule of law 

and the human rights of all people. Those are values that reflect the core of what 

Americans share with Zimbabweans and that we should pursue together. 

U.S. policy in Zimbabwe is not about regime change. Only the people of Zimbabwe 

have the ability to change their government. Our policies support principles, not 

parties or people.When, however, self-determination is denied, as it is in Zimbabwe 

through political violence, fraudulent and mismanaged elections, and restrictions on 

the right and opportunity to take part in the conduct of public affairs, the United 

States cannot ignore such human rights violations. We have taken principled steps 

to demonstrate our concern about the actions of those responsible for, and those who 

profit from, miscarriages of the promise Zimbabwe offered at independence. We will 

consistently stand for the rights of Zimbabweans to participate fully in their nation’s 

political processes. 

If confirmed, I will work to enable Zimbabwe to become a just, prosperous, and 

democratic state that meets the needs of its people, contributes to security and 

development in the region, and plays an important role in world affairs. That was 

U.S. policy in 1980 when we were the first nation to recognize Zimbabwe’s independence, and it continues to be our policy. We will not always agree with the Government of Zimbabwe, but we will always attempt to maintain a respectful and open 

dialogue. 

The United States seeks the full implementation of the 2013 Constitution; credible, lasting democratic reforms; and respect for human rights and rule of law by 

the Government of Zimbabwe. If confirmed, I will work with toward those objectives, 

which could be a trigger for the United States to open a much more dynamic relationship. 

If confirmed, I will give special attention to the welfare and security of American 

citizens in Zimbabwe and to meeting with people from across the rich spectrum of 

Zimbabwe’s society, making an assessment of the situation there and offering 

recommendations on the best way forward. As we continue to urge democratic development, we must also continue to invest in the people of Zimbabwe—the health, 

people-to-people exchanges, humanitarian aid, and business development work—to 

preserve the human capital needed to rebuild Zimbabwe in the years ahead. I have 

faith that with this support, once given the opportunity to communicate, organize, 

and express their will, the people of Zimbabwe will find the best path forward and 

pursue it successfully. 

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you and I would be happy to 

answer questions. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator FLAKE. Well, thank you, Mr. Thomas. As they say in 

Zimbabwe, makorokoto. Congratulations for this nomination. 

And before Ms. Furuta-Toy says something, we have a home 

State Senator who wanted to say something. 

Senator BARRASSO. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the opportunity to congratulate all the nominees and 

thank you for your commitment to service. 

I absolutely do want to take a moment to welcome Julie FurutaToy to the committee. I would love to stay. I am chairing a Public 

Lands Subcommittee hearing this afternoon, but I did want to 

come and congratulate each of you and to talk specifically about a 

proud resident of the great State of Wyoming. A number of years 

ago, Julie and her husband Steven made the wise decision to make 

Cody, WY, their home. As many of you know, Cody is a wonderful 

town, full of natural beauty. It is the gateway to Wyoming’s crown 

jewel, Yellowstone National Park, and the home of former Wyoming U.S. Senator Alan Simpson. So if you need any advice, call 

Al. [Laughter.] 

He will put it in terms and he will be able to make it very clear 

to anyone listening exactly what he has in mind. 

But I will just tell you as a career member of the Senior Foreign 

Service, Julie Furuta-Toy has worked in many critical countries 

across the globe, including Mexico, the Philippines, Haiti, Russia, 

Ghana, India, Norway. Her 29 years of service has provided her 

with the knowledge, the skills, the experiences to address the many 

challenges and adventures ahead. I am very grateful for her willingness to serve our country and to provide strong leadership in 

implementing the foreign policy goals of the United States. It is 

clear that she will make her family, the people of Wyoming, and 

our Nation very proud. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, thank you. You are right to be proud. 

Mr. Hankins? Oh, I am sorry. [Laughter.] 

I thought he was speaking for you. 

Senator BARRASSO. She will take questions later. [Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE. I apologize. Ms. Furuta-Toy. 

STATEMENT OF JULIE FURUTA–TOY, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF EQUATORIAL GUINEA 

Ms. FURUTA-TOY. Thank you very much, Chairman Flake, Ranking Member Markey, Senator Barrasso, Senator Kaine. I am very 

pleased today to have the opportunity to testify before you. It is a 

great honor for me to appear this afternoon as the nominee to be 

the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial 

Guinea. And I am grateful for the confidence that President Obama 

and Secretary of State Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed by 

the Senate, I will do my best to uphold this trust and further the 

U.S. national interests. 

Mr. Chairman, I regret that my husband, Steve, is in Wyoming 

today and my daughter, Sara, is unable to be here, but I am 

pleased to introduce to you my son, Eliot. He was born during my 

first tour in the Foreign Service 27 years ago in Manila, the Philippines. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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And since then, as Senator Barrasso has noted, I have served in 

many places around the world, a disparate group of countries that 

has demonstrated to me similar disparate attitudes towards the 

rule of law, good governance, and transparency. 

While serving as the Deputy Chief of Mission in Ghana, I am 

proud to have implemented U.S. foreign policy focused on reducing 

and eliminating the worst forms of child labor and trafficking in 

persons. And through interagency dialogue and strong support 

from the Department of State and U.S. Congress, we were also able 

to promote important educational exchanges, target assistance towards the country’s impediments to growth, and support U.S. commercial interests. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the honorable members of this committee similarly to advance U.S. interests in Equatorial Guinea. 

U.S. policy priorities in Equatorial Guinea are to encourage the 

government there to open democratic space to the opposition, increase respect for human rights and civil liberties, strengthen our 

commercial ties and diversify its economy, and to increase economic, health, and educational opportunities for all its citizens. 

Equatorial Guinea, with a population of about 1 million people, 

is located on the strategic Gulf of Guinea. Although the country is 

nominally a multiparty, constitutional republic, President Obiang’s 

Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea has been in power since a 

military coup in 1979. The party controls all but one seat in the 

Chamber of Deputies and one seat in the Senate. Opposition political parties are severely restricted, and opposition leaders have 

faced harassment, intimidation, and arrest. 

Equatorial Guinea is the third-largest producer of oil in sub-Saharan Africa and has one of the highest per-capita income rates in 

Africa. Despite this, much of its population lives below the poverty 

level and official corruption is widespread. Should I be confirmed, 

I will stress and encourage the country’s leadership to respect 

human rights and rule of law. I will also urge that government 

leaders pursue multi-party democracy and facilitate the growth of 

a strong civil society. And I will stress that promoting transparency 

and ending corrupt practices are key to Equatorial Guinea’s longterm growth and stability. 

The United States has a robust economic relationship with Equatorial Guinea and remains its largest trading partner. The U.S. 

Embassy plays a critical trade facilitation and promotion role for 

U.S. investors in Equatorial Guinea. U.S. oil companies are Equatorial Guinea’s largest investors, and they have the lead role in oil 

and gas exploration and extraction. Moreover, last year, Equatorial 

Guinea was the ninth-largest African market for U.S. exports. 

Should I be confirmed, I will continue to work to protect the commercial interests of U.S. oil companies invested in Equatorial Guinea. 

Mr. Chairman, while our bilateral dialogue and engagement pays 

heed to Equatorial Guinea’s sovereignty and traditions, we must 

also be frank in discussing our concerns. If confirmed, I will continue to promote U.S. interests and encourage Equatorial Guinea’s 

further political, economic, and social development while vigilantly 

protecting the safety of our Embassy personnel and their families. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

507 

And finally, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me 

than protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of American citizens living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea. 

I promise to work closely with you and the members of this committee in this endeavor. 

I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and 

I would be pleased to answer any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Furuta-Toy follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JULIE FURUTA-TOY

Thank you very much Chairman Flake, Ranking Member Markey, and members 

of the committee for the opportunity to testify before you today. It is a great honor 

for me to appear before you this afternoon as the nominee to be the next United 

States Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. I am grateful for the confidence that President Obama and Secretary of State Kerry have placed in me. If 

confirmed by the Senate, I will do my best to uphold this trust and further U.S. 

national interests. 

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to introduce my son Eliot. He was born during my 

first tour in the Foreign Service 27 years ago in Manila, the Philippines. 

Since then, I have had the honor to serve in Haiti, India, Russia, Ghana, and Norway. Such a disparate group of countries has demonstrated to me similarly disparate attitudes toward rule of law, good governance, and transparency. While serving 

as Deputy Chief of Mission in Ghana I am proud to have implemented U.S. policy 

focused on reducing and eliminating the worst forms of child labor and trafficking 

in persons. Through interagency dialogue and strong support from the Department 

of State and U.S. Congress, we were also able to promote important educational 

exchanges, target assistance toward the country’s impediments to growth, and support U.S. commercial interests. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, if confirmed, I look forward to working 

with you and the honorable members of this committee similarly to advance U.S. 

interests in Equatorial Guinea. U.S. policy priorities in Equatorial Guinea are to 

encourage the government there to open democratic space to the opposition, increase 

respect for human rights and civil liberties, strengthen our commercial ties and 

diversify its economy, and to increase economic, health, and educational opportunities for all its citizens. 

Equatorial Guinea, with a population of fewer than 1 million people, is located 

on the strategic Gulf of Guinea. Although the country is nominally a multiparty, 

constitutional republic, President Obiang Nguema’s Democratic Party of Equatorial 

Guinea has been in power since a military coup in 1979. The Party controls all but 

one seat in the Chamber of Deputies and one seat in the Senate. Opposition political 

parties are severely restricted, and opposition leaders have faced harassment, 

intimidation, and arrest. Equatorial Guinea is the third-largest producer of oil in 

sub-Saharan Africa, and has one of the highest per-capita income rates in Africa. 

Despite this, much of its population lives below the poverty level; and official corruption is widespread. Should I be confirmed, I will stress and encourage the country’s leadership to respect human rights and rule of law. I will also urge that government leaders pursue multiparty democracy and facilitate the growth of a strong 

civil society, and I will stress that promoting transparency and ending corrupt practices are key to Equatorial Guinea’s long-term growth and stability. 

The United States has a robust economic relationship with Equatorial Guinea, 

and remains its largest trading partner. The U.S. Embassy plays a critical trade 

facilitation and promotion role for U.S. investors in Equatorial Guinea. U.S. oil companies are Equatorial Guinea’s largest investors, and they have the lead role in oil 

and gas exploration and extraction. Moreover, last year Equatorial Guinea was the 

ninth-largest African market for U.S. exports. Should I be confirmed, I will continue 

to work to protect the commercial interests of U.S. oil companies invested in Equatorial Guinea. 

Mr. Chairman, while our bilateral dialogue and engagement pays heed to Equatorial Guinea’s sovereignty and traditions, we also must be frank in discussing our 

concerns. If confirmed, I will continue to promote U.S. interests and encourage 

Equatorial Guinea’s further political, economic, and social development, while vigilantly protecting the safety of our embassy personnel and their families. 

And, finally, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me than protecting 

the lives, interests and welfare of American citizens living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

508 

I promise to work closely with you and the members of this committee in this 

endeavor. 

I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would be pleased 

to answer any questions you may have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Hankins. 

STATEMENT OF DENNIS B. HANKINS, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA 

Mr. HANKINS. Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, I 

am deeply honored to appear before you today and grateful to 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have 

placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of 

Guinea. 

I want to recognize my wife, Mira, who is here today. She has 

been by my side through 31 years in the Foreign Service, and I 

credit her for providing support for any success I may have had. 

My son, Danu, cannot be here today due to his service commitments with the United States Navy. 

It has been my honor to serve in 16 assignments during my Foreign Service career, with six of those assignments spanning 14 

years focused on Africa. Many of my assignments have been in 

countries in the midst of or emerging from crisis. Despite the challenges of these postings, I have relished the opportunity to engage 

in diplomacy that can dramatically affect a country’s future and advance American interests. 

My experience in a number of young African democracies tells 

me that the transition from dictatorship to an open society requires 

constant sustained attention and commitment by national leaders 

and all segments of society. Guineans have made it clear that they 

want to see the United States working hand in hand with all three 

branches of the Guinean Government to reinforce Guinea’s democratic architecture. Our work to strengthen media reforms and civil 

society is just as important. As part of our work with the executive 

branch, we continue to work with Guinea’s security apparatus, the 

military and police, to strengthen its professionalism and bring it 

firmly under elected civilian authority. Finally, we must sustain 

our efforts to reduce poverty and disease in Guinea, including by 

strengthening the health system. Responsible management of 

Guinea’s mineral wealth is key to Guinea’s long-term poverty reduction efforts. The challenges are many and will only be overcome 

through true Guinean commitment, but we need to support those 

who wish to help their country. 

The Republic of Guinea achieved a landmark election in 2010, its 

first free and democratic Presidential election. If confirmed, I will 

work hard to ensure U.S. support for Guinea’s nascent democracy 

continues in a meaningful and impactful way. Guinea will hold its 

second Presidential elections in 11 days. If confirmed, my priority 

will be to work with the newly elected administration and opposition parties in building an inclusive and constructive political dialogue. Looking toward the new year, my focus will shift to local 

elections. These upcoming elections provide Guinea the concrete opportunity to further deepen its transition to democracy. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

509 

In the midst of Presidential elections, Guinea continues to battle 

the Ebola outbreak. If confirmed, I will remain firmly committed 

and fully committed to helping Guinea get to zero in its fight 

against Ebola. The persistent transmission of Ebola over the past 

18 months highlights the fragility of primary health care facilities 

in the country and deep-rooted public health challenges. The 

United States continues to provide significant technical assistance 

to Guinea on restoring and improving the health care system, as 

well as ending the Ebola epidemic. I look forward to supporting the 

efforts of USAID, CDC, and NIH in Guinea. 

In the long term, if confirmed, I will encourage the Guinean Government to remain a constructive regional and international actor 

and will work with the government and all segments of society to 

foster better political and economic decisionmaking at home. In the 

Republic of Guinea, we have a willing partner on regional and 

international issues, yet the government’s capacity is limited. If 

confirmed, I will work with the Guinean Government to further 

strengthen its approach to regional crises. I will also work to 

strengthen cooperation on counternarcotics issues, as well as other 

forms of transnational crimes such as trafficking in persons and 

money laundering. I will make the safety and welfare of my staff 

and all U.S. citizens my highest priority and seek out commercial 

opportunities for U.S. companies. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for 

the opportunity to address you today. If confirmed, I look forward 

to working with you and representing the interests of the American 

people in Guinea. 

I am happy to answer any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Hankins follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DENNIS B. HANKINS

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear 

before you today, and grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for Ambassador to the Republic 

of Guinea. I want to recognize my wife, Mira, who is here today. She has been at 

my side through my 31 years in the Foreign Service, and I credit her for providing 

support for any success I may have had. My son, Danu, cannot be here today due 

to his service commitments in the United States Navy. 

It has been my honor to serve in 16 assignments during my Foreign Service 

career with 6 of those assignments—spanning 14—focused on Africa. Many of my 

assignments have been in countries in the midst of, or emerging from, crisis. 

Despite the challenges of these postings, I have relished the opportunities to engage 

in diplomacy that can dramatically affect a country’s future and advance American 

interests. 

My experience in a number of young African democracies tells me that the transition from dictatorship to an open society requires constant sustained attention and 

commitment by national leaders and all segments of society. Guineans have made 

it clear that they want to see the United States working hand in hand with all three 

branches of the Guinean Government to reinforce Guinea’s democratic architecture. 

Our work to strengthen media freedoms and civil society is just as important. As 

part of our work with the executive branch, we continue to work with Guinea’s security apparatus—the military and police—to strengthen its professionalism and bring 

it firmly under elected civilian authority. Finally, we must sustain our efforts to 

reduce poverty and disease in Guinea, including by strengthening the health system. Responsible management of Guinea’s mineral wealth is key to Guinea’s longterm poverty reduction efforts. The challenges are many and will only be overcome 

through true Guinean commitment, but we need to support those who wish to help 

their country. 

The Republic of Guinea achieved a landmark election in 2010, its first free and 

fair democratic Presidential election. If confirmed, I will work hard to ensure U.S. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

510 

support for Guinea’s nascent democracy continues in a meaningful and impactful 

way. Guinea will hold its second Presidential elections in 11 days. If confirmed, my 

priority will be to work the newly elected administration and opposition parties in 

building an inclusive and constructive political dialogue. Looking toward the new 

year, my focus will shift to local elections. These upcoming elections provide Guinea 

with a concrete opportunity to further deepen its transition to democracy. 

In the midst of Presidential elections, Guinea continues to battle the Ebola outbreak. If confirmed, I will remain fully committed to helping Guinea ‘‘get to zero’’ 

in its fight against Ebola. The persistent transmission of Ebola over the past 18 

months highlights the fragility of primary health care facilities in the country and 

deep-rooted public health challenges. The United States continues to provide significant technical assistance to Guinea on restoring and improving the health care system as well as ending the Ebola epidemic. I look forward to supporting the efforts 

of USAID and CDC in Guinea. 

In the long term, if confirmed, I will encourage the Guinean Government to 

remain a constructive regional and international actor, and will work with the government and all segments of society to foster better political and economic decisionmaking at home. In the Republic of Guinea, we have a willing partner on regional 

and international issues, yet the government’s capacity is limited. If confirmed, I 

will work with the Guinean Government to further strengthen its approach to 

regional crises. I will also work to strengthen cooperation on counternarcotics issues, 

as well as other forms of transnational crimes, such as trafficking in persons and 

money laundering. I will make the safety and welfare of my staff and all U.S. citizens my highest priority and seek out commercial opportunities for U.S. companies. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the opportunity to 

address you today. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in representing 

the interests of the American people in Guinea. I am happy to answer any 

questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Etim. 

STATEMENT OF LINDA I. ETIM, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Ms. ETIM. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before 

you today as the nominee to be the next Assistant Administrator 

for USAID’s Bureau for Africa. 

I want to express my appreciation for the confidence that President Obama has placed in me with this nomination and for the 

strong support of Secretary Kerry and Acting Administrator 

Lenhardt. I would also like to take the opportunity to thank Earl 

Gast, the Africa Bureau’s former Assistant Administrator who ably 

led the bureau of 3 years. 

Most importantly, I would like to thank my family, my sister, 

Ann Etim, who is here today taking her day off of work, as well 

as parents and our other sister, Jennifer Etim, who recently passed 

away but remains a constant source of motivation and strength. 

My nomination to this post is deeply personal. As the daughter 

of an immigrant who fled Nigeria for the United States during the 

Biafran war, I am intimately familiar with the pressures that a 

country’s fragility places on its citizens. After more than a decade 

of working on African issues for the United States Government, I 

have seen development improve people’s lives and their ability to 

take their destiny into their own hands. This is why I believe in 

USAID’s mission to end extreme poverty, to promote democratic societies, to bolster security, and to help encourage prosperity for all. 

My professional life has been devoted to supporting U.S. efforts 

to empower Africa’s people to fulfill the promise that resides on 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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every corner of the continent. I spent the first few years working 

for the U.S. Government as a security specialist in African affairs, 

but more recently at the White House as the National Security Director for Sudan, South Sudan, and East African Affairs. I helped 

to coordinate U.S. policy on security issues, governance, economic 

growth, and humanitarian crises. In that position, I saw firsthand 

the important role that development plays for efforts on the continent. 

I was then honored to be appointed as Deputy Assistant Administrator to Africa for USAID, and for the past 31⁄2 years in that position, I have stood side by side with the agency’s committed men 

and women. Many of our staff work in difficult environment and 

tackle really difficult challenges throughout the world. 

If confirmed, in addition to focusing on the management for the 

bureau, I will concentrate on three objectives. First, I believe we 

need to continue to invest in Africa’s greatest resource, which is its 

people, to further development, democracy, humanitarian, and governance for this and for future generations. 

Second, I will continue USAID’s focus on accelerating sustainable 

development through African-led partnerships. 

And third, I will ensure that our work is implemented effectively 

and that we evaluate the results and apply lessons learned going 

forward. 

Although a number of Africa’s challenges can seem intractable, 

I see both the challenges and the remarkable progress that the African Continent has sustained as bright lights of opportunity. With 

the strong bipartisan support from Congress, our initiatives across 

the continent have actually led to some really great results. For example, and as you know, Feed the Future has helped more than 

2.5 million African farmers using improved technologies and management practices and has led to increased food security. Through 

Power Africa, U.S. commitments of $7 billion have mobilized more 

than $20 billion in private capital which is financing access to energy and will add six million new connections across the continent. 

Africa is the fastest-growing continent in the world, and its population in the coming decades will double. Many of its citizens will 

be under the age of 18. We have the opportunity now to harness 

the intelligence, creativity, and drive of these young Africans who 

ignited growth and lead reforms throughout the region. They need 

enhanced skills. They need access to capital. They need jobs. They 

need the innovations that will help drive tomorrow’s development 

solutions. This is why I am so supportive of the initiatives that we 

have here today. 

There is no denying that Africa is important to the United 

States, both from the standpoint of our moral imperative to help 

solve the biggest development challenges on the planet and because 

of its impact on our own national security and economic growth. 

USAID is committed to collaborating with donors and private sector partners to amplify the impact of U.S. investments in development, and if confirmed, I am eager to advance this approach to 

doing business. 

If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to deepen our relationship with Congress. Your long-standing and bipartisan support to 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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the African people has provided the foundation for our programs 

and is the springboard for our future success. 

I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and 

I welcome any questions you might have. Thanks. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Etim follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LINDA I. ETIM

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the nominee to be the next 

Assistant Administrator for Africa at the United States Agency for International 

Development (USAID). 

I want to express my appreciation for the trust and confidence President Obama 

has placed in me by nominating me for this important position and for the strong 

support of Secretary Kerry and Acting Administrator Lenhardt. I would also like to 

thank Earl Gast, the Africa Bureau’s former Assistant Administrator who ably led 

the Bureau for 3 years. Most importantly, I would like to thank my family—my sister, Ann Etim, who is here today, as well as our parents and our other sister, Jennifer Etim, who, although no longer with us, remain my rocks. 

My nomination to this post is deeply personal. As the daughter of an immigrant 

who fled Nigeria for the United States during the Biafran war, I am intimately 

familiar with the pressures that a country’s fragility places on its citizens. After 

more than a decade working on African issues, I have seen development improve 

people’s lives and help countries grow. That is why I believe USAID’s mission to 

end extreme poverty, promote democratic societies, and bolster security and prosperity for all is essential. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing my support for 

USAID’s new model for sustainable development, one built on partnerships with 

governments, businesses, universities, and civil society, as well as with the new generation of African leaders, thinkers, entrepreneurs, and innovators, who are leading 

the transformation of their societies. 

My professional life has been devoted to empowering Africa’s people to fulfill the 

promise that resides in every corner of the continent. Throughout my career, I have 

had the honor to work on some of Africa’s most pressing challenges. I spent the first 

years of my career working for the U.S. Government as a specialist in African security affairs. More recently, as the Director for East African Affairs and Sudan, South 

Sudan at the National Security Council, I coordinated U.S. policy on civilian-military affairs, governance, economic growth and humanitarian crises in the Horn of 

Africa. In that position, I saw firsthand the important role of development in Africa 

and was honored to be appointed Deputy Assistant Administrator for Africa at 

USAID. During the past 31⁄2 years at USAID, I have stood side by side with the 

Agency’s committed men and women, many of whom work in difficult environments, 

to tackle critical development challenges. After nearly 15 years working on African 

affairs I am intimately familiar with the complex fabric that makes up sub-Saharan 

Africa’s 49 countries. 

If confirmed, in addition to focusing on the management of the Bureau, I will 

concentrate on three objectives for the Africa Bureau that I believe are critical to 

the sustainability, growth, and success of our development goals. First, I believe 

we need to continue to invest in Africa’s greatest resource—its people—to further 

development, democracy, opportunity, rights and governance for this and future generations. Second, I will continue USAID’s focus on accelerating sustainable development through African-led partnerships. Third, I will ensure that our work is implemented effectively, that we evaluate the results, and that we apply those lessons 

learned going forward. 

Although many of Africa’s challenges may seem intractable, I see both the challenges and the remarkable progress, led by our African counterparts, as bright 

lights across the continent. Both Zambia and Nigeria held successful elections this 

past year. Nigeria’s elections were historic, marking the first-ever democratic transfer of power in Africa’s most populous nation. With strong bipartisan support from 

Congress, our initiatives on the continent are bearing fruit. In fiscal year 2014, Feed 

the Future, the U.S. Government’s global hunger and food security initiative, helped 

nearly 2.5 million African farmers use improved technologies and management practices while spurring $306 million in new agricultural sales on the continent. Recent 

data suggest that Feed the Future and other efforts contributed to a 9-percent 

reduction in stunting in Ethiopia between 2011 and 2014 and a 16-percent decrease 

in poverty in the rural areas of Uganda between 2009–2010 and 2012–2013. 

Through Power Africa, the United States is working with a range of partners to 

accelerate private-sector energy transactions, by leveraging the assistance, financFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ing, commercial and diplomatic tools of the U.S. Government, as well as the tools 

and expertise of our bilateral and multilateral partners and the private sector with 

the aim of expanding access to electricity by 60 million new connections. Two years 

after Power Africa’s launch, the U.S. Government’s commitment of $7 billion has 

mobilized more than $20 billion in private capital from more than 100 private sector 

partners. 

As the fastest-growing continent, Africa’s population in the coming decades will 

double, and many of its people will be under 18. We have a tremendous challenge 

but also an opportunity to harness the intelligence, creativity, and drive of these 

young Africans who will introduce disruptive technologies, ignite growth, and lead 

reforms throughout the region. They will need enhanced skills and access to capital, 

jobs, and innovations to help address tomorrow’s development challenges. Partnerships are key to this engagement. For example, through the Global Development 

Alliance agreement with USAID, as part of Feed the Future, Partners in Food Solutions (PFS) transfers technology and knowledge to African processors. PFS is a nonprofit organization formed by General Mills that harnesses the global technical 

expertise of General Mills, Cargill, Royal DSM, and Bu ̈hler. Since its inception, PFS 

has linked 765 volunteers to 119 food processors in Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, and Zambia, impacting 829,000 smallholder farmers. We must also promote 

inclusive development that recognizes women as key drivers of economic growth. In 

order to end extreme poverty, feed the planet, and build vibrant economies, women 

and girls must gain access to capital, land, markets, training, and leadership opportunities. That is why I am so supportive of the President’s Young African Leaders 

Initiative, which is investing in the next generation of leaders, who are eager and 

able to shape Africa’s future. 

We are building on the successes of the last generation and accounting for new 

realities, opportunities, and future challenges. With roughly half of the world’s 

extreme poor residing in fragile and conflict affected states, we are remiss to discuss 

sustainable development gains without emphasizing the realities, needs, and capabilities of those societies in conflict and those trying to emerge from it. In fragile 

countries like South Sudan, we are assessing how best to help countries experiencing recurring cycles of conflict. South Sudan’s peace agreement, signed in late 

August, while tenuous and fragile, presents an opportunity to mitigate the impact 

of the conflict on the people of South Sudan and support strategies for sustainable 

security. 

There is no denying Africa’s importance to the United States, both for our moral 

imperative to help solve the biggest development challenges on the planet and 

because of its impact on the United States own national security and economic 

growth. USAID is committed to collaborating with donors, private sector partners, 

and faith-based organizations to leverage our relative strengths and amplify the 

effect of U.S. investments in development. These efforts are already having an effect 

on our work in Africa, and if confirmed, I am eager to advance this new approach 

to doing business. 

I know the road ahead is not an easy one. Nowhere does development show more 

promise yet pose such challenge than it does today in sub-Saharan Africa. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with my talented colleagues at USAID, 

our partners throughout the U.S. Government, the private sector, multilateral and 

nongovernmental organizations, and our counterparts in Africa to address critical 

development and humanitarian needs on the continent. I also look forward to continuing to deepen our relationship with Congress, whose long-time bipartisan commitment to the African people has provided the foundation for our programs and 

the springboard for our success. 

In conclusion, I am honored to be considered for this position and to contribute 

to the goal of ending extreme poverty and promoting resilient, democratic societies 

while advancing security and prosperity for both Americans and Africans. 

I am deeply committed to USAID’s goals and the integrated role that it plays with 

the Department of State and the Department of Defense in advancing U.S. policy 

and national security objectives, and if confirmed, I will work diligently toward 

advancing these goals. 

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I welcome any questions you might have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Ms. Etim. 

I will start with a round of questions, and if you could keep your 

answers as short as possible, we will get as many questions in as 

we can with five of you there. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

514 

Mr. Jackson, with regard to Ghana, you mentioned the challenges on the energy side. Where are most investments needed and 

how can that be facilitated through the programs that we have? Is 

it on generation or distribution, transmission, all of the above? 

Give us a sense of what is needed there. 

Ambassador JACKSON. Senator, it is actually all of the above. The 

Millennium Challenge compact is focused on distribution and construction of an additional gas plant. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation has also invested in an additional gas plant. But 

there is much more work needed to ensure that many underserved 

areas of Ghana have access to electricity, and through the Power 

Africa program, we are attempting to supplement the gains that 

will be made through the compact. Thank you. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, thank you. 

Mr. Thomas, as we talked about in my office, I actually wrote my 

master’s thesis on Robert Mugabe and his ability to hold onto 

power at the end of the 1980s. And here we are almost 30 years 

later with some of the same issues. 

But you mentioned in my office that it will take a generation of 

work to turn Zimbabwe around. Where do we start? What is the 

place where the United States needs to start? 

Ambassador THOMAS. Well, Senator, you make an excellent 

point. It will take time. And I think working with the business 

community in Zimbabwe and the United States to lower economic 

obstacles, to increase opportunity, to reduce corruption, to make 

more transparency will be an excellent start for our bilateral relationship and to increase their economic opportunity. Over 65 percent of the people of Zimbabwe are under 40 years of age. Eightyfive percent unemployment rate. So they need this opportunity 

through business and education, and those are the things that we 

would look at if I am confirmed. Thank you very much, Senator. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Furuta-Toy, you talked about the issues with regard to government corruption and the lack of distribution of the oil wealth 

that comes there. Let me turn to security for a minute, maritime 

security in the Gulf of Guinea. How much of an issue is that, and 

what contributions is Equatorial Guinea making to that? And is 

that a partnership with other nations, and are we doing enough in 

the United States to make sure that we do not have a situation 

there that we had in the Horn of Africa earlier on? 

Ms. FURUTA-TOY. Senator, thank you for that question. 

The issue of security in Equatorial Guinea is one that involves 

all of the nations in the Gulf of Guinea. We have encouraged the 

Government of Equatorial Guinea to collaborate with its neighbors 

on maritime security and have supported the participation of Equatorial Guinea on a self-funded, funded by the Equatorial GuineaGuinean Government, in maritime joint practices in the region. 

Beyond that, the Government of Equatorial Guinea really prides 

itself on being able to provide security and safety for its citizens. 

And we are encouraging the government to try to take that in a 

bigger point of view of you are providing security and safety, but 

you also need to be able to provide a larger democratic space for 

the opposition for the political process so that the future of the 

country is better secured. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

515 

Approximately half of the country is under the age of 19. So the 

future really is in the youth and in those future generations. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Hankins, between the three countries that have the biggest 

issue with Ebola, Guinea has had the most difficult time I guess 

in stamping it out, and some worry that it will be the most likely 

place for it to flare up again. What can we do on the public health 

side that we are not doing already to ensure that that does not 

happen? 

Mr. HANKINS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

It is correct then that Ebola started in Guinea and has passed 

through. We have had more than 3,200 confirmed cases in Guinea 

of Ebola, and even this past week, we have had four new cases. 

Where there has been success—and I give great credit to my colleagues from USAID, from CDC—we have helped the government 

build the capacity to quickly isolate and limit expansion. We are 

now looking—and if confirmed, I believe I will arrive at a point of 

transition from Ebola crisis to long-term health care, and we are 

looking in terms of the global health security agenda in terms of 

continuing to focus on Ebola but building the other parts of the 

health system particularly in terms of the vaccination systems. In 

2013, the vaccination rate for the country was only 63 percent, putting it in the bottom 10 percent of developing countries. We saw 

the effect of that recently with a polio case. That carried on into 

Mali. So we will be looking closely at building these basic systems 

while not losing sight of Ebola and the risks that that poses. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Etim, you talked in your testimony—and we talked about before the benefits of USAID’s action in Africa, alleviating poverty, 

helping development, improving the quality of life. Those things 

are important, and that is the first and foremost reason that we 

take action there. But there are also knock-on effects and impacts 

from USAID with regard to the security sphere and our ability to 

work with countries and their willingness to work with us. 

Can you talk a little bit about that? Our constituents need to 

know that story more. Obviously, the reason we want to help with 

USAID is to help development and improve the quality of life, but 

there are other benefits as well. Talk about those for a minute. 

Ms. ETIM. Thank you, Senator. We did have that conversation. 

And I think that you can see very clearly with the case that Dennis 

just brought up with Ebola, when you have health systems that are 

not strengthened and when you have country governance systems 

that are not trusted, the possibility and the potential of starting 

pandemics that cannot be contained and that actually might have 

flared to actually affect us here in the United States is very real 

and present. 

We are dealing with, I think, a lot of transnational trafficking 

issues. 

I think the migration crisis that we are seeing right now in other 

parts of the world—Africa is home to 38 percent of the world’s refugees. It is hugely expensive for the international community not 

only to respond but I think as we look at people moving over borders as well, addressing and dealing with a lot of the root causes 

becomes increasingly important. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I think I will stop there. It could go on for a really long time. 

Senator FLAKE. Address for just a second not just the migration 

issues and refugee issues but arrangements that we have with 

Kenya to battle terrorist groups, lot of those relationships helped 

by our other assistance through USAID. 

Ms. ETIM. Absolutely. USAID works in partnership with the larger U.S. Government efforts on work on countering violent extremism. As you mentioned, Kenya is a prime example right there. 

There, USAID works on addressing some of the root causes and so 

is part of an overall interagency effort. For example, we work on 

combating wildlife trafficking, and through our community-based 

programs there and assisting communities and developing plans to 

work on economic growth, sustain livelihoods, we offer alternatives 

to moving into violent extremism. We also work in partnership 

there with a number of wildlife trafficking institutions and the national police services. So USAID is an integral part of that overall 

interagency effort. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you much. 

Senator Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Ambassador Jackson, earlier this year, the State Department 

named Ghana as the first country in which to implement the child 

protection compacts, which have a specific focus to prioritize the 

rescue of children in slave labor conditions and hold perpetrators 

of child labor accountable for those crimes. Talk a little bit about 

that and what the role is of the U.S. Government in ensuring that 

this is a successful program. 

Ambassador JACKSON. Thank you very much, Senator. 

In fact, Ghana has a strong tradition of working to combat trafficking in persons and child labor. It remains a problem. The Ghanaian Government has traditionally been focused on preventing the 

outflow of trafficked people. We have encouraged, through this new 

partnership program, which is valued at $5 million, to have Ghana 

work more on the inside. We have provided assistance for protection, prevention, and prosecution. The prosecution part has worked 

reasonably well, but we need to do much more on the protection 

front and I am hopeful that this partnership will allow us to do so. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ambassador Thomas, the United States has sent a tremendous 

amount of aid to Zimbabwe to fight HIV/AIDS. Could you update 

us in terms of what the status is and maybe recommendations that 

you might make in terms of other health care assistance that we 

could help to provide to Zimbabwe? 

Ambassador THOMAS. Well, thank you for that question, Senator. 

Yes, the American taxpayer has been extremely generous in 

helping the people of Zimbabwe. This year, we have provided over 

$120 million to combat the scourge of HIV/AIDS. We are looking 

at not just transmission but prevention through nutrition, through 

education. And those are programs we have to continue. Under 

Ambassador Birx’s leadership, we are looking at an aggressive way 

of auditing our program to make sure the taxpayer moneys continue to be well spent. 

If confirmed, sir, I would be looking forward to working with the 

Senate and the House in developing new ways of assisting the peoFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ple in a country where over 15 percent of the population is suffering from HIV/AIDS. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ms. Furuta-Toy, Equatorial Guinea is—and I did not know this— 

the third-largest producer of oil in Africa, and yet 75 percent of 

their people live in poverty. And unfortunately, that is an all too 

frequent statistic around the world with countries that have oil resources. 

Do you have any recommendations as to what help we could give 

to Equatorial Guinea to diversify their economy to broaden a base 

of growth so that it affects more families positively in that country? 

Ms. FURUTA-TOY. Senator, thank you for that. 

The disparities between the income and the poverty levels in 

Equatorial Guinea are extreme, and it is something that, should I 

be confirmed, I would like to be able to focus a little bit of the U.S. 

Government attention on trying to make sure that the revenues 

from the oil industry and from other businesses are better distributed across the country. 

One of the ways that I think we can encourage the government 

to move forward is by supporting it in its reapplication actually to 

the Extractive industries Transparency Initiative, EITI. The government announced last year that it would reapply to EITI, and 

this will mean that it has to bring in civil society. It has to declare 

its revenues. And the result of that should be that the public will 

better understand what actually is out there and how better they 

can benefit across the board. 

Should I be confirmed, we will continue to support the improvement in education, health, sanitation, and other social issues that 

many of the U.S. companies that are in Equatorial Guinea right 

now are supporting through their corporate social responsibility 

programs. 

Senator MARKEY. Good. Thank you. 

Ms. FURUTA-TOY. Thank you. 

Senator MARKEY. Mr. Hankins, could you take us back to the 

outbreak of the Ebola crisis and look at the three countries and 

give us a little tutorial on why it was that Guinea was so much 

less effective in its response, in its health care infrastructure capacity to be able to deal with this issue than the other countries? 

Mr. HANKINS. Yes, Senator. It started there and it started in the 

area of the country in the Forestiere region, which is the part that 

is hardest to reach and historically has been one of those least 

served. In some sense, there was a basis of a health system. It is 

the only country of the three where we did not evacuate our personnel because we saw a basis to continue than protection of our 

personnel there. 

It is also a country where there was a huge problem in terms of 

public acceptance of government response. It is a country where we 

saw health care workers killed by villagers who were afraid of the 

response. And when that happened, then the Government of Guinea, trying to figure out how to respond and initially responding 

with a very heavy military presence, which only exacerbated the 

situation. 

It is also one where, frankly, we do not have and we did not have 

that strong a French-speaking component within our CDC and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

518 

USAID. Those elements were found and eventually helped build 

then the response. 

So it has been a country where trying to get past public distrust 

of facilities has been difficult. I know Peace Corps staff in the country were, in fact, very important because they had the contacts 

with traditional leaders, with imams, which eventually helped turn 

the situation in terms of having a more effective government approach to the population. 

Thank you, Senator. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

And, Ms. Etim, when Chairman Flake and I were with the President in Ethiopia, we were part of the signing of a deal to produce 

1,000 megawatts of geothermal power, which was just potentially 

the beginning of that incredible potential growth in electricity from 

indigenous sources inside of Ethiopia. Can you talk a little bit 

about, going forward, what you see as the biggest challenges to 

making it possible to unleash all of this capacity, which is latent, 

on that continent using USAID and other agencies as kind of the 

fulcrum, the lever to ensure that we telescope the time frame to ensure that that electrical generation does reach the business and 

consumer sectors in each of those countries? 

Ms. ETIM. Thank you for raising that question. 

As you mentioned, being in Ethiopia at the signing of the first 

phase of Corbetti’s power project was very exciting. 

We, I think, could only identify two major challenges going forward to the sustainability of Power Africa. One I think is the continued commitment of partners and of people’s willingness to stay 

the course. I think that we have seen tremendous successes over 

the past few years of Power Africa, but we also know that governance is going to be a major issue. And so when you start coming 

up against these barriers and looking at where, going forward, the 

results are—we have a tremendous goal of tripling access to power 

now—we are very concerned that people will start backing away 

from the commitments. And I think if you look at the challenge of 

governance and countries not being as transparent as they need to 

and not being able to unlock some of the power there but also I 

think on our partners’ and I think the general public’s commitment 

to staying the course and making sure that we have a long-term 

vision for this initiative. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

And thanks to all the witnesses. Your records individually are 

quite extraordinary. And I think we do a good job of always thanking especially now members of our armed services who serve repeated deployments often to places that might not have been their 

first choice, sometimes in high threat areas where they cannot 

bring their family, but I do not think we do a good enough job of 

thanking those like you who are in State or some of the other agencies where you are small ‘‘a’’ ambassadors for us every day. So 

thank you for your careers in this area. And congratulations on 

your nominations. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

519 

I am on the Armed Services Committee and I sort of have an 

armed services question. In the aftermath of the horrible tragedy 

at Benghazi, decisions were made to augment embassy security 

around certain high-threat posts. A number of those posts are in 

Africa. So we have built up a little bit of additional military capacity. 

But at the same time, there have also been increasing requests 

from African governments for U.S. presence in joint operations or 

training. There is a number of special purpose Marine air-ground 

task forces that are assigned out of AFRICOM that are working in 

different countries in Africa on joint exercises and counterpoaching, 

countertrafficking, counterterrorism. I just am curious, especially 

for my four over on this side in the countries where you are going 

to be. I would love to know anything about the kind of current 

state of mil-to-mil relationships, and is U.S. military presence in 

these kind of exercises accepted, and is it working to our benefit. 

Ambassador JACKSON. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and it is great 

to see you again. I hope you will visit Ghana, just as you visited 

Morocco when I was there. 

Security cooperation in Ghana is excellent. Ghana is a member 

of the African contingency operations and train and assistance program. It is a member of the African Rapid Preparedness Initiative. 

And we have done a number of major military exercises there. We 

deployed about 300 marines there earlier this year as we looked at 

events in the region on a contingency basis, and there will be a 

major international exercise there next year. So I am very satisfied 

with our security cooperation in Ghana. And Ghana’s contribution 

to peacekeeping has meant that our people are safe which is my 

highest priority. 

Thank you. 

Senator KAINE. Ambassador Thomas. 

Ambassador THOMAS. Thank you, Senator. 

Senator, we have sanctions against Zimbabwe and its military 

because of the pernicious use of the security forces during the elections. This is something that hailed from even the Rhodesian days 

when the security forces were used to intimidate people. So at this 

time, we do not have relations. However, if Zimbabwe’s Government establishes reform in the future, has free and fair elections, 

transparency, reduces corruption, and endorses human rights, that 

is something that we would be willing to talk to the United States 

Senate and President Obama and the administration about. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. 

Ms. FURUTA-TOY. Senator, thank you. 

Because of the current concerns about the human rights situation in Equatorial Guinea, we do not have direct military support 

for the Government of Equatorial Guinea, but as I mentioned earlier to Senator Markey, we have supported the Government of 

Equatorial Guinea’s participation in some regional exercises. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Mr. Hankins. 

Mr. HANKINS. Senator Kaine, in Guinea, we are building a new 

relationship with the military. It is only in the last 5 years that 

the military came under civilian authority, having suffered from 

coups in the past. Our main emphasis right now is using Guinean 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

520 

troops or helping support Guinean troops for peacekeeping operations in Mali where they have accepted then one of the more difficult regions right on the border with Algeria. But we are still well 

aware that you have members in the military that were implicated 

in the September 2008 stadium massacre. So it is a careful relationship on building a democratic military and security system 

while still taking advantage of Guinea’s willingness to participate 

in regional crises. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Ms. Etim, the United Nations adopted sustainable development 

goals last week, sort of setting out for the next 15 years a whole 

series of efforts to reduce extreme poverty, promote public health, 

educational opportunities, and advance other human development 

goals. These goals sound very similar to some of the main areas of 

focus for USAID. But I just wonder if you have thoughts about how 

in your position in Africa you and your team will work to advance 

the U.N.’s recently announced goals. 

Ms. ETIM. As you rightly point out, Senator, it is not a coincidence that the goals reflect the newly revamped mission statement 

for USAID. Working in the leadup to the sustainable development 

goals summit over the course of the past week, USAID has been 

in partnership with a number of countries to actually come on line 

and basically say what would happen if the world focused its attention in a coordinated manner with the World Bank, other donors, 

private sector partners, civil society organizations to look at measuring sustainable ways in the next generation of actually ending 

extreme poverty. It is an extremely ambitious goal. I think that the 

agency, coming online with that, has changed the way it has been 

doing business by really looking at a lot of institutional causes of 

poverty from looking at food security, through Feed the Future, or 

looking at infrastructure, poverty, energy, poverty through Power 

Africa, I think looking at how we deliver relief assistance in effective ways through resiliency—this has been a major goal of ours, 

and it is something that we are thinking that, as you codify this 

worldwide, we will be able to take forward and have guiding principles and shared understandings and lessons with the rest of the 

world in this partnership as we go forward. 

Senator KAINE. Excellent. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

I wanted to stay with you, Ms. Etim. When I travel around the 

developed world and talk about opportunities for U.S. businesses 

and U.S. exports, it is rule of law, rule of law, rule of law. And so 

I wanted to just inquire to you as to the effect of some of the budget decisions we are making here on the ability to promote democracy and governance initiatives in Africa. The amount of money 

available to USAID and a larger sum to State has been declining 

to the point now where I think in 2015, it was about $160 million 

overall for DG and that is down from just 2 years ago being up 

above 230. The President, I think, has made a request to essentially double that number into the low 300s. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

521 

And I just wonder if you can give us a flavor as to what the difference is between having—and again, you are only accountable for 

a piece of this, but having twice as many resources as you do now 

to undergo democracy and governance initiatives, is this a matter 

of expanding programs in existing countries? Is this a matter of 

getting to countries that have fallen off the list? I mean, there are 

a number of critical countries that are not receiving any DG programming because of these cuts. What happens if we are successful 

in fulfilling the President’s request? 

Ms. ETIM. Thank you, Senator, for your question. 

If we are successful in fulfilling the President’s request, I think 

you mentioned that we take an all-of-the-above approach. There 

are a number of countries that actually have been zeroed out, do 

not have democracy and governance budgets, and we would look at 

restoring and retaining those budgets. 

But I think most importantly we see Africa right now in terms 

of its transitioning. You had over 12 exercises, 15 African electoral 

exercises in 2015. We have 20 coming up in 2016. We know that 

the urgent needs right now are focused around how do you provide 

support for both those exercises but also looking at how do we look 

at the exercises that took place in 2015 in restoring and maintaining democracy there. You may have noticed also in the news we 

have a number of fragile states and fragile environments from 

Burkina Faso to Central African Republic to South Sudan to Burundi. We have a lot of conflicts crises there. And there I think we 

have a role as the United States Government in working in things 

like constitution strengthening, parliamentary strengthening, institution building. 

Obviously, even with this increased request, we will not be able 

to answer all of the needs on the continent, but I think that what 

we really look at is being able to deepen, I think, a lot of the investments and commitments that we do have looking to forward to, 

I think, a lot of the volatility that is upcoming in the next several 

years. 

Senator MURPHY. I have thrown out this comparison before. But 

it is stunning that we complain about the lack of influence that 

America has around the world, and then we spend 0.1 percent of 

our GDP on foreign aid compared to 1950 when we were spending 

3 percent of GDP on foreign aid. It is not rocket science as to why 

we have a little bit less influence in some parts of the world. 

Ms. Etim, how about the question of flexibility? Someone came 

into my office a few months back and made a case as to how we 

could have done a better job of watching al-Shabaab move into the 

northern portions of Kenya, and had we had more flexibility of 

funds within USAID and State, that we could have done some work 

up front to try to strengthen institutions, governance, economic resources so as to try to prevent this terrorist organization from getting a foothold. 

Can we do more to give USAID the necessary flexibility? Are you 

too compartmentalized in terms of how you are forced to spend this 

money even as priorities and realities on the ground are shifting 

within fiscal years? 

Ms. ETIM. You raise a very good point, and I think as all of my 

fellow panelists will probably point out, the increased flexibility for 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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our missions and the embassies on the ground lead to, I think, 

more creative thinking and better programming. 

At the same time, we are able to focus, I think, within the constraints that we have been given on the main priorities that are 

actually facing the African Continent. And so a lot of the different 

ways that our funding comes is in the very critical areas of health 

and education. These are areas that USAID and I think overall the 

U.S. Government would be focused on. 

With your specific example with Kenya and the idea of how we 

actually deal with programs in complex crisis environments, there 

we require, I think, flexible sources of funding, and for that reason, 

typically when we make programming decisions bureaucratically 

we put ESF funding—the most flexible funding that USAID has 

available we direct at those types of countries and accounts because we know that programs are going to change. Like the South 

Sudans of the world and like the Somalias, these are areas that require flexibility. In more established countries like Kenya, that is 

where you, I think, come into some of the questions that you have 

just raised where you have partners over a long period of time, but 

you also have a lot of dynamic and changing situations. And in that 

environment, we look at our own programming cycle and we have 

made changes in the way we have done business so that we can 

actually work more closely with our friends on the humanitarian 

side to come up with more flexible ways of using—and making sure 

that we are using more flexible means of programming humanitarian funds and not just having stark relief to development trajectories but actually applying a resilience model that allows us to use 

what pots of money are necessary to address the actual challenges 

that are on the ground. 

So, of course, we will always welcome as much flexibility as possible. That is something that I think is a given. But I also think 

some of the onus is on us as an agency to look at really programming, I think, in more modern ways and looking at the challenges 

from an entire holistic perspective. 

Senator MURPHY. Well, put more of the onus on us. I think we 

can do more to give you that additional flexibility. I appreciate you 

taking ownership within the agency. But we certainly can step up 

to the plate and do more. 

Thank you all for stepping up yourselves to this kind of laudable 

service. I look forward to working with you on your confirmation 

process. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

And I want to thank our witnesses today and my colleagues for 

being here. We had five or six members here for one of these hearings on a get-away day. That speaks well for the interest and the 

importance of your service. 

I want to thank also your family members for being here. We are 

aware and appreciate the sacrifices that they make and that you 

make in many cases to be away from them. Mr. Hankins, you mentioned 26 years of service or 16? 

Mr. HANKINS. Sixteen assignments. 

Senator FLAKE. A long time. And we always find that family 

members—a lot of them end up serving in our military or in our 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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diplomatic service as well or find other ways to serve based on your 

example. So thank you for what you are doing and thank you to 

the family members for the sacrifices that you put in. 

The hearing record will remain open until Friday, for the benefit 

of the members. And if the witnesses could answer any questions 

that come your way promptly so they can be put as part of the 

hearing record, it would be appreciated. 

And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing stands adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:07 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF ROBERT P. JACKSON, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF GHANA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE JACKSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. In what areas have President Mahama’s administration’s anticorruption 

efforts successful, and how could they be made more so? What actions, if confirmed, 

will you take to assist with the government’s anticorruption efforts? 

Answer. The Government of Ghana has repeatedly stated its commitment to combat corruption. The recent decision to suspend several High Court judges and lower 

court judges and magistrates as a result of an expose done by an investigative journalist underscores the Government of Ghana’s commitment to this issue. Ghana’s 

national anticorruption efforts are outlined in its National Anti-Corruption Action 

Plan, which came into force last year. We are supporting anticorruption efforts in 

Ghana through several programs, including through a grant to the Ghana Integrity 

Initiative, Ghana’s local Transparency International Chapter. USAID supports efforts to improve civil society reporting, tracking and advocacy for stronger 

anticorruption work in Ghana. The project fosters the participation of civil society 

institutions in identifying, reporting, and tracking incidences of corruption in public 

agencies. USAID is also working to strengthen the institutional capacity of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of Ghana’s Parliament to effectively scrutinize the 

Auditor General’s reports on the financial performance of public institutions, expose 

malfeasance by persons in public office, and demand followup on recommendations 

and referrals. 

If confirmed, I intend to continue these programs and ensure that anticorruption 

issues are a regular part of our interactions with the highest levels of the Government of Ghana. 

Question. The next general elections are in December 2016, and by all accounts 

will be closely contested. What programs and activities is the United States funding 

to ensure credible peaceful elections, and what actions will you take if confirmed 

as Ambassador to help ensure continued the continued growth of democratic institutions? 

Answer. Our assistance aims to enhance the transparency and credibility of Ghanaian Electoral Commission (EC) operations. The EC is developing a new strategic 

plan for electoral reforms in advance of the 2016 elections. USAID will support the 

implementation of reforms, with a particular focus on improving the EC’s communications capabilities as well as the capacity of its field staff to properly administer 

elections. We will also enable the EC to develop and implement a communications 

strategy to more effectively engage all stakeholders on the steps it is taking to ensure a free and fair election process in 2016. 

Our assistance will also strengthen civil society’s role in ensuring credible and 

nonviolent elections. USAID will help local organizations engage the EC, political 

parties and other stakeholders on electoral reform, support civil society organizations or CSOs to conduct civic education programs aimed at promoting tolerance and 

peaceful and credible elections, and help train CSOs at the grassroots to more effectively monitor elections. We will also train political parties (especially their youth 

wings) on poll watching and nonviolent dispute resolution to prevent out breaks of 

election-related violence. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

524 

Our assistance will also strengthen conflict resolution mechanisms around elections. Ghana’s National Peace Council (NPC)—an independent government council 

with membership drawn from Ghana’s major religious groups—has played an important role in resolving election-related conflict and defusing tensions in previous 

elections. Our support will enable the NPC to continue to play an integral mediation 

role during the pre- and post-electoral period. 

As Ambassador, I will personally engage Ghanaian political leaders, the EC, civil 

society and the media in an effort to ensure a fair, transparent, and peaceful election. I will also ensure that after this election, our assistance to strengthen democratic institutions continues apace. 

Question. What explains the government’s relative failure to more aggressively 

counter Trafficking in Persons and what will you do if confirmed as Ambassador to 

encourage the Ghanaians to provide needed resources to the Anti-Human Trafficking Unit of the Ghana Police Service? 

Answer. Antitrafficking efforts in Ghana are hampered by a lack of operating 

budgets for law enforcement and protection agencies. As a result, the Anti-Human 

Trafficking Unit continues to rely heavily on foreign donors and NGOs to support 

its efforts. The government also did not provide any funding for the human trafficking victim services or for its two shelters. 

In June 2015, the Government of Ghana signed the first Child Protection Compact (CPC) Partnership with the United States, which will facilitate investment of 

$5 million in U.S. foreign assistance to aid the Government of Ghana to reduce child 

trafficking and improve child protection. The Partnership, the first of its kind globally, is a jointly developed, multiyear plan aimed at bolstering efforts of the Government of Ghana and Ghanaian civil society to address child sex trafficking and forced 

child labor within Ghana. The Government of Ghana stated that it intends to dedicate increasing levels of staff resources and operating budget funding to support this 

initiative, including funding for the Human Trafficking Fund. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to raise this issue with the highest 

officials in the Ghanaian Government, impressing upon them that their current 

budgetary constraints should not preclude the government from providing financial 

support and resources to all Ghanaian agencies committed to combating trafficking 

in persons, investigating and prosecuting trafficking cases, and supporting trafficking victims. 

RESPONSES OF HARRY K. THOMAS, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF ZIMBABWE, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE THOMAS’S RESPONSE

TO A QUESTION FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The U.S.-Zimbabwe bilateral relationship has been poor for decades. Do 

you believe that a possible near-term Presidential transition in Zimbabwe is an opportunity for the growth of democracy and freedom in that country? If so, how would 

you advise the U.S. to engage during a Presidential transition to promote such values? 

Answer. We are focused on principles of respect for the rule of law, human rights, 

and democratic processes. We would welcome credible, economic, and governance reforms supporting these values at any time, and do not expect a sudden departure 

from current policy in the near term. Dialogue and respectful engagement remain 

central to moving our bilateral relationship forward, consistent with our values and 

policies. The United States continues to support progress toward a Zimbabwe that 

serves the needs of the Zimbabwean people through humanitarian assistance and 

continued support for Zimbabwean civil society, which is often the leading independent voice critical of the Zimbabwean government’s policies. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE THOMAS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What U.S. democracy and governance programs are under way in 

Zimbabwe, and how effective have they been and what programs would be most feasible at present? What are the primary challenges facing USAID’s partners? If confirmed, what activities do you plan to undertake to help Zimbabwean efforts to open 

political space and support civil society? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

525 

Answer. U.S. technical assistance boosts the ability of citizens and nongovernmental groups to participate in discussions on the future direction of Zimbabwe. 

One local USAID partner coached rural women farmers to engage for the first time 

with the Parliamentary Committee on Lands and Agriculture and voice challenges 

they face, including limited access to communal land, lack of access to markets and 

credit facilities, delayed payments by the Grain Marketing Board, and corruption. 

This activity shows that with training, rural Zimbabwean women can be compelling 

advocates to hold political leaders accountable. Grassroots-level programs are effective in empowering citizens to engage government and demand accountability. 

USAID programs create a more secure environment for communities and civil leaders to engage in political processes and affect a more democratic system of governance. Challenges for partners include long-standing government restrictions on civil 

society organizations, independent media, political parties, activists, and regular 

citizens that impede fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I would continue U.S. support for Zimbabwean civil society to promote community development efforts and 

service delivery, and to retain its role as the leading independent voice calling the 

Zimbabwean Government to account for policies which undermine democracy and 

stability. 

Question. Impunity for politically motivated violence remains an issue in 

Zimbabwe. Cases stemming from elections related violence in 2008 remain unsolved. 

If confirmed, what can you do to encourage the government to make progress in 

these cases, and end security sector impunity? Do you see a role for USAID in any 

future efforts to reform the security sector? 

Answer. Progress toward ending security sector impunity is a critical component 

in assessing the status of human rights and rule of law in Zimbabwe. If confirmed, 

I would continue support for strengthening institutions, such as Parliament, the 

human rights commission, courts, and civil society to help create a Zimbabwe in 

which all government institutions are responsive to the needs of the people and support rule of law and just governance. I would aim to strengthen these institutions’ 

responsiveness to constituents, and support for victims of violence and those who 

advocate on their behalf. I would continue to promote our human rights report to 

highlight abuses or areas for improvement. USAID plays a role in these efforts, 

lending its expertise in peaceful conflict mitigation and resolution initiatives. 

RESPONSES OF JULIE FURUTA-TOY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF EQUITORIAL GUINEA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FURUTA-TOY’S RESPONSE

TO A QUESTION FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The U.S.-Equatorial Guinea bilateral relationship has been difficult for 

decades. Equatorial Guinea has fabulous natural resource wealth yet its people are 

some of the poorest in the world. The regime denies basic freedoms to its people, 

and is profoundly corrupt. Is there anything the U.S. should be doing differently to 

try to change the status quo in that country? What opportunities are there to promote freedom and democracy? 

Answer. The United States diplomatic relationship with Equatorial Guinea is 

frank and honest. We have repeatedly encouraged President Obiang—the longestserving leader on the African continent—to embrace democratic reform and rule of 

law, and support greater political and economic transparency. 

If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea to remove legal and practical barriers to the formation and free operation of political parties in keeping with the commitments of the November 2014 National Dialogue, and promote a free, fair, and transparent electoral process. 

In the lead up to Presidential elections in 2016, I will continue to urge the government to establish an independent electoral commission and invite international observers. The 2016 Presidential elections are an opportunity for Equatorial Guinea 

to demonstrate its commitment to democracy and tolerance of independent opposition political parties. 

I will also emphasize that the success of Equatorial Guinea’s reinstatement in the 

Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative is largely dependent on its treatment 

of civil society and will underscore that for the United States to support Equatorial 

Guinea’s candidacy, civil society organizations must be allowed to offer their views 

on transparency and governance issues freely and without any adverse consequences. 

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AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FURUTA-TOY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to engage the government of Equatorial 

Guinea regarding its lack of fiscal transparency and high levels of corruption? What 

actions can you take as Ambassador to effectively help counter corruption and increase transparency? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government of Equatorial Guinea to practice better governance, increase transparency and invest more in its people, particularly in education and health. 

I will continue to support Equatorial Guinea’s efforts to prepare for eventual reapplication to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) as a means 

to promote transparency and accountability in the receipt and use of oil and gas revenues. I will also emphasize to the Government of Equatorial Guinea that its support for the development of civil society and civil society’s participation in EITI is 

essential to achieve membership in EITI. Setting a good example, U.S. petroleum 

companies in Equatorial Guinea have held workshops providing information on 

their operations to members of civil society, which I will continue to encourage. 

Question. If confirmed, how will you help improve political, civil and human 

rights? 

Answer. The Department considers human rights promotion the top priority in 

our bilateral relationship with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will continue to 

document human rights abuses in the annual human rights report, press the Government of Equatorial Guinea to fully respect international human rights law, and 

encourage the implementation of Equatorial Guinea’s law concerning human trafficking. 

If confirmed, I will encourage the government to allow the political opposition to 

operate freely, in keeping with the commitments of the 2014 National Dialogue, and 

promote a free, fair and transparent electoral process that includes input from civil 

society organizations. I will urge the government to implement an independent electoral commission and invite international observers. The 2016 Presidential elections 

are an opportunity for Equatorial Guinea to demonstrate its commitment to democracy and tolerance of independent opposition political parties. 

RESPONSES OF DENNIS B. HANKINS, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF GUINEA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HANKINS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Based on his past willingness to use all available means to gain and 

keep power, there is every indication that President Alpha Conde will be reelected 

President in the upcoming election. What policies would you recommend as U.S. 

Ambassador to demonstrate the U.S. Government’s negative reaction to the elections which are already showing signs of fraud? 

Answer. The United States has supported Guinea’s transition to democracy since 

2010, when Alpha Conde became Guinea’s first democratically elected President. 

The United States is working closely with the international community to encourage 

a free and fair Presidential election. Our engagement includes sustained dialogue 

with the government, political party leaders, the press, and civil society; technical 

support to the electoral commission; and support for civic and voter education, justice and security sector reform, and journalist training. We also focus on the peopleto-people aspects, including sending members of the U.S. mission in Conakry around 

the country to conduct townhall meetings for political parties, NGOs and the media, 

and partner with alumni of official U.S. exchange and training programs to hear directly from them and carry our message of peaceful, free, and fair elections. In addition, the United States is also deploying an electoral monitoring mission with an 

unprecedented 120 observers throughout Guinea during the election period. While 

Guinea’s democratic trajectory is generally positive, the United States continues to 

discuss concerns about electoral processes and broader democratic trends with the 

government. If confirmed, I plan to continue these important discussions at every 

opportunity and to seek creative ways to partner with nongovernment actors to amplify these efforts. 

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AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HANKINS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Guinea does not comply with the minimum standards on trafficking, but 

granted a waiver from an automatic downgrade to Tier 3, and remains on the Trafficking in Person’s Tier 2 Watch List for the third year in a row. 

♦ (a) What steps, if confirmed, do you plan to take to encourage the government 

to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases? 

♦ (b) Are there specific programs and activities that we should undertake with 

law enforcement to assist Guinea’s efforts? 

♦ (c) What steps will you take to encourage the government to increase penalties 

for forced prostitution? 

Answer. The Government of Guinea does not fully comply with the minimum 

standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant 

progress. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Guinea to strengthen its 

antitrafficking law enforcement efforts and similarly increase measures in place to 

better protect victims and prevent people from becoming victims of trafficking. My 

team and I will continue to raise our concerns with the Government of Guinea at 

all levels. 

In September 2015, with funding from the Department of State’s Office to Monitor 

and Combat Trafficking in Persons, the International Organization for Migration 

(IOM) trained law enforcement officials and members of the Guinean National Trafficking in Persons Committee in order to enhance their capacity and coordination 

efforts to combat trafficking. Our training built upon a similar program in Senegal 

that in 2014 led to the successful discovery and release of minors destined for forced 

labor. If confirmed, I will encourage the government to undertake similar training 

to build the capacity of the authorities to detect, interdict, and prosecute such criminal offenses. 

The 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report states that penalties for forced prostitution are sufficiently stringent, but not commensurate with those prescribed for other 

serious crimes, such as rape. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Guinea to increase penalties for forced prostitution. I will work to ensure the Government of Guinea comes into compliance with this minimum standard of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, and continues efforts to battle the horrible scourge 

that is human trafficking. 

RESPONSES OF LINDA ETIM, NOMINATED TO BE ASSITANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE

U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS

OF THE COMMITTEE

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ETIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. African leaders across the continent are maneuvering to extend their 

terms past constitutional limits. A number of African countries have also enacted 

security and NGO laws that are being used against civil society and the political 

opposition. Do you believe the democratic gains made since the 1990s are eroding? 

What effort is USAID play to reverse this trend in light of a constrained fiscal environment? 

Answer. This is a difficult time for democracy—in Africa and around the world. 

Academic and think tank data, as well as the U.S. Government’s own monitoring, 

points to a trend in recent years of backsliding in both the less democratic countries 

and the stronger democracies of Africa. Of great concern are the actions by governments in some countries to restrict the freedom of expression and association, and 

by some leaders to cling to power despite constitutional term limits. 

Efforts to remove constitutionally mandated term limits by sitting Presidents are 

a symptom of deeper democratic deficits, including concentration of power in the executive branch, weak rule of law, lack of political space for opposition political parties and civil society, and limited media freedoms. Although some countries in subSaharan Africa may be backsliding, others are reinforcing democratic norms, as evidenced by recent electoral exercises in Nigeria and Zambia. In addition, the USAIDsupported Afrobarometer public opinion data confirms that across the continent, democracy continues to be the preferred path. 

I understand the challenges of the current budget environment and am confident 

that USAID can achieve considerable progress within the budget constraints. As an 

agency, we have made efforts to locate additional resources for some of the highest 

priority needs on the continent in FY 2015, including in Kenya and Nigeria. In NiFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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geria, for example, sustained, long-term U.S. Government investment in the development of civil society networks and institutions like the Independent National 

Electoral Commission contributed to the historic transfer of political power witnessed in 2015. Continued investment is necessary to consolidate those gains. 

Additionally recognizing the importance of prioritizing democracy, rights and governance (DRG) investments, USAID’s FY 2016 request for democracy, rights and 

governance programming reflects an increase over recent years. The request represents a 10 percent increase over the FY 2015 request and a 100 percent increase 

over the FY 2014 actual level. USAID is also better integrating DRG principles into 

other development sectors, working with fellow U.S. Government colleagues in 

health, education, water and economic growth, to ensure that core human rights 

and governance principles are embedded in other sectors. 

USAID is committed to ensuring it remains a leader in the DRG sector. Guided 

by government policies, Presidential directives, and agency strategies, USAID supports numerous programs that foster good governance, promote access to justice, 

strengthen civil society, and reinforce effective and accountable institutions at all 

levels. As such, in 2013, USAID issued a new strategy on democracy, human rights, 

and governance, codifying a more holistic approach to DRG sector programming. 

This policy framework focuses on participation, inclusion, and accountability, while 

elevating human rights and integration of democratic governance approaches across 

economic and social sectors. The DRG strategy informs USAID’s overall approach 

to DRG sector programming in Africa and provides guidance to missions appropriate 

for the context. 

For example, in countries making progress on democratization and where the government is generally supportive of human rights, the DRG strategy is designed to 

consolidate gains, prevent backsliding, and strengthen or create effective democratic 

institutions and culture that are self-correcting in the face of crisis. Although countries within this category are making progress, they may still be vulnerable to reversals. 

In countries where progress on democratic and political development is uneven, 

with some civil and political freedoms but with no genuine foundation for democratic governance and institutions, USAID programs generally promote political pluralism and citizen participation. Programs often focus on expanding the space for 

meaningful participation, as well as promoting genuine and fair political competition, through electoral reforms and monitoring and/or political party assistance. In 

these contexts, support to civil society, including nongovernmental organizations 

(NGOs) and independent media groups, helps to elevate citizen voice in, and oversight of, political processes and government practices. Strengthening and protecting 

an enabling legal and regulatory environment for civil society and media is also critical. Programs may also address the promotion of human rights and issues of inclusion, as well as increased government transparency and accountability through the 

integration of DRG approaches to social sector and economic growth programming. 

Finally, in countries where governments do not maintain democratic systems, respect human rights, or tolerate independent civic action, DRG programming emphasize support for democracy and human rights activists by working with NGOs, 

watchdog groups, independent media and political parties that are committed to 

democratic principles and value fundamental freedoms. Although additional precautions must be taken, DRG programming is still possible in these countries. Supporting citizens’ access to independent information sources is critical in these environments since it can bolster free expression and strengthen impartial channels of 

information to citizens in spite of government dominance over official media channels. 

If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work with and seek the committee’s 

guidance as we address these critically important issues. 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ETIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Corruption is a considerable impediment to development across the 

world, including in Africa. Endemic corruption has hindered growth in Nigeria, the 

continent’s largest economy. It has significantly undermined development in South 

Sudan, and is a chronic problem in Angola and Kenya, to name just a few countries. 

♦ (a) What actions can the U.S. take to help African partners address corruption, 

and will you commit to working with your counterparts in the interagency to 

develop a comprehensive action plan to help Africans combat corruption? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer (a). The United States, through numerous assistance programs, works 

closely with countries around the world to build transparent and accountable financial and legal systems. The Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) devote approximately $1 billion per year to 

anticorruption and related good governance programs. 

USAID’s work to combat corruption in sub-Saharan Africa focuses on improving 

transparency and availability of information and increasing accountability between 

and among citizens and government institutions. As one of the commitments from 

the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, the United States and leaders of partner governments formed the Partnership on Illicit Finance (PIF), an initiative that brings African partners and the United States together to jointly address the generation and 

movement of proceeds from corruption and other financial crimes. The PIF has two 

main objectives: (1) examine illicit financial flows from Africa, and (2) develop 

national action plans to improve transparency and accountability in public and private sectors. Current members are Burkina Faso, Kenya, Mauritius, Liberia, Niger, 

and Senegal. 

Building on that commitment, during President Obama’s trip to Africa in July 

2015, the United States and the Government of Kenya signed a Joint Commitment 

to Promote Good Governance and Anti-Corruption Efforts in Kenya to improve ethics, end money laundering and expand anticorruption legislation. The Joint Commitment will also leverage technology to reduce or eradicate opportunities for corruption, using tools such as citizen portals and eProcurement systems. 

This approach is consistent with the principles outlined in the post-2015 Development Agenda, which focuses on the need to build developing countries’ capacity to 

mobilize domestic resources and attract private sector financing flows and assistance. 

In Nigeria, for example, USAID’s approach to strengthen institutions of accountability and improve public financial management while increasing the involvement 

of the private sector and civil society in governance has yielded results. Starting in 

2006, USAID support helped civil society, government and the private sector to 

come together and establish the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI). In 2013, NEITI, working in collaboration with relevant government 

agencies, recovered $2 billion in taxes owed by oil and gas companies. 

Government reform alone is not enough to be successful—support for government 

reformers must be complemented by support for the work of civil society organizations. Across Africa, USAID is building the capacity of civil society networks and 

coalitions to promote transparency and accountability. These coalitions engage with 

civil society organizations to increase oversight of the budget process, raise the level 

of public discourse on issues of transparency and accountability, and increase participation of the citizenry in governance for equitable growth. In Tanzania, for example, USAID is increasing the capacity of civil society to monitor transparency in 

local government by engaging citizens in local budgeting, planning and public 

expenditure tracking. 

As a founding member of the Open Government Partnership (OGP), the United 

States partners with governments and civil society leaders around the world to promote the more transparent, effective, and accountable governance and institutions 

that are necessary for development gains to be sustained. OGP was launched in 

2011 with 8 members and has grown to include 65 participating countries that 

together have made over 2,000 commitments to make government more open, 

accountable and responsive to citizens. In sub-Saharan Africa, Cape Verde, Ghana, 

Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and Tanzania are OGP members and continue to make good on their commitments to open government. Over 

the last 3 years, USAID has provided just under $1 million to the OGP Support 

Unit (approximately $300–$350 thousand per year, 2012–15). USAID Missions in 

Africa have also supported OGP in a variety of ways, from sponsoring government/ 

citizen consultations to implementing OGP-related commitments. 

USAID’s work in this area is guided by our strategy on democracy, human rights, 

and governance, which focuses on the principles of accountability and citizen 

engagement to offer a framework for addressing issues such as corruption more 

effectively. Our work in these areas is fully complementary of the work of other U.S. 

Government agencies on combating financial crimes and strengthening the rule of 

law. The 2015 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) calls upon 

the entire U.S. Government to use the OGP as a tool to advance transparent, accountable, and participatory governance. If confirmed, I will continue to work with 

partners in the interagency to address corruption in Africa through mechanisms 

such as OGP, NEITI, and PIF, as well as engagement with civil society. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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♦ (b) Funds for democracy and governance programs and activities in FY 2015 

(approximately $160 million) are much lower than allocations in FY 2013 ($231 

million), FY 2012 ($266 million), and FY 2011 ($244 million). What will you do 

to prioritize democracy and governance programs and activities and advocate 

for additional funding levels if confirmed? 

Answer (b). The U.S. Government cannot effectively achieve sustainable outcomes 

in health, food security and climate change in Africa without simultaneously investing in good governance, transparency, accountability, and inclusion. Decreased or inconsistent funding levels for democracy, rights, and governance (DRG) make it more 

difficult for USAID to make strategic investments for long-term change in the African countries in which we work. 

To ease the impact of reduced DRG funding levels in the immediate term, in my 

role as Deputy Assistant Administrator for Africa, I successfully advocated for the 

allocation of additional USAID FY 2015 DRG resources for some of the highest priority needs on the continent in countries such as Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and 

Nigeria. In Nigeria, for example, sustained, long-term U.S. Government investment 

in the development of civil society networks and institutions like the Independent 

National Electoral Commission contributed to the historic transfer of political power 

witnessed in 2015. Continued investment is necessary to consolidate those gains. 

Recognizing the importance of prioritizing DRG investments, USAID’s FY 2016 

request for DRG programming ($301 million) reflects an increase over recent years. 

The request represents a 10-percent increase over the FY 2015 request and a 100- 

percent increase over the FY 2014 actual level. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for a robust budget for DRG programs in Africa to ensure our program needs 

are met and that USAID remains a leader in the DRG sector on the continent. 

At the same time, I understand the challenges of the current budget environment 

and believe that USAID can take steps to prioritize DRG programs even in the face 

of budget constraints. For example, USAID issued a new strategy on democracy, 

human rights, and governance in 2013, codifying a more holistic approach to DRG 

sector programming. This policy framework focuses on participation, inclusion, and 

accountability, while elevating human rights and integration of democratic governance approaches across economic and social sectors. The DRG strategy informs 

USAID’s overall approach to DRG sector programming in Africa and provides guidance to missions appropriate for the context. As a result, USAID is also better integrating DRG principles into other development sectors, working with fellow U.S. 

Government colleagues in health, education, water and economic growth, to ensure 

that core human rights and governance principles are embedded in other sectors. 

For example, in Ethiopia, the Social Accountability project is providing new forums for citizens to monitor the Government of Ethiopia’s service delivery commitments and to advocate for improvements, and USAID is integrating these methods 

in the education sector to drive public oversight of results. Specifically, with USAID 

support, parent-teacher associations will use methods such as community ratings of 

education quality to pressure government offices to maintain reading enrichment 

support through libraries and teachers. Additionally, in the health sector, USAID 

is standing up 2,500 governance boards for health centers and hospitals across Ethiopia, where local officials decide how to spend patient fees and improve services. 

USAID’s democracy and health teams are collaborating to bring valid citizen input 

into these boards and feed into budget decisions of hospitals and health centers. 

If confirmed, I will continue to support USAID’s strategic approach to DRG programming and the DRG integration agenda, while advocating for adequate funding 

for DRG activities in Africa. 

Question. In September 2014, President Obama issued a Presidential Memorandum directing agencies engaged abroad to elevate and strengthen the role of civil 

society; challenge undue restrictions on it; and foster constructive engagement 

between governments and civil society. 

♦ (a) What efforts has USAID undertaken in Africa to date in response to this 

directive, and in particular how is USAID challenging restrictions on civil society in countries like Ethiopia and Uganda, where governments have sought to 

tighten control? 

Answer (a). In support of the 2014 Presidential Memorandum, USAID is promoting the robust and critical role civil society plays in African countries to ensure 

effective and inclusive development. USAID has developed a three-pronged strategy 

to support civil society in closing spaces: focus on prevention, including monitoring 

the legal enabling environment for civil society; focus on adaptation, designing flexible programs that can respond to on-the-ground changes; and continue to support 

civil society, even in restrictive environments. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

531 

For example, in Ethiopia, we are monitoring the environment while supporting 

human rights, strengthening civil society engagement, and enhancing governance 

through social accountability activities that provide forums for citizens to monitor 

government’s service delivery commitments and advocate for improvements. 

In Kenya, USAID has supported civil society organizations working to raise 

awareness and question the restrictive amendments to the Public Benefit Organizations Act. In Uganda, USAID is supporting nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) 

to advocate effectively with Members of Parliament for changes to restrictive language in the draft NGO bill. The updated draft version of the bill under consideration reflects the combined efforts of concerted NGO advocacy. 

Within the next year, USAID—with several other donors—also plans to launch 

two Civil Society Innovation Hubs in the region to facilitate civil society networking 

and partnerships. USAID held planning workshops with civil society leaders this 

past spring and summer in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, and Dakar, Senegal. These 

Hubs will connect civil society organizations at the regional and global levels and 

enable access to tools and technologies to bolster their work. 

Meanwhile, USAID also has developed an analytic tool, the Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index for sub-Saharan Africa, which since 2009 has tracked 

trends that monitor the progress and setbacks faced by civil society organizations. 

The latest edition can be found at: https://www.usaid.gov/africa-civil-society. 

USAID provides a wide range of assistance, helping civil society organizations to 

become more effective and sustainable in their roles in service provision, policy 

advocacy, and government monitoring and oversight. For example, in Liberia, 

USAID’s Civil Society and Media Leadership program aims to help civil society 

organizations expand their role from delivering services to engaging in governance 

and policy processes through advocacy training, networking, and mentorship. 

USAID activities seek to provide organizations with the skills and tools necessary 

to promote access to information and employ effective watch-dog strategies. 

In response to the closing space trend, USAID also supports local civil society 

efforts to advocate for strong legal protections and operating environments through 

programs such as the Legal Enabling Environment Program (LEEP). LEEP, a $6 

million global instrument funded by USAID, provides technical assistance to civil 

society organizations and supports local capacity and research to advance local legal 

reforms. In November 2014, USAID, in conjunction with the Community of Democracies and Civicus, organized a workshop in Pretoria, South Africa, that convened 

African human rights defenders and lawyers who shared best practices as well as 

identified recommendations to improve the enabling environment for civil society in 

their respective countries. 

LEEP efforts complement the State Department’s diplomatic strategies as well as 

those of others from the international community. USAID, on behalf of the United 

States Government, is also an active member of the Community of Democracies 

which monitors legal restrictions to civil society organizations’ freedoms through 

draft laws and regulations. The Community of Democracies is an international coalition of member states that counters the civil society closing space trend through 

diplomacy and campaigns. 

♦ (b) If confirmed, will you commit to developing a strategy for USAID to undertake democracy and governance activities in Africa? 

Answer (b). USAID has been a leader in supporting human rights and democratic 

governance as fundamental objectives of a whole-of-government strategy toward 

Africa. The Agency’s mission-level strategies are informed by several strategic and 

policy documents, including the National Security Strategy, the Quadrennial Development and Diplomacy Review (QDDR), the Presidential Policy Directive (PPD) on 

Africa, and the State/USAID Joint Regional Strategy for Africa. Under the current 

administration, USAID has also issued a new strategy on democracy, human rights, 

and governance. The new strategy codifies a more holistic approach to USAID’s programming in this sector globally by focusing on participation, inclusion, and 

accountability, while elevating human rights and integration of democratic governance approaches across economic and social sectors. 

One of USAID’s unique strengths is its field-based orientation, in which our missions abroad are the incubators and operational nerve centers of its work. With policy guidance and technical support from Washington, USAID bilateral missions in 

Africa develop their own multiyear country development cooperation strategies 

(CDCS) in order to tailor development programming to the needs and challenges of 

particular countries, to reflect the development agenda of the host nation itself, and 

to align U.S. efforts with host nation, international, and other bilateral donor programs working in the country. They do so in close collaboration with U.S. Embassy 

counterparts, host-country partners, and often with other donors, foundations, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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the private sector. Virtually every USAID mission in Africa has a medium- to longterm strategic objective focused on supporting democracy, human rights, and governance. These causal theories of change are developed using the principles and approaches laid out in the Agency’s DRG Strategy. If confirmed, I remain committed 

to supporting the implementation of the USAID mission-level strategic objectives. 

Question. How is USAID supporting justice and accountability in African countries transitioning from conflict, such as South Sudan and the Central African 

Republic? 

Answer. To promote access to justice and accountability in transitional environments, USAID works to strengthen formal and informal justice mechanisms, coordinates closely on humanitarian and development programming to boost community 

resilience, and stresses approaches that prioritize women and youth and conflict 

mitigation programs. 

In South Sudan, USAID is addressing cycles of revenge violence driven by cattle 

theft and land disputes by supporting local dispute resolution initiatives in the 

absence of formal justice mechanisms. In one area, for example, USAID brought 

together traditional chiefs and community leaders to resolve disputes by deciding on 

compensation as a form of restorative justice. 

In the absence of strong formal institutions that reach the communities most 

affected by the ongoing violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), USAID 

focuses on laying the groundwork for the establishment of community-based mechanisms to address grievances. Moreover, USAID’s current activities in CAR focus on 

addressing the immediate humanitarian and emergency needs of communities 

affected by ongoing insecurity, banditry, and sporadic intercommunal violence. In 

addition, USAID efforts aim to address social cohesion through intercommunal dialogue and reconciliation activities in affected areas of the country. 

USAID also provides support to both formal and informal justice institutions in 

conflict-affected countries such as Cote d’Ivoire and Mali, including training judicial 

actors, expanding paralegal networks, improving court case management systems, 

and providing and upgrading infrastructure and equipment. In addition, USAID 

strengthens the ability of national legislatures to fulfill their representational, legislative, and oversight mandates, and trains civil society organizations (with a focus 

on women and youth) in management, advocacy, and civic education so they can 

contribute to and monitor the work of elected leaders and commune council members. For example, in Cote d’Ivoire, USAID programming has supported the 

National Assembly by strengthening its capacity to fulfill basic functions and improving deputy representation and oversight in selected communes. Such programs 

assist governments to build more accountable institutions over the long-term and 

can aid political reconciliation efforts in post-conflict environments. 

Question. After over 20 months of fighting, the parties to the conflict in South 

Sudan finally signed a peace agreement in August. The peace agreement is still in 

the pretransitional phase, but the signatories have already asked for U.S. aid to 

help with implementation. By many accounts, diversion of state resources has 

occurred on a massive scale within the South Sudan Government in the past decade, 

and reports suggest the war has left little for stabilization and reconstruction. 

♦ (a) If confirmed, how will you work with other donors to ensure that mechanisms to promote transparency and accountability for government and donor 

resources are put in place by the South Sudanese? 

Answer (a). The United States, along with other major donors, implements 

projects directly to help the people of South Sudan, and does not provide funds to 

or through the Government of South Sudan. USAID plays a key leadership role in 

several donor groups, and, if confirmed, I will continue such coordination to ensure 

assistance programs are complementary with those of other donors. If confirmed, I 

will also continue to work closely with key bilateral donors and international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund 

(IMF), to promote the proper management and safeguarding of South Sudanese resources for the benefit of the people and for future generations. 

There are several aspects of the peace agreement, including oversight mechanisms, that will give the United States an opportunity to press—both diplomatically 

and by supporting civil society efforts—for greater transparency in government 

spending. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues in the Department of State and 

donor community in supporting critical structures of the peace agreement that 

increase transparency and accountability with respect to government and donor 

resources. 

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♦ (b) What is USAID’s role in supporting accountability and reconciliation mechanisms put in place through the peace agreement, especially at the grassroots 

and what resources will we be committing to support such mechanisms? 

Answer (b). South Sudan has not had a strong history of holding perpetrators of 

abuses accountable, which has perpetuated a cycle of impunity and violence. The 

violent nature of this most recent conflict in South Sudan has had a devastating 

impact on civilians and further polarized intercommunal relations. I believe USAID 

can play a critical role in supporting accountability and reconciliation efforts at both 

the local and national levels. 

Since the crisis began in December 2013, USAID has been working to create space 

for reconciliation at the local level. USAID support at the grassroots level has been 

primarily focused on: (1) engaging community leaders and supporting dialogues 

between communities suffering from or on the brink of violent conflict, and (2) supporting structured community dialogues to begin the healing process and mitigate 

violence due to the impact of exposure to repeated traumatic events. 

USAID also has been providing support to emerging community-based conflict 

management mechanisms and to other conflict mitigation initiatives in the United 

Nations Protection of Civilian (POC) sites, where conflict within the sites has the 

potential to spark wider conflict outside, and vice versa. For example in the Bentiu 

POC site, our support has helped establish a community-based conflict management 

mechanism that provides a critical service in helping resolve and mitigate destabilizing tensions within the site. And, while our ‘‘trauma-informed community 

empowerment’’ program is still in its pilot phase, we are testing this idea as a 

potentially groundbreaking new way of supporting communities to overcome the immense challenges of reconciling and rebuilding in the wake of devastating conflict. 

Chapter V of the peace agreement is devoted to the issues of transitional justice, 

accountability and reconciliation. The State Department has taken the lead on supporting efforts to establish and support accountability mechanisms, such as documentation of human rights abuses that occurred during the conflict and support for 

the establishment of a credible, impartial, and effective hybrid court whereas 

USAID has taken the lead on national level reconciliation efforts called for in the 

agreement. Failure to address the root causes of the conflict and address rightful 

grievances can often undermine peace-building efforts. For that reason, USAID 

plans to commit over $10 million in FY 2015 for these programs. 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ETIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR FLAKE

Question. One of the things that the Ebola outbreak taught us is the importance 

of having healthcare systems to address all diseases. Can you provide me with your 

perspective on whether we can leverage the existing communicable disease platforms to integrate cost effective solutions that address the growing burden of chronic diseases, and, if so, how? 

Answer. At their very heart, communicable disease platforms build health system 

capacity to diagnosis, treat and manage patients and prevent spread of disease. The 

foundational capacities required for effective communicable disease prevention, detection, monitoring and treatment are very similar to those needed for chronic and 

noncommunicable diseases; these requirements can leverage the skills and systems 

needed for both sets of health care issues. For example, both communicable disease 

and chronic disease programs must effectively perform the following health systems 

functions: 

♦ Risk communication: Health systems must provide clear information for people 

at risk to reduce their chances of acquiring the condition; 

♦ Patient management: Health systems must have a means of tracking affected 

patients and responding to changes in their conditions in order to mitigate subsequent impacts; 

♦ Management of drugs and medications: Health systems must have strong logistics systems and drug quality systems to ensure that adequately supplies of 

needed medications are available to patients on an ongoing basis and that diminish the instance of counterfeit drugs into the system; 

♦ Comprehensive laboratory capacity: Health systems must be able to identify 

these conditions through laboratory services. 

All of these activities are components of USAID supported infectious disease and 

health system strengthening programs which can be leveraged to translate these 

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basic and cross-cutting skills to chronic and non-communicable disease programs at 

low cost. 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ETIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. What are your top priorities for your post, if confirmed? What challenges do you foresee in meeting these goals? How could Congress, and this committee, be useful to you in meeting them? 

Answer. If confirmed, in addition to focusing on the management issues critical 

to the successful functioning of USAID’s Africa Bureau, I will concentrate on three 

objectives are critical to the sustainability, growth, and success of our development 

goals. 

First, I believe we need to continue to invest in Africa’s greatest resource—its people—to further development, democracy, opportunity, rights and governance for this 

and future generations. Africa is the youngest continent on the world and one of 

the fastest growing. For this reason, any successful development approach will need 

to factor in this demographic shift by investing in human capital through quality 

education, skills primary and leadership training, and job creation. If confirmed, 

this will be one of my main areas of focus. 

Second, I will continue USAID’s focus on accelerating sustainable development 

through African-led partnerships. For example, through Power Africa, the United 

States is working with a range of partners to accelerate private-sector energy transactions, by leveraging the assistance, financing, commercial and diplomatic tools of 

the U.S. Government, as well as the tools and expertise of our bilateral and multilateral partners and the private sector with the aim of expanding access to electricity by 60 million new connections. Two years after Power Africa’s launch, the 

U.S. Government’s commitment of $7 billion dollars has mobilized more than $43 

billion in private capital from Power Africa’s more than 100 bilateral, multilateral 

and private sector partners, including more than $31 billion in private sector commitments. 

Third, I will ensure that our work is implemented effectively, that we evaluate 

the results, and that we apply those lessons learned going forward. USAID recognizes the need to focus our resources to maximize the impact of our assistance. I 

understand that we have to measure our results and look to replicate and scale successes, discard failures, and learn from both to design future programs. 

Addressing these priorities will not be an easy task. Many African countries continue to face security, governance, and infrastructure challenges that can limit the 

pace of project implementation and complicate our ability to evaluate our programs. 

Nonetheless, if confirmed, I look forward to working together with the committee 

to prioritize people focused African-led programming, inform budget decisions based 

on sound program evaluations, and leverage our foreign assistance resources to 

catalyze greater investment in Africa. 

Question. Given your experience at USAID Africa, what areas have you found 

where there is duplication or waste? How can we help you streamline the agency 

to become more effective and efficient? 

Answer. As USAID’s Deputy Assistant Administrator for Africa, I take the issue 

of accountability seriously and am singularly focused on delivering results on behalf 

of the American people and those we serve. To that end, and in partnership with 

Agency colleagues, I am committed to identifying ways to more efficiently and effectively program our foreign assistance resources and guard against duplication and 

waste. 

An important means of doing so is by maintaining and expanding the Agency’s 

commitment to high quality evaluations, which are then used to inform program design modifications. USAID is grateful for the strong bipartisan support Congress 

has provided on behalf of the Agency’s more rigorous approach to evaluations, which 

was unveiled by our former Administrator as part of the USAID Forward reform 

agenda. Between 2011 and 2014, USAID trained over 1,400 USAID staff in sound 

evaluation methods and practices, created templates and tools to support evaluation 

design and performance management plans, and worked with missions to implement an approach that allows for collaboration with partners and adaptation of 

projects based on learning. During that time, over 950 evaluations have contributed 

to evidence-based decision making by missions and operating units. 

One such example in the Africa Bureau were the changes that our mission implemented in Kenya in response to an evaluation aimed at understanding the discrepancies between the number of HIV rapid test kits (RTK) distributed and the number 

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of tests conducted. The evaluation indicated that the main discrepancies in the RTK 

supply chain were at the facility level. Based on the report’s recommendations, 

USAID/Kenya changed the supplier to one that uses electronic systems; expanded 

monitoring activities to include two teams to visit the facilities along with the Ministry of Health, which has since improved data flow; and instructed USAID partners 

to tighten accounting controls at the facility level. 

USAID also works closely with other development agencies and with departments 

across the U.S. Government to share best practices, avoid duplication, and amplify 

the impact of taxpayer dollars. 

During my time at the National Security Council, I saw firsthand the benefit of 

enhanced inter-agency coordination and communication as a means to minimize duplication. In my current capacity, I have worked to actively promote interagency coordination by cultivating strong relationships with counterparts at the Departments 

of State and Defense, the Millennium Challenge Corporation and at the White 

House, with whom I regularly discuss learnings from across the region and opportunities to leverage our respective capabilities on behalf of the U.S. Government. 

If confirmed, I will continue to make this a priority and look forward to working 

with the Congress to ensure that evaluations are continually used to inform budget 

decisions, project design changes, and mid-course corrections in USAID development 

programming. 

Question. Please describe the working relationships between missions and AFR’s 

Washington DC offices and bureaus and any notable challenges in these relationships. What are the similarities and differences between AFR’s Development Planning and Sustainable Development (SD) offices? Why are both necessary, given 

some apparent duplication between them, and between functions carried out by SD 

and functional bureaus? Why are both necessary, given some apparent duplication 

between them? How do you plan to prevent duplication of efforts moving forward? 

Answer. The Office of Development Planning (AFR/DP) and the Office of Sustainable Development (AFR/SD) have distinct roles within the Bureau for Africa. 

The Office of Development Planning (AFR/DP) provides leadership for Bureau 

strategy and policy development and oversees the management of the Bureau for 

Africa’s programmatic and operating expense (OE) budget. AFR/DP manages the allocation and tracking of budget resources, coordinates assistance with other donors, 

and provides guidance on overall program and budgeting strategy and policies. This 

office serves as the Bureau’s audit and investigation liaison; managing the internal 

control assessment process and the audit management and resolution program; coordinating the preparation of the Congressional Budget Justification; monitoring 

and tracking compliance with congressional requests; ; overseeing the process of development and approval of Country Development and Coordination Strategies 

(CDCS) for field missions; assisting field Missions with program monitoring, evaluation and assessment; and acting as the Bureau focal point for outreach activities. 

AFR/DP does not directly manage any programs or projects. 

The Office of Sustainable Development (AFR/SD) oversees and manages the 

USAID/Africa Regional Program, and provides leadership on African development 

issues through support for analysis, strategy development, program design, technical assistance, advocacy, and information dissemination. AFR/SD provides support 

in areas of capacity building, institutional strengthening, partnership development, 

information technology, social sciences, democracy and governance, natural resources management and environment, agriculture, population, HIV/AIDS, health, 

nutrition, education, and crisis mitigation and recovery. Additionally, AFR/SD provides technical assistance to field missions to inform strategic choices and program 

design; supports, encourages, and strengthens the performance of African regional 

institutions and other international organizations; leads the Bureau’s strategic 

thinking in technical areas; and reviews performance by operating units and programs within the Bureau. 

Activities under the USAID/AFR Regional Program focus on extending health care 

services, including protecting maternal and child health, expanding immunization, 

and directly confronting the HIV/AIDS crisis; promoting new agricultural methods 

and technologies; promoting economic growth through the expansion of markets; 

supporting education activities in Africa, with a special emphasis on the education 

of girls and women; and preventing and mitigating the effects of conflict by linking 

crisis management with long-term development programs and by helping African 

nations integrate democracy and good governance principles across development sectors to consolidate democracy and good governance in their societies. 

The Bureau for Africa closely coordinates and cooperates with USAID’s functional 

bureaus to leverage our teams’ comparative strengths and technical capabilities in 

furtherance of the Agency’s development objectives. Broadly speaking, both regional 

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and functional bureaus serve as a resource to our field missions as they design their 

programs and/or undertake evaluations to inform follow-on activities. Regional bureaus such as the Bureau for Africa are typically a mission’s ‘‘one stop shop’’ to field 

requests for support and technical assistance. In supporting these requests, the Bureau will typically look first to its relatively lean team of technical experts—mostly 

housed in AFR/SD—who are well-versed in both the country and regional context 

as well as the specific sector of concern. These individuals will work with counterparts in the regional bureaus to ensure that assistance being provided is reflective 

of best practices across the world and incorporates lessons learned across USAID’s 

vast global presence. Where deep technikcal expertise is needed, the pillar bureaus 

will also provide direct support to field Missions. 

Working together, these shared responsibilities result in better, more in-depth 

support to missions that leverages the expertise of both the technical and regional 

bureaus at USAID. 

Question (a). What improvements would you recommend to evaluation and reporting on USAID Africa projects? 

Answer (a). USAID has established systems to ensure that quality evaluations are 

undertaken and that results are used for program improvements and redesigns. If 

confirmed, I will work to elevate the quality and use of evaluation tools by missions 

and offices in the Africa Bureau. I will also encourage and support training in monitoring and evaluation for all officers to ensure that important lessons are identified 

and appropriate adjustments are made to strategies and projects to increase the impact of our foreign assistance programs. USAID’s Office of Inspector General recently issued an audit of USAID’s Evaluation Policy Implementation across the 

Agency, which recommended USAID implement additional training programs, including an online tutorial on the main differences between impact and performance 

evaluations, a recommendation I fully support. 

The Africa Bureau has been proactive in its support for evaluation. In May 2015, 

the Africa Bureau brought together its officers charged with the planning and implementation of the Agency’s evaluation policy in Ghana to look at ways to strengthen how evaluations are planned, carried out and applied to USAID’s work. Conference participants confirmed the importance of increasing to build evaluation and 

monitoring capacity within USAID and externally for its implementing partners in 

the Africa Region in order to effectively implement the Agency’s evaluation policy, 

as strengthening monitoring and evaluation also requires strengthening capacity. In 

addition, program officers stressed the need to further integrate a collaborative 

learning environment, in such a way that adaptation is a cornerstone of business 

operations throughout the USAID Program Cycle. USAID anticipates that a followon summit will be held in Spring 2016 to further strengthen our ability to carry 

out evaluations, identify cross-cutting issues, and share their lessons broadly so that 

our officers can make appropriate and timely adjustments to our strategies and 

projects. 

If confirmed, I will focus on this critically important aspect of USAID programming in the Africa region and ensure that evaluations are used to guide project design changes and midcourse corrections in development programming, as well as inform budget allocation decisions as appropriate. 

Question (b). How can we improve transparency in how taxpayer dollars are spent 

on aid projects in Africa? What obstacles do you face in reporting and evaluation, 

and how can we start to remedy those issues? 

Answer (b). Aid transparency is essential for helping recipient governments manage their aid flows, empowering citizens to hold governments accountable for the 

use of assistance, and supporting evidence-based, data-driven approaches to foreign 

aid. The administration has placed great emphasis on transparency and openness 

across the government and USAID is taking a leading role in helping the U.S. Government further its commitment to enhancing aid transparency as a way of increasing the efficacy of development efforts and promoting international accountability. 

For example, in October 2014, USAID released its first ever Open Data policy and 

regularly posts datasets to www.usaid.gov/data. 

I believe that the transmission of foreign assistance data and evaluation outcomes 

to the public is a critical step toward increasing transparency in development. If 

confirmed as Africa’s next Assistant Administrator, I will work with USAID 

leadershipto advance efforts that are currently underway to increase the transparency of our funding and programming, including regularly posting data to the 

International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI) and ForeignAssistance.gov. 

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Question (a). What factors led USAID to redeploy staff from the Nairobi East Africa mission to elsewhere, where were they moved, and how many staff and which 

key programs were affected? 

Answer (a). Due to the increasing security concerns in Kenya, in July 2014, the 

USAID’s East Africa mission eliminated 27 U.S. citizen positions. Of those positions, 

24 were NSDD–38 approved U.S. Direct Hires, and 3 were U.S. Personal Service 

Contractors (USPSC). Fourteen of the U.S. Direct Hire positions were realigned as 

follows: 

♦ Five were transferred to the USAID mission in Ethiopia, 

♦ Five were transferred to the USAID mission in South Africa, and 

♦ Four were transferred to the USAID mission in DRC. 

The Agency continues to assess how best to realign the remaining ten U.S. Direct 

Hire positions across the Africa portfolio. Based on revised staffing levels and an 

analysis of capacity remaining in Nairobi, 39 ongoing programs remained in 

Nairobi, 12 were cancelled or closed, and 12 were transferred to other Missions. 

Key program impacts include: 

♦ Trade Africa: There were no significant changes to staff and programs supporting the implementation of Trade Africa, though disruptions to contracting, 

financial management and legal support services resulted in programmatic 

delays. 

♦ Limited and Non-Presence Countries (Burundi, Djibouti, Central African Republic and Somalia): The USAID East Africa Mission-recently renamed USAID 

Kenya and East Africa mission (USAID/KEA)-no longer oversees or provides 

support to the Limited Presence Country offices in Burundi and Djibouti. 

USAID’s mission in Burundi has since been consolidated with USAID’s mission 

in Rwanda, and USAID’s Djibouti office has been consolidated with the Ethiopia 

Mission. The Somalia Office was not affected and continues to be managed from 

USAID/KEA. 

♦ Conflict and Governance: USAID/KEA’s $32 million conflict mitigation and governance portfolio continues to focus on mitigating cross-border conflict in the 

Horn of Africa. The management and staffing for programs to counter the 

Lord’s Resistance Army, Central African Republic and the management of mineral trade in the Great Lakes has been transferred to USAID/Democratic Republic of Congo Mission. 

♦ Health and HIV/AIDS: USAID/KEA has refocused its regional health activities 

on infectious disease outbreaks and phased out the majority of its support for 

regional health policy strengthening, except for USAID’s key assistance to the 

East, Central, and Southern Africa Health Community. The management of this 

program will move to South Africa. USAID has moved or closed 11 health programs, while retaining a $21 million program managed from Nairobi. 

♦ Agriculture and Resilience: USAID/KEA’s $85 million agriculture and resilience 

portfolio remains in Nairobi. The Mission transferred four programs focused on 

advancing agricultural development by scaling up successful innovations to 

Washington. 

♦ Environment: USAID/KEA will maintain most of its $42 million environment 

portfolio (global climate change adaptation, biodiversity, water, and sanitation). 

USAID/KEA transferred responsibility for a regional engineering contract and 

is unable to program water and sanitation funds proposed for FY 2014. 

Question (b). What, if any, changes in AFR programming has the USAID Forward 

development reform initiative spurred? 

Answer (b). USAID Forward represents major development and organizational reforms to ensure that USAID and its partners efficiently, effectively, and inclusively 

address the global challenges of today and achieve results that outlast our assistance in the future. It is based on three separate, but mutually reinforcing principles: 

♦ Delivering results on a meaningful scale through a strengthened USAID; 

♦ Promoting sustainable development through high-impact partnerships; and 

♦ Identifying and scaling-up innovative breakthrough solutions to intractable development problems. 

USAID Forward has enabled the Agency to increase its in-country presence with 

skilled professionals proficient in the discipline of development; adaptive, innovative 

approaches focused on both short- and long-term results that sustain; and partnerships that engender local ownership of results and greater prospects for sustainable 

impact. Through implementation of the USAID Forward reforms, the Agency has 

changed the way it conducts business. The Africa Bureau has embraced the USAID 

Forward reforms and tailored them to the regional and country context based upon 

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the given sector’s focus and available funding. Below are some examples of progress 

achieved in Africa. 

Currently 18 operating units in Africa have completed five year Country Development Cooperation Strategies (CDCSs), one operating unit has completed a 3-year 

strategy, and the Bureau has completed four Regional Development Cooperation 

Strategies, for a total of 23 out of 24 required strategies for the Africa Bureau (the 

24th strategy is in progress). These documents serve as guideposts for strategic decisionmaking in the allocation of our resources and implementation of results-oriented 

programming throughout the region. 

♦ In FY 2014, our Africa missions exceeded targets for leveraging commercial private capital through the Development Credit Authority (DCA) mechanism 

across all development sectors by 10 percent. For example, the USAID/Nigeria 

Mission leveraged private sector financing in under-served sectors, with particular emphasis on renewable energy, agriculture, water, and health. The mission’s efforts resulted in increased resources for Nigerians in support of U.S. 

Government food security, private sector development, and clean energy objectives; increased numbers of companies able to access credit for profitable agriculture, water, health, and renewable energy activities; and increased numbers 

of banks providing access to credit using the DCA facility. 

♦ In an effort to ensure the sustainability of our investments by building local capacity to carry this work forward in the future, the Africa Bureau has also 

made progress in increasing the share of assistance dollars going directly 

through local partners, taking pains to ensure that such partnerships are rigorously monitored and evaluated to safeguard taxpayer dollars. 

♦ In FY 2014, the Africa region obligated $538 million in so-called ‘‘Local Solutions’’ funding, an increase from $389 million in FY 2013 and $355 million in 

FY 2012. This figure represented 14.4 percent of all obligations, up from 11.7 

percent in FY 2013 and 9.6 percent in FY 2012. 

♦ In FY 2014, Africa missions completed 69 evaluations in accordance with 

USAID’s Evaluation Policy, which demands a high level of rigor for all evaluations. In FY 2013, Africa missions conducted 71 evaluations. This represents a 

significant increase from FY 2012 when 41 evaluations were conducted. Despite 

ongoing challenges related to the Ebola outbreak, USAID/Guinea’s health sector 

implementing partners were able to complete four evaluations on activities pertaining to health management information systems, gender-based violence, and 

post-partum health. 

Question (c). Please describe the emergent Sustainable Development Goals and 

USAID’s approaches to achieving them. 

Answer (c). Last week, over 150 world leaders gathered at the U.N. General Assembly and took action to adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This 

Agenda builds on the progress achieved by Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 

and endorses a new set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for the next 15 

years. The MDGs contributed to tangible, concrete progress in development. Rates 

of those in extreme poverty and maternal mortality figures were cut nearly in half 

globally and we made progress in global education, with a 20-percent increase in 

primary school enrollment in sub-Saharan Africa and a nearly 50 percent decrease 

in the number of out-of-school children of primary school age, among other advances. 

The SDGs take the focus of the MDGs on social and economic aspects of human 

development and add emphasis on the environment and good governance. The SDGs 

importantly also include known drivers for development like sustainable energy, inclusive economic growth, gender equality in addition to the foundational role for 

peace, security, and effective institutions. 

From the U.S. perspective, the SDGs bring focus, attention and resources to more 

inclusive development globally. This is no longer an agenda just meant for donors 

to implement in developing countries. This is an agenda that every country, regardless of level of development, has voluntarily adopted. It incorporates the Addis 

Ababa Action Agenda which promotes financing for development, not from official 

development assistance only, but also through domestic resource mobilization and 

private sector investment. 

Implementation followup and review including tracking progress and the discussion about which indicators will be monitored is ongoing and expected to be completed in March of next year. Primary responsibility for implementation and followup is at the national level. Countries are expected to integrate the SDGs into 

national development plans and strategies, supported by integrated national financing frameworks. As a guide for how USAID will approach this ambitious agenda and 

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treme Poverty.’’ The Vision articulates how USAID defines extreme poverty and 

frames the Agency’s role in this worldwide effort. 

We see this global development agenda as a powerful instrument to eradicate extreme poverty within a generation; focus on transformative priorities that can have 

wide- reaching and long-lasting impact, particularly for the most vulnerable; and 

help put all of our societies on a more sustainable path. 

Question (a). Please describe USAID’s strategic approach toward development in 

Africa. 

Answer (a). In 2012, USAID’s Africa Bureau and the State Department’s Africa 

Bureau developed a Joint Regional Strategy (JRS) for sub-Saharan Africa, as an 

outgrowth of the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) process. 

The JRS for Africa covers fiscal years 2015 to 2017 and guides USAID’s strategic 

approach in Africa. Every three years, the JRS process provides Regional Bureaus 

at State and USAID a method for longer-term planning that is collaborative and 

conceptually rigorous. The process incorporates input from relevant functional/technical Bureaus and Mission stakeholders, serves as a tool to better coordinate activities in the region around shared goals and objectives, and informs annual resource 

requests and mission-level planning in USAID Country Development Cooperation 

Strategies (CDCS) and State-USAID Integrated Country Strategies (ICS). The goals 

of the JRS for sub-Saharan Africa include strengthening the United States economic 

reach and positive economic impact; strengthening the United States’ foreign policy 

impact on our strategic challenges; promoting transition to a low emission, climateresilient world, while expanding global access to sustainable energy; protecting core 

U.S. interests by advancing democracy and human rights and strengthening civil society; and modernizing the way we do diplomacy and development. 

The JRS reflects the goals, objectives, and strategies articulated in the Presidential Policy Directive for Sub-Saharan Africa (PPD–16). PPD–16 is centered on 

four overarching and complementary policy goals: Strengthen Democratic Institutions, Improve Governance, and Protect Human Rights; Spur Economic Growth, 

Trade, and Investment; Advance Peace and Security; and Promote Opportunity and 

Development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The JRS is also consistent with the Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development (PPD–6) and reaffirms U.S. interest 

in and commitment to the administration’s global development priorities, including 

key initiatives such as Feed the Future, the G–8 New Alliance for Food Security 

and Nutrition, the Global Health Initiative, the Partnership for Growth, and the 

President’s Global Climate Change Initiative. 

Question (b). Why are there strategies for some regions and countries but not others? 

Answer (b). All bilateral USAID Missions and regional platforms are expected to 

develop a CDCS or Regional Development Cooperation Strategy respectively, with 

the exception of those that are: (1) implementing a single sector program, such as 

health; (2) phasing down or closing the mission; and (3) special purpose offices such 

as those in nonpresence countries lacking a USAID mission. Agency guidance outlines the conditions under which an operating unit might be exempted from preparing a CDCS. 

Currently 18 operating units in Africa have completed 5-year Country Development Cooperation Strategies (CDCSs); one operating unit has completed a 3-year 

strategy, and the Bureau has completed four Regional Development Cooperation 

Strategies, for a total of 23 out of 24 required strategies for the Africa Bureau (the 

24th strategy is in progress). These documents serve as guideposts for strategic decisionmaking in the allocation of our resources and implementation of results-oriented 

programming throughout the region. 

Question (c). How are these strategies formulated? 

Answer (c). The CDCS formulation process relies on technical analysis, program 

evaluations, and extensive consultations to establish an evidence base by which the 

mission defines development objectives that will maximize the impact of development cooperation. The gathered evidence is used to establish a development hypothesis and define a results framework that outlines the strategy’s overarching goal, 

its development objectives, and the results necessary to achieve those objectives. 

The CDCS helps ensure that USAID implements programs and activities in coordination with other donors and U.S. Government agencies and with host-country governments and local stakeholders as partners to end extreme poverty and promote 

resilient, democratic societies while advancing our security and prosperity. The mission follows the steps outlined in Agency guidance to develop a CDCS in collaboration with strategic planning specialists in the Bureau for Africa and the Bureau for 

Policy, Planning and Learning, along with technical counterparts across the Agency. 

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The process includes several opportunities for technical review and advice throughout the year-long planning process. 

The commitment to strategic planning and multi-year CDCS remains a core component of the USAID Forward reform agenda launched in 2010. USAID’s agencywide CDCS guidance is now being updated based on lessons learned from the first 

5 years of CDCS design and implementation. Feed the Future, Global Health Initiative, Global Climate Change, and other sector-specific strategies are incorporated 

under the umbrella of the CDCS. 

Question (d). What new programmatic trends are you pursuing? 

Answer (d). Some of the new programmatic trends being pursued by USAID Missions in Africa reflect the changes in Agency operations associated with USAID Forward, the value of incorporating science and technical innovation, and the evolving 

landscape of development aside from foreign assistance. Missions are developing 

new alliances with the private sector, nongovernmental organizations, and academia 

that contribute to partnerships that deliver development results in novel ways and 

spur new development solutions. Many programs increasingly aim to build local capacity of governmental and nongovernmental partners in ways that will ensure 

greater ownership and more sustainable results that will endure over time. 

Question (e). Please discuss the thrust and impact of the global Development Lab 

and other USAID development innovation efforts in Africa. 

Answer (e). The U.S. Global Development Lab, created in 2014, has been established to leverage science, technology, innovation, and partnerships to address international development challenges, such as ending poverty in a better, faster, cheaper, 

and more sustainable way. This is done by casting a wide net to find ideas for innovations, tools, and approaches that disrupt traditional development solutions; use 

hard evidence and quick iteration to develop those that are most promising; and 

work across the Agency and with implementing partners to mainstream proven solutions. The Lab is heavily involved in Africa and works closely with the Africa Bureau. 

For example, the Lab has been working closely with the Africa Bureau on Ebola 

recovery through Information Communications Technology (ICT). This work directly 

supports the U.S. Government objectives to mitigate the second order impacts of 

Ebola and enable the Ebola affected countries to prevent, detect and respond to future outbreaks. The Lab is using ICT to strengthen health information systems to 

enable two- way communication between front line health care workers and Ministries of Health for to shorten the time to collect information enabling faster response. USAID is also working to expand ePayments for health care workers and 

Ebola recovery programs to help overcome the significant logistical challenge of 

transporting cash payments to health care workers. 

Although the Lab’s work focused on Ebola recovery is in early stages, support 

from technology, data and information management specialists from the Lab during 

the height of the outbreak helped improve the flow and quality of information for 

decision making. For example, USAID worked with partners in Guinea to expand 

the use of mobile technology, specifically the mobile phone app CommCare, a Fighting Ebola Grand Challenge winner, to support contact tracing-the daily monitoring 

of individuals who had come in contact with an Ebola patient and were at risk of 

developing the virus. In districts using this tool, district health managers reported 

that the tool helped improve accuracy and accountability of contact tracer activities, 

through the tool’s decision- support dashboard which enables district health managers to quickly identify areas where support is needed, as well as the geo-tagging 

feature which verifies location for each contact visit. 

The Lab is also seeing impact from other innovation efforts in Africa. For example, the Lab’s Development Innovation Ventures (DIV) is supporting Off-Grid: Electric—an innovative organization that is working to bring affordable electricity to one 

million Tanzanian homes. After receiving initial funding of $100,000 from DIV in 

2013 and an additional $1 mMillion of follow on funding in late 2014, Off-Grid: Electric successfully aised $16 million in equity financing and an additional $7 million 

from the International Finance Corporation and its partners earlier this year. 

Additionally, the Lab is a cocreator of the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI), 

which has grown to more than 65 members in just over 1 year, including Nigeria, 

Ghana, Mozambique and Liberia. In each country, stakeholders have rallied around 

regulatory reforms that seek to drive down the cost of broadband to levels within 

5 percent of household monthly income. In late 2014, through A4AI’s direct work, 

Ghana agreed to abolish the 20-percent import duties that comprise 35 percent of 

the cost of smartphones in-country. 

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Question. Please discuss how GHI is strategically structured and implemented in 

Africa. How, if at all, is complementarity and synergy between individual disease 

initiatives and USAID’s many other health goals pursued? To what extent does general health system capacity-building remain a core goal under GHI? 

Answer. The United States plans to invest nearly $5 billion in FY 2016 through 

Global Health Programs accounts across health programming in Africa, with the 

aim of reducing preventable mortality. Improvements in mortality can be achieved 

by increasingly effective efforts to link diverse health programs, including maternal 

and child health (MCH), malaria, family planning’s contribution to the healthy timing and spacing of pregnancy, nutrition, HIV/AIDS, and sanitation and hygiene improvement programs. To support the strategic priority of ending preventable child 

and maternal deaths, USAID has closed operations in 26 countries to concentrate 

its effort in 24 high-priority countries, of which 16 are in sub-Saharan Africa. Nearly 75 percent of all maternal deaths occur in those 24 high-priority countries. 

USAID’s strategic focus on ending preventable mortality brings together the efforts of the U.S. Government MCH and Family Planning and Reproductive Health 

(FP/RH) programs, the President’s Malaria Initiative, Feed the Future, and the 

President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. In addition, a focus on health systems 

strengthening has helped to bring these diverse initiatives together around the common need for a strong health system in order to achieve sustainable results across 

all health sectors. 

USAID’s investments in health are saving lives and improving health around the 

world and have contributed to impressive outcomes. For example, fewer children are 

dying from preventable causes, more people are accessing care and treatment for 

HIV and AIDS, and entire communities are facing a future free from debilitating 

diseases, such as blinding trachoma. For these trends to be sustained and accelerated, countries need stronger, more robust health systems that are able to address 

current and future challenges. As such, USAID continues to prioritize the Global 

Health Initiative principle of health systems strengthening as paramount in its 

global health work in Africa. Health systems strengthening activities supported in 

Africa include service delivery; human resources; information; medical supplies, vaccines and technology; electronic and mobile health; and governance. 

Given the centrality of strong health systems to achieving USAID-supported 

health goals, USAID also recently released the Vision for Health Systems Strengthening (HSS) 2015-2019. The Vision for HSS is a key document that will help guide 

USAID’s work and investment focus to evidence-based HSS approaches that contribute to positive health outcomes and help create an environment for universal 

health coverage. It will also help the Agency meet its goals of ending preventable 

child and maternal deaths, creating an AIDS-free generation, and protecting communities from infectious diseases, including achieving the goals of the Global Health 

Security Agenda. USAID’s vision for HSS is to partner with countries to provide 

sustained, equitable access to essential, high-quality health services that are responsive to people’s needs without financial hardship, thereby protecting poor and underserved people from illness, death, and extreme poverty. 

Question. Africa is set to receive about $4.9b, more than half of all U.S. foreign 

aid for global health in FY 2016. This funding request is an increase from last year’s 

actual spending, which totaled 51 percent of all global health aid last year. Given 

the increased goal-orientation for more country ownership and in-country staffing, 

please explain your plan for ensuring that this aid funding gets distributed accurately and effectively? Does this plan include training and oversight to minimize the 

possibility of corruption? 

Answer. Sub-Saharan Africa accounts for more than half of maternal deaths, has 

the highest rates of mortality for children under five, and bears approximately 70 

percent of the HIV/AIDS global burden. Africa comprises a disproportionate share 

of FY2016 resources targeted at improving global health outcomes principally because of the enhanced need for this assistance and the Agency’s assessment of opportunities to achieve sustainable results in this sector, all the while safeguarding 

taxpayer money against waste, fraud, and abuse. Accordingly, USAID has taken 

steps to ensure that missions are well-staffed with trained personnel who are 

equipped to rigorously design, execute, and monitor programs such that U.S. foreign 

assistance funds are expended appropriately. 

USAID takes great pains to ensure that taxpayer funds are used for their intended purposes, and the Agency has a number of mechanisms in place to monitor 

the use of funds, including pre-award assessments, regularly required reporting, audits and evaluations. USAID health assistance is planned and executed in compliance with the Agency’s Automated Directive System (ADS), which outlines the policies and procedures that guide the Agency’s programs and operations. The ADS inFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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cludes ‘‘Guidance on the Definition and Use of the Global Health Programs Account 

A Mandatory Reference for ADS Chapter 200’’ which describes the use of funds for 

the Global Health Programs (GHP) account. The guidance outlines several ways in 

which GHP funds can be used to support health governance and finance activities 

that include a focus on corruption reduction within the health sector as a goal. 

The Agency also uses numerous financial systems and controls, as well as internal 

and independent audits to enable the Agency to effectively manage, track, and safeguard funds. For example, during the performance of a contract, USAID personnel 

are responsible for approving vouchers for invoices submitted by the awardee and 

conducting site visits to monitor program activities. USAID also regularly conducts 

evaluations of its programs, including external evaluations, to ensure they are on 

track to achieve the stated goals, and posts these evaluations online. If a program 

is not performing as it should, the Agency works to modify it—or, as appropriate, 

to terminate it, directing resources toward higher impact programming. 

USAID staff, including those working on global health programs, receive specific 

training in ensuring USAID funds are properly programmed and monitored and 

Mission Orders are in place to require compliance with the ADS. As noted above, 

USAID has been able to increase critical staffing in areas of priority, including 

health offices in USAID’s missions in Africa, to ensure sufficient oversight of U.S. 

foreign assistance programs. Given the significant global health resources invested 

in Africa, USAID leadership routinely monitors staffing vacancies in Africa’s health 

missions to confirm that programs have the continuous support they need at the 

country level. 

If confirmed, I will continue to remain vigilant in ensuring that the Agency deploys all relevant mechanisms to prevent corruption and guard against waste, fraud, 

and abuse, including with respect to Africa’s global health portfolio. I will also work 

to ensure that our missions remain well-staffed and support continued training for 

USAID employees on USAID best practices as outlined in the ADS in order to equip 

USAID personnel with the skills and knowledge necessary to effectively protect taxpayer money and efficiently implement foreign assistance programs. 

Question. Please assess FTF’s 6 years of implementation in Africa, including with 

respect to possible unanticipated outcomes or challenges. How, if at all, have FTF 

goals and focus areas changed over time to reflect changing needs and lessons 

learned? 

Answer. Feed the Future relies on rigorous monitoring and evaluation of investments to track progress and facilitate results-driven planning and performancebased management-all of which feed into the Feed the Future Results Framework. 

The Feed the Future Results Framework is the conceptual and analytic structure 

that establishes the goals and objectives of Feed the Future, with the top line goals 

of reduction in poverty (through agriculture sector growth) and improved nutritional 

status (measured as reduction in stunting). The Framework also includes the Initiative’s whole-of- government common indicators for tracking progress. 

As part of the Feed the Future Results Framework, USAID developed the Feed 

the Future Learning Agenda, which is a set of strategic questions for which the Initiative intends to produce evidence, findings, and answers-primarily through impact 

evaluations, but also through other methods, such as performance evaluations and 

policy analysis. Using the information and data gathered through the Feed the Future Learning Agenda and informed by the Feed the Future Results Framework, 

USAID is able to adjust and improve interventions in agriculture and nutrition, 

Feed the Future’s two top line goals. 

According to available data, before 2010, Feed the Future focus countries saw an 

annual average rate of reduction in stunting of about 2 percent per year. Since Feed 

the Future has been active, some of these countries have seen an annual average 

stunting reduction of more than 4 percent per year. In 2015, Feed the Future will 

complete repeat population based surveys to determine additional progress against 

poverty and stunting baselines. As part of this analysis, Feed the Future asks the 

following questions: 

• What are Feed the Future investments improving? 

• Are Feed the Future activities, projects, and programs accomplishing what we 

intended? 

• Are Feed the Future efforts impacting our overall goal to reduce poverty and 

hunger? 

• Are barriers hindering the progress or performance of Feed the Future programs? 

• What changes would support broader or deeper Feed the Future program impacts? 

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Over time, Feed the Future has made program adjustments to address challenges 

in implementation. For example in Mali, while significant political and security 

gains were made in 2013 through early 2014, it has not fully recovered from the 

compound effects of the 2012 coup and subsequent events. This political insecurity 

was compounded by a 2012 food security crisis that affected millions of Malians. Although implementation of Feed the Future programming, including the collection of 

baseline information, was delayed, Feed the Future Mali was able to adapt and 

quickly begin making strategic program investments that will garner the most impact and strides towards achieving objectives that include launching and completing 

a full-year of the Cereal Value Chain; beginning a new Livestock for Growth program; scaling programs for improved cereal varieties, horticulture, fertilizer technologies, and agroforestry—resilience; and developing two joint activities between 

health programs and FTF, ensuring full coverage of the FTF zone of influence with 

nutrition programs. 

In Malawi, due to localized drought conditions in 2014 and flooding in early 2015, 

as well as poor seed germination and poor quality seeds, yields have been lower 

than targeted. Given the multidimensional cause of these lower yields, USAID has 

actively worked to incorporate our best thinking across multiple offices, including 

the Bureau for Food Security, the Office of Food for Peace, and Office of Disaster 

Assistance, to design a comprehensive response. Feed the Future is supporting 

smallholder farmers with climate resilient crop varieties, aiming to assist farmers 

maintain yields in difficult conditions. Activities also help smallholders access improved training on improved agronomic practices, including increasing plant density, integrated pest management, and improved drying and storage techniques. 

Additionally, after a cost-benefit analysis in Malawi showed the limited benefit of 

the program, dairy was dropped as a value chain for Feed the Future investments. 

Instead, Feed the Future activities focus on groundnuts, soy, and orange-fleshed 

sweet potato, crops that are grown by smallholder farmers and benefit a large number of people. Similarly, a 2014 survey on agricultural technology adoption in Zambia by the International Food Policy Research Institute found some farmers discontinue the use of new technologies at a high rate, even within 1 year of adoption. 

Sustainable adoption of new technologies is far more likely to occur as a result of 

repeated, intensified exposure via demonstrations or training. Noting that technology retention occurs through repeated exposure, Feed the Future in Zambia decided against expanding the zone of influence to increase the number of target farmers. Instead, activities are targeting the same total number of farmers and concentrating resources to intensify farmer exposure and ensure high technology retention 

rates. 

Question. Please describe some key examples of GCCI clean energy and low-emission, sustainable landscape management, and adaptation goals and programs. How 

are outcomes in this area measured? What are the main climate and other macro 

economy shocks to which GCCI programs are responding? 

Answer. As part of the broader Presidential Global Climate Change Initiative 

(GCCI), USAID is supporting countries to foster low-carbon growth, promote sustainable and resilient societies, and reduce emissions from deforestation and land 

degradation. 

For example, one USAID clean energy program in Namibia is helping the Namibian government establish a renewable energy feed-in-tariff program to create incentives for private sector investment in small-scale renewable energy projects. The 

program is currently being implemented, with 27 companies competing for the opportunity to develop projects which will produce up to a total of 70 megawatts of 

electricity. 

In addition, a USAID sustainable landscapes program in Malawi is supporting the 

implementation of Malawi’s national Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and 

Forest Degradation (REDD+) Action Plan, which will address the drivers of deforestation on a wide scale. In Malawi, agricultural practices and demand for charcoal for 

cooking are leading causes of deforestation and forest degradation. In close collaboration with national and district governments, USAID will support supply-side 

measures such as community wood lots and agroforestry, demand-side measures 

such as improved cook stoves and more efficient charcoal production technologies, 

and policy measures such as continued decentralization of forest management authority. These investments are expected to generate livelihood opportunities for 

thousands of vulnerable households, a greenhouse gas emission reduction of more 

than 8 million metric tons, and to leverage at least a million dollars of additional 

investment that supports Malawi’s mitigation priorities. 

A USAID adaptation program in Mozambique helped develop vulnerability maps 

that municipalities will use to identify vulnerable areas prior to issuing building 

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permits. In the future, the cities will use these maps and other tools to create local 

adaptation plans to address the climate change challenges municipalities face. 

These processes can be scaled up to be used in other coastal cities in Mozambique 

or worldwide. Another adaptation program in Tanzania is supporting river flow assessments for the Ruvu River Basin, which supplies water to Tanzania’s key agricultural producing regions. The assessments will provide information for better decisionmaking on seasonal and yearly water use, even under climate change conditions. Pilot land use planning in three villages is incorporating mechanisms for 

water resource management, increasing household capacity to adapt to climate variability and change. In addition, water storage and water harvesting activities are 

being implemented in drought-prone areas. 

USAID uses a variety of indicators to measure outcomes from climate change programming. USAID investments in clean energy or sustainable landscapes must report on the quantity of greenhouse gas emissions (GHG), estimated in metric tons 

of CO2 equivalent, reduced and/or avoided as a result of U.S. Government assistance. USAID investments in adaptation must also report on the number of institutions with improved capacity to assess and/or address climate change risks as a result of U.S. Government assistance and the number of stakeholders with increased 

capacity to adapt to the impacts of climate change as a result of U.S. Government 

assistance. Additional standard indicators to measure the outcomes from climate 

change programming include: the number of megawatts of clean energy generation 

capacity supported by U.S. Government which have achieved financial closure; the 

number of people receiving livelihood cobenefits (monetary or nonmonetary) as a result of REDD+ and low emission development strategies implementation; the number of people implementing risk-reducing practices/actions to improve resilience to 

climate change as a result of U.S. Government assistance; and the amount of investment mobilized for climate change, as supported by USG assistance. 

The main climate and macroeconomy shocks confronted by GCCI programs include low access to energy in Africa coupled with price shocks, increased frequency 

of droughts, unpredictable precipitation patterns, extreme temperatures, pressures 

on forests for fuelwood and other products, and poor or weak governance and fiscal 

management. USAID considers these factors when designing GCCI programs to ensure that programs account for shocks and address key development priorities as 

well as climate change mitigation and adaptation issues. 

Question. The GCCI seeks to support clean energy and low-emission energy initiatives. Yet, more than 4 billion people in Africa are currently living without power, 

and many of these green initiatives are more expensive than conventional fuel and 

power sources. As Assistant Administrator for the Africa Bureau, how would you go 

about striking a healthy balance between promoting clean energy programs and increasing reliable electricity infrastructure at prices that developing countries can afford? Please identify the factors you would use to come to these decisions. 

Answer. The administration is committed to working with African countries to 

promote energy access in environmentally responsible ways. Through Power Africa, 

we are taking significant steps to expand clean energy access throughout sub-Saharan Africa, supporting the development of Africa’s diverse energy resources, and in 

particular its vast wind, solar, hydro and geothermal resources. We seek to promote 

investment in generation mixes that ensure affordable and reliable access to modern 

energy services for all people, optimize available resources, and enhance energy security. This means support for development of indigenous resources like natural gas, 

as well as renewables. Power Africa prioritizes projects based on private sector demand; potential for transformational impact; buy-in from the government; opportunities to exploit vast resources on the continent; project viability; and overall impact. 

An example of Power Africa’s support to conventional power sources include working with Nigeria’s Government and the private sector to realize the successful completion of Azura-Edo, a landmark 450 MW open cycle gas turbine power plant that 

potentially represents Nigeria’s first new project financed Independent Power Producer in over a decade. In November 2014, the transaction reached the first stage 

of financial closure thanks in part to USAID’s significant transaction advisory assistance to develop the Power Purchase Agreement, OPIC’s commitment of $50 million in financing, and additional financing and hedging tools from the World Bank 

Group. 

Power Africa also supports grid-connected renewable energy projects. For example, the Agency is providing technical support to the Government of Zambia to develop and adopt a Renewable Energy Feed in Tariff with a target of 160 MW of additional renewable energy by 2017. 

Recognizing that Power Africa cannot achieve its energy access goals through 

grid-scale projects alone, Power Africa launched ‘‘Beyond the Grid,’’ a subinitiative 

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that focuses on expanding access to electricity in areas not connected to the national 

grid. These off-grid, small-scale energy solutions more reliably, rapidly, and cost effectively bring power to communities that may not otherwise have access to power, 

and enable the poorest households to access electricity in a way that fits their needs 

and ability to pay. 

USAID also provides support to low-emission energy initiatives in Africa through 

the Enhancing Capacity for Low Emission Development Strategies (EC–LEDS) program. EC–LEDS is a flagship interagency U.S. Government program designed to 

support developing countries’ efforts to pursue long-term, transformative development while reducing their long-term greenhouse gas emissions. 

Since its launch in June 2013, Power Africa has successfully mobilized significant 

investment in renewable technologies as well as in natural gas throughout sub-Saharan Africa, helping to diversify energy portfolios and accelerate countries’ transitions toward energy security. Like any modern power sector, we recognize that African countries need to rely on a broad array of generation sources, including wind, 

solar, hydropower, geothermal, and natural gas. If confirmed, I will continue to 

focus USAID’s assistance under Power Africa to achieve maximum results in increasing energy access across sub-Saharan Africa. 

Question. How, if at all, do GCCI programs affect local farming practices in country? 

Answer. USAID programs help improve local farming techniques through changes 

in focus crops or cropping techniques in a country. For example, a USAID program 

in Ethiopia shifted its focus from pepper, which is highly sensitive to temperature, 

to vegetable crops which can be grown in greenhouses and are therefore more resilient. In addition, USAID programs support activities such as intercropping with 

trees (which can provide shade and/or nutrients to the soil), enhanced water management, use of predictive climate services, and financial risk management, which 

help farmers better respond to shocks. For example, in Uganda, USAID supports enhanced local farming practices policy implementation on the ground by investing in 

field experiments to assess crop response to projected moisture and temperature extremes and test various adaptation technologies. By engaging the private sector, 

three equipment suppliers have worked closely with 11 wholesalers to jointly organize and conduct trainings and demonstrations of spraying and irrigation equipment 

necessary for adaptation. Two of the suppliers have organized similar events on 

their own with several other wholesalers in other districts. Through the Uganda National Farmers’ Federation (UNFFE), USAID has to date reached about 2,000 farmers with adaptation messages. The long-term goal is to cover UNFFE’s 78 District 

Farmers’ Associations, reaching over two million individual members with innovative adaptation messages, practices and technologies. 

Crop losses caused by variable rainfall patterns (timing, quantity, and intensity) 

directly threaten production financing, farmers’ livelihoods and food security, and 

overall sustainability of agricultural development. To address these threats, a program in Senegal worked with farmers, financial institutions, and insurance providers to support two critical risk management mechanisms: index-based insurance 

for rain-fed crops in different rainfall zones and conventional insurance in the northern irrigated industrial production zone. The program now insures more than 10,000 

producers. 

Question (a). Please discuss the main areas of progress and key challenges under 

Power Africa. 

Answer (a). Since its launch, Power Africa has leveraged $7 billion in U.S. Government commitments to mobilize nearly $43 billion in external commitments, including more than $31 billion in private-sector commitments. Through Power Africa, 

the United States is working together with a range of partners to accelerate privatesector energy transactions, by leveraging the assistance, financing, commercial and 

diplomatic tools of the U.S. Government, as well the tools and expertise of our bilateral and multilateral partners, including the African Development Bank, the World 

Bank Group, the Swedish Government, the European Union, and more than 100 private-sector partners. 

Over 4,100 MW of transactions have reached financial close in sub-Saharan Africa 

with Power Africa’s involvement, representing roughly 13 percent of the 30,000 MW 

goal. This additional power generation has the potential to enable approximately 4 

million new connections through increased availability of power. Additionally, under 

Beyond the Grid, a Power Africa sub-initiative that drives private investment in offgrid and small-scale energy solutions, the U.S.-Africa Clean Energy Financing facility and the U.S. African Development Foundation have funded companies and 

projects expected to reach 1 million new connections. 

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Power Africa is working with its partners to overcome key challenges constraining 

electricity access in sub-Saharan Africa. These challenges include access to financing, particularly for smaller-scale and early-stage projects; limited institutional capacity among utilities, regulators, and ministries of energy; and building political 

will to advance critical reforms to attract private sector investment. 

Question (b). What U.S. interests does the initiative serve? 

Answer (b). Power Africa, through its partnership with the private sector, provides opportunities for American companies to reach new markets. For example, the 

U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) links U.S. businesses with energy 

markets across sub-Saharan Africa through trade missions to sub-Saharan Africa 

and United States. These events provide a platform for African delegates to present 

upcoming procurement needs to U.S. businesses and to observe the design, manufacturing, demonstration, and operation of American products and services. By assisting American companies with investment opportunities in Africa, Power Africa helps 

partner countries achieve their development goals while creating jobs and business 

opportunities in the United States. 

At a macro level, Power Africa’s support to the energy sector in sub-Saharan Africa also helps enable economic growth, contributes towards stability in the region, 

and supports U.S. foreign policy objectives. Lack of access to electricity has been 

identifiedas a major constraint to growth in many sub-Saharan African countries. 

Access to electricity is critical for the development of diversified economies, including the growth of supply chains that add value to African exports and opportunities 

for entrepreneurs and small businesses to grow, as well as improved access to 

health care and education. Broad based economic growth and perceptible improvements in government service delivery bolster stability by increasing trust in government, decreasing incentives for criminality, and reducing some of the grievances and 

vulnerabilities upon which extremist elements prey when seeking new recruits. 

Question (c). What criteria are used to select Power Africa assisted projects, which 

in some cases may receive substantial U.S. credit backing? 

Answer (c). To identify priority transactions, Power Africa uses the following criteria: private sector demand; potential for transformational impact; buy-in from the 

government; opportunities to exploit vast resources on the continent; project viability; and overall impact. Additionally, each U.S. Government agency performs its own 

due diligence in choosing to extend credit or grants; Power Africa partners are not 

exempted from this process. 

Question (d). How does USAID coordinate with the multiple other U.S. agencies 

that are also involved in this endeavor? 

Answer (d). USAID convenes biweekly Power Africa Working Group (PAWG) 

meetings with interagency participation from Power Africa’s 12 U.S. Government 

agencies, including staff based in Washington, DC and the Coordinator’s office in 

Pretoria, South Africa. The PAWG provides a forum for each agency to shareproject 

and pipeline updates, as well as for the interagency to discuss cross-cutting issues 

such as expansion of Power Africa activities and interventions across the continent; 

updates on coordination efforts with our bilateral and multilateral partners; monitoring and evaluation updates; and discussion about gaps and tools that are still 

needed to grow the sector. In addition, most teams in the field conduct interagency 

calls at least monthly to share details specific to activities in country. To further 

solidify this, the Power Africa Coordinator’s office has developed and deployed several specific liaison positions with interagency partners including the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the U.S. Department of Commerce, and USTDA in 

order to enhance interagency collaboration. 

If confirmed, I would continue to focus USAID’s assistance under Power Africa, 

and leverage the combined technical resources of the 12 U.S. government agencies 

as well as our bilateral, multilateral and private sector partners to achieve maximum results in increasing energy access across sub-Saharan Africa. 

Question (e). To what extent and in what ways, if any, is Power Africa supporting 

large hydropower projects? 

Answer (e). Hydropower does and will continue to play a major role in power sectors throughout sub-Saharan Africa. While Power Africa may provide support to hydropower projects at any scale, to date, Power Africa has focused its support for the 

development of Africa’s hydroelectric resources on small scale hydropower projects. 

Consistent with existing statute, projects involving the creation of large hydroelectric dams require a more critical assessment that fully considers projected environment and social impacts, economic risks and returns, and robust management 

and oversight. In addition, while hydropower development has traditionally been 

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driven by the public sector, Power Africa seeks wherever possible to prioritize private sector participation and public-private partnerships. 

Question. Please describe key approaches across the major U.S. development initiatives in Africa to expand the impact of U.S. development aid and boost country 

‘‘ownership’’ of development. What are some key examples of how country ‘‘ownership’’ is actualized in practice? How have the initiatives changed program M&E, and 

approaches to innovation in recent years? How is ‘‘stove-piping’’ between initiatives 

avoided and complementarity promoted? What ‘‘whole of government’’ innovations or 

best practices have arisen as a result of initiative implementation in Africa? 

Answer. The major U.S. development initiatives in Africa are components of 

USAID’s overall strategic approach. While they focus on specific development sectors, all initiatives are implemented with the goal of promoting both country ownership and program integration. Our direct partnering with local actors and local systems, referred to as ‘‘local solutions,’’ reflects USAID’s commitment to supporting development that is locally owned, locally led, and locally sustained. Country or local 

ownership implies ownership of priorities, implementation, and resourcing. This includes not only governments, but also the private sector and civil society. 

Integrating Presidential Initiatives in Country Development Cooperation Strategies (CDCS) is the primary means to avoid stove piping and promote 

complementarity. USAID uses strategic planning to define development objectives 

and maximize the impact of development cooperation, integrating individual country-based Presidential Initiative plans and strategies to ensure that the investments 

being made under these Initiatives promote sustainable development outcomes and 

maximize the impact of development cooperation. The CDCS demonstrates how the 

country-level strategies developed for the Presidential Initiatives use causal logic, 

are integrated with the overarching strategy, and incorporate appropriate democratic governance and economic growth interventions. Missions have the flexibility 

to reflect country-team developed plans for the Global Health Initiative (GHI), Feed 

the Future (FTF), and Global Climate Change in the CDCS and performance indicators that support Initiative-specific results frameworks are included in the CDCS 

and Performance Management Plans. 

Descriptions of key approaches from the Feed the Future, Trade Africa and the 

President’s Malaria initiatives are provided below. 

Feed the Future 

Feed the Future, a whole-of-government initiative to address global hunger and 

food security, renews the U.S. Government’s commitment to invest in sustainably 

reducing hunger and poverty. Feed the Future invests in country-owned plans called 

Country Investment Plans that support results-based programs and partnerships. 

These plans have produced impressive results—country allocations dwarf total 

donor allocations, demonstrating the depth of country ownership. Those country allocations are creating the foundation for the type of transformational development 

needed to secure stronger agricultural growth. In Africa, these multiyear investment 

plans are being reframed and updated to incorporate goals from the Comprehensive 

Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) and the 2014 African Heads of 

State-agreed Malabo Declaration, which sets out African agricultural development 

goals over the next decade. These Country Investment Plans reflect countries’ needs 

and priorities, identified through consultative processes led by country governments 

with civil society and private sector inputs and reviews. They serve as the foundation for countries to mobilize resources and coordinate with development partners 

to engage in meaningful dialogue on a common framework for action. Another key 

example of how country ownership is actualized in practice are the decisionmaking 

structures the Feed the Future program has put in place, such as the country-level 

Agriculture Sector Working Group. These groups include government officials and 

in-country donors that make decisions on agricultural sector planning and 

prioritization. The Working Group is frequently chaired by a government official 

who facilitates coordination. 

To promote complementarity, Feed the Future has also better integrated agriculture and nutrition, working with USAID’s health and nutrition programs. USAID 

is maximizing results by implementing both Feed the Future and Global Health programs in the same geographic area, where possible. Feed the Future and Global 

Health programs intersect around nutrition, due to the multisectoral nature of the 

causes, consequences, and solutions to undernutrition. Integrated nutrition programs reflect the specific determinants of undernutrition and are an important innovation, reflecting the evidence that producing more food is a necessary, but not 

sufficient, condition for improving nutrition. 

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Finally, the Initiative has also developed an extensive monitoring and evaluation 

(M&E) system, collecting critical baseline information and tracking a set of specific 

indicators across all of its programs. Using this M&E framework, Feed the Future 

reports on the impacts of its programs at the household level, and utilizes data to 

redesign programs when necessary. 

Trade Africa Initiative 

The Trade Africa Initiative supports implementation of the U.S. Strategy Toward 

Sub-Saharan Africa by enabling regional economic communities to improve Africa’s 

trade competitiveness, encourage export diversification, and ensure that the benefits 

from growth are broad-based. USAID’s Trade and Investment Hub supports country 

ownership through strategies that are aligned with the plans and priorities of the 

regional economic communities that they support. Specifically, USAID has direct assistance agreements with the East African Community (EAC), the Common Market 

for Eastern and Southern Africa, and the Permanent Interstate Committee for 

Drought Control in the Sahel, providing tailored assistance to support these groups’ 

efforts to increase regional integration, based on their needs. For example, USAID’s 

activities with TradeMark East Africa are guided by the EAC Secretary General’s 

CEO Forum, which determines its activities twice a year. In the five Trade Africa 

expansion countries of Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Mozambique, Senegal and Zambia, 

USAID works with its interagency partners, including the U.S Trade Representative, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Department of Commerce and the Department of State to develop joint work plans with respective host country governments to ensure mutual accountability. 

This initiative represents a whole-of-government integration of M&E through the 

Trade and Investment Hubs, which share a top-line results framework with shared 

goals, and a standard method for collecting data. 

The President’s Malaria Initiative 

The President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) began in 2005 as a $1.2 billion, 5-year 

program with the goal of reducing malaria-related deaths by 50 percent in 15 focus 

countries. Under the PMI Strategy 2015-2020, the U.S. Government’s goal is to 

work with PMI-supported countries and partners to further reduce malaria deaths 

and substantially decrease malaria morbidity, towards the long-term goal of elimination. In 2015, PMI launched its next 6-year strategy, which takes into account 

progress over the past decade and the new challenges that have arisen. Malaria prevention and control remains a major U.S. foreign assistance objective, and PMI’s 

Strategy fully supports the whole-of-government approach through its alignment 

with U.S. Government’s vision of ending preventable child and maternal deaths and 

ending extreme poverty. PMI actualizes country ownership by supporting the 

strengthening of the overall capacity of health systems. Specifically, PMI helps build 

national capacity in a variety of cross-cutting areas that benefit both malaria and 

other health programs, including strengthening supply chain management, laboratory diagnosis, and monitoring and evaluation systems. In highly endemic countries, 

malaria typically accounts for up to 40 percent of outpatient visits and hospital admissions. Reducing malaria transmission levels in these countries has a positive effect on the rest of the health system by allowing health workers to focus on managing other important childhood illnesses, such as pneumonia, diarrhea, and malnutrition. PMI has developed an extensive M&E approach that monitors activities 

and collects data toward the following goals: sustaining gains against malaria by 

using preventive measures, particularly the increased coverage and use of insecticide treated nets and expanding and improving integrated approaches for diagnosis 

and treatment of childhood illnesses that have already been developed at facility 

and community levels. 

Question (a). Please describe the status of administration efforts to upgrade and 

transform the three USAID trade hubs into ‘‘U.S.-African Trade and Investment 

Hubs,’’ making them resource centers both for African exporters targeting U.S. markets and U.S. firms targeting African markets. 

Answer (a). The first Trade and Investment Hub, the East Africa Trade and Investment Hub, was launched in September 2014. The West Africa Trade Hub was 

transformed into a Trade and Investment Hub in September 2015. The new Southern Africa Trade and Investment Hub is under procurement and is expected to 

launch in early 2016. 

Question (b). What are USAID’s main activities and current and prospective challenges under Trade Africa? 

Answer (b). Under Trade Africa, USAID manages the three Trade and Investment 

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ing on the hard and soft infrastructure necessary to reduce the time and cost 

tomove goods across borders. USAID is also working with an Interagency Steering 

Group to expand Trade Africa beyond the five East African Community countries 

to include new partners: Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Mozambique, Senegal, and Zambia. 

With all of our Trade Africa partners we are focused on capacity building to support 

trade facilitation, improved compliance with sanitary and phytosanitary standards, 

elimination of technical barriers to trade, and increased private sector competitiveness. We are also working to support the Economic Community of West African 

States (ECOWAS) to improve regional trade. Challenges include a wide infrastructure deficit, which stifles the productivity of African companies, as well as breaking 

down barriers to intraregional and U.S.-Africa trade to increase the countries’ competitiveness, which we are addressing through Trade Africa and other initiatives 

such as the Borderless Alliance and Food Across Borders. 

Question (c). With what other regional communities is USAID working to advance 

economic growth and regional integration? 

Answer (c). Through a combination of direct assistance, joint activities and/or 

short-term technical assistance, USAID programs advance economic growth and 

support regional integration. Support is tailored to the needs of the regional economic community including the East African Community (EAC), the Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the West African Economic and Monetary Union 

(UEMOA), the Permanent Interstate Committee for Drought Control (CILSS), the 

Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). 

Question (d). What other trade and investment focused activities is USAID supporting in Africa? 

Answer (d). President Obama launched the Africa Private Capital Group (APCG) 

at the U.S.- Africa Leaders’ Summit in August 2014 as part of the U.S. expanded 

commitment to trade and investment. This program is committed to unlocking commercially driven capital to achieve development impacts across sub-Saharan Africa. 

APCG consists of a highly experienced USAID team based in South Africa pursuing 

a strategy with three primary focus areas: (1) Facilitating development-related 

transactions sourced from private sector investors; (2) Improving municipalities’ 

ability to finance and service debt for public service projects, and; (3) Engaging 

South African pension funds to encourage investments in development-related 

transactions within sub-Saharan Africa. USAID also actively participates in the 

work of the President’s Advisory Council on Doing Business in Africa. 

Question. What is USAID’s role in implementing the Young African Leaders Initiative? What is the approximate annual cost of the initiative, and what concrete 

outcomes, if any, has it produced? What impacts on future U.S. engagement arising 

from YALI are foreseen, and how will they be measured? 

Answer. The President’s Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) is implemented 

by a coordinated interagency team that includes U.S. Department of State, USAID, 

and the U.S. African Development Foundation to support young Africans as they 

work to spur growth and prosperity, strengthen democratic governance, and enhance peace and security across Africa. USAID supports two major components of 

the initiative, the Mandela Washington Fellowship and the YALI Regional Leadership Centers. Both programs support young leaders working in business and entrepreneurship, civic leadership, and public management. 

To implement the YALI Mandela Washington Fellowship, USAID provides professional practicums for Fellows to work at businesses and organizations in Africa; 

mentoring matches for Fellows upon return to Africa; competitive travel grants for 

selected Fellows to present at major conferences; and regional conferences in Africa 

that bring Fellows together for major networking and peer collaboration opportunities. With the skills developed during the program, the first classes of Mandela 

Washington Fellowship alumni are already building innovative businesses, connecting with American and African investors, forging new relationships with young 

leaders across Africa, and serving their communities. USAID’s support to the 

Mandela Washington Fellows will average $4.8 million a year over the next 5 years. 

USAID also manages four YALI Regional Leadership Centers (RLCs), which offer 

expanded professional and leadership development opportunities to thousands of additional young African leaders on the continent. RLCs in Nairobi and Accra opened 

in July and August 2015, respectively, and initial feedback from participants indicates the program is meeting its goals to empower and connect young leaders. RLCs 

in Dakar and Pretoria are expected to open before the end of 2015. USAID’s funding 

for the RLC is anticipated to be approximately $72 million over 5 years. To leverage 

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USAID funding, and to ensure that the RLCs provide high quality and market-driven training, each RLC is designed as a public-private partnership. Partners including Microsoft, McKinsey & Company, Procter & Gamble, General Electric, Intel, 

Dow Chemical Company, and The MasterCard Foundation, have already committed 

more than $80 million in financial and in-kind resources to support the Centers. 

The MasterCard Foundation alone has committed $15 million in financial resources. 

USAID continues to create new partnerships that will further increase private sector engagement in the future. 

USAID is tracking alumni Mandela Washington Fellows and RLC participants 

over time to capture the ultimate impacts of YALI activities. USAID monitoring includes detailed implementation indicators, such as surveys and interviews with 

YALI beneficiaries. This monitoring includes tracking progress toward the overarching goals of enhancing young Africans’ leadership skills, knowledge, and attitudes so that they may more effectively drive economic and social progress, serving 

their communities, and building enduring regional networks. By cultivating a critical mass of highly motivated and skilled young leaders, USAID anticipates that 

many of the highly motivated young leaders who participate in the program will return to their home countries with new skills and connections that will enable them 

to better contribute to their countries’ economic development and political dialogue. 

Question (a). In what ways does USAID’s Ebola response support durable 

medium- to long-term capacity-building goals? 

Answer (a). USAID’s Ebola response activities have prioritized eliminating the 

spread of the outbreak. However, USAID’s programs also work to build the capacity 

of government counterparts and local actors to address medium- and long-term 

goals, such as the strengthening of health systems. Capacity-building work to support medium-term goals has included: supporting County Health Teams responding 

to death alerts and transferring capacity of screening, isolation, and triage from 

stand-alone Ebola Treatment Units (ETU) to hospitals and other health facilities in 

Liberia; supporting Non-Government Organizations (NGO) conducting community 

social mobilization activities in Liberia; and providing Infection Prevention and Control (IPC) training for health workers in all three countries. Additionally, USAID 

is working to transfer capacity of isolation and treatment, safe burial, IPC training, 

and supply chain management to relevant government actors in Liberia, Guinea, 

and Sierra Leone. 

As we transition from the emergency response, USAID is implementing efforts 

that will support longer-term recovery. These recovery efforts will enable the three 

countries to better prevent, prepare for, and respond to future Ebola outbreaks. Activities are focused on recapturing development gains lost due to the outbreak; 

strengthening key institutions and infrastructure whose weakness helped enable the 

rapid spread of Ebola; and addressing the low levels of citizen trust in government 

that reduced the willingness of peoples to accept social messaging on Ebola. 

Question (b). What have been or may be the key USAID Ebola response achievements and challenges, including currently and prospectively. 

Answer (b). USAID has helped bend the epidemiological curve and averted the 

horrific worst-case scenarios predicted by initial computer modeling through the following activities: command and control of the response, case management, surveillance and epidemiology, social mobilization, and logistics management. As a result 

of USAID’s efforts, Liberia has been declared Ebola-free, Sierra Leone currently has 

no cases and is in its countdown phase towards an Ebola-free declaration; and Guinea’s last four cases were from known contact lists, meaning that contact tracers 

were aware prior to diagnosis that the infected individuals may have been exposed 

to the Ebola virus. 

Key challenges to responding to the Ebola outbreak include a lack of public health 

systems infrastructure, slow behavior change by the public, and mistrust of government within impacted communities. All three create significant hurdles for those attempting to detect, diagnose, and track cases of Ebola, both presently and prospectively. USAID will continue to work with the three affected countries to address 

thesechallenges. 

Question (c). What lessons have been learned? 

Answer (c). USAID is collecting lessons learned as we continue our response and 

recovery efforts. USAID and the larger donor community have learned that the 

speed of a response is essential and that international, regional and national early 

warning and surveillance systems and mechanisms are critical to ensure rapid response. In terms of coordination, emergency response requires internationally coordinated communication of needs, identification of capability gaps, and efforts to 

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veloping countries, USAID recognizes the importance of collaborating with community leaders and existing networks, particularly in crises such as the Ebola epidemic. Additionally, collaborating with local religious leaders to understand and 

adapt traditional burial rituals was and continues to be critical to controlling the 

spread of Ebola. Finally, fears must be addressed by sharing knowledge about the 

disease to prevent stigmatization and facilitate the social reinsertion of survivors 

and victims’ families. 

Question (d). How, if at all, are current Ebola programming efforts changing in 

relation to the spend plans submitted to Congress in early 2015? 

Answer (d). Programming efforts have not significantly changed from how they 

were planned and articulated in the initial January Spend Plans and succeeding 

Section 9004 Monthly Reports. Since January, USAID has adjusted the amount of 

funding programmed according to the current needs on the ground. For example, 

since there were fewer cases of EVD than predicted, USAID is supporting some activities such as case management to a lesser degree than planned, and putting more 

focus on IPC, social mobilization, and transition activities. 

Question. Please describe the USAID AFR approach to working with the Office 

of Transition Initiatives and, more broadly, in preventing and mitigating conflict. 

What has been the focus of and relative progress under USAID conflict mineral programs? 

Answer. The Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) is currently operating in five 

countries in sub-Saharan Africa: Cote d’Ivoire, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and South 

Sudan. I am pleased to report that within each of these countries, OTI is working 

closely with Mission staff and USAID’s Africa Bureau to identify programs that 

complement other assistance efforts and lay a foundation for longer-term development. In addition, OTI, USAID’s Africa Bureau, and Mission staff work together to 

facilitate a transition from OTI activities to longer-term, complementary development efforts in post-conflict situations. 

The risk of instability in African countries is linked to many different factors including poor governance, corruption, and rising transnational threats, such as violent extremism, drug trafficking, illegal exploitation of natural resources, and piracy. USAID’s Africa Bureau works closely with individual missions to address 

these challenges, notably by conducting assessments to understand the underlying 

dynamics that are driving state fragility and then providing technical expertise for 

program design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation that address those dynamics. USAID conducts extensive conflict analysis in high-risk countries and is 

working to ensure that development programming across all sectors is conflict sensitive. USAID also supports conflict early warning and prevention mechanisms with 

the aim of mitigating violence before it starts. USAID’s $17 million Responsible Minerals Trade Program in the Democratic Republic of the Congo focuses on establishing a conflict-free supply chain, promoting 

civilian control of the minerals sector, ensuring vulnerable populations are protected 

and supporting regional auditing and monitoring of conflict-free minerals (gold, tin, 

tantalum, and tungsten). USAID is also an active participant in the Public-Private 

Alliance for Responsible Minerals Trade (PPA). The PPA is a multisector and multistakeholder initiative to support supply chain solutions to conflict minerals challenges in the Great Lakes Region. 

Pilot conflict-free supply chains have been established, allowing global markets to 

purchase minerals consistent with existing statute and generating 200 percent more 

revenue for artisanal miners, traders, exporters and the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo through transparent taxes. The PPA membership has 

grown since its launch in 2011 and is creating links among companies, advocacy 

groups, regional governments, end-users and civil society. Formal legal and regulatory frameworks have been put in place to promote conflict-free supply chains. 

Question. Please describe USAID’s key current and prospective approaches to crisis responses, conflict mitigation, delivery of key, life-saving services, and foundation 

building for an eventual transition from relief to development. 

Answer. Across Africa, USAID is doing everything possible to assist those affected by conflict. In fiscal year 2014, USAID provided approximately $1.2 billion in emergency food assistance and an additional $481 million in other lifesaving humanitarian assistance, to displaced and conflict-affected people across the continent. 

To ensure our assistance is responsive and adaptive, USAID has early warning 

systems, including the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWSNET), and 

assessment tools that measure the risk of armed conflict. These systems inform programs to prevent and respond to crises—from droughts to electoral violence—in a 

timely manner. 

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At the heart of Africa’s conflicts are unstable relationships between societies and 

their states. That is why, in addition to our humanitarian response, USAID invests 

in programs that prevent and mitigate conflicts, address state fragility, and lay the 

groundwork for more inclusive, participatory governance. 

Since 2011, USAID has supported and promoted the New Deal for Engagement 

in Fragile States. The New Deal, endorsed by the United States and nearly 40 countries and multilateral organizations, establishes peace and state-building goals and 

action plans, to enable democratic, resilient communities in Africa that can overcome complex crises, and thus lessen their humanitarian need. 

Building on existing capabilities, USAID is working to improve our use of tools 

for analyzing, tracking, and forecasting outbreaks of armed conflict. The FY 2016 

budget request seeks to strengthen funding for conflict and atrocity prevention 

through the Complex Crises Fund and the Transition Initiatives account. Doing so 

gives USAID the flexibility to respond quickly in crises and to devote resources 

where they can have the greatest impact. 

These programs are playing a critical role in addressing the root causes of instability in Africa. For instance, USAID’s Nigeria Regional Transition Initiative provides small, strategic assistance to local groups in northeastern Nigeria to improve 

government responsiveness to citizen expectations and reduce perceptions of 

marginalization that have contributed significantly to Boko Haram’s ability to grow. 

Additionally, programs in the Central African Republic (CAR) are helping to prevent 

genocide and mass atrocities, expanding the space to safely provide humanitarian 

assistance, and supporting conditions favorable to a peaceful political transition. 

Question. Please describe the evaluation and analysis process USAID is pursuing 

to assess how to best support the fragile peace accord in South Sudan. 

Answer. The peace accord in South Sudan represents a key opportunity to help 

the people that are affected by recurrent cycles of violence come together to forge 

a brighter future. The United States and other members of the international community have quickly moved to support the steps laid out in the implementation of 

this agreement, working with the men and women of South Sudan who are committed to peace, and holding to account those who would undermine the agreement 

or violate the cease-fire. Since the signing of the peace agreement, USAID has been 

working closely with the State Department’s Office of the Special Envoy for Sudan 

and South Sudan and other State Department Bureaus and Offices, as well as other 

donors, to determine how best to support the peace process. In doing so, we are 

using the following assessment criteria to evaluate our current programs and inform 

potential future programs: 

• Drawing from lessons the international community has learned from past experiences in providing assistance in countries recovering from conflict, including 

in South Sudan. 

• Identifying the elements of the agreement that are the most critical to its success and which require programmatic assistance. 

• Determining what resources and institutions—financial and other—are in place 

or available to support the peace process. 

• Considering where USAID has unique capabilities or a comparative advantage 

vis-a`-vis other donors. 

For example, we understand that long term peace will be depend on addressing 

the impact of the crisis and developing an approach to ensure communities, religious 

leaders, and local partners understand and feel included in the process. To do this 

effectively, we will ensure that our programming takes a conflict-sensitive approach, 

includes wide stakeholder involvement and addresses reconciliation and trauma 

healing. 

Rebuilding trust and restoring confidence of citizens across communities will be 

imperative to ending continuing violence and building a foundation for a peaceful 

future. This approach recognizes and goes hand-in-hand with the massive humanitarian intervention to mitigate and address the human costs of the war. In concert 

with other donors, USAID continues to press secure humanitarian access to enable 

relief actors to rapidly assess evolving needs and scale up life-saving assistance in 

response to unmet needs. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that our programs 

best help the South Sudanese people as the situation continues to evolve. 

Question. What is USAID doing to ensure the sustainability of stability and recovery gains made in Mali since 2013? What are the main areas of focus for USAID’s 

efforts to prevent conflict and violent extremism in Mali? What roles should USAID 

play in addressing security challenges in the Sahel and the need for long-term regional development, stability, and better governance? 

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Answer. Ensuring the sustainability of stability and recovery is a primary goal 

of USAID programming in Mali, as USAID’s recently approved Country Development Cooperation Strategy for Mali includes the goal Malians Securing a Democratic, Resilient and Prosperous Future.’’ USAID programming in Mali has focused 

on humanitarian and community stabilization assistance, as well as basic health 

and education services and was designed to be flexible and scalable should opportunities emerge for increased engagement. Now that the peace agreement has been 

signed, USAID will move into providing longer term development assistance using 

a Relief-to-Development Transition approach, taking advantage of the increased opportunities offered by the agreement. The Relief-to-Development activities will focus 

on conflict mitigation, and countering violent extremism (including a focus on 

Women, Peace and Security), livelihoods, food security, nutrition, climate change, 

and health and education services. 

As security permits, USAID intends to expand core Governance, Resilience and 

Prosperity programming to areas in the North, emphasizing engagement with youth 

and women. This programing includes strengthening public service delivery of 

health and education services and fostering economic growth, particularly in the agricultural sector, to boost incomes, nutrition and employment opportunities. USAID 

will support increased government accountability and access to justice in direct 

partnership with the Malian Government and through engagement with civil society, furthering the Government of Mali’s decentralization goals and strengthening 

the public’s trust in their government. Working in select northern communities 

found to be most at-risk for extremism, USAID’s program to counter violent extremism will work with Malian government actors and local communities to address 

priority development and reconciliation needs and link isolated communities so that 

they work together to resolve issues. 

More broadly, USAID is playing an important role in addressing stability challenges in the Sahel region by modifying its approach to development assistance to 

better address and keep pace with the vulnerabilities emerging across borders in the 

region as a whole. Programs work to link justice and security issues more effectively, help local communities hold their governments accountable, and improve 

services and livelihoods for Malians These activities can provide economic opportunities and bolster popular support for friendly, but poorly functioning partner governments in the region. 

Question (a). What have been the impacts of large cuts in estimated actual FY 

2015 DG funding compared to the requested level (including for key countries, e.g. 

the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, and Nigeria) on the potential to realize 

U.S. DG priorities in Africa? 

Answer (a). The U.S. Government cannot effectively achieve sustainable outcomes 

in health, food security and climate change in Africa without simultaneously investing in good governance, transparency, accountability and inclusion. Decreased, or inconsistent funding levels make it more difficult for USAID to make strategic investments for long-term change in the environment for democracy, rights and governance in the countries in which we work, in line with the Country Development Cooperation Strategies we have in place. 

At the same time, I understand the challenges of the current budget environment 

and am confident that USAID can achieve considerable progress within the budget 

constraints. As an Agency, we have also made efforts to locate additional resources 

for some of the highest priority needs on the continent in FY 2015, including in 

Kenya and Nigeria. In Nigeria, for example, sustained, long-term USG investment 

in the development of civil society networks and institutions like the Independent 

National Electoral Commission contributed to the historic transfer of political power 

witnessed in 2015. Continued investment is necessary to consolidate those gains. 

USAID is also better integrating DRG principles into other development sectors, 

working with fellow U.S. Government colleagues in health, education, water and 

economic growth, to ensure that core human rights and governance principles are 

embedded in other sectors, as integrated DRG programming alongside core DRG 

programming will ensure that development investments in all sectors are sustained 

and protected. 

Additionally, to address budget constraints, USAID’s FY 2016 request for democracy, rights and governance programming reflects an increase over recent years. The 

request represents a 10 percent increase over the FY 2015 request and a 100 percent increase over the FY 2014 actual level. It is a testament to the goodwill of the 

American people and the U.S. Congress that USAID is able to continue providing 

much-needed assistance abroad. 

Question (b). Why was there zero funding of DG programming in Ethiopia in FY 

2015 given widespread concerns over negative democratic trends there? 

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Answer (b). Ethiopia was one of the countries subject to budget reductions for democracy, rights and governance work in recent years, however $1.25 million in FY 

2015 funds have now been identified for Ethiopia to support human rights, enhance 

governance through social accountability activities, and strengthen civil society engagement, and additional funding was requested for FY 2016. USAID is also better 

integrating DRG principles into other sectors in Ethiopia, as integrated DRG programming alongside core DRG programming will ensure that development investments in all sectors are sustained and protected. 

For example, Social Accountability (SA) is providing new forums for citizens to 

monitor the Government of Ethiopia’s service delivery commitments and to advocate 

for improvements, and USAID is integrated these Social Accountability methods in 

the education sector to drive public oversight of results. Specifically, parent-teacher 

associations will use methods such as community ratings of education quality to 

pressure government offices to maintain reading enrichment support through libraries and teachers. Additionally, in the Health Sector, USAID is standing up 2,500 

governance boards for health centers and hospitals across Ethiopia, where local officials decide how to spend patient fees and improve services. USAID’s democracy and 

health teams are collaborating to bring valid citizen input into these boards and 

feed into budget decisions of hospitals and health centers. 

Ethiopia is a key partner for progressing development and security in the region, 

and through this close relationship we promote the importance of democracy, rights 

and governance for peace and prosperity. In addition to our DRG programming, we 

recognize that U.S. diplomatic engagement is critical to promoting DRG. USAID 

works with the State Department, the White House and other agencies to ensure 

the United States consistently raises DRG with Ethiopian officials at the highest 

levels. 

Question (a). How do USAID’s education programs and country priorities align 

with national and regional development strategies? 

Answer (a). USAID missions work closely with host country governments and citizens, civil society organizations, the private sector, multilateral organizations, other 

donors, the State Department, and other U.S. Government agencies to develop a 

Country Development Cooperation Strategy (CDCS) that supports U.S. foreign policy priorities, ensures strategic alignment with host country development priorities, 

and promotes mutual accountability. 

USAID’s Education Strategy provides the overarching goals and parameters for 

the development of activities in the education sector in the countries that USAID 

supports, and those goals and parameters are incorporated in the CDCS. USAID’s 

Education Strategy focuses on three goals: improved reading skills for 100 million 

children in primary grades; improved ability of tertiary and workforce development 

programs to generate workforce skills relevant to a country’s development goals; and 

increased equitable access to education in crisis and conflict environments for 15 

million learners. By setting focused, measurable goals and targets, the Education 

Strategy holds the Agency accountable for results. 

Sixteen USAID Missions in Africa address education in their CDCSs. For example, one of the development goals for Ghana’s CDCS is a focus on improved reading 

performance in primary schools, with the ultimate goal of assisting individuals to 

reach middle income status and achieve personal economic stability, contributing to 

national economic growth. 

Question (b). How do USAID’s higher education programs partner with universities in Africa as well as businesses to promote innovation, economic development, 

and job growth? 

Answer (b). Improved ability of tertiary and workforce development programs to 

generate workforce skills relevant to a country’s development goals is the second 

goal of the USAID education strategy, which was developed based on a research review from the World Bank that presented evidence indicating that tertiary education attainment raised developing countries’ productivity and GDP significantly. 

Increased access to vocational/technical and tertiary education and training for underserved and marginalized groups; improved quality of tertiary education and research; and improved relevance and quality of workforce development programs are 

all critical components of USAID programming in higher education. There are a variety of approaches to programming and partnerships in these areas, each tailored 

to the context and specific objectives of the USAID mission. 

For example, a consortium of U.S. universities (Rutgers University, North Carolina State University, and the University of Michigan) is working with Liberia’s 

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rently, they are supporting linkages between employers and higher education institutions ensuring that students are equipped with skills relevant to employers in Liberia, so that they will be job-ready upon graduation. Coordination and collaboration 

with the private sector has also been successful. For example, last year the consortium organized an employer forum that included 65 university students and key employers in the fields of engineering and agriculture. The forum helped to bolster employer support for providing internship and employment opportunities for students 

as well as increased private sector engagement with the universities. 

Additionally, a partnership between the Ethiopian Institute of Water Resources 

(EIWR) at Addis Ababa University and the University of Connecticut provides invaluable institutional assistance in sustainable water resources management. With 

USAID’s support, Addis Ababa University has assumed responsibility for a number 

of innovative initiatives that will greatly benefit the country in the long-term, including building graduate-level education programs, increasing the institution’s ability to conduct research, and improving outreach and recruitment. 

As part of the Young African Leaders Initiative, the USAID Africa Regional program is in the process of establishing four Regional Leadership Centers to enhance 

leadership and training opportunities in Africa and better leverage over $200 million in ongoing youth programs and initiatives, such as university partnerships and 

vocational training, on the continent. The centers will focus on engaging leaders between the ages of 18 and 35 from a variety of backgrounds and a diversity of experience, providing accessible leadership training, incubating organizations and entrepreneurship, and supporting professional connections among African leaders. Based 

in Ghana, Kenya, Senegal, and South Africa, each center will be run as a publicprivate partnership, capitalizing on the ingenuity and dynamism of the private sector and the programmatic and educational resources of USAID. Ten private sector 

partners and foundations have joined USAID in supporting the effort. 

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, Committee on Foreign Relations, 

Washington, DC. 

John Morton, of Massachusetts, to be Executive Vice President of 

the Overseas Private Investment Corporation 

Kenneth Damian Ward, of Virginia, to be U.S. Representative to 

the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 

Hon. Peter William Bodde, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to Libya 

Marc Jonathan Sievers, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the Sultanate of Oman 

Elisabeth I. Millard, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Tajikistan 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:35 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jim Risch, presiding. 

Present: Senators Risch, Murphy, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JIM RISCH, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO 

Senator RISCH. All right. Subcommittee meeting will come to 

order. And appreciate all of you attending today. Certainly have an 

interesting agenda. 

And I would say this. We will start briefly with some opening 

statements, and then we will hear from each of you, and then Senator Murphy and I will have deep and probing questions, I have 

no doubt. 

We have an interesting mix of countries and of interest groups 

represented here. And certainly, I think we will use this opportunity, obviously, to learn more about the areas that you are going 

to and the challenges that you are going to face here. And I am 

sure you will have the opportunity to tell us what is the highest 

thing on your mind as you approach your assignment. 

So, as always, we want to thank each and every one of you for 

your service to the United States. 

So, with that, Senator Murphy. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

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We are going to cover a pretty diverse array of issues, from keeping the world safe from chemical weapons, to national security interests in the Near East and Central Asia, to our investment strategy abroad. 

So, I will match your brevity, Mr. Chairman, and get straight to 

the statements from our witnesses today. Look forward to the hearing and to their confirmation process. 

Thank you very much, Senator Risch. 

Senator RISCH. Wise decision, Senator. 

Mr. Morton, we will start with you, and—welcome to the committee. We would like to hear what you have to say. 

STATEMENT OF JOHN MORTON, NOMINATED TO BE EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION 

Mr. MORTON. Thank you very much. Chairman Risch, Ranking 

Member Murphy, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I am honored to be considered by this 

committee for the position of executive vice president at the Overseas Private Investment Corporation. 

After spending most of my career in the private sector, I have 

had the privilege of serving at OPIC for the last 51⁄2 years, first as 

vice president for policy, then chief of staff, and now as chief operating officer. The agency and its 250 professionals exemplifies efficient and effective government delivering results for the American 

taxpayer and for the citizens of the world’s most challenging and, 

often, fastest growing emerging markets. 

As the U.S. Government’s development finance institution, OPIC 

mobilizes private capital to help solve critical development challenges, advancing U.S. foreign policy and national security objectives at the same time. Simply put, OPIC represents a commonsense solution for development, for U.S. national security, and for 

America’s own economic interests. 

With respect to development, OPIC has an outsized impact on 

global development by bringing the stabilizing and sustaining force 

of private investment to some of the world’s most difficult areas 

and poorest peoples. Over 40 percent of the agency’s financial commitments last year were to projects in the world’s poorest countries, like Rwanda, Cambodia, and Haiti. Over 40 percent were to 

projects in Africa, an agency record. And OPIC also catalyzes critical investment flows to projects in middle-income countries, where 

the majority of the world’s poorest now reside. 

In support of U.S. national security, OPIC has increased its lending operations to conflict-affected areas by over 50 percent during 

my time with the agency. And today, roughly one-third of OPIC’s 

investments are in conflict-affected or buffer countries, such as 

Iraq, Afghanistan, Jordan, Georgia, Ukraine, and South Sudan. 

Investments made by the U.S. private sector, in partnership with 

OPIC, are critical components of ensuring that we help build solid 

economic foundations in vulnerable regions of foreign policy priority. In Ukraine, for example, we are working to support U.S. 

businesses investing in the agriculture, energy, and financial services sector. And in Jordan, one of our strongest partners in a troubled region, we are proud that U.S. companies, supported by OPIC 

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investments and insurance, are providing nearly one-fifth of the 

country’s power and water supply. 

Finally, OPIC delivers strong results for U.S. taxpayers, contributing positively to the Function 150 account for 38 consecutive 

years. With 80 percent of global economic growth expected to occur 

in emerging markets over the coming decades, OPIC helps U.S. 

companies gain footholds in fast-growing markets by crowding in 

private-sector investment and enabling America’s entrepreneurs 

and business leaders to join the ranks of distinguished Americans, 

like my fellow nominees here today, representing the best of U.S. 

values and ideals. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, on any given day 

OPIC has far more demand from American businesses than we can 

answer, far more shared development challenges than we can answer, and far more incoming inquiries for investment support channeled through U.S. embassies than we can answer. 

Filling the role of executive vice president would allow us to respond to this demand in a more efficient and effective way at an 

agency which consistently delivers on its developmental mission. 

I thank you again for your consideration of my nomination, and 

I welcome the opportunity to answer any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Morton follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JOHN E. MORTON

Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Murphy, members of the committee. 

Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I am John Morton. I am honored 

to be considered by this committee for the position of Executive Vice President at 

the Overseas Private Investment Corporation. 

After spending most of my career in the private sector, I have had the privilege 

of serving at OPIC for 51⁄2 years, first as Vice President for Policy, then Chief of 

Staff, and now as Chief Operating Officer. 

The Agency, and its 250 professionals, exemplifies efficient and effective Government, delivering results both for the American taxpayer and for the citizens of the 

world’s most challenging and, often, fastest-growing emerging markets. 

As the U.S. Government’s development finance institution, OPIC mobilizes private 

capital to help solve critical development challenges, advancing U.S. foreign policy 

and national security objectives at the same time. Simply put, OPIC represents a 

commonsense solution for development, for U.S. national security, and for America’s 

own economic interests. 

With respect to development, OPIC has an outsized impact on global development 

by bringing the stabilizing and sustaining force of private investment to some of the 

world’s most difficult areas and poorest peoples. Over 40 percent of the Agency’s 

financial commitments last year were to projects in the world’s poorest countries, 

like Rwanda, Cambodia, and Haiti. Over 40 percent was to projects in Africa—an 

Agency record. And OPIC also catalyzes critical investment flows to projects to middle-income countries, where the majority of the world’s poorest now reside. 

In support of U.S. national security, OPIC has increased its lending operations 

to conflict-affected areas by over 50 percent during my time with the Agency. And 

today, roughly one-third of OPIC’s investments are in conflict-affected or buffer 

countries such as Afghanistan, Jordan, Georgia, Ukraine, and South Sudan. 

Investments made by the U.S. private sector, in partnership with OPIC, are critical components of ensuring that we help build solid economic foundations in vulnerable regions of foreign policy priority. 

In Ukraine, for example, we are working to support U.S. businesses investing in 

the agriculture, energy, and financial services sectors. And in Jordan, one of our 

strongest partners in a troubled region, we are proud that U.S. companies, supported by OPIC investments and insurance, are providing nearly one-fifth of the 

country’s power and water supply. 

Finally, OPIC delivers strong results for the U.S. taxpayers, contributing positively to the Function 150 budget account for 38 consecutive years. 

With 80 percent of global economic growth expected to occur in emerging markets 

over the coming decades, OPIC helps U.S. companies gain footholds in fast growing 

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markets, by ‘‘crowding in’’ private sector investment—and enabling America’s entrepreneurs and business leaders to join the ranks of distinguished Americans like my 

fellow nominees today—representing U.S. values and ideals. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, on any given day OPIC has far more 

demand from American businesses than we can answer, far more shared development challenges than we can answer, and far more incoming inquiries for investment support channeled through U.S. Embassies than we can answer. 

Filling the role of Executive Vice President would allow us to respond to this 

demand in a more efficient and effective way at an Agency which consistently delivers on its developmental mission. 

I thank you again for your consideration of my nomination and I welcome the 

opportunity to answer any questions you may have. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you, Mr. Morton. 

My mistake. I should have invited you to introduce any guests 

you have here, or family. 

Mr. MORTON. I do have my wife, Tamar Shapiro, my son, Leo 

Shapiro Morton. 

Senator RISCH. All right. 

Mr. MORTON. My daughter is on a camping trip today and could 

not be here. 

Senator RISCH. She is the lucky one. 

Mr. MORTON. And my boss, the president of OPIC, Elizabeth 

Littlefield, is also sitting in the second row. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you so much. We appreciate that. 

Mr. Ward, we would like to hear from you on your nomination 

to be Representative to the Organization of Chemical Weapons. 

Would you like to introduce people you have here with you today? 

STATEMENT OF KENNETH DAMIAN WARD, NOMINATED TO BE 

THE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR 

THE PROHIBITION OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS 

Mr. WARD. Well, I have no immediate family with me here today, 

but I would like to introduce the former Ambassador to the OPCW, 

Dr. Robert Miklak, who is behind me, and also the brother I never 

had, Robert Kadlik, who is the deputy staff director on the SISI 

Committee. I am honored to have both of them here with me today. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. 

Mr. WARD. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Senator Murphy, it 

is an honor to appear before you today as President Barack 

Obama’s nominee to be the United States Representative to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons with the rank 

of Ambassador. I greatly appreciate the trust and confidence that 

President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry have shown 

in nominating me for this position. 

After decades of negotiation, the Chemical Weapons Convention 

was signed in 1993, and the Convention entered into force in 1997. 

Since then, the international organization charged with implementing the Convention, the OPCW, has established itself as an effective and respected international body. OPCW inspectors have 

overseen and verified the destruction of chemical weapons in Russia, the United States, Albania, Libya, Syria, and other states parties. Inspectors have conducted thousands of routine inspections in 

national military facilities and commercial enterprises around the 

world to ensure that states parties are abiding by their CWC obligations. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

561 

In the fall of 2013, these efforts toward achieving a world free 

of chemical weapons were acknowledged by the Nobel committee, 

and the OPCW was awarded the Peace Prize. Despite the historic 

accomplishments of the Convention and the OPCW, chemical weapons continue to be a threat to international peace and security. 

The ongoing strife in Syria is a stark and tragic reminder that 

such weapons are not relics of World War I or the cold war. On August 21, 2013, the Syrian Government unleashed a barrage of rockets filled with the nerve agent sarin against opposition-controlled 

suburbs of Damascus, killing an estimated 1,400 civilians, many of 

them children. Three weeks later, under international pressure, 

Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. 

Of great concern, there remains compelling evidence that Syria 

continues to use chemical weapons against its own people. The 

factfinding mission of the OPCW, an entity created to establish the 

facts surrounding allegations of the use of toxic chemicals as a 

weapon in Syria, has concluded, with a high degree of confidence, 

that chlorine was used in April and May 2014 against oppositioncontrolled villages in northwest Syria. The factfinding mission is 

now investigating additional allegations of chemical weapons use in 

Syria. 

In early August, the U.N. Security Council established the joint 

investigative mechanism for the purpose of identifying those individuals, entities, groups, or governments responsible for these 

chemical weapons attacks. 

Of additional concern, an OPCW technical team has raised a host 

of issues calling into question whether Syria has declared all of its 

stocks of chemical weapons and associated munitions. The United 

States shares these concerns. We have assessed that Syria has not 

declared all of the elements of its chemical weapons program, and 

may continue to retain some of its stocks of traditional chemical 

agents and munitions. 

In sum, Syria continues to violate the most fundamental obligations of the CWC against possession and use of chemical weapons. 

If confirmed by the Senate, I will make every effort to ensure that 

the people of Syria no longer face the threat of chemical weapons 

at the hands of their government. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Senator Murphy, the ongoing 

chemical weapons crisis in Syria, as well as the allegations of the 

use of chemical weapons by nonstate actors in both Syria and Iraq, 

is a potent reminder of the essential role of the Chemical Weapons 

Convention and the OPCW in promoting international peace and 

security. In years to come, the world will continue to look to the 

OPCW as the repository of technical expertise. 

The OPCW will face many challenges in the years to come to 

achieve the promise of a world filled with chemical weapons— 

free—excuse me—free of chemical weapons. We must achieve universal membership. We must counter the ongoing threat of chemical weapons terrorism. We must prevent the reemergence of chemical weapons. If confirmed by the Senate, I will work to ensure that 

the OPCW achieves these goals and remains an effective force for 

promoting international peace. 

I welcome the opportunity to answer any questions you may 

have. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

562 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Ward follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KENNETH DAMIAN WARD

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Barack Obama’s nominee to be the United States Representative 

to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) with the rank 

of Ambassador. I greatly appreciate the trust and confidence that President Obama 

and Secretary of State John Kerry have shown in nominating me for this position. 

After decades of negotiation, the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) was 

signed in 1993 and the Convention entered into force in 1997. Since then, the international organization charged with implementing the Convention—the OPCW—has 

established itself as an effective and respected international body. OPCW inspectors 

have overseen and verified the destruction of chemical weapons in Russia, the 

United States, Albania, Libya, Syria, and other states parties. Inspectors have conducted thousands of routine inspections in national military facilities and commercial enterprises around the world to ensure that states parties are abiding by their 

CWC obligations. In the fall of 2013, these efforts toward achieving a world free of 

chemical weapons were acknowledged by the Nobel committee and the OPCW was 

awarded the Peace Prize. 

Despite the historic accomplishments of the Convention and the OPCW, chemical 

weapons continue to be a threat to international peace and security. The ongoing 

strife in Syria is a stark and tragic reminder that such weapons are not relics of 

World War One or the cold war. On August 21, 2013, the Syrian Government 

unleashed a barrage of rockets filled with the nerve agent sarin against an opposition-controlled suburb of Damascus killing an estimated 1,400 civilians—many of 

them children. Three weeks later under international pressure Syria joined the 

Chemical Weapons Convention. Of great concern, there remains compelling evidence 

that the Syria continues to use chemical weapons against its own people. The FactFinding Mission of the OPCW—an entity created to establish the facts surrounding 

allegations of the use of toxic chemicals as weapons in Syria—has concluded with 

a high degree of confidence that chlorine was used in April and May 2014 against 

opposition-controlled villages in northwest Syria. The Fact-Finding Mission is now 

investigating additional allegations of chemical weapons use in Syria. In early August, the U.N. Security Council established the Joint Investigative Mechanism for 

the purpose of identifying those individuals, entities, groups or governments responsible for these chemical weapons attacks. 

Of additional concern, an OPCW technical team has raised a host of issues calling 

into question whether Syria has declared all of its stocks of chemical weapons and 

associated munitions. The United States shares these concerns. We have assessed 

that Syria has not declared all the elements of its chemical weapons program and 

may continue to retain some of its stocks of traditional chemical agents and 

munitions. 

In sum, Syria continues to violate the most fundamental obligations of the CWC 

against possession and use of chemical weapons. If confirmed by the Senate, I will 

make every effort to ensure that the people of Syria no longer face the threat of 

chemical weapons at the hands of their government. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, my career in government spans 

over 30 years with 20 of those years dedicated to strengthening our security against 

the threat of chemical and biological weapons. Since the beginning of 2011, I have 

headed the State Department’s Office of Chemical and Biological Weapons Affairs. 

In this capacity, I have been directly involved in the international initiative to dismantle Syria’s chemical weapons program and have played a central role in efforts 

to verify the accuracy of Syria’s CWC declaration and investigate allegations of CW 

use. Previously, during the 2004–07 trilateral operation to dismantle Libya’s WMD 

programs, I served as the deputy negotiator, working to achieve the removal or destruction of nuclear, missile, and chemical materials and equipment. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the ongoing chemical weapons crisis in Syria—as well as the allegations of the use of chemical weapons by nonstate 

actors in both Syria and Iraq—is a potent reminder of the essential role of the 

Chemical Weapons Convention and the OPCW in promoting international peace and 

security. In years to come, the world will continue to look to the OPCW as the repository of technical expertise on chemical weapons and eliminating the threat they 

pose. The effectiveness the Technical Secretariat has demonstrated in recent years 

has been founded on the efforts of a highly skilled and experienced cadre of inspectors.It is essential that the OPCW continue to command the expertise and resources 

it needs to perform this vital role. It will face many challenges in the years to come 

to achieve the promise of a world free of chemical weapons. We must achieve uniFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

563 

versal membership; we must counter the ongoing threat of chemical weapons terrorism; we must prevent the reemergence of chemical weapons. Indeed, we must 

ensure that the OPCW retains the political will to confront and surmount each of 

these challenges.If confirmed by the Senate, I will work to ensure that the OPCW 

achieves these goals and remains an effective force for promoting international 

peace, security, and a world free of the scourge of chemical weapons. 

Thank you. I welcome the opportunity to answer any questions from the members 

of the committee. 

Senator RISCH. Mr. Ward, that was very comprehensive. Appreciate that. Thank you much. 

Mr. Bodde, you have been nominated to be the Ambassador to 

Libya. Could you enlighten us, please? 

STATEMENT OF HON. PETER WILLIAM BODDE, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LIBYA 

Ambassador BODDE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce the 

members of my family who are here today first. 

Senator RISCH. Please. 

Ambassador BODDE. I would like to introduce my wife, Tanya, 

who is a retired member of the Foreign Service; my son, Christopher, who works at USAID; my dad, who is a retired ambassador; 

and, unfortunately, my daughter cannot be here, because she is accompanying her husband on assignment to our Embassy in Kuwait. 

Thank you. 

Senator RISCH. A lot of service in your family, Mr. Bodde. 

Ambassador BODDE. Yes. 

Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Murphy, members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to Libya. 

I am grateful for the trust placed in me by President Obama and 

Secretary Kerry. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely 

with this committee and colleagues from across the U.S. Government to promote a strong relationship between the United States 

and Libya during this challenging moment in Libyan history. 

Four years after the uprising of the Libyan people led to the fall 

of Qadhafi and his brutal dictatorship, Libyans continue to face 

enormous challenges as they work to establish a Government of 

National Accord and build institutions that are inclusive and representative of all Libyans. The Libyan political dialogue has required determination and compromise at every stage, and the process of political reconciliation in Libya will be a long journey. 

The recent October 8th announcement of proposed leadership for 

a Government of National Accord resulting from these Libyan negotiations was a welcome step in the process, and we urge all parties to endorse the agreement as quickly as possible. 

The rise of ISIL-aligned groups, human smugglers, and dramatically reduced oil production demonstrate the immediate need for a 

unified national Libyan Government that can effectively partner 

with the United States and the international community to begin 

the hard work of restoring peace and security in Libya. 

Over the course of my career, I have led interagency teams in 

challenging environments, and I understand the difficulties and opportunities ahead. My experience as the U.S. Ambassador to Nepal 

during and after the tragic earthquake in April, as Assistant Chief 

of Mission for Assistance in Baghdad, and as Deputy Chief of MisFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

564 

sion in Pakistan confirm my belief that strong interagency coordination and a cohesive country team are the foundations of successful United States missions overseas. 

Mr. Chairman, I make it a point to come to the Hill when I am 

back in Washington, and I believe that regular interaction, whether 

at post or in Washington, is critical to our continued success. Frank 

exchanges of accurate information that build trust are essential for 

the Congress to make difficult resource and policy choices. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing this relationship. 

I have always been deeply conscious of the most important duty 

I have as Chief of Mission: ensuring the safety and security of all 

Americans in Libya, and particularly those serving under my leadership. While our mission is no longer physically located in Tripoli, 

balancing safety considerations with a deep desire to engage Libyans will be an essential task, one for which, if confirmed, I will be 

responsible and accountable. 

Libya has the potential to play a vital role in regional security 

cooperation and trade over the long term. Establishing a safe and 

secure environment must be the first step Libyans take to move 

their country forward. Continuing to support the establishment of 

a stable, prosperous, and democratic Libya is consistent with the 

values and strategic interests of the United States. If confirmed, I 

will work with Libyan partners to assist in the establishment of 

that environment. 

In closing, I want to note that anyone who represents the United 

States abroad has a unique responsibility. More often than not, we 

are the only nation that has the will, the values, and the resources 

to solve problems, help others, and to be a positive force for change 

in our challenged world. Being nominated to serve as an Ambassador representing our Nation is, in itself, an incredible honor. 

With the consent of the Senate, I look forward to assuming this responsibility again while serving as the next U.S. Ambassador to 

Libya. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Bodde follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR PETER BODDE

Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Murphy, members of the committee, it is a 

privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be the next 

United States Ambassador to Libya. I am grateful for the trust placed in me by 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry. If confirmed, I look forward to working 

closely with this committee and colleagues from across the U.S. Government to promote a strong relationship between the United States and Libya during this challenging moment in Libyan history. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my family this morning—my wife Tanya, 

a retired career Foreign Service employee, and my son, Christopher, are here with 

me today. My father, Ambassador William Bodde, is also here with me today. 

Thirty-six years ago, I sat where he is when he appeared before the late Senator 

Paul Tsongas during my dad’s first confirmation hearing prior to becoming Ambassador to Fiji. 

Four years after the uprising of the Libyan people led to the fall of Qadhafi and 

his brutal dictatorship, Libyans continue to face enormous challenges as they work 

to establish a Government of National Accord (GNA) and build institutions that are 

inclusive and representative of all Libyans. The Libyan political dialogue has 

required determination and compromise at every stage, and the process of political 

reconciliation in Libya will be a long journey. The recent October 8 announcement 

of proposed leadership for a Government of National Accord resulting from these 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

565 

Libyan negotiations was a welcome step in the process, and we urge all parties to 

endorse the agreement as quickly as possible. 

The rise of ISIL-aligned groups and other extremist organizations, the coercive 

power of militias over Libyan civilians and government institutions, the consistent 

harassment and targeting of civil society activists, and dramatically reduced oil production demonstrate the immediate need for a unified national Libyan Government 

that can effectively partner with the United States and the international community 

to begin the hard work of restoring peace and security in Libya. 

In 2011, the Libyan people summoned the courage to stand up to a brutal dictator 

after 42 years of manipulative and violent rule. The United States supported Libyans then, and we must stand by our Libyan friends now. With the support of Congress we have allocated resources to enable the United States to support Libya’s 

democratic transition, when conditions allow. We will continue to work with our 

international partners and the U.N. Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) to focus 

on the key areas that will enable a Government of National Accord (GNA) to 

respond to the urgent needs of the Libyan people. It will be incumbent on members 

of the international community and regional partners to assist a new Libyan unity 

government in its early days while building capacity so Libyans can sustainably 

take on the tough work of border security, counterterrorism, and effective governance in the future. 

In the absence of an effective central government that can secure Libyan territory, 

violent extremist groups have proliferated. Terrorist groups operate freely in Dernah 

and Sirte and have mounted attacks in Tripoli and other Libyan cities. Parts of 

southern Libya are plagued by tribal fighting, banditry and general lawlessness. Al 

Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Ansar al-Sharia elements, and Islamic State of Iraq 

and the Levant (ISIL)-aligned groups have all been operating in Libya. These terrorist groups have raided unprotected stocks of weapons, using them in Libya and 

smuggling them across the region. These groups have also attacked oil facilities and 

vital economic infrastructure in an effort to undermine a political solution to the 

instability that allows them to thrive. The presence of ISIL-aligned groups challenges the stability of Libya and our partners in the region and Europe, and is a 

very real threat to U.S. national security. If confirmed, I will do everything in my 

power to coordinate resources and strategies across the U.S. Government to respond 

to the threat ISIL and other terrorists pose to Libya, the region, and our U.S. 

national security interests. 

Human smugglers have also capitalized on the absence of effective law enforcement and Libya’s porous borders. In 2015 alone, over 120,000 people have attempted 

to enter Europe by crossing through Libyan soil, and nearly 3,000 of them have perished in that attempt. 

Peace is not just a political imperative, but an economic one as well. In 2011, 

Libyans exported 1.6 million barrels per day of oil. Today, that number stands at 

just 430,000, below what a Government of National Accord will need to cover current spending, much less the reconstruction and development that the country will 

require to recover from this period of strife. Getting back to historic production levels will be critical to rebuilding Libya’s economy, achieving national reconciliation, 

and equipping a Government of National Accord for the many challenges Libya 

faces. 

Over the course of my career, I have led interagency teams in challenging environments, and I understand the difficulties and opportunities ahead. My experience 

as U.S. Ambassador to Nepal during and after the tragic earthquake in April, as 

Assistant Chief of Mission for Assistance in Baghdad, and as Deputy Chief of 

Mission in Pakistan confirmed my belief that strong interagency coordination and 

a cohesive Country Team are the foundations of successful United States missions 

overseas. Chairman Risch, I make it a point to come to the Hill when I am back 

in Washington and I believe that regular interaction—whether at post or in Washington—is critical to our continued success. Frank exchanges of accurate information that build trust are essential for the Congress to make difficult resource and 

policy choices. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing this relationship. 

I have always been deeply conscious of the most important duty I have as a Chief 

of Mission—ensuring the safety and security of all Americans in Libya, in particular 

those serving under my leadership. While our mission is no longer physically located 

in Tripoli, balancing safety considerations with a deep desire to engage Libyans will 

be an essential task, one for which, if confirmed, I will be responsible and accountable. 

Libya has the potential to play a vital role in regional security cooperation and 

trade over the long term. Establishing a safe and secure environment must be the 

first step Libyans take to move their country forward. Continuing to support the 

establishment of a stable, prosperous, and democratic Libya is consistent with the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

566 

values and strategic interest of the United States. If confirmed, I will work with 

Libyan partners to assist in the establishment of that environment. 

In closing, I want to note that anyone who represents the United States abroad 

has a unique responsibility. More often than not, we are the only nation that has 

the will, the values, and the resources to solve problems, help others, and to be a 

positive force for change in our challenged world. Being nominated to serve as an 

Ambassador representing our Nation is in itself an incredible honor. With the consent of the Senate, I look forward to assuming this responsibility while serving as 

the next U.S. Ambassador to Libya. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I look forward to answering 

your questions. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much, Mr. Bodde. 

Mr. Sievers, you have been nominated the Ambassador to Oman. 

And, please, you have the floor. 

STATEMENT OF MARC JONATHAN SIEVERS, NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE SULTANATE OF OMAN 

Mr. SIEVERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

If I may, I would like to introduce my family members—— 

Senator RISCH. Please. 

Mr. SIEVERS [continuing]. Who are here today: my wife, Michelle 

Huda Rafael; our son, Samuel; my son, David; and my daughter, 

Miriam. And I am very grateful for their support and their attendance at this hearing. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. 

Mr. SIEVERS. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Murphy, and 

members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you as 

President Obama’s nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Sultanate of Oman. 

I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

the trust they have placed in me, and, if confirmed, I look forward 

to working closely with you and other Members of Congress to advance the interests of the United States in Oman. 

Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my 34-year Foreign Service 

career working in the Middle East. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Oman, my highest priority will be protecting the dedicated 

men and women at our mission, as well as all Americans living in 

and visiting Oman. I will work with our Omani partners to ensure 

that American businesses realize the full benefits of the U.S.-Oman 

Free Trade Agreement. I will engage with a wide range of Omani 

citizens so that Oman may continue to make strides in establishing 

an independent civil society. Rest assured, I will employ the full 

range of diplomatic tools to deepen our cooperation with Oman on 

counterterrorism and counterpiracy issues. 

In recent years, Oman has demonstrated the value of its relationship to the United States by helping to facilitate the nuclear 

negotiations with Iran, securing the release of American detainees 

in Yemen and hikers held by Iran, and by assisting the evacuation 

of American Government personnel from Yemen. 

Overlooking the Strait of Hormuz, Oman works closely with the 

United States, and especially the United States Navy, to promote 

freedom of navigation in a region through which approximately 30 

percent of seaborne global oil exports flow. The United States and 

Oman maintain excellent security cooperation to ensure that the 

Strait of Hormuz remains open to international trade. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Since the implementation of the United States-Oman Free Trade 

Agreement in 2009, U.S. private industry has received broad access 

to the rapidly developing Omani market. The United States held 

a billion-dollar trade surplus with Oman in 2014. If confirmed, I 

will work to ensure American private industry enjoys free access to 

an Omani market eager to purchase American goods and services. 

Sultan Qaboos has gradually increased the level of representation Omani citizens hold in government. If confirmed, I will support the efforts of the people and government of Oman to establish 

a more inclusive and transparent government and to strengthen 

civil society. 

Finally, I would like to once more express my appreciation for 

this opportunity to appear before the committee today. If confirmed, I look forward to welcoming Members of Congress and congressional staff to Oman. 

I have served in a number of war and conflict zones during my 

career, and I can assure the committee I do not take lightly the responsibility an Ambassador holds to protect the men and women 

serving our country overseas. If confirmed, my highest priority will 

always be the safety and security of every American in Oman, as 

well as the advancement of our national interests, and I pledge to 

carry out these duties to the best of my ability. 

I welcome the opportunity to answer any questions you might 

have. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sievers follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARC J. SIEVERS

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to serve as Ambassador 

to the Sultanate of Oman. I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry for the trust they have placed in me, and if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and other Members of Congress to advance the interests of the 

United States in Oman. I would like to pause for a moment to recognize my wife, 

Michelle Huda Raphael, our son, Samuel, my daughter, Miriam, and my son, David, 

who are here with me today. They have provided unwavering support throughout 

my career and I am very grateful for their love and understanding. 

Mr. Chairman, I have spent much of my 34-year Foreign Service career working 

in the Middle East, including assignments in Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Israel. 

My previous assignments have provided me with an extensive background in economic and counterterrorism issues that are essential to our partnership with Oman, 

and a deep appreciation for the importance of political and economic reform to longterm stability. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Oman, my highest priority will 

be protecting the safety and security of the dedicated men and women at our mission, as well as all Americans living in and visiting Oman. I will work with our 

Omani partners to ensure that American businesses realize the full benefits of the 

U.S.-Oman Free Trade Agreement. I will engage with a wide range of Omani citizens so that Oman may continue to make strides in establishing an independent 

civil society and preventing trafficking in persons. Rest assured, I will employ the 

full range of diplomatic tools to deepen our cooperation with Oman on counterterrorism, maritime security, and counterpiracy issues. 

The United States and Oman share a long history of friendship and trade. The 

bilateral relationship was formalized in an 1833 Treaty of Amity and Commerce. 

Oman was the first Arab Gulf State to host the United States at its military facilities, and Oman has supported United States Forces during almost every U.S. military operation in the region since 1980. 

Oman plays a helpful role in multilateral diplomacy. As a member of the Gulf 

Cooperation Council, the Arab League, and the United Nations, Oman maintains 

close ties with American allies in the region. Oman has helped advance the interests 

of the United States by serving as a mediator with other countries in the region. 

In recent years, Oman has demonstrated the value of its relationship to the United 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

568 

States by helping to facilitate nuclear negotiations with Iran, securing the release 

of American detainees in Yemen, and the young American hikers held by Iran, and 

finally, by assisting the evacuation of American Government personnel from Yemen. 

Since 1997, Oman has hosted the Middle East Desalination Research Center, an 

institution that brings Israelis and Arabs together to address regional water challenges through science and knowledge-sharing. 

Bordering Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, and overlooking the Strait of 

Hormuz, Oman collaborates with the United States to promote security and freedom 

of navigation in a region through which approximately 30 percent of seaborne global 

oil exports flow. Oman provided critical logistical support during both Operation 

Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom. The United States maintains 

excellent security cooperation on counterterrorism, countersmuggling, and counterpiracy to ensure the Strait of Hormuz remains open to international trade. As the 

situation in Yemen has deteriorated, the United States and Oman have worked 

together to prevent destabilizing nonstate actors such as the Islamic State in Iraq 

and the Levant and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula from exploiting Yemen’s 

porous border and coastal areas. If confirmed, my priority will remain the safety 

and security of Americans. Maintaining a strong relationship with Oman on border 

and maritime security and counterterrorism will keep Americans in Oman and the 

United States safer. 

Economic cooperation between the United States and Oman continues to grow. 

Since the implementation of the United States-Oman Free Trade Agreement in 

2009, U.S. private industry has received broad access to the rapidly developing 

Omani market. The United States held a billion dollar trade surplus with Oman in 

2014, and economic cooperation continues to expand. American businesses such as 

General Cable and GlassPoint Solar have benefited from access to a diversifying 

Omani economy. If confirmed, I will work to ensure American private industry enjoys free access to an Omani market eager to purchase American goods and services, 

and benefit from the world’s best quality, customer service, and corporate social 

responsibility programs. 

Oman has made dramatic gains since emerging as a modern state shortly after 

Sultan Qaboos bin Said came to power in 1970. The 2010 U.N. Human Development 

Report listed Oman first of 135 countries in human development from 1970 to 2010. 

Omanis have benefited from dramatic increases in access to education, quality 

health care, and improved living standards. As Oman moves to further diversify its 

economy in the coming decades, American private industry is well-suited to provide 

the technical expertise necessary to expand the scope of prosperity in the United 

States and Oman. 

Oman has increased the number of opportunities available to women in recent 

years. Omani women serve in political offices and have held Cabinet- level positions 

in government. Oman was the first Arab State to appoint a woman, the Hon. 

Hunaina al-Mughairy, as Ambassador to the United States. Omani women now constitute over 30 percent of the workforce. Oman should maximize the role of women 

as it builds a modern, diversified economy. If confirmed, I will encourage the development of more opportunities for women in Omani private enterprise, government, 

and civil society. I will also prioritize our efforts to combat and prevent human trafficking. Human trafficking violates fundamental rights and corrodes a society from 

within. Oman is primarily a destination and migrant country for men and women 

who are subjected to forced labor, but Oman is working hard to improve its response 

to human trafficking. If confirmed, I will partner with Oman to improve its record 

by prosecuting and convicting human trafficking offenders, identifying and protecting trafficking victims among vulnerable populations, and allowing broader victim access to government shelter care. 

Sultan Qaboos has gradually increased the level of representation Omani citizens 

hold in government. Following Arab Spring-related protests in 2011, Sultan Qaboos 

empowered the popularly elected portion of the legislature to draft laws. He also 

appointed members of the elected Council into Cabinet positions. If confirmed, I will 

support the efforts of the people and government of Oman to establish a more inclusive and transparent government and strengthen civil society. 

Approximately 50,000 American tourists visited Oman last year. Oman also 

serves as a model for tolerance and peaceful coexistence in the region. If confirmed, 

I look forward to welcoming members of Congress and congressional staff to Oman. 

Oman is an important partner for the United States in the region, and I hope to 

have the opportunity to work to expand the scope of our cooperation. 

Finally, I would like to once more express my appreciation for this opportunity 

to appear before the committee today. I have served in a number of war and conflict 

zones during my career and I can assure the committee I do not take lightly the 

responsibility an Ambassador holds to protect the men and women serving our counFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

569 

try overseas. If confirmed, my highest priority will always be the safety and security 

of every American in Oman, as well as the advancement of our national interests, 

and I pledge to carry out these duties to the best of my ability. 

I welcome the opportunity to answer any questions you might have. Thank you. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much, Mr. Sievers. 

Ms. Millard, you have been nominated to be Ambassador to 

Tajikistan, and the floor is yours for introductions. 

STATEMENT OF ELISABETH I. MILLARD, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN 

Ms. MILLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

In the interest of time, I will summarize my statement, but ask 

that the full statement be submitted for the record. 

Senator RISCH. Certainly. 

Ms. MILLARD. And I would like to say, of my five children, my 

oldest daughter, Charlotte, and my youngest son, Richard, were unable to come today, but the other three are here with their spouses: 

my daughter, Olivia; my daughter, Sasha; and my son, James. And 

we also have Alex, age 4, who is my granddaughter, here today. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you so much. 

Ms. MILLARD. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, it is a 

great honor and privilege to appear before you today as the United 

States Ambassador-designate to the Republic of Tajikistan. I deeply 

appreciate the opportunity to testify this afternoon, and I am humbled by the confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have 

placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and all Members of Congress to advance the interests of the 

United States in Tajikistan. 

I would like to recognize the members of my family, without 

whom my 23-year career in the Foreign Service would not have 

been possible. Above all, my husband, Vaughan, who retired after 

serving in the Navy for 30 years and became my most enthusiastic 

and steadfast teammate during our tours in Prague, Copenhagen, 

New Delhi, Kathmandu, Casablanca, and Astana. Vaughan, tragically, died after a brief illness last year, but he knew this posting 

to Tajikistan was a possibility, and was excited at the prospect. 

And our five children and six grandchildren are a testament to our 

partnership. 

Throughout my career, I have focused on ensuring the security 

and safety of American citizens and advancing the interests and 

values of the United States and the American people. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will bring the same dedication to our Embassy 

in Dushanbe. 

Tajikistan is a challenging post in a dynamic region. Per capita, 

it is in the poorest quarter of countries in the world. It has a porous 800-mile-long border with Afghanistan. And problems like illegal narcotics trade, terrorism, and violent extremism in the region 

are deeply concerning. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our 

partnership with Tajikistan to address these serious challenges. 

Tajikistan, given its difficult neighborhood, must maintain its security and stability, goals which the United States strongly supports. But, the security, stability, and prosperity that Tajikistan 

seeks can only come with a strong commitment to improving 

human rights and governance, respect for the rule of law, and proFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

570 

tection and promotion of its people’s rights and freedoms. These are 

critical components of security and stability for any country. If confirmed, I will encourage the government to promote and protect the 

space for civil society and for international and domestic nongovernment organizations to register and function freely. 

Being an American Ambassador is not only a great honor, but 

also a great responsibility. If confirmed, I will endeavor to be a 

good steward of the American people’s trust and property, and a 

caring leader for my Embassy colleagues, and a faithful representative of our values and our interests. I will also ensure that our missions continues to provide U.S. citizens residing in or visiting 

Tajikistan the highest quality of services and our steadfast protection in times of need. 

Communication and trust build the best relationships. This applies not only to our engagement with foreign governments and societies, but also to engagement with Congress. If confirmed, I will 

always be available to this committee, its members and staff, to 

discuss the—and work with you in pursuit of our national interests 

in Tajikistan. 

Again, I thank you for this opportunity, and I look forward to 

your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Millard follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ELISABETH MILLARD

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Murphy, and distinguished members of the committee, it is a great honor and privilege to appear before you today as the United 

States Ambassador-designate to the Republic of Tajikistan. I deeply appreciate the 

opportunity to testify this afternoon, and am humbled by the confidence President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and all members of Congress to advance the interests of 

the United States in Tajikistan. 

For 23 years, I have had the honor to serve as a career Foreign Service officer, 

and my work has been defined by a strong commitment to advancing U.S. interests, 

including universal values of democracy, rule of law, and the protection of human 

rights and dignity. 

Having served twice as Deputy Chief of Mission and once as Principal Officer, if 

confirmed, I will bring years of substantive and management experience to the position of Ambassador to Tajikistan. I have served in Central Asia and covered that 

area from the Washington perspective as well, and these experiences have prepared 

me for the unique demands of the region. 

I successfully led interagency teams in Nepal, Morocco, and Kazakhstan to further 

U.S. priorities such as advancing good governance and democracy, strengthening 

counterterrorism efforts, and promoting American business interests. In these and 

all my previous assignments, my top priorities were to ensure the security and safety of American citizens and to advance the interests and values of the United States 

and the American people. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will bring the same dedication to our Embassy in Dushanbe. 

Tajikistan is a challenging post in a dynamic region. Per capita, it is in the poorest quarter of countries in the world and its GDP is the lowest in Central Asia. 

Youth under 24 are 53 percent of Tajikistan’s population—a statistic that is only 

predicted to grow. Tajikistan has a porous 800-mile-long border with Afghanistan, 

and problems like the illegal narcotics trade, trafficking in persons, terrorism and 

violent extremism in the region are deeply concerning. If confirmed, I will work to 

strengthen our partnership with Tajikistan to address these serious challenges. 

Tajikistan is a critical partner in the administration’s New Silk Road initiative. 

Through electricity grids and transit corridors, Tajikistan links Central Asia with 

South Asia and beyond. With almost half of its national income reliant on remittances from migrant workers, Tajikistan must diversify its economy. But Tajikistan 

cannot succeed on its own. If confirmed, I will encourage Tajikistan to continue 

building energy, economic, infrastructure and people-to-people connections with all 

its neighbors. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Tajikistan, given the threats it faces, is fully entitled to take steps to maintain 

its security. For that reason, the United States has supported Tajikistan’s security 

in a number of ways over the years, including by providing training and equipment 

to its military and border security forces, police and counternarcotics units. A stable 

and prosperous Tajikistan is squarely in U.S. national interests. 

But we also recognize that the long-term security, stability, and prosperity that 

Tajikistan seeks can only come through a strong commitment to improving governance, respect for rule of law, and protection of its people’s rights and freedoms. 

Without these essential elements, stability will prove elusive in any country. 

If confirmed, I will seek to increase our positive engagement with the government 

and people of Tajikistan, not only with respect to our shared interest in stability 

and economic prosperity but also on other important issues such as preventing arbitrary arrests, addressing allegations of torture and mistreatment in prisons, and 

allowing the free practice of all faiths by all people, regardless of gender or age. I 

will also encourage the government to promote and protect space for civil society 

and for international and domestic nongovernmental organizations to register and 

function freely. 

Direct engagement with the people of Tajikistan will also be a priority for me, if 

I am confirmed. People-to-people contact remains at the core of our diplomatic 

efforts. If confirmed, I look forward to interacting with people throughout Tajikistan 

and strengthening ties between the American and Tajik people. Public diplomacy 

efforts, outreach, and educational exchanges promote mutual understanding and foster deeper bilateral ties. 

Being an American Ambassador is not only a great honor but also a great responsibility. If confirmed, I will endeavor to be a good steward of the American people’s 

trust and property, a caring leader for my Embassy colleagues, and a faithful representative of our values and our interests. I will also ensure that our mission continues to provide U.S. citizens residing in or visiting Tajikistan the highest quality 

services and our steadfast protection in times of need. 

Communication and trust build the best relationships. This applies not only to 

engagement with foreign governments and societies, but also to engagement with 

Congress. If confirmed, I will always be available to this committee, its members 

and staff to discuss and work with you in pursuit of our national interests in 

Tajikistan. 

Again, I thank you for this opportunity, and look forward to your questions. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much, Ms. Millard. 

I am going to go through and ask questions of each of you, because I have individual questions, and I think there are matters 

that you have on your mind that are of interest to us and you can 

probably enlighten us on. 

And I want to start, Mr. Morton, with you. You are undoubtedly 

aware of the fact that a number of us here in the Senate wrote a 

letter raising concerns about a conflict of interest on a director, 

and—are you familiar with the letter that I am talking about, the 

response that was made to it? 

Mr. MORTON. I believe I am, sir, yes. 

Senator RISCH. What—first of all, do you think that the concerns 

that we—we were concerned not only about a conflict of interest, 

but an apparent conflict of interest. And, you know, we, as Americans, as we go around the world, try to persuade people that the 

only way society can prosper is if, indeed, you get rid of corruption 

and you get rid of any type of undue influence, and, for that matter, the appearance of it. So, we were concerned not only about 

what appeared to be a conflict of interest, and could have been a 

conflict of interest, but also the appearance of it. What are your 

thoughts on that? 

Mr. MORTON. Well, Senator, thank you for the question. 

I believe, when we looked into the matter that was raised by you 

and several other Senators, we were very comfortable with the arrangement that OPIC had supported in this case, and I believe 

that the director in question had recused himself of all relevant 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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matters during the course of his time on the—serving on the board. 

So, I—we took a close look at it and felt that we had followed both 

process-related matters well, but also we had stayed on the proper 

side of the perception issue. I would be happy to follow up in more 

detail with a further conversation if that—if our response was not 

to your satisfaction. 

Senator RISCH. Well, I think probably a little more detail would 

not hurt. I fully appreciate that the person in question recused 

himself from the actual vote on something, but, you know, again, 

the appearance is very difficult to shake under these circumstances, because obviously, if you are a codirector with other 

directors, you have influence over them, you have access to them 

that others do not. And so, I would be interested—you do not need 

to do this now, you can take the question for the record, but I 

would appreciate some followup on it, because, as I say, that really 

does not resolve the issue of the appearance versus the actual conflict. 

Mr. MORTON. Senator, I would be happy to get back to you. And 

I would say that, you know, with a portfolio of 600 projects across 

105 countries around the world, we are constantly looking at investments that have complex structures, boards of directors, governance structures that we do very, very careful due diligence on 

to avoid the very issue that you are raising here. So, we take these 

issues quite seriously, and I would be happy to follow up with you 

in more detail. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you, Mr. Morton. 

Mr. Ward, you have a responsibility that is enormous, really, 

when you are dealing with the product or the material that you are 

dealing with. We are seeing some open-source reporting that mustard gas is being used in Syria. Can you enlighten us any on that? 

Realizing we are not in a classified setting, but is there anything 

you can say in an open-source sort of fashion that would talk about 

that? 

Mr. WARD. We certainly have had concerns, for years, that ISIL 

has been seeking such weapons. And there have been allegations 

and reports that they have actually used these types of weapons. 

It is something the United States is looking at very seriously. Because it involves ISIL, as you know, Mr. Chairman, there is an intelligence dimension to all of this. 

But, something I can bring to the attention to the committee is 

that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, its 

factfinding mission, one of the missions has focused on the allegations that such chemicals were used in August. And we expect, by 

the end of this week, for that factfinding mission to issue a public 

report on the information it has acquired on this subject. It will not 

address the issue of attribution. The mandate of the group does not 

extend to assigning responsibility. But, it will seek to either confirm or refute the allegations that these chemicals will be used. 

And I think you will find their report to be a very helpful opensource document. 

If you have seen the previous report that was done by the factfinding mission on the April-May 2014 incidents, you know, it is 

hundreds of pages long, very detailed information based on interviews and the like. And I know that some of your staff colleagues 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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have found it to be very, very helpful as an open-source document. 

Hopefully, by the end of this week, that will be issued and be able 

to provide you with a much more open type of access that would 

not involve classified information. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you, Mr. Ward. I think everyone is aware, 

because of the reporting of the use of chemical weapons in Syria— 

after Syria, would be the next country that you would be most concerned about? Obviously, I think—would you agree with me, Syria 

would be at the top of the list of concern in today’s world? Am I 

right or wrong on that? 

Mr. WARD. Absolutely. This is a country that we believe has not 

fulfilled its obligations to declare and destroy all of its chemical 

weapons, and there is mounting evidence that it is been using 

chemical weapons against its own citizens. 

Senator RISCH. And so, what country would you go to after that? 

Is there anybody close to that, or do you kind of drop down the 

scale quite a ways? 

Mr. WARD. Well, you know, what is interesting is, you know, we 

have concerns about some countries, which are reported in our 

classified compliance report, but, you know, use of chemical weapons by countries is something that really has not taken place since 

World War II. The real immediate threat of use, versus the concerns about countries possessing chemical weapons, is nonstate actors. You know, we wonder if a new era of chemical terrorism has 

come along. And it will be interesting to see if these allegations 

that ISIL has been using chemical weapons turn out to be true, because we may be worrying much more about terrorists who, when 

they acquire a chemical weapon, immediately use it, versus countries of concern that acquire a chemical weapons capability, but it 

sits on the shelf and never becomes an immediate threat to the 

world community. 

So, Senator, I worry most about nonstate actors, and I hope we 

can put that genie back in the bottle and that we are not seeing 

a new era now of chemical terrorism. 

Senator RISCH. Given the lack of moral turpitude of the people 

who are doing this in Syria, I would say that I am not very optimistic that some type of moral obligation would drive their decisionmaking. 

Let me ask this. As far as—you said no country had used it, no 

state actors had used it, since World War II. Are you excepting 

Syria, given the use near Damascus? 

Mr. WARD. Actually, no, I am. And let me correct myself. I am 

forgetting the obvious example of the Iran-Iraq War and the allegations that Iraq, and then later Iran, exchanged large amounts of 

chemical weapons between 1980 and 1988. Forgive my historical 

lapse. 

Senator RISCH. Appreciate that. 

What—do you feel—does your organization feel like they have 

a—at least somewhat of a decent handle on how much chemical— 

what is the quantity of chemical weapons that are left in Syria 

after the supposed removal of the chemical weapons? 

Mr. WARD. They do not, Mr. Chairman. But, they believe that 

the answers that the Syrian Government has provided about what 

happened to chemicals that they allegedly destroyed a few years 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ago—they just cannot document anything, and there are grave suspicions that they have not come clean about all their capabilities. 

We do believe the bulk of their program was declared, but there remain very serious suspicions that a residual chemical weapon capability has been maintained by Syria. 

And, thankfully, the organization established a very dedicated 

group of experts to focus on this issue. Just a few weeks ago, they 

reported that they have serious concerns about the veracity of Syria’s declaration with respect to chemical agents, to the munitions 

that would deliver them and the facilities that were involved in research and development and production. So, the international organization has clearly identified a serious problem. Unfortunately, 

they do not know where the hidden weapons are, but it is important that they put an international spotlight on it. The last thing 

any of us wants, and most especially myself, is for Syria to hold 

itself out as a member in good standing of the Chemical Weapons 

Convention. They are not, Senator. 

Senator RISCH. I appreciate that. 

Can you comment at all on the transfer—obviously, not voluntarily—from the Syrian Government to ISIS or ISIL or Daesh, 

whatever you want to call it? 

Mr. WARD. In a classified context, that could be addressed. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you. 

Mr. WARD. But, let me just say that—let us not think that there 

was any deliberate transfer from—by the—from the Assad regime 

to ISIL. These are enemies. Obviously, any acquisition that took 

place was not intended. But, in a classified context, be happy to 

provide more information, Senator. 

Senator RISCH. Mr. Bodde, we all know that the—Libya is attempting to form a government. Can you enlighten us on the status 

of that? 

Ambassador BODDE. Yes. Mr. Chairman, we have been making, 

with our international partners and our regional partners in the 

area, some progress over the last few weeks to establish a Government of National Accord. We were very hopeful, on October 8, as 

I mentioned in my statement, that, when the Special Representative of the U.N. announced the possible officers of the new government, that that would move forward quickly. It has not, but we are 

still hopeful that this is the direction it will take. We are not there 

yet. All of the regional partners, our international partners, there 

is still dialogue going on. My counterpart, Special Representative 

Jonathan Winer, was just out in the region doing outreach on this 

stuff. But, our goal is that they will work towards establishing this 

Government of National Accord. 

We feel it is critical, because, without an inclusive government 

that brings in all the parties, as many parties as possible, we do 

not see that substantial progress can be made. 

Senator RISCH. What is your personal assessment of the prognosis of that? Could they succeed? 

Ambassador BODDE. I think it has the potential to succeed, but 

it is going to be a very difficult road. And, like everything, even 

reaching its—reaching agreement—my own sense, Senator, is that 

that will be easier than implementation. But, that is why I am 

going there. 

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Senator RISCH. Mr. Sievers, regarding Oman, you did not mention, or refer to in your opening statement, succession. So, could 

you talk about that for a minute? And your concerns in that regard, if you have any. 

Mr. SIEVERS. Yes, Senator, thank you very much. 

Succession obviously is a very important question. The Sultan 

has been in power since 1970. He has established most of the institutions that currently exist in Oman. He is widely viewed as kind 

of the father of the modern Omani state. And due to his health, 

there is certainly the potential that he could leave the scene in the 

near future. There is a mechanism in place. There is something 

called the Ruling Family Council that would meet if the position 

became vacant suddenly. And they are to select a successor, because the Sultan has no children of his own. Should they fail to 

reach a consensus on who that individual would be, there is a 

sealed letter from the Sultan to the Council that would be opened 

in the event that they do not reach agreement among themselves. 

So, I think we are—I am pretty confident that they will manage 

this process, but I do acknowledge that it is untested and it could 

pose a challenge for them. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you very much. 

Mr. SIEVERS. You are welcome, sir. 

Senator RISCH. Finally, Ms. Millard, I think one of the things, for 

those of us that serve on both Foreign Relations and the Intelligence Committee, is the flow of fighters from Tajikistan to ISIS. 

What can you tell us about that and what—you know, what is the 

prognosis of stemming that? 

Ms. MILLARD. Mr. Chairman, it is, indeed, a worrying phenomenon. The number that the Tajiks have given to us is about 

600, as of now. And if confirmed, I would be focusing on this important issue, and to deepen our already robust relationship with the 

Tajik government to address issues such as this one. 

Senator RISCH. Do the Tajiks have any system in place to do anything about this? 

Ms. MILLARD. My understanding is that some of the recruitment 

is actually happening in Russia. The guest workers—as you may 

know, many, many young Tajiks actually are guest workers in Russia. And so, the issue—the problem is mostly happening in Russia. 

But, as far as what the Tajiks themselves are doing within 

Tajikistan, I will be looking into that, and hopefully become smarter on that once, if confirmed, I get to Dushanbe. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you, Ms. Millard. 

Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

As the father of a 7-year-old and a 3-year-old, let me remark on 

how remarkably well behaved—— 

[Laughter.] 

Senator MURPHY [continuing]. The youngsters are, that are here 

with us. Frankly, they will do more credit to the United States in 

these new roles than their parents, given their disposition. 

Thank you all for being here today. Let me sort of go down the 

row in the same order to let everybody catch their breath. 

Mr. Morton, you and I had the chance to talk about this a little 

bit, but in open session. You know, I am intrigued by the messages 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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that we send as China stands up the AIIB, providing new access 

to capital, new pathways to alliances and partnerships with countries all around the world, and we sit here today still with the inability to simply reauthorize the Eximbank. Tell us a little bit 

about what this new Asian development bank means for the United 

States, what this new competition may mean for the work that you 

do, and recommendations for how we should be thinking about it. 

It sort of bewilders me that we do not understand that the military 

is not the only way that you project your power as a nation abroad, 

that, these days especially, your economic reach matters as much, 

if not more, than your military reach. And you have limited resources. But, tell us what we should be learning from what the 

Chinese are doing. 

Mr. MORTON. Thank you for the question. 

You know, I think the creation of the AIIB is only the latest in 

a longer series of developments that have occurred within the development-finance arena over the last decades. Just briefly, for context, you know, when OPIC was carved out of USAID 40 years ago, 

the vast majority of U.S. flows overseas was in the form of official 

development aid or grants—seven to one, grants to foreign direct 

investment. Now it is the exact opposite—10 times more U.S. foreign direct investment flows out than does official development assistance. So, the interaction that the U.S. economy and the U.S. nation is having with developing countries is very much driven now 

by foreign direct investment and by the business ambassadors that 

are our businesses and our companies that are investing overseas. 

So, even before you had the creation of the AIIB, you had governments like Germany, the Netherlands, et cetera, significantly enhancing the ability of their development finance institutions to promote foreign direct investments overseas. 

Now, I think the AIIB is certainly the latest and probably the 

most consequential of these developments. And it is one that I 

think we need to understand—we need to look at carefully and understand. The amount of liquidity that China will be injecting into 

overseas markets will be—is already significant, and will continue 

to grow. And I think there is a question of what, if any, U.S. response there might be. 

I will say that, when OPIC invests alongside U.S. companies in 

overseas markets, we do so with a set of environmental, labor, social, human rights standards that have been set by Congress and 

that are far superior to those that are—than those that are being 

promulgated currently by the Chinese banks. And I really do think 

that we lead by example when we invest overseas. 

Senator MURPHY. But, does that pose the risk of a race to the 

bottom? As you have more entrants into these global capital markets that come with, sort of, political agendas rather than simply 

financial agendas, the expectation that they will get their money 

back with return, does that jeopardize the high standards that we 

traditionally have set? 

Mr. MORTON. So, I mentioned before that over 40 percent of our 

portfolio last year was in Africa, and I have probably spent more 

time in Africa during my 51⁄2 years with the agency than on any 

other continent. There is not a country or capital that you can go 

to on the African Continent where the government is not crying out 

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for U.S. investment and U.S. standards and U.S. values and U.S. 

leadership. And so, there is always a temptation, I think, for a race 

to the bottom, but I think that countries that have come into contact with U.S. investors and U.S. capital understand the different 

standards that come with that, and crave it. And there really is a 

strong desire, in embassy after embassy that we have spent time 

with, for U.S. companies to be actively investing into these markets. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you, Mr. Morton. 

Mr. MORTON. Thank you. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Ward, tell us a little bit more about chlorine and about the role of OPCW in addressing these new reports 

of the use of that chemical inside Syria. 

Mr. WARD. What is interesting is that the first major use ever 

in World War I of a chemical weapon was chlorine. In April 1915, 

the Germans, at Ypres, released many cylinders filled with chlorine 

gas. It is heavier than air. It went across No Man’s Land and down 

into the trenches, killing thousands. But, very quickly thereafter, 

both the allies and the axis powers developed much better chemicals than chlorine to use—phosgene, mustard, lewisite—and then 

eventually, of course, later came nerve agents after World War II. 

So, chlorine, we all think of it as the thing associated with your 

pool. It is a cleansing agent. It is used around the world in order 

to sanitize the water, to turn it into drinking water. So, it is ubiquitous, and it is all over Syria for that purpose. 

Well, the Syrians evidently decided to take chlorine canisters, 

wrap detonation cord around them, and turn them into improvised 

barrel bombs, which we believe were very likely rolled out of helicopters. There is strong evidence, from the factfinding mission report from April and May of 2014, that all of the witnesses who survived the attacks with the chlorine bombs, helicopters were overhead whenever this happened. Well, only the Syrian government 

has helicopters. The opposition does not. And it is a very strong incriminating indicator. 

What happens, though, is, you know, when the bombs start to 

drop, people naturally go into the basement, and the chlorine being 

heavier than air goes down into the basement. It has not killed in 

hundreds or thousands, the way nerve agent can, but the systematic and repeated use—the number of casualties is accumulating 

more and more over time, and it has become a terror weapon to 

be used by the Syrian Government. 

Senator MURPHY. And so, to your role, this is not on the list of— 

educate me as to what your organization can do and what role you 

play. 

Mr. WARD. There is a list that goes with the treaty, and that list 

of chemicals defines not what a chemical weapon is, but what types 

of facilities around the world will be subject to routine inspections. 

What happens is that chlorine is so ubiquitous, the organization 

would spend an enormous amount of time just inspecting chlorine 

facilities around the world, so it is not on the list for inspection 

purposes. However, anyone—any country that uses a toxic weapon 

to kill people has violated the Convention. The Convention covers 

all toxic chemicals. The inspection regime, of necessity, had to narrow itself down to the most likely suspects. And chlorine, being a 

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chemical that quickly became outdated as a chemical weapon even 

in World War I, was not included on the list. But, you know, in the 

case of Syria, they have found a use for it once again, a very lethal 

one. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Bodde, sort of a common saying around 

here that there are not military solutions to many of the problems 

we face in the Middle East. And that probably oversimplifies the 

fact; there are military components to most of these fights. But, our 

military action in Libya is probably as good an example of our failure to understand that you cannot have a military solution without 

a political component and political plan underlying that military 

action, given that it was our military action that led to the fall of 

Qadhafi that created this vacuum that still exists today. 

This is probably an unfair question to ask somebody who is not 

on the ground yet, but you are studying your new post. What lessons have we learned about our military engagement in Libya that, 

at the time, was not partnered with a political plan that was realistic on the ground? Is the lesson that we just should not get into 

the business of trying to use military power to depose brutal dictators if we do not have a political plan? Is the lesson that you 

need to do more planning ahead of time? What should we be thinking about as the lessons coming out of our, I think, at this point, 

failed military intervention in Libya? 

Ambassador BODDE. Senator, I will not characterize your question as an unfair question, but I think it is a question I have been 

asking myself in a different fashion, and it is one that I think I am 

going to be finding the answer out over the months to come. 

It does take me back, though, to a—what we are looking to do 

right now, as I think one of the things that is happened, post what 

happened 4 years ago, is the lack of governance, the lack of rule 

of law, the lack of security. The sum total of all this has created 

a situation that is untenable, and that is why I think it is so important that we continue our efforts on this Government of National 

Accord. Until we can have some form of inclusive government, until 

we can bring as many of the parties in Libya together to get things 

back on a new normal, all of the problems that—will continue to 

exist. 

But, what I would like to do is take that question, come back to 

you in a few months after I am on the ground, and give you a much 

more realistic and an answer based on my experience there. 

Senator MURPHY. I think that is fair. 

Mr. Sievers, talk to me about the potential role that Oman plays 

in the Syrian political process. This is a government that prides 

itself on trying to be a broker, or at least put themselves in the position to be a broker. We have heard some optimistic testimony 

from the administration about a political process that is going to 

kick off at the end of this week. What role may Oman be able to 

play as that continues? 

Mr. SIEVERS. Senator, I believe that there was a meeting a couple of days ago between the Omani Minister for Foreign Affairs, 

Yusuf bin Alawi, and President Assad. That was the first Omani 

contact that I am aware of at that level. So, it does appear that 

they are stepping up their engagement. They have not been, so far, 

a major player in regional efforts to find a negotiated solution, but 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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it does appear that they are now becoming more engaged as various elements of diplomacy come into play. 

So, I think it is something that we need to engage with them on 

very intensively in the days ahead, but it is a—it is actually a pretty new development. Their role elsewhere has been to promote diplomatic solutions to regional crises, when they have been able to 

do so. 

So, that is their approach. 

Senator MURPHY. Do they have a position on whether Assad has 

to go, has to stay, has to stay for an interim period of time? 

Mr. SIEVERS. As far as I am aware, they have not taken a public 

position yet on that. But, I think we should get a more detailed 

readout from the Omanis about this meeting, and hopefully we will 

know more about that. I would be happy to arrange for a briefing 

for you on that once we have that information, but I do not know, 

at this time. 

Senator MURPHY. Ms. Millard, was a really touching tribute to 

your husband, and we are very sorry for your loss. 

You talked—I thought it was very interesting, your response to 

Senator Risch about the location of some of this recruitment. And 

it speaks to this dependence that Tajikistan has on Russia, a country that has potentially massive undeveloped economic capacity— 

natural resources, potential for hydro power. Sort of linking you to 

the guy at the other end of the table here, what is the opportunity 

for U.S. aid and U.S.-backed development to try to bring this country to a point where it is not so reliant on Russia for the economic 

well-being of so many that travel across the border to bring home 

a paycheck for their family? 

Ms. MILLARD. Thank you for the question, Mr. Senator. 

Certainly, the links that Tajikistan has with its immediate 

neighbors and Russia, we—are there; they are historic fact. That 

said, Tajikistan wants a multivector foreign policy, and that gives 

us an opportunity to work with them on—in a number of different 

areas. And there are a lot of needs there, so in our assistance program, we focus on a broad range of areas, including, you know, improving the investment climate, you know, food security, education, 

health, women, girls. So, I think there are a lot of opportunities for 

us, and I will be sort of taking an inventory of what we are doing, 

if confirmed, and seeing where there might be more opportunities 

for us. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, if I could ask just one last question. It is actually for all three of you. 

You know, I have just been in this role on the Foreign Relations 

Committee for 3 years, but I have had the chance to travel to a lot 

of posts around the world which are difficult places for foreign officers, especially young foreign officers, to serve. And that would be 

the category of all three of your posts. So, as you have served in 

a variety of leadership capacities, what have you learned about the 

ways in which you can create a—and, Mr. Bodde, you are going to, 

you know, a place that everyone who gets assigned will think twice 

about, given the history—what have you learned about the way in 

which you can create a positive working environment and culture 

for your employees, despite the fact that it is pretty tough territory? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

580 

Ambassador BODDE. Mr. Chairman, if I can answer first. 

One of the things I have learned, Senator, is, the tougher the 

post, the—usually the higher the morale is. And it speaks to the 

dedication of my colleagues, particularly my young colleagues, in 

the Foreign Service. But, young colleagues are new colleagues, and 

they need nurturing, they need mentoring. And I have found that, 

for every moment I spend mentoring, the payoff both to the mission, to the post, and to the State Department, writ large, is so 

large, it is just something we all have to do. It is something, even 

as an Ambassador—normally, in a post, this falls to the Deputy 

Chief of Mission, who has the line responsibility for this. In Nepal, 

I spent an hour every 2 weeks, after our country team meeting, 

with all of my untenured officers, all the specialists, talking about 

a leadership issue and then talking about a life experience, just 

trying to teach them the lesson that, ‘‘Here is how I did it, here 

is the mistake I made. You are going to make different mistakes, 

but at least you have the benefit of mine.’’ And what I found is, 

they are like sponges, they soak it up. 

The other thing, sir, is, we are blessed with—I think all of us 

would agree, we are in one of the best careers and jobs in the 

world. And most people in the Foreign Service, once they realize 

the interesting work they get to do, that is a motivation itself, and 

it is our job, as leaders, to keep that spark going and to give them 

real responsibility and get them out there. 

Mr. SIEVERS. Senator, if I may, these are really tough questions, 

particularly in areas of the world where posts are often going unaccompanied, people cannot plan very well. They go into a post, expecting one set of circumstances, and then it changes and families 

are evacuated. I think the State Department is investing enormous 

efforts in helping people cope with these situations, but it is very 

tough. It varies considerably from place to place. 

I feel very fortunate that Oman is a country that—where we 

still—we have families, we have an excellent American school, we 

have very good morale, by all indications that I have received. But, 

that obviously—maintaining that is something that has to be a 

very, very high priority. 

I agree with my colleague, Ambassador Bodde, that we are attracting excellent people to the Foreign Service in all of our agencies. And I have also worked very closely with colleagues in the 

military and in other agencies. And, across the board, I think people feel a sense of commitment to American values and to representing the United States abroad and to promoting American interests. 

But, they want to hear from us, from those of us in leadership 

position, how we see things, where we see things going. They want 

a certain amount of transparency about the challenges that we 

face. And so, it is incumbent on us, as leaders, to share that information with them on a regular basis and to try to address their 

questions as often and as accurately as we can. Sometimes, they 

are things that we cannot talk about, but most of it can be shared, 

and I think that pays a great deal of benefit. 

Ms. MILLARD. So, Senator, both of my colleagues have mentioned 

a number of things that have been certainly high on my agenda, 

such as mentorship, leadership. I would like to add, in a—isolated, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

581 

difficult posts, I think people-to-people contacts can be tremendously rewarding for everyone at the Embassy, from the most junior person, to feel that they can get out and perhaps give a presentation on some aspect of American life or American culture. And 

these kind of presentations can be tremendously rewarding for the 

young person giving them, but also give wonderful new contacts for 

us as we represent the United States abroad. So, that is something 

I have observed and something I hope to continue in Tajikistan, if 

confirmed. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator RISCH. Thank you, Senator. 

I am going to wrap up, here, in just a minute, but, before I do, 

I want—one of the line of questioning for you, Mr. Ward—and if 

you are uncomfortable in going down this road, please say so and 

we can pursue it in a different setting. You talked about the—and 

I think it is fairly well accepted by the international community— 

that the Assad regime has used chemicals, even after they said 

they would not, even after they jointed the CWC, even after they 

made all the commitments, and—they have a partner today: Russia. What role does Russia play in the organization? And, you 

know, when you are standing on this side of it, these things are 

stunning, because—I mean, if the United States was involved with 

a partner that was doing this sort of thing, I mean, we would wash 

our hands of it very quickly, or stop it, one or the other. And they 

obviously are not lifting a finger, and yet they would have the same 

information that you would, that the international community has. 

What can you tell us about that? 

Mr. WARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your question. 

You know, this has been a bit of an education for me in international diplomacy, because what you learn sometimes is that, 

even though we might disagree with a country on a whole host of 

issues, sometimes we can find common cause on an issue. And I 

know when Secretary Kerry and Foreign Minister Lavrov got together in September 2013, and basically found a way to at least remove chemical weapons from the Syrian civil war equation, even 

though they probably could not agree about anything else about 

that civil war, both of them saw the value in removing chemical 

weapons from it. And Russia has been a good partner in helping 

to address this dimension of the problem. 

When the factfinding missions came out and said use has taken 

place, Russia—they were a little resistant at first, but they came 

along, and, in August, a U.N. Security Council resolution was 

adopted, with Russian support, Resolution 2235, which established 

a mechanism, the joint investigative mechanism, to actually attribute responsibility for the attacks that had been confirmed by 

the OPCW. Russia actually supported that step. And that process 

is just coming up and running now, and the allegations from 2014, 

as well as any new confirmation of use that comes along, is going 

to be investigated by this U.N. group and then reported to the Security Council. 

So, I went into this process with your skepticism. You know, ‘‘We 

are having issues with them in other areas. How can they be a 

good partner here?’’ But, the time I have spent traveling from my 

current job to The Hague and working with Russian colleagues, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

582 

they have been cooperative on this issue, and pushing this forward, 

and now we are in a position to actually try to hold people accountable, governments accountable, for the use of chemical weapons in 

Syria. It is a remarkable achievement, given, as you have emphasized, the other areas where there really is a complete disconnect 

between the United States and Russia. 

Senator RISCH. Well, let me say that—I am not going to be as 

generous as you are to the Russians. First of all, I appreciate them 

supporting the resolution. And that was the right thing to do, and 

they should have done it. Having said that, everything we get is, 

they have got virtual control, jointly with the Iranians, over the 

Assad regime, which could not survive a day without those two 

supporting them. It would seem to me that, if they are as serious 

and as—acting in good faith as you perhaps suggest, it would not 

take but a phone call from an individual—you know who I am 

thinking of—to Assad, saying, ‘‘This is not going to happen again, 

or we are out of here.’’ And so, I am not going to be as generous 

to them as you are. And we will—you know, I have got some other 

questions in that regard, but probably a different setting is appropriate for it. 

So, with that, thank all of you for your service. Thank you to 

your families for supporting this service to the people of the United 

States. These things are incredibly important to our success around 

the world. 

And, with that, we are going to close the hearing. The record will 

remain open, however, for questions, until the close of business on 

Friday. So, you may get some more probing questions. 

But, you have been very generous with your time and, I think, 

very candid with your answers. And Senator Murphy and I both 

deeply appreciate that. 

So, with that, the hearing will be adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:40 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF JOHN MORTON, NOMINATED TO BE EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT OF

THE OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS

OF THE COMMITTEE

JOHN MORTON’S RESPONSE TO A

QUESTION FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. Given the development of more advanced financial instruments to price 

risk in developing economies, do you believe the role of OPIC should change, and 

what should it focus on? 

Answer. In the more than 40 years since OPIC was created, financial markets in 

emerging countries have continued to evolve. An early example of this was the rise 

of a competitive, private sector political risk insurance (PRI) industry. Indeed, at 

OPIC’s creation, no such market existed and OPIC is credited with having created 

modern day PRI. 

For the first two decades of the OPIC’s existence, political risk insurance 

accounted for the majority of the Agency’s business. Then, having created and catalyzed this market, OPIC stepped back as the private PRI market began to take hold. 

Today, political risk insurance accounts for less than 15 percent of the Agency’s 

total portfolio and, consistent with our statutory mandate, OPIC PRI is limited to 

countries and sectors where the private PRI market is not present. 

As financial markets continue to evolve, OPIC is committed to ensuring that we 

remain as catalytic a force as possible for private capital mobilization. A central conFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

583 

cern in every OPIC-supported project is providing maximum catalytic impact with 

the least financial exposure to the Agency and the U.S. taxpayer. 

Based on my 51⁄2 years at this agency, I am confident that OPIC plays a critical 

role in promoting positive developmental outcomes, at no net cost to U.S. taxpayers, 

in some of the world’s poorest countries and regions—countries and regions which 

are otherwise largely untouched by the growth of financial markets in the more 

advanced economies. 

OPIC’s congressionally mandated mission to bring the private sector into international development is more timely today than at any time since the Agency was 

created. There are simply not sufficient public funds to solve the world’s daunting 

development challenges. Food and energy scarcity, water shortages, infrastructure 

needs, and limited access to credit and banking services—are all issues where private-sector-based solutions are emerging, but still require a small amount of risk 

mitigation from development finance institutions like OPIC to take root in the most 

challenging emerging markets. 

Up to 80 percent of global economic growth over the coming decades is expected 

to occur in these emerging markets. Private capital will flow to the most stable 

countries, regions, and sectors. OPIC’s role is to catalyze that flow in promising but 

challenging countries, regions, and sectors. In carrying out this mission, OPIC will 

maintain its focus on low-income countries, on underserved populations, and on 

working with small and medium-sized U.S. enterprises. 

RESPONSE OF KENNETH DAMIAN WARD, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO

THE ORGANIZATION FOR THE PROHIBITION OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS, TO QUESTIONS

FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

KENNETH WARD’S RESPONSE TO A

QUESTION FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. The increasing use of very different chemical weapons around Islamic 

State territory seems to indicate that IS has developed at least a small-scale chemical weapons program, and may be able to manufacture low-quality blister agent or 

obtained chemical arms from undeclared Syrian Government stocks. How do you 

assess the proliferation risk in Syria right now? 

Answer. We are very concerned about allegations that ISIL has been producing 

and using chemical weapons. Syria continues to be a country of significant proliferation concern. We monitor its proliferation activities closely and have worked with 

like-minded countries for years to sensitize the international community to the proliferation risks of exporting dual-use items to Syria. We are equally concerned with 

two of the October 29, 2015, reports of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-Finding Mission. One report confirmed with the ‘‘utmost 

confidence’’ that mustard agent was used in Syria near the Turkish border. The 

other concluded that several incidents that occurred in Idlib, Syria, likely involved 

the use of one or more toxic chemicals as a weapon. 

We would be pleased to provide a classified brief on this issue. In conjunction with 

this response, the State Department is providing the committee with the three 

OPCW Fact-Finding Mission reports issued on October 29, 2015, regarding alleged 

chemical weapons use in Syria. 

RESPONSES OF PETER WILLIAM BODDE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LIBYA, TO

QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BODDE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. Even if the parties to the Government of National Accord are able to 

finalize an agreement, what is your assessment of the institutional capacity of the 

country to move from getting an agreement to actually implementing one? 

Answer. The political crisis in Libya has lasted over a year. The existence of two 

competing governments has weakened Libyan institutional capacity. The level of 

engagement by all sides, especially over the past month, is a testament to the 

importance stakeholders attach to ensuring a new Government of National Accord 

(GNA) meets the needs of its constituents and is politically sustainable in the 

future. Implementing the proposed framework for a GNA will be challenging on several levels, and we will do what we can to support and build the institutional capacity of the new government. The new GNA will need to devote significant attention 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

584 

to promote economic recovery, improved security, and progress on the political 

transition. 

Question. Under what conditions could you see a return of U.S. personnel to the 

country? 

Answer. Once a GNA is seated in Tripoli, our diplomatic engagement will be critical to bolster its legitimacy. A GNA must secure the support of major actors in the 

security sector to govern effectively. 

Assuring the safety and security of the people under Chief of Mission authority 

will be my priority, if confirmed. When it is clear that Tripoli is sufficiently secure 

for returning members of the international community, the State Department will 

explore the possibility of re-establishing our Embassy in Tripoli. 

However, personnel will return to Tripoli only when a thorough, rigorous, deliberate policy and operational planning process conducted in accordance with Accountability Review Board recommendations determines that it is safe for them to do so. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BODDE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PAUL

Question. In your testimony you stated you were going to coordinate resources and 

strategies across the U.S. Government in response to the terrorist threat in Libya. 

Specifically, how do you plan on coordinating resources with no U.S. presence in 

Libya and no dependable neighboring allies? By what mechanism will the U.S. 

transport arms to pro-U.S. factions in Libya to regain order? Will the U.N. or the 

U.S. be the primary partner in assisting in promoting a civil government and will 

that require a U.N. or U.S. presence on the ground in Libya? 

Answer. It is certainly challenging to maintain continued engagement and delivery of assistance to the Libyan people. However, the Department of State is actively 

engaged in coordinated efforts to protect U.S. interests in Libya by combating terrorism and supporting programs to improve Libya’s security climate. Regional states 

are deeply concerned and affected by instability in Libya and have played important 

roles in encouraging negotiation and a final agreement. 

The U.N. arms embargo establishes a stringent notification and approval process 

for weapons transfers to Libya. At this time, our focus is to encourage parties to 

establish a Government of National Accord (GNA) as the best vehicle to achieve consent from all regions in the country. No one faction can project sovereignty across 

the whole of Libya or deal effectively on its own with the security and counterterrorism challenges Libya faces. Under current conditions, sending more weapons to 

one faction could fuel additional civil strife and exacerbate the threat of terrorism. 

Libya needs a stable, inclusive government capable of uniting the country against 

ISIL affiliates and other terrorist groups. Coordinating with the United Nations 

Special Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) will continue to be a key aspect of responding 

to Libya’s political and security challenges. 

Establishing a permissive environment for a GNA in Tripoli will be essential to 

the government’s success. We are working with our Libyan and international partners to identify methods to secure such an environment. When it is clear that Tripoli is sufficiently secure, we will explore the possibility of reestablishing a diplomatic 

presence in Tripoli through a rigorous, deliberate policy and operational planning 

process conducted in accordance with Accountability Review Board recommendations. 

Question. In Libya there have been years of constant tribal fighting and general 

civil unrest due to the U.S.’s and broader coalition military intervention in the overthrow of Qaddafi. Libya is now a breeding ground for ISIL and other extremist organizations operating across North Africa. Libya’s current ruling body has no mandate 

to govern. What needs to occur in Libya by way of a functioning government and 

a dependable domestic security force before you would recommend to the President 

that the United States is ready to reestablish an embassy in Libya? 

Answer. Libya needs a stable, inclusive government capable of uniting the country 

against ISIL affiliates and other extremist organizations in order to address terrorism effectively. Tribal rivalries are a longstanding feature of Libya’s political 

landscape. If a Government of National Accord (GNA) is to succeed, it will have to 

secure support from the many sources of tribal, religious, militia, and institutional 

defense leadership in the country. Libyans will need to work together, with international support, to establish a secure and permissive environment in Tripoli that 

allows a GNA to govern free from the threat of coercion. When it is clear that Tripoli is sufficiently secure for returning members of the international community, we 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

585 

will explore the possibility of reestablishing our diplomatic presence in Tripoli 

through a rigorous, deliberate policy and operational planning process conducted in 

accordance with Accountability Review Board recommendations. 

RESPONSES OF MARC JONATHAN SIEVERS, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

SULTANATE OF OMAN, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SIEVERS’S RESPONSE

TO A QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. Given that Oman has always maintained a close relationship with Iran 

while allying itself with the United States and the Gulf Cooperation Council, do you 

believe a future leader of Oman would maintain the country’s current foreign policy? 

Answer. Oman’s foreign policy is pragmatic and deliberate and the Omanis have 

emphasized that their intent is to maintain working relations with every country 

in the region. We anticipate the future leader of Oman will maintain this traditional 

policy. 

As a result of this policy, Oman has been able to mediate on several thorny 

issues, producing important results. In 2010 and 2011, for example, Oman helped 

secure the release of three American hikers who had been held in an Iranian prison 

since 2009. 

RESPONSES OF ELISABETH I. MILLARD, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MILLARD’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RISCH

Question. China’s ‘‘One Belt, One Road’’ initiative has seen them push into Central Asia as they seek to create bridges to Europe and access to Central Asian 

energy. How concerned do you believe we should be about rising Chinese influence 

in Tajikistan? 

Answer. Central Asia is one of the least economically integrated regions in the 

world. There is a pressing need for both infrastructure investment and harmonization of border regulations to improve regional economic connectivity. 

The State Department’s New Silk Road initiative focuses on ‘‘soft’’ infrastructure 

in the five Central Asian countries, including support to harmonize customs and 

regulatory regimes, institute international best border practices, reduce barriers to 

trade, and facilitate transit of people through the region. These efforts are critical 

to help Central Asian economies connect more efficiently and diversify. The State 

Department also supports the development of a regional energy market linking Central Asia and South Asia, through projects like CASA–1000. 

China’s focus in Central Asia over the last few years has largely been on investments in ‘‘hard’’ infrastructure such as pipelines, rail, and roads. Improved ‘‘hard’’ 

infrastructure could complement these New Silk Road efforts to increase economic 

connections in the region. In Tajikistan, China has focused on improving transit corridors such as a cross-country highway system and pipes carrying gas and oil from 

Turkmenistan. The State Department will urge China to utilize global standards 

and best practices in order to ensure sustainable economic growth. 

The State Department encourages our Central Asian partners to maintain close 

ties with all their neighbors, in keeping with their multivector foreign policies. 

Tajikistan does not have to choose between good relations with the United States 

and other regional powers. By working together with our Central Asian partners, 

other influential countries including China, and a wide range of other international 

actors, the State Department can collaborate to create prosperous economies, including in Tajikistan, that are not overly dependent on any one country. 

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NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Hon. Thomas A. Shannon, Jr., of Virginia, to be an Under Secretary of State (Political Affairs) 

Laura S.H. Holgate, of Virginia, to be U.S. Representative to the 

International Atomic Energy Agency, and to be U.S. Representative to the Vienna Office of the U.N. 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Perdue, Cardin, Menendez, Coons, 

Kaine, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. The Foreign Relations Committee will come to 

order. 

Today the Committee on Foreign Relations will consider the 

nomination of Thomas Shannon to serve as Under Secretary of 

State for Political Affairs. We welcome Ambassador Shannon and 

thank him for the more than 30 years of service to our country. As 

I said to him when he came into our office—and I am sure, Ben, 

you said the same thing. All of us are gratified when people who 

committed their life in this way end up ascending to these types 

of positions. So we are very happy for you. 

The Under Secretary for Political Affairs manages regional and 

bilateral policy issues and oversees the Bureaus for Africa, East 

Asia and the Pacific, Europe—and Eurasia, the Near East, South 

and Central Asia, the Western Hemisphere and International Organizations. Just a note to staff, we could say the world. [Laughter.] 

It would be a little easier. Thank you. 

The nomination we are considering today is for the most senior 

and influential Under Secretary in the State Department. This is 

a key nomination for this committee at this time. The person that 

the Senate confirms for this job will not just serve this administration but will also be an institutional bridge to the next administration. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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With that, I will turn to Senator Cardin for any opening comments he may wish to make. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, Mr. Chairman, let me first thank you for 

the speed in which this confirmation hearing as been set. I really 

appreciate it, and I know your commitment so that the State Department has a full complement in dealing with the urgent international issues. There is not a shortage of that. 

We could not have a better person than Ambassador Shannon, 

and we thank you very much for your career of public service. We 

thank you and your family for what you have done for our country. 

This position was vacated by Secretary Sherman, who did an outstanding job representing the interests of our country. 

As I think Senator Corker has already pointed out, Ambassador 

Shannon is a career diplomat. He is currently the Counselor at the 

State Department. He was the Ambassador to Brazil. He was the 

Assistant Secretary of State and Senior Director of the National 

Security Council staff for Western Hemisphere Affairs. He has had 

posts in Venezuela, South Africa, and other critically important positions. 

Mr. Chairman, as I think you pointed out, we have conversations 

with key nominees before we actually have the formal hearings. 

And it gives us a chance to sort of explore and get a sense as to 

the commitment to the issues that we are concerned about. And I 

just want to share with my colleagues that in my conversation with 

Ambassador Shannon, I was very impressed with his understanding of the importance of this committee, our oversight role, 

and the importance of transparency and openness between the position of Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. And I think that is going to bode 

well for the type of relationship that we need in order to speak 

strongly for our country, and conduct our proper oversight role of 

the United States Senate. 

I do want to mention that there are many issues. We could talk 

about the implementation of the Iran agreement and the increased 

U.S. engagement in the Middle East. We could talk about Russia’s 

engagement in Ukraine and whether they will comply and how we 

will assure that they are held to the standards of the Minsk Agreement and then, of course, Russia’s engagement in Crimea, Russia’s 

engagement in Moldova, Russia’s engagement in Georgia and now 

in Syria. 

But I just want to mention one point that I know the chairman 

and I are going to be very much engaged with you, Ambassador 

Shannon, and that is the advancement of good governance, transparency, human rights, anticorruption. And the focal point this 

year was on the TIP Report. You hold a critically important position to make sure the TIP Report, which is the gold standard for 

judging conduct globally on the commitment to fight modern-day 

slavery and trafficking, is held to the highest standards and the 

tier ratings are based solely on the facts on the ground. In our conversations, I know you are committed to that, but we want you to 

know this committee is going to do everything we can to support 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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that type of analysis on the tier ratings of the countries of the 

world. 

With that, Mr. Chairman, I look forward to our exchange. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you for bringing up the TIP issue, 

and we talked extensively about that in our meeting too. And certainly one of the questions I will ask later will be about that. But 

I really appreciate you emphasizing that in an appropriate way. 

With that, we will turn to our nominee. Our first nominee is Ambassador Thomas Shannon, who has been nominated to serve as 

Under Secretary for Political Affairs. Ambassador Shannon earned 

the rank of Career Ambassador, the highest in the Foreign Service. 

Currently he serves as Counselor of the State Department, a position he has held since 2013. Previously Ambassador Shannon has 

served as our Ambassador to Brazil, Assistant Secretary of State 

for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Special Assistant to the President 

and Senior Director at the National Security Council, and assignments abroad, apparently having some difficulty keeping a job. 

[Laughter.] 

He received a bachelor of arts from the College of William and 

Mary and both a master’s and doctorate of philosophy from Oxford 

University. 

We thank you for being here. We know you may have some people to introduce, which we hope you will, and we look forward to 

your testimony. 

STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS A. SHANNON, JR., NOMINATED 

TO BE AN UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, 

Senator Cardin, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today 

as President Obama’s nominee to be the next Under Secretary for 

Political Affairs. I very much appreciate the opening remarks, especially the comments regarding TIP, and I am going to be very 

happy to answer those questions as we advance in this hearing. 

As you can imagine, I am very honored by this nomination. I am 

also humbled by the nomination. Its pedigree is distinguished. 

From its first occupant, Robert Murphy, to such great diplomats as 

Philip Habib, Walter Stoessel, Larry Eagleburger, Tom Pickering, 

Bill Burns, and Wendy Sherman, the position of Under Secretary 

has been defined by the extraordinary quality, ability, and the 

dedication of its occupants. 

Throughout my career, I have sought to serve in challenging and 

complicated places where the power and influence of our great Republic could be brought to bear in pursuit of our interests and promotion of our values. 

As you consider my nomination I can offer you the following. 

First, I have dedicated my life to public service. My Foreign Service career began in 1984 and it has spanned five administrations, 

two Democratic and three Republican. 

Second, I understand the efficacy of American power and purpose. I have worked in countries and regions in transition and 

transformation. From Latin America to Africa, I have seen the important and positive influence the United States can bring in helpFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

590 

ing countries move from authoritarian to democratic governments, 

from closed to open economies, from autarkic or import substitution 

models of development to development based on regional integration, and from isolation to globalization. In this process, I have 

seen and understood the attraction we hold for many and the 

unique role we play in shaping world events and order. 

Third, I believe that diplomacy is an act of advocacy. Our great 

diplomats from John Jay to John Kerry have had a deep understanding of power politics and its global dimensions. They have 

used this understanding to protect and advance American interests. However, the vision of order and purpose they brought to 

American diplomacy was infused with values that reflect our democratic ideals and our conception of individual liberty. 

Fourth, I know how to get things done and what needs to be 

done. As noted, my professional experience has spanned assignments in the White House, the State Department, international organizations, and embassies. And as the chairman noted, I probably 

do have a problem keeping a job. I am familiar with the machinery 

of our foreign policy and diplomacy and have experience at every 

level. 

Finally, I understand the importance of consultation with the 

Congress. I entered the Foreign Service during the Central American wars. This was a time of sharp partisan and institutional divide on our policy in the region. This divide limited our ability to 

successfully implement our policy. It was only when broad consensus was formed around an agenda based on democracy, human 

rights, and economic development that we were able to form a bipartisan approach to Central America. This experience shaped how 

the legislative and executive branches faced foreign policy challenges in Colombia, and the broad bipartisan support enjoyed by 

Plan Colombia and its successful implementation led to further bipartisan cooperation on hemispheric trade policy, reconstruction 

and development in Haiti, and the Merida Initiative in Mexico. 

These experiences taught me that engagement with Congress is an 

essential part of our foreign policymaking process and its only longterm guarantee of success. 

As noted, if confirmed, I will consult with the Congress. I will 

consult with this committee. I will consult with its staff. 

As I reflect on my experience in American diplomacy, I am struck 

by the tremendous changes I have seen in three decades. But as 

dramatic as these changes have been, they will not compare to 

what awaits us. The factors that are driving change, political, economic, social, and technological, are accelerating due to 

globalization. This, in turn, will increase the velocity of change and 

challenge our ability to understand and respond to events in the 

world. 

During the past 2 years as Counselor of the Department, I have 

worked on a variety of issues that have been emblematic of the 

kinds of changes we face. 

First, I worked with our partners in Africa to fight jihadist ideology that has spread from the Middle East into Somalia, Nigeria, 

and Mali along an historic fault line of conflict that divides northern Africa and the Sahel. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

591 

Second, I have worked with our Special Envoy to South Africa 

on a long, complicated, and ongoing effort to bring peace to South 

Sudan. 

Third, I worked in Southeast Asia on the Lower Mekong Initiative, a sustainable development effort designed to improve coordination and cooperation among the countries of the Lower Mekong 

River Basin to ensure the long-term viability of the river as a 

source of food, energy, and water. 

Fourth, I worked on maritime security, counterpiracy, and trade 

issues within the Indo-Pacific region through the Indian Ocean Rim 

Association. 

Finally, I worked to develop a response to the crisis of unaccompanied Central American child migrants who appeared in large 

numbers across our southwest border in the summer of 2014. The 

result was the Alliance for Prosperity, a plan and program designed by Guatemala and Honduras and El Salvador, with the help 

of the Inter-American Development Bank, to address the root 

causes of migration in the communities of origin of these children. 

If confirmed, it will be my assignment to ensure that the Department of State, under the direction and guidance of the President 

and the Secretary of State, can meet the challenges and seize the 

opportunities that confront us. It would be my job to ensure that 

our bureaus and missions and the remarkable individuals who 

serve there have the policy and programmatic guidance to be successful and the high-level access, assistance, and support to shape 

and implement our foreign policy. This is a responsibility that I 

take seriously and again acknowledge the important role of the 

Congress. 

Let me close by thanking the President and Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence they have placed in me. Let me thank you, Mr. 

Chairman, Senator Cardin, and the Senators present for this opportunity to appear before you. 

Finally, let me thank my family. Today I have present with me 

my mother, Barbara Shannon. Along with my father, she instilled 

in me the values that led to my public service. I have with me also 

my brothers, Paul and Terry, both special agents of the FBI and 

both veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts. 

I would also like to recognize my wife, Gisela, and our sons, 

Thomas and John. Unfortunately, they are not here today. I would 

not be here today without them. As our colleagues in the Foreign 

Service know well, our service to country is a family affair, and the 

joys and dangers of that service abide in our families. 

Thank you very much, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Shannon follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR THOMAS A. SHANNON, JR. 

Mr. Chairman, Senator Cardin, and members of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to be the next Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs. 

I am honored by this nomination. If confirmed, I would be the 22nd Under Secretary since this position was created in 1959. I would be the 15th Foreign Service 

officer to hold this position. For someone such as myself, who has had the honor 

and privilege of serving the American people and its elected leaders for 31 years 

as an FSO, there could be few higher honors. 

I am also humbled by this nomination. Its pedigree is distinguished. From its first 

occupant, Robert Murphy, to such great diplomats as Philip Habib, Walter Stoessel, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

592 

Larry Eagleburger, Tom Pickering, Bill Burns, and Wendy Sherman, the position 

of Under Secretary has been defined by the extraordinary quality, ability, and dedication of its occupants. 

These sentiments, however, are matched by a quickening of the blood as I contemplate the challenges and opportunities facing our foreign policy as the United 

States navigates through an increasingly complex and dangerous world. 

Throughout my career, I have sought to serve in challenging and complicated 

places where the power and influence of our great Republic could be brought to bear 

in pursuit of our interests and the promotion of our values. Today that place is the 

entire globe. Not since the end of the First World War and the collapse of the Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires has the world seen such effervescence. While many of the dangers and challenges of the world have been thrown 

into sharp relief, I believe they are outnumbered by the opportunities that lie before 

us. I hope to be able to pursue these opportunities. 

As you consider my nomination, I can offer you the following: 

First, I have dedicated my life to public service. My Foreign Service career began 

in 1984 and has spanned five administrations, two Democratic and three Republican. Everything important that has happened to me as an adult has happened 

within the Foreign Service. I began my professional life in the Foreign Service, I 

married in the Foreign Service, my wife and I brought forth and raised two sons 

in the Foreign Service, and I have matured and come of age in the Foreign Service. 

In other words, my life and my public service are so entwined that they define each 

other. My desire is to continue to serve. 

Second, I understand the efficacy of American power and purpose. I have worked 

in countries and regions in transition and transformation. From Latin America to 

Africa, I have seen the important and positive influence of the United States in 

helping countries move from authoritarian to democratic governments, from closed 

to open economies, from autarkic or import substitution models of development to 

development based on regional integration, and from isolation to globalization. In 

the process, I have seen and understood the attraction we hold for many, and the 

unique role we play in shaping world order and events. 

Third, I believe that diplomacy is an act of advocacy. Our great diplomats, from 

John Jay to John Kerry, have had a deep understanding of power politics and its 

global dimensions. They have used this understanding to protect and advance American interests. However, the vision of order and purpose they brought to American 

diplomacy was infused with values that reflect our democratic ideals and our conception of individual liberty. In this regard, our diplomacy has always had a human 

face and purpose. We are not a status quo power, but instead a nation comfortable 

with change and determined to advocate for the values that define us. 

Fourth, I know how to get things done and what needs to be done. My professional experience has spanned assignments at the White House, the State Department, international organizations, and Embassies. I am familiar with the machinery 

of our foreign policy and diplomacy, and I have experience at every level. Most 

immediately, this means I can assume quickly the policy management role the 

Under Secretary plays within the State Department, and I can move with equal dispatch into the interagency process that determines our foreign policy. It also means 

that I know how to link the work of our embassies and regional bureaus to the work 

of our functional bureaus, ensuring comprehensive policy development and execution. 

Finally, I understand the importance of consultation with the Congress. I entered 

the Foreign Service during the Central American wars. This was a time of sharp 

partisan and institutional divide on our policy in that region. This divide limited 

our ability to successfully implement our policy. It was only when broad consensus 

was formed around an agenda based on democracy, human rights, and economic 

development that we were able to form a bipartisan approach to Central America. 

This experience shaped how both the executive and legislative branches faced foreign policy challenges in Colombia. The broad bipartisan support enjoyed by Plan 

Colombia, and its successful implementation, led to further bipartisan cooperation 

on hemispheric trade policy, reconstruction and development in Haiti, and the 

Merida Initiative in Mexico. These experiences taught me that engagement with 

Congress is an essential part of our foreign policymaking process, and its only longterm guarantee of success. 

As I reflect on my experience in American diplomacy, I am struck by the tremendous changes I have seen in three decades. When I entered the Foreign Service in 

1984, our major adversary was the Soviet Union and the cold war was in full swing. 

Over time, I watched the collapse of the Soviet Union and its East European client 

states, the decline of communism as a viable economic and political ideology, the 

emergence of the United States as the world’s sole super power, the democratization 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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of the Western Hemisphere, the fraying of the new world order with the emergence 

of regional warfare in the Balkans, the rise of global terrorism, the attacks of September 11, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and now the emergence of ISIL and 

the upheaval it has caused in Syria and Iraq. 

As dramatic as these changes have been, however, they will not compare to what 

awaits us deeper in this century. The factors that are driving change—political, economic, social, and technological—are accelerating due to globalization. This, in turn, 

will increase the velocity of change and challenge our ability to understand and 

respond to events in the world. 

During the past 2 years, as Counselor of the Department, I have worked at Secretary Kerry’s direction on issues that are emblematic of these changes. Some of 

these were: 

First, I worked with our partners in Africa to help fight the jihadist ideology that 

had spread from the Middle East into Somalia, Nigeria, and Mali along an historic 

line of conflict that divides northern Africa and the Sahel. Working with the United 

Nations, the African Union, subregional organizations, and our bilateral partners, 

we fashioned an approach that combined diplomacy, security, and economic development to enhance the ability of states and civil societies to protect themselves from 

the violence of such groups as al-Shabab and Boko Haram. 

Second, I worked with our Special Envoy to South Sudan on the long, complicated, 

and ongoing effort to bring peace to South Sudan. I participated in the talks sponsored by the Intergovernmental Development Authority (IGAD) that led to cessation 

of hostilities agreements and the recent peace accord. Our efforts have been central 

to addressing the humanitarian consequences of the fighting in South Sudan, and 

to shaping a diplomatic approach that attempts to harness South Sudan’s neighbors, 

regional organizations, the donor community, and the United Nations to address the 

complex array of ethnic, geographic, personal, and political rivalries that shattered 

South Sudan in December 2013. 

Third, I worked in Southeast Asia on the Lower Mekong Initiative, a sustainable 

development effort designed to improve coordination and cooperation among the 

countries of the Lower Mekong River Basin to ensure the long-term viability of the 

river as a source of food, energy, and water. This involved building technical capacity among our partners, bringing to bear global resources from other major river 

basins—such as the Mississippi and the Danube, developing civil society ability to 

articulate community views within the authoritarian political systems that still 

exist in many of these countries, and deepening engagement and confidence in the 

United States. 

Fourth, I worked on maritime security, counterpiracy, and trade issues within the 

Indo-Pacific region through the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). Working with 

Australia, the European Union, and India we enhanced the IORA’s profile as an 

organization and diplomatic space to address issues that profoundly affect global 

food and energy security, freedom of navigation, commerce, migration, and the wellbeing of one of the fastest growing regions of the world. 

Finally, I worked to develop a response to the crisis of unaccompanied Central 

American child migrants who appeared in large numbers across our southwest border in the summer of 2014. The result was the Alliance for Prosperity, a plan and 

program designed by Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador (with the help of the 

Inter-American Development Bank) to address the root causes of migration in the 

communities of origin of these children. Combined with law enforcement, antismuggling, public messaging, and multilateral cooperation efforts, we were able to 

significantly reduce the migration of unaccompanied children while we built our 

larger strategy. Our success in implementing this strategy will have a long-term 

impact on Central America, Mexico, and the United States, with important consequences and lessons for other parts of the world facing similar migration crises. 

If confirmed, it will be my assignment to ensure that the Department of State, 

under the direction and guidance of the President and the Secretary of State, can 

meet the challenges and seize the opportunities that confront us. As Under Secretary, I would sit atop the engine room of the Department of State: the six geographic bureaus and the Bureau of International Organizations that oversee our 275 

diplomatic missions, the nearly 10,000 Foreign Service and Civil Service employees 

assigned to these missions, and the 47,000 Locally Employed Staff at these 

missions. 

It would be my job to ensure that our bureaus and missions, and the remarkable 

individuals who serve there, have the policy and programmatic guidance to be successful, and the high level access, assistance, and support to shape and implement 

our foreign policy. This responsibility is institutional. While we must be prepared 

to meet the challenges presented to us each and every day, we also need to understand the long-term needs of the Foreign Service and the Department of State. CurFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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rently, the Department of State is experiencing a quiet but profound generational 

change. Nearly 60 percent of our Foreign Service officers and our Civil Service have 

served 10 years or less. These 10 years have been shaped by our war fighting in 

Iraq and Afghanistan, and many of our officers have served in combat theaters. Not 

since the Vietnam war have we had so many officers shaped by conflict. The lessons 

these officers have learned will be carried with them throughout their careers. It 

is incumbent upon us the ensure that they have the mentors, training, and assistance they need to grasp the nature of the challenges and opportunities they will face 

in the future, and to advance successfully the interests and values of the United 

States. 

Secretary of State Dean Acheson, surveying the international landscape in the 

aftermath of World War II, said the task that lay before the United States was as 

big as Genesis: ‘‘to create a world out of chaos.’’ Today, our task is the reverse: to 

prevent the world from collapsing into chaos. This task, like that facing Acheson, 

requires us not to be distracted from ‘‘the effort to affect the world around us.’’ It 

also requires us to remember that our diplomacy is about responding to the great 

changes that modernity has unleashed in the world and finding a means to shape 

and affect those changes in ways that benefit our interests and are consonant with 

our values. 

Thank you for your time today. I look forward to your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you very much. We typically are 

much nicer on people coming before us when their kids are here, 

but when your mother is here, it will probably be the same. 

[Laughter.] 

Obviously, just for the record, we talked in our office about the 

TIP Report. We were very dissatisfied. Many of us are very dissatisfied with the way it was handled this last year. And I, just for 

the record, wonder if you would share with us how you plan to handle it differently this year. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much. 

I had the opportunity to talk about the TIP Report with a whole 

range of members of this committee, and I was struck by the consensus of concern about the TIP Report. And this worries me deeply. 

As you noted, the TIP Report is a gold standard report, and it 

is one in which the credibility that the report holds, both in the 

Congress and publicly, is an essential part of that gold standard. 

And so it will be my intention, working with my colleagues in the 

State Department who manage this process both on the functional 

bureau side in J/TIP, on the regional bureau side, and especially 

in our embassies, that we have as clear and transparent a process 

as possible and one that can address the concerns expressed. 

Trafficking in persons is an important issue for me. It is an issue 

that I have dealt with at different moments in my career, especially as a chief of mission. The information that our Office on Trafficking in Persons collects regarding the actions of states, governments, and municipalities regarding trafficking comes from our embassies in many instances. And so how our embassies respond and 

how they engage with the Office of Trafficking in Persons is an important part of this process. And I have seen this work and I know 

it can work. And so I can assure you, sir, and I can assure members of this committee that I will do everything in my power to 

make sure that we restore the credibility in your eyes of this report 

and that we can address the concerns you have expressed. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, we appreciate that. I will say in some 

cases, I would imagine, that ambassadors want to see good things 

happen in the countries that they are involved in. I know the ambassadors play a role. In some cases it can be an advocating role 

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for their country. I hope that you will figure out a way to ensure 

that that does not cause things to be out of balance. 

Ambassador SHANNON. No. We will do that, sir, and I will do 

that. But I can assure you that the American Foreign Service, as 

I noted in my remarks, understands our diplomacy as advocacy, 

and we understand the importance of trafficking in persons to you 

and this committee, broadly to the Congress, but also to the President. And so I will do everything in my power to make sure that 

this advocacy is powerful. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, my last comment. You know, certainly I respect tremendously those people who offer themselves for foreign 

service. I just understand the dynamics that can sometimes take 

place, human nature dynamics that can happen on the ground. 

You have watched and been a part of and worked with so many 

people who have been in this position. You gave a litany of those 

who have come before you, many of whom are highly respected. 

You have watched this and you have seen how people have operated. What is it that you think you might uniquely do that is different from those who have come before you? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you for that question. It is a very 

good one. 

To begin with, there is a bureaucratic and policy management 

process to this job that infuses the work of all Under Secretaries. 

As you noted, the Under Secretary for Political Affairs sits atop a 

variety of bureaus, the six geographic bureaus and the bureau that 

manages international organizations, in an effort to manage and 

focus policy so that it can be as successful as possible. 

But I am one of the first nominees really in a long time, really 

since Tom Pickering, who comes with strong experience in Latin 

America and Africa, the larger developing world, and really a world 

of transition and transformation. And although my purview will 

now be the globe—and I have already over the last 2 years done 

a variety of work in the Middle East, more deeply in Africa, in 

Southeast Asia, and in the Indo-Pacific region, I do think that I understand the impact and the importance of helping countries manage transition and transformation, and I understand how the 

United States has done it in a variety of environments but especially in Africa and Latin America. 

I began my career in Central America during a transition from 

an authoritarian government, a military government to democratic 

government. I have worked in a variety of countries that were 

making a similar transition, such as in Brazil, and in South Africa 

from 1992 to 1996, I was part of a U.S. team that helped manage 

and promote a transition from an apartheid government to the government of Nelson Mandela. 

And so I think I bring an understanding of transition and transformation. I think I bring an understanding of post-conflict societies, and I think I can inject and add a dimension to our foreign 

policy that could be very important. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you very much. 

And with that, I will turn to Ranking Member Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

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Again, Mr. Ambassador, thank you for your service, and we very 

much appreciate the members of your family that are here. We do 

recognize this is a family commitment, and we thank them also. 

You mentioned your experiences with Congress in the Central 

America conflict, that there was a deep division in Congress, but 

where we spoke in unity, the United States was stronger in carrying out its mission. There has been a division in Congress over 

the support for the Iran agreement, but there has been no division 

in Congress about the importance of the congressional review and 

the ongoing commitment that Congress has in the implementation 

of the Iran agreement. 

The Iran Review Act that was passed in a very bipartisan vote, 

almost an unanimous vote in the United States Congress spells out 

certain continuing commitments by the administration to keep 

Congress informed. We had a conversation yesterday about Iran’s 

compliance with the agreement. There has already been a violation 

of the U.N. resolution dealing with ballistic missiles. And how the 

United States responds to that is, to many of us, is an indication 

of whether we will demand zero tolerance for violations and strict 

compliance. 

So we need to be kept informed in a very open way as to how 

the compliance issues are being addressed. They may not elevate 

to the type of violation that would warrant the United States taking actions to reimpose full sanctions, but they may be of interest 

as to how we can make sure that there is full compliance with the 

agreement. 

We also have the concerns of recognizing that Iran is not going 

to change its nefarious activities, particularly as it relates to support of terrorism and its human rights issues. So being able to 

trace the funds that Iran will be receiving through sanction relief, 

and how they utilize those funds is going to be of great interest to 

the members of this committee and to the Members of Congress. 

So I just would like to get your assurances about keeping us fully 

engaged. We know what the law requires, but what I am asking 

for is, as you pointed out in your relationships with Congress in the 

past, that we are going to have a very open relationship and full 

information so that we can carry out our critical responsibilities of 

oversight. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much, Senator. Again, I 

appreciate the question and I especially appreciate its intent and 

purpose. 

The implementation of the JCPOA is going to be what makes it 

a good agreement or a bad agreement. And we are intent on ensuring that implementation is to the letter of the law and the spirit 

of the law. And in that regard, we intend to consult with the Congress along the way and will consult with Congress along the way 

at different steps in the implementation process. 

I think it is worth noting that Secretary Kerry and President 

Obama have selected Ambassador Steve Mull to manage the implementation process, both the interagency side but also our engagement with the Iranians. He has a group of experts working with 

him that have deep experience in this, and he has chosen myself 

as the nominee for Under Secretary to manage, along with Ambassador Mull, our work in the Joint Commission, which will meet 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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regularly to assess the implementation process. It is worth noting 

that in choosing us, he has chosen career Foreign Service officers 

and he has chosen two people who did not participate in the negotiations of the agreement. And therefore, he is bringing fresh eyes 

and objective eyes to an implementation process. I think this is 

smart and I think it is important. 

But as Ambassador Mull and I carry out this work, we will be 

consulting with you, the other members of this committee, and 

your staff, and I can assure you that we recognize and understand 

the importance of having the executive branch and the legislative 

branch having clear understandings of what needs to be done in 

the implementation process. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Perdue. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ambassador, it is an honor to have you here today. I appreciate 

the courtesy of a private meeting with you recently. And I want to 

publicly for the record applaud your career. I know you have raised 

your kids abroad. You probably saw your mother much less than 

you would have liked through your career. I just applaud your career and thank you for being here and for being willing to take on 

this new responsibility. 

I would like to move to the global security crisis that we talked 

privately about. I see it on three levels. One, we have got a power 

vacuum out there that has created a rise again of these power rivalries, China and Russia. We saw another power vacuum in Iraq 

into which ISIS has stepped and created all sorts of problems in 

Syria, Iraq, and several other countries in the region and in subSaharan Africa. And then, of course, now the Iran nuclear deal, as 

you well said privately and I think just now, that it is all in the 

implementation. 

I would like to focus on Syria. I know we have got talks coming 

up tomorrow. What are the prospects of those talks? And are you 

concerned that in your new role—I mean, are you concerned about 

Iran being a part of the dialogue this early in the conversation and 

also Russia as far as I can see? I mean, Bashar al-Assad has been 

propped up by Putin and by Khamenei. Without their help, he 

would have been gone in my opinion a long time ago, and he would 

not have had the wherewithal to continually barrel bomb his people 

and gas his own people. So are you a little concerned about having 

the arsonist trying to help put the fire out in these talks this weekend? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much, Senator. And 

again, I am very grateful for your willingness to see me and to talk 

about these issues. 

As Secretary Kerry I think noted in his testimony here, and I 

know as Assistant Secretary Patterson and General Allen noted, 

our objectives in Syria remain degrading and defeating ISIL, fostering a negotiated political transition, and helping Syrians lay the 

foundation for a free and pluralistic future, a future without ISIL 

and without Bashar al-Assad. 

In this regard, Secretary Kerry—— 

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Senator PERDUE. I am sorry. Is it still the administration’s position in your understanding in your role as Counselor—is it still our 

position that Bashar al-Assad has to go? Is that a prerequisite for 

this? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Correct. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you. 

Ambassador SHANNON. And Secretary Kerry, in his effort to fashion a global response to events in Syria, as he said, trying to chart 

a course out of hell, he has determined that there is a moment in 

time in which it is important to bring together major players and 

actors to address events inside of Syria. Part of this process builds 

off of earlier processes, such as the meetings in London and Geneva. 

But the insertion of Russia and Iran in a very aggressive way in 

Syria has also created a different kind of dynamic. The Russian 

and Iranian presence or support for Assad is nothing new, but the 

Russian military presence and air strikes is something new. The 

presence of Iranian troops and special forces is something new and 

worrisome. 

And for this reason, the Secretary thought it was time to bring 

everybody together and effectively call their bluff, determine 

whether or not their public commitment to fighting ISIL and terrorism is a meaningful one and the extent to which they are prepared to work broadly with the international community to convince Mr. Assad that during the political transition process he will 

have to go. 

Senator PERDUE. So as you stated earlier, I think you said you 

have got great experience in post-conflict societies. So is it possible 

that Iran would support a secular government after Bashar alAssad prospectively leaves? 

Ambassador SHANNON. I do not know the answer to that question, sir, and I think we are only going to determine whether or 

not that is possible by engaging. Our engagement is not going to 

affect our intent or our purpose. We are hopeful that we can establish an environment in Syria where we can address the underlying 

political problems and allow the Syrians to determine their future 

and to do it in a way in which they are not responding to Iran or 

to Russia. 

Senator PERDUE. I am almost out of time, but I do want to move 

on to Venezuela because of your vast experience there. I know that 

you have led conversations there. Talk to us just a minute about 

our role in ensuring that they have a true and open and free election in the upcoming election. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you for that question. It is an important one. 

As we have engaged with Venezuela, we focused on a variety of 

issues that are important to us. 

First, when we first began our engagement, it was about insisting that Venezuela establish a date for legislative elections. When 

we first engaged, they had not established such a date, and there 

was concern about whether or not they would establish such a 

date. 

Secondly, we focused on political prisoners, not just high-profile 

prisoners like Leopoldo Lopez and Antonio Ledezma and Daniel 

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Ceballos, but also a group of students and other political prisoners, 

between 1977 and 1980 depending on who is doing the counting, 

who were being held by the Government of Venezuela for what we 

believe to be political purposes. We wanted to make it very clear 

that we do not agree with that and we thought it important that 

these people be released and allowed to participate in public life. 

And then finally connected to the broader purpose of elections, 

trying to convince Venezuela that it was in their interest to ensure 

international electoral observation of the upcoming elections in 

order to validate the results of the elections and allow all Venezuelans to understand that their votes were freely cast and counted in a valid fashion. 

These remain our principal objectives. We do have an electoral 

date. We were able to accomplish that. The political prisoners for 

the most part are still in prison. Some have been released, but we 

continue to advocate for them, and we have helped create a larger 

environment in Latin America where advocating for these political 

prisoners is now more common and more direct. We see it in the 

OAS. We see it in the Inter-American Human Rights Commission, 

and we see it in a variety of other fora. And we continue to work 

with our partners around the issue of electoral observation. 

Senator PERDUE. Thank you very much. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Menendez. Or go ahead, Senator Kaine. We have a very 

courteous committee. 

Senator KAINE. New Jersey civility is always appreciated. 

[Laughter.] 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Notwithstanding what Governor Christie 

said last night. [Laughter.] 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Ambassador Shannon. 

A couple of points. Your long career has included service in some 

very dangerous areas. Talk about the evolving security conditions 

under which our folks have to operate around the globe and your 

sensitivity to those issues in this new role. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Senator, thank you very much. I am a 

proud member of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and thank you for 

your service both as Governor and as Senator. We are very lucky 

to have you. 

I live in Crystal City and I take the bus to work, which means 

I get off on Constitution and 22nd and I walk up 22nd Street and 

enter the State Department through the C Street entrance. And 

aside from seeing the array of flags of all the countries with whom 

we have diplomatic relations, I also see on both walls, on either 

side, both the right and the left side of our entranceway, the names 

of all the Foreign Service officers, locally employed staff and family 

members who have given their lives in the service of the United 

States of America. So every day it is impressed upon me the danger 

of our job, but also the honor of serving and the importance of 

being able to make that kind of commitment. This is really a wall 

of honor for us, and it is also a wall of inspiration. But at the same 

time, we do not want to add any more names. 

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The first name was Walter Palfrey who died. He was lost at sea 

in 1780, the first American diplomat lost in service. So from 1780 

to today, we realize that we operate in a dangerous world. 

But as I noted, we are in an especially dangerous and dynamic 

moment around the globe. And so how we manage security and the 

kinds of structures we put in place are going to be key to how well 

we can protect our people and how well we can manage risk. And 

whether it is through our kind of high-threat post review process, 

whether it is through the determinations we make on whether or 

not we keep embassies open, whether it is how we determine expedited or, I mean, authorized departure or ordered departure in missions, these are all processes that have to be fluid. They have to 

be dynamic. They have to be agile, and they have to reflect the 

facts on the ground. 

But aside from that, I believe we need to do more in terms of 

training our officers to be their own security officers, in other 

words, allowing them to understand better the environment they 

are going to be in and allowing them the training and the tools necessary to protect themselves. 

The reality is we are an expeditionary diplomatic service. We 

have 275 diplomatic missions around the world. We have about 

10,000 American diplomats and civil servants posted around the 

world, and we have over 47,000 locally employed staff and we are 

responsible for them all. 

Senator KAINE. This is something that Senator Perdue and I 

have worked on a lot, and I hope that we will reach a point soon 

where we can give a green light to the State Department’s long 

plan to build an enhanced security training facility for embassy 

personnel. 

A point on Iran, to pick up the comments that both the chair and 

ranking member made. When we were working on the Review Act, 

the administration’s attitude really was that they did not think 

Congress should have a role in approving an Iran deal, which I 

thought was odd given the fact that the congressional sanctions 

were such an integral part of the negotiation. 

And I would just say I hope the administration will have a different attitude going forward in terms of Congress’ role and oversight in implementation of the deal. The deal puts Congress right 

in the middle of it because in year 8, Congress is required under 

this deal to dismantle the congressional sanction statutes or we are 

in breach of the agreement, just as in year 8, the Iranian Parliament is required to permanently accept the additional protocol 

requirements or they are in breach of the agreement. 

There is not going to be a scenario where Congress will kind of 

be kept in the dark and uninvolved, and then suddenly in year 8, 

we will be asked, okay, repeal the sanctions statute. It is hard to 

get a Mothers Day resolution passed in two Houses of Congress. 

The notion that you would get 60 votes in the Senate and a majority vote in the House to repeal the sanction statutes in year 8, if 

there has not been very significant dialogue and trust building and 

assurances that Congress feels comfortable about—we will be in 

breach of the agreement if we do not have this really tight kind of 

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sight over the implementation. So I hope that will be your philosophy in the position. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you for that. It will be my philosophy. And the challenge we are going to face as both an executive 

branch and the legislative branch is that 8 years is a long time, 

and we will pass through at least one other administration and 

maybe more. And so trying to find ways to ensure continuity of 

purpose and continuity of dialogue is going to be a central part of 

what we are going to do. 

Senator KAINE. One last. Just congratulations. It is premature 

but it is congratulations on the effort. The State Department’s commitment to really aggressive diplomacy—we are aware of the Iran 

deal. We are aware of taking a new tack with Cuba. But also, the 

United States has played a really important role in accompanying 

the Government of Colombia in the negotiations with the FARC. 

And yesterday, I know there was an announcement by President 

Santos of, hey, we would hope to get to an internationally monitored ceasefire on New Year’s Day. 

This is the last war that is going on in the Americas. I mean, 

there are plenty of problems in the Americas, but the notion of two 

continents without war, I am not sure that there has been a time 

in recorded history where the Americas have been without war. 

And we are close to that. And the United States has played a really 

important role in accompanying Colombia and being an advocate 

and an ally in those negotiations. And I just give credit to the State 

Department for this kind of focus on important multilateral diplomacy and appreciate your efforts there. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you for raising Colombia. And I 

want to thank the Congress and this committee in particular for 

the tremendous work that has been done over the years, along with 

the House and the Members of the House who have dedicated 

themselves to Colombia. It has really been a stellar group of people, and they have been a pleasure to work with and I have an opportunity to do it in so many different incarnations from the Director of the Office of Andean Affairs to Deputy Assistant Secretary. 

I worked on the Andes from my posting at the NSC and then as 

Assistant Secretary, and also as Counselor I have been involved in 

this. 

And you are right. If the Colombians are able to negotiate this 

deal, it will be the first time not only in living memory, but probably since the formation of most of the South American republics 

in the early 19th century that this hemisphere has been at peace, 

at least in terms of state-on-state wars and internal conflicts. 

But the challenge we are going to face—and in this we are going 

to be engaging with you, sir, and Mr. Chairman, and Senator 

Cardin, with this committee—is about how to ensure that having 

been Colombia’s best partner in war, we are going to be Colombia’s 

best partner in peace because Colombia is going to be—is a great 

nation, but it is going to be a greater nation. And with Brazil, it 

will be one of the defining powers of South America as an Andean 

power, as a Caribbean power, as an Amazonian power, and as a 

Pacific power, and as a country that will, if it is successful in the 

peace process, have consolidated its society and been able to extend 

the reach of the state into the plains of Colombia. It will be a major 

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producer of oil and gas. It will be a major producer of minerals. It 

will be a major agricultural power. But it also has a very dynamic 

and entrepreneurial people who will be very, very important players throughout the hemisphere. So how we shape that, how we engage with them going forward is going to have a big impact on how 

successful we are in the hemisphere. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Ambassador, congratulations on your nomination. And considering your distinguished career, I think having your mom and dad 

and here and two FBI agents is over the top—— 

[Laughter.] 

Senator MENENDEZ [continuing]. In terms of guaranteeing your 

nomination. 

On a serious note, we had a good conversation. And I listened to 

some or your responses today, and I just want to quickly go over 

some ground because I think it is incredibly important. 

So would you agree with me that consultation with this committee and the Senate is an important factor in us having a united 

front on U.S. foreign policy? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Yes, it is. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Because what I have experienced, both as 

the former chairman of this committee and as a member, is that 

we get a lot of notification, but not a lot of consultation. And there 

is a difference. We may not agree at the result of consulting, but 

at least you will understand some thoughts of those of us who represent the Nation. And maybe there will be ways to achieve a common goal but to do it in a different way. And so what I have experienced is a lot of notification but not a lot of consultation. So I am 

glad to hear that you are committed to consultation. 

Secondly, do you agree with me that the TIP Report needs to be 

the gold standard? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Yes, I do. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I think I could probably not find anybody on 

this committee who believes that the last report did not meet that 

standard in the questions of Malaysia and Cuba and some other 

places. The justifications belie the facts, and the reality is that you 

cannot say that certain things in a reporting period that happened 

to be good for that country will be included even though they are 

beyond the reporting period, and certain things that are bad that 

are also beyond the reporting period do not get included. So either 

we include everything beyond the reporting period, good and bad, 

or we stick to the reporting period, but you cannot go beyond the 

reporting period for what is good but not beyond the reporting period for what is bad. 

And I am referring particularly to Malaysia and the mass graves 

that we found with the Rohingya. So that was not considered, what 

Malaysia was doing in that context, but some passage of a law that 

was not even yet in force was considered. 

So we need to make that the gold standard, and I hope that we 

can—understanding the pressures within the Department from regional bureaus and whatnot, but it just does not work the way it 

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worked the last time and it undermines our credibility in trafficking in persons. 

Thirdly, would you agree with me that we must respond to violations by Iran of whether it is its nuclear agreement or Security 

Council resolutions with significant responses, or else we will be 

down a slippery slope in terms of what they think they can get 

away with? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Yes, I do. 

Senator MENENDEZ. So I say that because regardless—and there 

are members of this committee that have voted both ways. I oppose 

the agreement. I think it is aspirational. I hope it works now that 

that is the law. But by the same token, I do not think any of it 

can work if Iran thinks it can get away with violating, as it largely 

has done for the past decade and a half in violating international— 

United Nations Security Council resolutions, international law, and 

still largely developed a nuclear program. 

If we are going to get anything out of this agreement, it has to 

be enforced. And with the ballistic missile test that they had, I do 

not think you are going to end up with a U.N. resolution that is 

going to sanction them because Russia will probably negate it with 

its veto. So we have to be thinking about how we are going to respond to that otherwise we are headed down a slippery slope. And 

I know this will not be the mainstay of your portfolio, but the reality is you are going to have as the third-highest ranking person 

at the State Department some say in this, and I hope that you will 

hold the view that you have publicly described here saying it is important within the deliberations of the Department. 

Fourth, Venezuela. You and I had a long discussion of this. And 

I have to be honest with you. I appreciate what you were trying 

to do when you met with Diosdado Cabello, who is supposedly by 

some of our agencies described as someone who is involved in narcotrafficking. I also realize he has an elected position inside of Venezuela. But that is a question for the future: as a policy how far 

do we go with individuals who, while they may hold a position, are 

involved in this context of narcotrafficking? 

But in Venezuela, you have a process in which we do not have 

yet international observers. You have a sham trial where a prosecutor ultimately flees—one of the prosecutor flees the country and 

says that he was under pressure to ultimately pursue the case in 

the manner in which he did. Lopez is convicted in a sham trial, I 

think 13 years in jail. And you have a series of other human rights 

activists and political dissidents jailed. And you have the Maduro 

regime saying publicly in essence, well, we are going to win the 

elections, which basically means we are going to win it one way or 

the other. The polls do not indicate that we will at the ballot box, 

but we are going to win it. 

So my concern is—and the thing I think you do bring to this job 

that others do not have is your combination of Latin America and 

Africa experience. 

But my concern is that we are not willing to challenge regimes, 

whether it be in Venezuela or in Cuba where we have ceded everything to the regime and have seen nothing—nothing—in terms of 

human rights and democracy issues. 

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So talk to me about challenging a regime when the diplomacy 

has not achieved what we want. You know, we passed this law that 

came out of this committee on Venezuela and sanctions. The President invoked some it. There is still a lot more that could be invoked, but when is the demarcation in which we say, okay, our diplomacy has not worked at this point. How do we back it up with 

some strength? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much, Senator. And let 

me thank you for your tremendous commitment to Latin America 

and also to the State Department and diversity within the State 

Department. It has been an important motivator for us, an important driver of how we shape the diplomats of the future. 

In regard to the TIP Report, let me reiterate that I am committed to addressing the concerns of this committee and members 

of the committee have expressed their concerns to me. As I noted 

previously, it is very worrisome for me that a report that should 

be a gold standard is seen as not being that. And so I will do everything I can to address those concerns and ensure that we are examining countries under the rubric of the report with all the rigor 

that is required by law. 

And in regard to Iran violations, sir, I can guarantee you that 

we will be responding to them. We recognize, as important as the 

JCPOA is, it has a set of sanctions tied to it that are nuclear-related, but there are sanctions related to ballistic missiles, to human 

rights, and to terrorism. And we will continue to pursue those 

sanctions and pursue violations whenever we see them. We understand that our relationship with Iran is a complicated one, but 

again, our success in the JCPOA and its implementation will only 

happen if we show a clear willingness to pursue violations elsewhere under other sanctions regimes. 

And in regard to Venezuela, we did have a good conversation yesterday, and I appreciated the conversation. I appreciated your point 

of view. I understand it and I appreciate the concerns that others 

have expressed. 

As we look at what is next in Venezuela, so much of our own relationship with Venezuela will depend on what happens around the 

legislative elections and what happens around the issue of political 

prisoners. When I met with Diosdado Caballo, as I noted to you 

earlier, it was with the purpose, first of all, of winning from them 

an electoral date for legislative assembly elections, which we 

thought was important and essential, first of all, to create a political process that would allow the Venezuelan people to express 

themselves but also to begin to create a larger environment for dialogue inside of Venezuela. 

Its secondary purpose was to save the life of Leopoldo Lopez, who 

at the time was in the fourth week of a hunger strike, and we were 

looking for an action by the Venezuelan Government that would 

convince Lopez to come off his strike. We believe that Lopez, along 

with the other political prisoners being held, are an essential part 

of a broader solution to the kinds of internal challenges that Venezuela faces today, and we will continue to advocate for his release, 

as we have done over time. 

It should be noted that as we have engaged with Venezuela, we 

have never backed off our criticism of Venezuela regarding some of 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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its political behavior and activity. And we have expressed our concern about the politicization of the judiciary and the continued 

holding of political prisoners. And we will continue to do so. 

As we look toward the elections, the ability of the elections to be 

perceived as free elections and the vote count as valid is going to 

be a very important part of how we manage the next step in the 

relationship. And in that regard, the legislation that you worked on 

and that other members of this committee and Senate worked on 

will be an important tool for us, and we will use it if necessary. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I hope you use the tool. 

I look forward to supporting your confirmation before the committee and the Senate. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Coons. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Thank you, Ambassador, for your service. Thank you to your 

family for sustaining and supporting Ambassador Shannon’s service over so many years in many challenging environments. I concur 

with my colleague from New Jersey that your long service in Latin 

America and in Africa brings a particular and needed strength. 

Your service as a member of the career Foreign Service also brings 

an important and vital perspective. 

So let me just broadly reference three questions, and then you 

take as much time as you wish and allocate your time accordingly. 

I would be interested in hearing on behalf of the 10,000 Foreign 

Service and Civil Service employees of the Department of State 

what you think are the most important, most needed steps to continue to attract and retain and motivate the best and brightest to 

serve in these difficult and demanding and important posts around 

the world. 

I am also interested—you succeed Wendy Sherman. Hopefully 

you will be confirmed. I will support your confirmation. She placed 

a real focus on peacekeeping. Peacekeeping is difficult business. It 

is expensive. It is full of complications. There is an African standby 

force that is in the early stages of being perhaps ready to actually 

serve on the continent. They have been doing some recent exercises 

in South Africa, and I would be interested in how you see the future of peacekeeping and how we make it sustainable from a cost 

perspective. 

And then last, I am concerned about how we support economic 

growth in Africa while also supporting democracy and governance. 

There has been a hotly contested election in Tanzania. The results 

were just announced in the last hour. They were invalidated in 

Zanzibar earlier today. We have a number of critical other elections 

this year. How do we balance those two, promoting economic 

growth and development, while still advocating for our values over 

the values of some of our competitors in Africa? 

Ambassador SHANNON. Well, thank you very much, Senator. I 

appreciate the questions. And let me thank you for the trip you 

made to the State Department to meet with some of our mid-level 

officers. It was a great experience for them. But we really appreciated the respect you showed us and we look forward to inviting 

you back. So thank you for that. 

You know, in regard to your first question, how to attract and 

keep the best people, that is something we struggle with every day. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Luckily we have a really interesting portfolio, and so we tend to attract people who are smart, motivated, and expeditionary in 

mindset. They want to go places and they want to do things. And 

so that is important to us. 

But the challenges we face are real. The challenges that dual-career families face in the Foreign Service, the challenges that families with children with special needs face, and then the broader security environment that we spoke about earlier also affects how 

people understand the Foreign Service and the degree to which 

they enter the Foreign Service or stay as officers. 

We are really at this point in time going through a generational 

change in the Foreign Service. Sixty percent of the Foreign Service—nearly 60 percent—it is about 57-something percent of the 

Foreign Service has served for 10 years or less. And this is quite 

remarkable. It means that we have a whole cadre of younger officers who are going to be our next generation of leaders who have 

served in the Foreign Service during a period of combat in Iraq and 

Afghanistan and a larger global struggle against terrorism. And in 

many instances, some of these classes have gone in large numbers 

to Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and other areas first where they 

are unaccompanied postings but secondly where the challenges 

they face are quite significant. And how we help these officers understand the larger world, how we mentor them, how we train 

them, how we enhance their language capability is going to be a 

big part of our success in the future. 

And so one of the assignments I am going to take on myself is 

really a mentoring assignment, and it is intent on engaging with 

our geographic bureaus, with the National Foreign Affairs Training 

Center, with the Foreign Service Institute, and with the Secretary 

to ensure that he can leave behind a legacy of enhanced language 

training, enhanced regional studies, and an ability to do more in 

the field to help officers become familiar with the areas they are 

working on and areas they want to continue to work on. 

But let me share one quick anecdote with you. As I go around 

and talk to younger officers, especially in the Middle East, one of 

their biggest concerns is security but not whether they are going 

to be okay. Their concern is are they going to be able to do their 

job. And this is what we talked about earlier. They want the tools 

to be able to do their job, and that means a security environment 

that protects them but also their ability to understand and interpret the environment they are in. And in this regard, we have got 

a lot of work to do because there are some places that are just 

deadly for us, and we just either cannot go there or we have to go 

there under very careful conditions. 

But again, this is something I am really focused on because this 

is going to have a big impact on some of our best and brightest as 

to whether they stay. If they think their career is going to be spent 

in a container or behind an embassy wall and if they can only go 

out in force and with interpreters, they are not going to stay. So 

we have to find a way to deal with this. 

And then finally, Africa is a special interest of mine. I have 

served in Washington on African affairs but also in the field on African affairs, and I have been able to travel to Africa a lot. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The economic growth side is really important for this continent. 

This is the continent of the 21st century, and President Obama, 

through his Africa Leaders Summit, highlighted the importance of 

commercial engagement and presented a different vision of Africa 

to the American people, one of opportunity and growth. And as we 

look into the future, we need to understand that the Chinese have 

figured this out and the Chinese are present in Africa in a big way. 

And so we have to be present in a big way. And that means looking 

for ways to push American businesses, American investment and 

create the connectivity around economic growth that is necessary 

for Africa to continue to grow at the rate that it is growing. I think 

it is the fastest growing continent in the world in terms of commerce and investment. 

But that said, the governance issues are really striking in different parts of Africa. And the issues we are facing, whether it be 

in Tanzania, whether it be in the DRC, whether it be in Burundi, 

whether it be in Rwanda or beyond, how leaders understand their 

role as elected leaders, how they understand their ability to perpetuate themselves in power, and the degree to which they use state 

structures to further themselves in power and do not address the 

transparency, accountability, and anticorruption issues that are 

really going to be the basis for long-term economic growth and development is going to be key. And it has to be a central part of our 

engagement in Africa. And I believe it is. 

And I think with our Assistant Secretary, Linda Thomas Greenfield, we have been really dynamic, really pushing hard on these 

issues, not always successfully because of the nature of some of the 

countries that we have been working in, but we have not given up. 

And I can assure you that governance is going to be a big part of 

how we engage in Africa because absent the right kind of governance economic growth is not going to have the social impact it 

needs to have. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

As you know, there will be some followup questions, and we will 

keep the record open until Monday for both of the nominees. 

But at this point, again, thank you for your willingness to serve, 

for having your family here, for their service to our country, and 

we look forward to your confirmation. 

Ambassador SHANNON. Thank you very much. I am very grateful. 

The CHAIRMAN. Yes, sir. 

Next we will consider the nomination of Laura Holgate, nominee 

to be U.S. Representative to the Vienna Office of the United Nations and U.S. Representative to the International Atomic Energy, 

commonly called the IAEA. 

This role requires an agile ambassador capable of representing 

U.S. positions with a diverse array of U.N. organizations, from the 

U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime to the U.N. Division of Management, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization, of which 

we are not a party, the Wassernaar Arrangement, and the U.N. 

Commission on International Trade Law, among others. 

Perhaps the most visible to this committee given the ongoing engagement on the JCPOA with Iran will be the nominee’s representation of the United States at the International Atomic Energy 

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Agency. I recognize that you, Ms. Holgate, have dedicated your career, as we have discussed privately, to promoting nuclear security 

and establishing an environment that staunches the spread of nuclear materials. 

But the challenges of the position may be daunting. You will be 

called upon to hold a strong line in the face of pressure from our 

partners who, in order to open economic relations with Iran, may 

seek to close the door on old allegations and turn a blind eye to 

previous military dimensions of the program that may provide indicators necessary for the IAEA to monitor the program going forward. 

You may be called upon to defend key U.S. positions in the face 

of opposition from the nonaligned movement. You may have to 

stand alone to adequately defend U.S. national security interests. 

I hope you will explain how you intend to fulfill these obligations 

in this role and the expectations you have for your ability to successfully represent the United States. 

While we have the opportunity, I would also like for you to discuss our Government’s current efforts to counter nuclear smuggling 

and how you may use this position, if confirmed, to further ensure 

the security of nuclear material globally. 

I appreciate your attendance before the committee today and look 

forward to growing our relationship, should you be confirmed. 

With that, I would like to recognize our distinguished ranking 

member, Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, let me also welcome Laura Holgate. 

Thank you very much for your long-standing public service. As was 

pointed out with the previous witness, this is a family commitment. 

We thank you and your family for your willingness to serve our 

country in this critically important position. 

You bring a host of qualifications to this nomination, a senior position at the Department of Energy and Department of Defense, a 

career that prevents states and terrorists from acquiring and using 

weapons of mass destruction. You are currently the Senior Director 

of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Terrorism and Threat Reduction at the National Security Council. You come well prepared for 

the challenges in Vienna. And I say that because, yes, there are the 

direct responsibilities that you have in the organizations in Vienna 

under the United Nations and the IAEA and others, but also working with two other very important missions that we have. The host 

mission for Austria, as well as the OSCE mission that you and I 

had a chance to talk about, all are housed in Vienna. So you are 

part of a diplomatic team that we have in a critically important 

place where major decisions are being made. 

Obviously, the focus today is very much on the responsibilities 

and the implementation of the Iran agreement by the IAEA. And 

as we talked privately, what I will repeat now and as I also pointed 

out to Ambassador Shannon, your openness with us is critically important, and I appreciate the commitments that you have made in 

that regard. 

Mr. Chairman, I am also pleased to note that Sam Nunn, a 

former member of this body, who worked closely with Laura 

Holgate during the 8 years she spent at the Nuclear Threat Initiative, has written a letter on her behalf touting Mrs. Holgate. And 

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I quote, ‘‘super knowledge, diplomatic skills, and strong passion for 

reducing global dangers.’’ And I would request that that letter be 

made part of our record. 

The CHAIRMAN. Without objection. 

[The information was not available at the print deadline.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

We will now turn to the nominee. Our second nominee, as we 

have mentioned, is Laura Holgate who has been nominated to 

serve as Ambassador and U.S. Representative to the Vienna Office 

of the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Currently Ms. Holgate has advised the President for over 6 

years in the position of Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Weapons of Mass Destruction, Terrorism, and 

Threat Reduction at the National Security Council. 

She received her bachelor of arts from Princeton University and 

a master’s in science from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 

We welcome you. If you could summarize your thoughts in about 

5 minutes, we will look forward to questions. And again, congratulations on your nomination. 

STATEMENT OF LAURA S.H. HOLGATE, NOMINATED TO BE THE 

U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY AND TO BE THE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO 

THE VIENNA OFFICE OF THE U.N. 

Ms. HOLGATE. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 

Member Cardin, members of the committee. I am honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to serve as the 

U.S. Permanent Representative to the Vienna offices of the United 

Nations, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and other international organizations in Vienna. I am grateful to President 

Obama and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed 

in me. 

This is a critical moment for the United States interests in the 

IAEA and the other U.N. offices in Vienna. Full implementation of 

the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, successful transition of the Nuclear Security Summit’s work to secure and reduce 

global stockpiles of nuclear materials to the relevant, enduring 

international institutions, safe and secure expansion of nuclear energy and other peaceful nuclear technologies, and innovative peaceful applications of space science demand active, focused leadership 

and engagement by the United States to promote our national interests and to advance our contributions towards shared global priorities. 

My experience inside and outside the U.S. Government has prepared me to play this vital role in Vienna. I have worked on reducing nuclear, biological, and chemical threats since 1989. I have 

served a combined 14 years in the Department of Defense, the Department of Energy, and at the National Security Council where I 

led programs and developed policies to keep nuclear materials out 

of terrorist hands, to destroy chemical weapons in Russia, Libya, 

and Syria, and to prevent bioterrorism. For 8 years, I headed the 

nongovernment Nuclear Threat Initiative’s programs in the former 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Soviet Union and pioneered projects such as the IAEA’s low enriched uranium fuel bank. Most relevant to the position for which 

I am being considered, I have led the preparation of four nuclear 

security summits, working closely with counterparts from 52 diverse countries and four international organizations, including the 

United Nations and the IAEA. Each of these positions has contributed to my ability to represent the United States and the President 

with authority and respect. 

If I may, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce to you and the 

committee three very special people who have joined me here 

today. My husband, Rick Holgate, has for 27 years steadfastly supported my career even as he has built his own impressive accomplishments in Government service and in the private sector. I am 

proud and grateful for his encouragement and partnership as we 

consider this new opportunity to serve. 

My parents, Susan and Bert Hayes, are here from Richmond as 

well. My father, as a TWA pilot, opened my eyes, ears, and mind 

to the wide world beyond Overland Park, Kansas. And my mother 

set the example of opening our doors and our hearts to people who 

are different from us. These early influences launched me on the 

path to today’s hearing, and I hope to honor their faith in me by 

my service. 

And I deeply appreciate the support of friends and colleagues 

who are watching these proceedings today. 

Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to 

strengthen and broaden the partnerships with other member states 

and with the U.N. agencies in Vienna and further develop the coalitions that we need to achieve U.S. priorities. Key among these 

goals is that the IAEA has the tools it needs to monitor implementation of the P5+1/Iran Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Going 

forward, the IAEA, with its proven record of technical expertise, offers us an agency well placed to ensure robust implementation. I 

pledge to play my role in keeping Congress informed and engaged 

as this implementation process proceeds. 

Another opportunity I see is to leverage the U.N. Office of Drugs 

and Crime’s technical assistance to counter and prevent terrorism 

and trafficking through training and other support for judges and 

prosecutors especially those in high-threat regions and countries. 

UNODC’s efforts complement our own counterterrorism objectives 

and reach countries we may not be able to engage directly. 

Finally, if confirmed, I will press international organizations in 

Vienna to continue to make progress on management reforms, 

transparency, and fairness. I will encourage intensified efforts towards achieving greater diversity, including at the senior and policymaking levels. I will continue the efforts of my predecessors to 

strongly support the hiring of qualified American citizens to these 

organizations. 

Mr. Chairman, the specialized and technical agencies in Vienna 

foster activities and technologies that affect the lives of every citizen every day from combating the spread of nuclear weapons and 

human and arms trafficking, to harnessing the power of the atom 

to promote human health and reduce and eliminate hunger, to utilizing space for communication, disaster early warning, and exploration and research. 

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If confirmed, I would work in close consultation with this committee and the Congress to ensure that U.S. values and priorities 

are fully reflected in our positions and that U.S. contributions and 

resources are expended with care. We owe the American people and 

the people all over the world no less. 

I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today, and 

I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Holgate follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LAURA S.H. HOLGATE

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, I am 

honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to serve as the U.S. 

Permanent Representative to the United Nations (U.N.), the International Atomic 

Energy Agency (IAEA) and other International Organizations in Vienna. I am grateful to President Obama and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed 

in me. 

This is a critical moment for the United States interests in the IAEA and the 

other U.N. offices in Vienna. Full implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan 

of Action with Iran, successful transition of the Nuclear Security Summit’s legacy 

of achievement to the relevant enduring international institutions, safe and secure 

expansion of nuclear energy and other peaceful nuclear technologies, effective efforts 

to combat transnational crime and corruption, and innovative peaceful applications 

of space science demand active, focused leadership and engagement by the United 

States to promote our national interests and to advance our contributions toward 

shared global priorities. 

My experience inside and outside the United States Government has prepared me 

to play this vital role in Vienna at this critical time. I have worked on reducing 

nuclear, biological, and chemical threats since 1989, when I wrote my MIT masters 

thesis on chemical weapons destruction. I was part of the team led by Ash Carter 

and Bill Perry in 1991 that conceived what became the landmark Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program. I have served a combined 14 years in the 

Department of Defense, the Department of Energy, and at the National Security 

Council, where I led programs and developed policies to keep nuclear materials out 

of terrorist hands, to destroy chemical weapons in Russia, Libya, and Syria, and to 

prevent bioterrorism. I was a founding member of the nongovernment Nuclear 

Threat Initiative, where for 8 years I headed the programs focused on Russia and 

New Independent States and pioneered projects that gave rise to major international outcomes such as the Department of Energy’s Global Threat Reduction Initiative and the IAEA’s low enriched uranium fuel bank. In my current position on 

the National Security Council staff, I oversee and coordinate the development of 

national policies and programs to reduce global threats from nuclear, biological, and 

chemical weapons; detect, identify, secure, and eliminate nuclear materials; prevent 

malicious use of biotechnology; and secure the civilian nuclear fuel cycle. Most relevant to the position for which I am being considered, I have led the preparation 

for four Nuclear Security summits, working closely with counterparts from 52 

diverse countries and four international organizations, including the IAEA. Each of 

these positions has contributed to my knowledge, experience, relationships across 

parties and around the world, and enhanced my ability to represent the United 

States and the President with authority and respect. 

Many of the U.N. agencies and organizations headquartered in Vienna have 

emerged as key partners for the United States as our country seeks to resolve some 

of the most difficult challenges and threats to our own national interests. The IAEA 

and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, for example, have proven track records 

in providing the kind of expertise, technical knowledge, and credibility that the 

United States needs in its tool box as we lead the world in forging international 

responses to the most urgent and critical threats to international peace and 

security. 

If confirmed, I fully recognize that I will be leading American engagement with 

these agencies at a critical time. I see an array of challenges that will require strong 

U.S. leadership so that the work of the Vienna agencies continues to fully reflect 

U.S. values and priorities. At the same time, I also see numerous opportunities for 

the United States to promote sound management practices; transparency; accountability; and good stewardship of U.S. and other Member State contributions. Ultimately, I see great potential for the United States to use its presence among the 

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U.N. agencies in Vienna to promote and advance strong partnerships and coordination with our friends and allies in a complex and often dangerous world. 

In this context, I would like to share with you today more details regarding what 

I see as these challenges and opportunities as well as what my priorities would be 

if I have the honor to be confirmed for this important post. But before I do that, 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to pause briefly to introduce to you and the committee 

a few very special people who have joined me here today. My husband, Rick 

Holgate, has for 27 years steadfastly supported my career even as he has built his 

own impressive accomplishments in government service and in the private sector. 

I am grateful for his encouragement and partnership as we consider this new opportunity to serve. My parents, Susan and Bert Hayes, instilled in me a love of country 

and a commitment to excellence that continue to motivate me, and they have set 

inspiring examples of service in their own lives and in how they raised me and my 

sister, Gregg. And I am honored and humbled by the support of friends and colleagues who are watching these proceedings today. 

Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to strengthen and 

broaden the partnerships with other member states and with the Vienna U.N. agencies, and further develop the coalitions that we need to achieve U.S. priorities. Key 

among these goals is to work to make sure the IAEA has the mandate and the 

capacity to address evolving challenges and the greater demands being placed on 

it. In particular, the IAEA must have the tools it needs to monitor implementation 

of the P5+1/Iran Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Going forward, the 

IAEA, with its proven record of technical expertise, offers us an agency well-placed 

to ensure appropriate implementation. 

Another opportunity I see is to leverage the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime 

(UNODC) to better address today’s breaking and long-term crises. I would seek, in 

concert with other member states, to focus the UNODC’s technical skills and expertise efficiently on threats that directly affect our interests, including anticorruption 

and the rule of law, border security, combating trafficking of persons and migrant 

smuggling, and counterpiracy. This will involve identifying threats and applying 

UNODC’s resources in the regions in which they may be needed most. 

A key challenge is to fend off other countries’ attempts to distort the important 

technical and scientific work of key international organizations such as the IAEA 

and the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS). These 

organizations’ work should not be stymied by grandstanding on issues such as the 

procedure for approving Israel’s application for membership. 

Finally, if confirmed, I will press international organizations in Vienna to continue to make progress in management reforms, transparency, and fairness. I will 

encourage intensified efforts toward achieving greater diversity, including at the 

senior and policymaking levels. I will continue the efforts of my predecessors to 

strongly support the hiring of qualified American citizens in these organizations. 

I would like to briefly highlight just a few examples of the work being done by 

international organizations in Vienna—work that affects not only our national security but also the everyday lives of not only our citizens but of people around the 

world. 

The International Atomic Energy Agency 

Since its inception in 1958, the IAEA has been central to international nuclear 

nonproliferation regime, encouraging peaceful uses of nuclear technology while preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. Today, the IAEA will need our support more 

than ever as it steps up to meet the huge challenge of monitoring implementation 

of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. 

The IAEA’s central role is to implement monitoring and verification as set forth 

in the JCPOA. On October 15, the IAEA reported that activities set out in the 

IAEA/Iran ‘‘Roadmap for the clarification of past and present outstanding issues 

regarding Iran’s nuclear program’’ were completed. The IAEA indicated that by 

December 15, 2015, the Director General will provide, for action by the Board of 

Governors, the final assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues, as set out in the annex of the 2011 Director General’s report. I 

know the JCPOA is an issue of intense interest to the members of this committee, 

the Congress, and the public, and if confirmed, I commit to keep an open and candid 

dialogue with the Congress. 

In addition to the JCPOA, the IAEA has been nothing short of remarkable in its 

successful efforts to adapt to the evolving challenges of its safeguards mandate. The 

IAEA has safeguards agreements with 182 countries, under which it verifies that 

nuclear material is not diverted and nuclear facilities are not misused for weapons. 

Over the last two decades, 126 countries have concluded Additional Protocols with 

the IAEA, designed to enable the IAEA to confirm that there are no undeclared 

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nuclear materials or activities in the country as a whole. The United States works 

closely with the IAEA Secretariat and with other IAEA Member States to ensure 

that the Agency has the financial, technical, and human resources and the political 

support it needs to fulfill those demanding responsibilities. And Congress plays a 

critical role in funding these programs. 

Equally important is our collaboration with IAEA on nuclear security. The effort 

to prevent a terrorist from acquiring a nuclear weapon has been a top priority for 

this administration. The President’s Nuclear Security Summit, for which I have had 

the honor to serve as U.S. Sherpa, has raised the issue of nuclear security to the 

head of state level which has, in turn, produced major national commitments to 

minimize and secure nuclear materials, as well as increase efforts to interdict such 

materials outside of regulatory control.The summit has strengthened the global 

nuclear security architecture through support for international institutions and initiatives, as well as creating new standards for the security of nuclear materials. As 

we prepare to host the final Nuclear Security Summit, this spring, it is more evident than ever that the IAEA will play a central role in coordinating international 

institutions which will continue the work undertaken in the summit process. If confirmed, I would promote the IAEA’s role in coordinating nuclear security activities 

worldwide and maintaining the momentum created by the summit process on this 

important issue. 

Meanwhile, as global demand for nuclear power grows, the demands on the IAEA 

to help promote strong national nuclear safety standards will accelerate. The 

Fukushima Daiichi disaster in March 2011 demonstrated once again that no 

nation—no matter how prepared or technically advanced—is invulnerable to disasters involving nuclear material. In the wake of these kinds of crises—and to prevent 

future disasters—the IAEA is there to assist member states in managing risk and 

offering technical guidance to build safety capacity. 

More broadly, the IAEA plays a key role in assessing member states’ power needs 

and infrastructure capacity, and in identifying where capacity needs to be improved 

before nuclear power becomes a viable option. Also, the IAEA is engaged in the 

establishment of a Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) Fuel Bank in Kazakhstan. This 

Bank will serve both as an assurance of supply mechanism so that countries can 

access peaceful power and as a disincentive to the spread of enrichment technology 

to countries that do not already have it. It underlines the central roles the IAEA 

plays in both the promotion and nonproliferation aspects of nuclear energy. 

Finally, in addition to nuclear safeguards and nuclear safety and security, the 

IAEA’s third core mandate relates to fostering the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, 

science, and technology for all member states. During the last several years, the 

IAEA has been engaged in essential work in promoting human health, agriculture 

and food security, clean water, and the environment through nuclear techniques and 

its partnership with U.N. and other international organizations. 

If confirmed, I would work toward adapting the IAEA’s efforts in promoting peaceful uses of nuclear power; continue to address the evolving needs and interests of 

member states in nuclear power; and to a fully informed decisions by member states 

embarking on such a course. 

The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime 

The UNODC is also a key U.S. partner in countering terrorism; strengthening 

criminal justice systems and respect for the rule of law; and fighting crime. UNODC 

has shown leadership in addressing these threats and in building member states’ 

capacity to address them. In East and West Africa; for example, U.S. funding to 

UNODC has shown tangible results in stemming human trafficking and migrant 

smuggling. There and elsewhere, UNODC has also led international efforts to 

address wildlife trafficking, environmental crime, and cybercrime. Finally, UNODC’s 

Terrorism Prevention Branch also plays an important role in providing technical 

assistance to enhance member states capacities to counter and prevent terrorism. 

Since 2002, the United States and other partners have worked closely with this program to develop and strengthen its technical assistance programs for criminal justice sector officials, especially those in high threat regions and countries. UNODC’s 

efforts complement our counterterrorism objectives. If confirmed, I would look to 

expand on this good work, and to increase efforts to address the global phenomena 

of foreign terrorist fighters and illicit diversion of precursor chemicals that could be 

used to build improvised explosive devices. 

Other organizations 

Other Vienna-based organizations also play important roles and touch the lives 

of our citizens in fundamental ways. 

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For example, the U.N. Office on Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) in Vienna implements the decisions of the United Nations General Assembly and of the 

UNCOPUOS). These are traditionally consensus-based organizations that focus on 

ensuring that satellite capabilities and space technology operate peacefully, safely, 

and for the broad benefit of all. A challenge we face within these types of agencies 

is occasional attempts by certain member states to politicize their work or decisionmaking. If confirmed, I would strive for these cooperative, technical organizations 

to continue to work smoothly in the performance of their mandates, free from 

politicization that could undermine their consensus-based procedures. 

Finally, if confirmed, I would also serve as the Permanent Representative of the 

United States to the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-TestBan Treaty Organization. The United States continues to engage with member 

states of the Preparatory Commission and with its Provisional Technical Secretariat 

to complete the verification regime that would be required to implement the CTBT 

should it enter into force. The International Monitoring System (IMS), the heart of 

that regime, is nearly complete. It is a technically advanced, global network of sensors that can detect even relatively low-yield nuclear explosions. The IMS has 

enjoyed the financial and diplomatic support of every administration since the 

United States signed the Treaty in 1996. Although data from the IMS is not used 

to monitor compliance with the treaty, as it has not yet entered into force, it is noteworthy that a still incomplete IMS successfully detected all three North Korean 

nuclear explosive tests in 2006, 2009, and 2013. 

Conclusion 

The specialized and technical agencies in Vienna foster activities and technologies 

that affect the lives of every citizen every day—from combating proliferation and 

human and arms trafficking, to harnessing the power of the atom to promote human 

health and reduce and eliminate hunger, to addressing climate change, to utilizing 

space for communication, disaster early warning, and exploration and research. 

I believe that strong U.S. engagement, partnership, and leadership in these organizations is vitally important not only to our national security but also to the individual well-being of each of our citizens, and the prospect of a better life for all. 

If confirmed, I would work in close consultation with Congress to ensure that U.S. 

values and priorities are fully reflected in our positions, and that U.S. contributions 

and resources are expended with care. 

I recognize that there may be many areas of disagreement and contention within 

these organizations and among their memberships, but I believe that it is only 

through strong U.S. engagement and leadership in these multilateral technical 

forums that can they achieve a positive and lasting impact on the welfare and quality of life of our generation and those to come. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to close with a personal note. Growing up in Overland 

Park, KS, this kind of opportunity to serve my country was unimaginable: I had no 

idea what an ambassador did, and I was 27 before I met one. I credit my parents 

for the upbringing that created this occasion. My airline pilot father opened my 

eyes, ears, and mind to the wide world beyond the American Midwest, and my 

mother set the example of opening our doors and our hearts to people who were different from us. Most importantly, they offered support, encouragement and pride as 

I slowly formed the notion that I might do good in the world by figuring out ways 

to prevent nuclear war, which, when I was a Princeton undergraduate during the 

cold war, seemed like it might break forth at any moment. The end of the cold war 

coincided with my first jobs as a national security professional, and many new WMD 

threats begin to crowd to the forefront—the collapse of a nuclear superpower, the 

advances in biology that made pathogens both more dangerous and more accessible, 

and, as we turned the corner into a new millennium, the stark reality of terrorists 

with apocalyptic ambitions and the skills and resources to achieve them. In the 

years since the cold war, we have created new tools—programs, technology, organizations, partnerships—to deal with these new and pressing threats. It has been my 

privilege to have helped invent some of these tools, and to have used them to reduce 

these threats and keep America safe. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I would make the 

most of the opportunity to continue this commitment by vigorously promoting U.S. 

interests at the IAEA, and at the U.N. and other international organizations in 

Vienna. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you very much. 

If you would, explain—I know we have a gentleman, former Ambassador Stephen Mull, who will be overseeing the implementation. 

How will your role and his role interact? 

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Ms. HOLGATE. Thank you, sir. 

If confirmed, I would be part of Ambassador Mull’s team of interagency partners. The current Charge ́ in the UNV mission participates in those conversations, those interagency meetings remotely 

and is in regular contact with Ambassador Mull. I would expect to 

continue and intensify that level of engagement in the interagency 

policy process. And the role in Vienna is to be the eyes and ears 

on the ground of what is going on, not just the formal presentation 

of information from the Secretariat but understanding the trends, 

the issues, the mood, how the conversations are going, and being 

sure that those are reported back into the U.S. policy process, also 

being alert to opportunities to improve activities or steps that may 

need to be taken and to be sure that those are incorporated into 

our Government-wide implementation efforts. 

The CHAIRMAN. If confirmed, who will you actually receive direction from here in Washington relative to positions that you take? 

Ms. HOLGATE. The letter of commission for ambassadors typically 

says that directions come from the President and from the Secretary of State, sir. My reporting chain goes through Assistant Secretary Crocker and then up through the position that we just had 

the nominee for. But these issues are addressed in an interagency 

process and a whole-of-government effort, and I will, if confirmed, 

play the role that I am assigned in that context. 

The CHAIRMAN. I know you are going to get some questions from 

someone whether QFR and personal—in a personal way relative to 

whether you are involved in the negotiation of the JCPOA. And so 

I would like to give you the opportunity publicly to state what your 

involvement was. 

Ms. HOLGATE. I appreciate that question, Senator. 

As we discussed in our conversation, which I appreciated, I was 

not part of the negotiating team, nor was I privy to the judgments 

made in the process of that negotiation. I am, however, familiar 

with its contents and I am fully prepared to vigorously support its 

implementation at the IAEA. 

The CHAIRMAN. And will you have the opportunity in this position, if confirmed, to be able to read the side agreements that were 

negotiated? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Mr. Senator, the side agreements that are referred 

to are actually safeguards agreements that are bilateral agreements between the IAEA and the member state. Those are safeguards confidential, and those are not shared with any member 

states. 

The CHAIRMAN. I had not planned to go down this route, but I 

am just curious then. What kind of oversight role do you have in 

this position? In other words, so you have the director. So the director is just able to negotiate whatever the director wishes and the 

folks who do what you do have no oversight role, no board of directors-type role relative to the entity. 

Ms. HOLGATE. Senator, it is my understanding that safeguards 

agreements are bilateral agreements between the Secretariat and 

the member state. That is true for every country that is a member 

of the IAEA. The United States has a similar safeguards agreements that is not public, is not available to other member states. 

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This is part of how the IAEA maintains the confidentiality of information that is supplied in connection with that. 

The IAEA is, however, required to report on its findings on confirmation and verification of the commitments made in these safeguards agreements, and those are the reports that are provided to 

member states and that we will be providing to the Congress as 

they come from the secretariat. 

The CHAIRMAN. And again, I know you have nothing to do with 

how this has been set up. This is not directed to you. Again, I had 

not planned to go down this route. 

So that is odd, it would seem to me, that the safeguards agreement is the agreement as to how the work is going to be carried 

out. So you are not really conveying any confidential information. 

You are just talking about how you are going to deal with that entity to find out or that country to find out how they are progressing 

in the agreements that are made. Why would that be kept away 

from the folks, if you will, that are overseeing this particular organization? I am just curious as to why you think that would be the 

case. 

Ms. HOLGATE. Mr. Senator, the safeguards agreements include a 

range of technical details, including design of nuclear facilities, including proprietary information about how those facilities operate, 

an extreme amount of technical detail that helps the agency understand where it needs to apply safeguards, how it has to do with the 

process that is executed in that facility. That is not information 

that countries are eager to share with other countries, and frankly, 

from a nonproliferation point of view, that is not information that 

we are eager to have made public. 

The CHAIRMAN. One of the things that concerned people, no matter how they ended up voting relative to the agreement—I think 

there was a universal concern about the issue of possible military 

dimensions. And the fact that all Iran had to do was go through 

the process, and whether the IAEA came up with a report that was 

an A plus report or a D minus report, it did not matter as long as 

the process was gone through, if you will. That was very concerning 

I think to a lot of people and somewhat shocking. 

And I guess I would ask you let us say you are confirmed and 

the report comes back as a D minus, in other words, we really did 

not learn much because they did not provide much information, 

which again concerned a lot of people. What is it in this particular 

role that you would be able to do about that, if anything? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Senator, as I understand it, the IAEA will be delivering its report in mid-December. If I am fortunate enough to 

achieve your confidence by then in order to be there at that time— 

that report will be provided to the Board of Governors of the IAEA, 

and the board will have a chance to act and engage on the basis 

of that information. 

The JCPOA is focused on the future rather than the past, and 

so its mission is to make sure that those activities do not occur 

again, that if, in fact, there are steps taken toward possible military activities of Iran, that those are alerted to, that those are 

identified by the IAEA, and alerted to member states and in a 

timely fashion that allows us to take steps to prevent them from 

happening again. 

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The CHAIRMAN. But you do agree, with all the technical background that you have, that having knowledge as to how far they 

have gone in the past towards weaponization is an important element in discerning how quickly in the future they will be able to 

move toward that same goal. Is it not? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Yes, sir. Knowledge is absolutely an important 

component of approaches to a military program, but all the knowledge in the world does not get you to a weapon if they do not have 

material, if they do not have the wherewithal to make material 

that could be used as a weapon. And that is the mission of the 

IAEA to monitor in an unprecedentedly intrusive way from the 

mines all the way through to the reactor and after every piece of 

nuclear material that is used in Iran. And that is where we gain 

the confidence that that knowledge will not be misapplied. 

The CHAIRMAN. I will move on to Senator Cardin. My time is up. 

I probably will have some more questions. 

Senator CARDIN. I am going to follow up on your question first. 

The Director General of the IAEA reports to the Board of Governors. You are our representative on the Board of Governors. We 

expect that you will have access to all information you need to 

properly manage the Director General, the IAEA, and represent 

the United States. 

And I do not disagree with your analysis that the agreements we 

are referring to are confidential agreements negotiated by the 

IAEA and the member states and that confidentiality is maintained. 

Iran is somewhat different. During the negotiations of the 

JCPOA, a representative of the United States was allowed to review those documents, and I do not know whether that was done 

directly by the IAEA or by Iran, but it was done. And I mention 

that because I think, as Senator Corker has pointed out, we are 

going to need a clear understanding as to how Iran is proceeding, 

particularly as it relates to its military dimensions, but there is 

more to it than that. Developing a working understanding of the 

arrangements between the IAEA and Iran is going to be essential 

for you to be fully read into that, and I think you will. And then 

we need your candid assessments as to how much information we 

receive and whether it is in compliance with the JCPOA. 

So I just really wanted to underscore that point. I understand 

confidentiality, but I also understand responsibilities to the Board 

of Governors and you are the key player in that regard. So you 

have responsibility there. 

Let me just ask you an open question on this, which is where do 

you see the greatest challenges within the IAEA in assuring compliance by Iran of its commitments under the JCPOA, that part 

that comes under the responsibilities of the IAEA? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Senator, thank you for that question. 

I think the most challenging components of this agreement are 

going to be these novel aspects of the safeguards activities that the 

IAEA is being asked to undertake under the JCPOA. The work 

that they are doing at the mine, in the milling, and the conversion 

process of how uranium is handled within the country is unprecedented. 

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Now, the United States has continued its long tradition of providing training, information, technical support, equipment to the 

IAEA safeguards community, and that continues to be the case, 

and it will be even more important as these safeguards inspectors 

are trained for these new roles. So the United States stands fully 

ready to play its traditional role of strong support to make sure the 

agency has the people, the resources, and the technology it needs 

to carry out these new roles. 

Senator CARDIN. And even though they will not be inspectors carrying U.S. passports, the United States plays a critical role here as 

far as training and information, et cetera. I assume that is what 

you were referring to? 

Ms. HOLGATE. That is precisely what I am referring to, Senator. 

Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. Now, outside of Iran, there are other issues that 

you are going to be engaged with, the implementation and the safe 

handling of nuclear materials, particularly by those states that are 

involved in the use of nuclear materials, and the NPT commitments. With such a focus on Iran and the resources being used 

there, where do you see the challenges and a strong commitment 

toward the NPT safeguards? 

Ms. HOLGATE. The safeguards requirements of the IAEA are 

going to be critical to be applied globally under their role under the 

treaty. The United States and other member states have committed 

to make sure that this is not a zero sum game from a resource 

point of view with the resources that are going to be required in 

support of JCPOA implementation. And there is a formula being 

worked out as we speak on the balance between regular assessments and voluntary contributions to be sure that the agency’s 

work in the JCPOA implementation does not interfere with or take 

away from the work it needs to do all over the world to assure that 

material is not diverted to weapons programs. 

Senator CARDIN. And then lastly, if I might, how do you see your 

role working with other representatives from other countries, some 

who were directly involved in the JCPOA but others that were not, 

in getting firm international support for U.S. policies? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Senator, that is the essential role of the diplomat, 

and it is one that I am eager to have the opportunity to play, if 

confirmed. Many of these permanent representatives and ambassadors in Vienna are individuals that I have worked with because 

they represent their countries in the Nuclear Security Summit 

process. So I begin with some familiarity with some of the key 

members of the Vienna diplomatic community. 

Certainly the work to do to assemble coalitions around supporting particular decisionmaking processes to represent a common 

face in discussions in the Board of Governors in the general conference is something that I look forward to and will commit to 

doing effectively as I am able. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, once again, we appreciate your willingness 

to continue to serve. 

Ms. HOLGATE. Thank you, sir. 

The CHAIRMAN. Senator Kaine. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

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And thanks, Ms. Holgate. As somebody who grew up in Overland 

Park and has lived in Richmond for the last 31 years, I am particularly happy to see you and your family here. 

The IAEA has an interesting track record. I think it is an organization that generally has a positive track record, not unmarred by 

challenges certainly. After Iraq and North Korea developed nuclear 

weapons programs and the covert means, that was I think an admitted weakness of the IAEA and others that allowed that to happen. But then the IAEA said we need a fix, and so they went back 

to the table to develop the additional protocol that nations now 

must follow to try to route out that possibility. So that was a bad 

incident in the IAEA’s history, but then they reacted to fix it in a 

good way. 

The IAEA was, I mean, to our kind of remaining sadness, right 

in March 2003 when they said that Iraq did not have a program 

of weapons of mass destruction, or at least they could find no credible evidence that it did. That conclusion of the IAEA was heavily 

trashed by a lot of people here, and it turned out the IAEA was 

right and we were wrong. That was a momentous moment. 

But I am impressed with the organization, but boy, the tasks on 

the shoulders of this organization are pretty monumental. 

First, does the IAEA have the budgetary resources that it needs 

to do the work that is on its shoulders, especially in the JCPOA, 

the commitment? There would be, I guess, 130-plus IAEA inspectors in Iran to monitor the JCPOA. Talk to us about the resources 

the organization has. 

Ms. HOLGATE. Well, sir, I appreciate the question, and may I say 

‘‘Go Royals’’? 

Senator KAINE. Yes, indeed. 2-zip. We are thrilled. [Laughter.] 

Ms. HOLGATE. The agency’s resources to support the JCPOA 

have been estimated at around 10 million euro. They believe that 

about half of that can be accommodated within the existing safeguards budget without detriment to the other missions that it has 

inside that budget, and that about 5 million euro will need to be 

raised from voluntary contributions from other countries. The 

United States is the largest contributor of voluntary contributions 

for a range of projects and activities within the IAEA. I fully expect 

that we will play our appropriate role. But that is clearly an area 

where other countries can contribute to the success of the JCPOA, 

including many of those who may have been on the sidelines but 

supporting the diplomatic solution that we pursued. And so we do 

not expect that this will be a large challenge for the agency to identify the resources. 

Senator KAINE. Well, next to Iranian intent, the single most important element that will determine whether this JCPOA works or 

not is the verification. So Iranian intent—you know, we are going 

to keep our focus on their actions. Their intent is still the most important factor. But the verification mechanisms are what give us 

the ability to determine that intent. And so the IAEA doing a good 

job and having the resources to do a good job is absolutely critical. 

And I know you share that view. 

One of my hopes is this. The deal certainly talks about traditional IAEA protocols, the additional protocol which Iran accedes to 

for the first 8 years, and then I guess legislatively has to decide 

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whether they permanently accept. But in addition, this extra inspection of the supply chain, as you point out, you know, kind of 

from mine to mill to reactor, the whole supply chain of fissile material is incredibly important. And what I would love to see—I would 

hope at the end of that 25-year agreement that this might have 

been incorporated as a best practice into the additional protocol so 

that it would not just be a 25-year commitment that Iran would 

make, but if Iran agrees to the additional protocol, over time this 

supply chain monitoring could be added to the additional protocol 

for Iran and for all nations. I think this is a new best practice in 

the agreement in terms of verification. Right now it is only applicable to Iran and only for the 25-year period. 

And I would like to ask, since I do not know about this, kind of 

has the additional protocol been modified over time. Does it get 

modified to include new best practice elements, and would that be 

a realistic hope that I would have that maybe by the end of 25 

years, this would become the norm? 

Ms. HOLGATE. Thank you, sir. And it is always important that 

the safeguards processes of the IAEA improve over time, and in 

fact they have done so. 

The JCPOA is explicit, however, that these specific innovations 

are unique to this agreement and do not form a precedent. That 

was important to gain agreement to this document, and that is the 

intent of those who associated with it. 

That having been said, as you said, there are best practices that 

are developed in the implementation of these activities. There are 

lessons learned. There are new technologies that are identified. 

There are ways to accomplish the same goal with fewer people or 

fewer resources. And so the IAEA and, indeed, the whole international community will be learning a lot during this 25-year period, and in our constant effort to improve and enhance IAEA safeguards, we may find that some of those techniques can be applicable to the broader safeguards activities of the agency. 

Senator KAINE. Great. Thank you so much for your testimony. 

Thank you, Mr. Chair. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you for your willingness to serve. As you 

heard with the last witness, there will be questions that will be 

coming in until the close of business Monday. Obviously, you understand the importance of responding to those fairly quickly. 

We thank your family for being here and their willingness to participate in this. 

With that, the meeting is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 11:30 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF THOMAS SHANNON, NOMINATED TO BE AN UNDER SECRETARY OF

STATE FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

THOMAS SHANNON’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Corruption.—Corruption is a global scourge. It damages confidence in 

governments and institutions, undermines our rule of law and accountability efforts, 

and places a huge cost on consumers and businesses. As we have seen, corruption 

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tiny of corrupt practices and behavior, I believe our government can achieve greater 

accountability. 

♦ a. What are the key indicators that you believe are most effective in measuring 

corruption in a particular country? 

Answer. The best indicators of measuring corruption are the existence or lack of 

strong legal frameworks (on both preventing corruption and its criminalization), 

effective and impartial institutions, sound public administration, and enforcement 

and application in practice. Other factors, such as political accountability, media 

freedom, and space for civil society are also important indicators. We have strongly 

supported international initiatives that enshrine these measures (in the form of 

binding treaties or political commitments) and that establish processes to evaluate 

them impartially and promote compliance. 

♦ b. Shouldn’t we publicly name corrupt countries and individuals to encourage 

greater accountability? 

Answer. Thank you for raising the corruption issue. We share your concerns about 

corruption, which is why we have emphasized the importance of fighting corruption 

in countries where there is clearly a confluence between graft and poor governance. 

Corruption is often the reason why authoritarian leaders seize and cling to power, 

but it is also often one of their greatest vulnerabilities—the abuse of power that 

generates the greatest domestic opposition and that they are least able to justify on 

the world stage. The United States has led the creation of global standards and 

binding legal frameworks to prevent and combat graft, and to foster the international legal cooperation that is increasingly necessary. We have forged a consensus in the G20 to strengthen safeguards against the flow of illicit funds, including by cracking down on the use of anonymous shell companies. 

Congress originally mandated the submission to Congress of an annual ‘‘Country 

Report on Human Rights Practices’’ to help ensure that human rights and democracy concerns are factored into foreign policy funding considerations. Congress also 

wisely includes in appropriations legislation prohibitions against direct funding for 

countries considered the worst of the worst, as well as country notification requirements for specific countries under congressional scrutiny. 

The administration already enforces a global visa policy to deny entry to certain 

human rights violators and individuals involved in public corruption. Presidential 

Proclamation 8697(human rights) and 7750 (corruption) and Section 7031(c) of the 

FY 2015 Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act allow the Department to deny visas to gross human rights violators 

and individuals involved in corruption that would not already be denied under existing ineligibilities. Also, the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) already includes 

ineligibilities that can be applied to human rights abusers and who have engaged 

in torture, extrajudicial killings, genocide, use or recruitment of child soldiers, 

among others. 

We also rely on objective and multilateral approaches, such as the expert compliance reviews we have developed for each anticorruption treaty—which have the benefit of relying on shared international standards and the voice of the international 

community, rather than the voice of any one country. 

♦ c. What actions are you going to take to identify illicit financial flows, particularly in the natural resource and real property sectors? 

Answer. We are actively taking action to identify illicit financial flows. The State 

Department continues to work with the Departments of Treasury and Justice to 

support strong antimoney laundering standards globally and build foreign countries’ 

capacity to implement them. The Department is also promoting ownership transparency, including through the G7 and G20 to reduce illicit flows through shell businesses. We also promote transparency in the extractives sector through our participation in, and support of, the Extractives Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI), 

and strongly support the objectives of Section 1504 of the Dodd-Frank Act, which 

set a new standard for transparency in the extractive industries. Section 1504 requires oil, gas, and mining companies listed on a U.S. stock exchange to publish 

their payments to U.S. and foreign governments for the commercial development of 

these natural resources. In addition, the Department promotes efforts to stem foreign bribery connected with business transactions in any subsector. These efforts 

bolster international cooperation and ultimately facilitate asset recovery. 

Question. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is currently rewriting 

the rule for Section 1504 of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. As you may know, Section 1504 requires oil, gas, and mining companies 

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ernments for the commercial development of these natural resources. Information 

about payments made to governments by extractives companies promotes a number 

of U.S. goals. For example, greater transparency in the oil, gas, and mining sector 

will deter corrupt behavior and ensure that foreign aid dollars are being used in 

conjunction with natural resource revenues to promote development. 

♦ Given the foreign policy objectives of the Section 1504 rule please discuss how, 

if confirmed, you intend to engage with the SEC to ensure that they issue a 

strong rule that serves U.S. foreign policy goals? 

Answer. We strongly support the objectives of Section 1504, as it directly advances the United States foreign policy interests in increasing transparency and 

reducing corruption in the oil, gas, and minerals sectors. We recognize the importance of the SEC’s rule both domestically and for the United States foreign policy 

interests and we hope to see a strong rule issued. Corruption and mismanagement 

of these resources can impede economic growth, reduce opportunities for U.S. trade 

and investment, divert critically needed funding from social services and other government activities, and contribute to instability and conflict. Transparency has long 

been widely identified as a key component of the fight against corruption in this sector. Efforts to increase transparency have been a high priority for this administration as part of the U.S. Government’s good governance promotion, anticorruption, 

and energy security strategies. 

As section 1504 sets a new standard for transparency in the extractive industries, 

we have encouraged other governments and regional organizations to adopt similar 

strong transparency measures. Additionally, we are encouraging the SEC to produce 

a strong Section 1504 rule that improves transparency by ensuring that a sufficiently detailed level of information concerning payments from the extractive industry to foreign governments for the development of oil, natural gas, and minerals will 

be made public and accessible to civil society and investors. In the absence of this 

level of transparency, citizens have fewer means to hold their governments accountable, and accountability is a key component of reducing the risk of corruption. 

Finally, we will continue to work with our colleagues at the SEC, USAID, Department of Treasury, and Department of the Interior—the lead for U.S. implementation 

of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (USEITI)—to ensure robust implementation to this important initiative. We look forward to reviewing the SEC’s 

draft rule once it has been released for public comment. 

Question. Based upon the first meeting of the Joint Commission, do you believe 

it will be an effective forum for ensuring Iranian compliance with the JCPOA? How 

did the other P5+1 states, particularly the Russians and Chinese, approach the 

work of the Joint Commission? Did the Iranians provide any indications about when 

they will complete the nuclear related steps necessary to reach Implementation 

Day? 

Answer. We believe the Joint Commission (JC) will play an important role in promoting the successful implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 

(JCPOA). We are committed to ensuring the JC functions effectively and serves as 

a useful forum for monitoring Iran’s fulfillment of its nuclear-related commitments 

and facilitating the resolution of issues in a timely fashion. All of the JCPOA participants—the P5+1, the European Union and Iran—attended the first meeting of 

the JC, and remain committed to the implementation of the JCPOA. Participants 

focused on establishing the JC’s modalities and operations. Iran briefed on its plans 

for getting to Implementation Day, which they are eager to reach in order to receive 

sanctions relief as soon as possible. The timeline for reaching Implementation Day 

will be dependent on Iran and when it can complete the required nuclear steps. Our 

focus is not on reaching Implementation Day as quickly as possible, but rather on 

ensuring that Iran completes these steps in a verifiable fashion. 

Question. I remain concerned about our ability to hold Iran accountable for its 

support to terrorism, its human rights abuses, and its ballistic missile program 

while implementing the JCPOA. 

♦ Can you assure me that we have the flexibility and will to respond to Iranian 

actions in region in light of our obligations under the JCPOA? 

Answer. We have been clear, both publicly and privately with Iran that we will 

continue to take action to counter Iran’s destabilizing activities, to block its support 

for terrorism, and to call attention to its human rights record. This includes the use 

of sanctions. 

We are working with our regional partners to counter Iran’s destabilizing activities in the region in a number of ways. First, we are undermining Iran’s capacity 

to execute attacks directly or through its partners and proxies by expanding our cooperation with and strengthening the capacity of regional partners. Second, we are 

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working to restrict Iran’s ability to move money and material for illicit purposes 

through sanctions and direct action when necessary. Third, we remain committed 

to Israel’s security and that of our other regional allies and we continue to build 

up our partners’ capacity to defend themselves against Iranian aggression. Fourth, 

we are working unilaterally and with allies to weaken Hezbollah’s financial networks. Finally, we are working to disrupt Iran’s relationships with its proxies by 

publicizing Iran’s meddling wherever we can, and we are strengthening democratic 

institutions and the rule of law in countries facing threats from Iranian proxy 

activities. 

U.S. policy regarding Iran’s human rights abuses has not changed as a result of 

the JCPOA. We will continue to publicly express our concerns regarding Iran’s 

human rights abuses, and to work with the international community to press Iran 

to meet its international human rights commitments. Our unilateral sanctions 

focused on human rights abuses will not be affected by the JCPOA, and we will continue to enforce them. 

Iran’s October 10 missile launch violates UNSCR 1929, which requires Iran not 

to ‘‘undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear 

weapons, including launches using ballistic missile technology.’’ We have strongly 

condemned the launch and U.N. Ambassador Power raised Iran’s violation in the 

U.N. Security Council in mid-October. We also submitted a joint report on the 

launch, together with France, Germany, and the U.K., to the Iran Sanctions Committee, calling upon the committee to review the matter and recommend appropriate 

action. 

Beyond the U.N. Security Council, we continue to use a variety of tools to counter 

Iran’s missile-related activities. These include continuing to work with the more 

than 100 countries around the world that have endorsed the Proliferation Security 

Initiative (PSI) to help limit Iranian missile-related imports; urging all countries to 

implement and enforce missile-related export controls, such as those established by 

the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), to limit the proliferation of missile 

technology and equipment to Iran; and employing our unilateral tools such as 

domestic authorities that provide us ways to impose sanctions on entities or individuals supporting Iran’s missile program. We are reviewing the facts from the recent 

launch to determine whether additional unilateral action is warranted in this case. 

Question. In a letter that President Obama sent to Senator Wyden, he stated that 

there are a wide range of unilateral and multilateral responses that the United 

States could take with its partners if Iran fails to meet its JCPOA commitments. 

This letter also referenced incremental options to ‘‘apply calibrated pressure in the 

event of noncompliance issues by Iran.’’ 

♦ In your view, what are those incremental options and what will your approach 

be in making recommendations to the President and what and when to apply 

such options? 

Answer. The United States is committed to promoting the effective implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and ensuring that Iran is 

fulfilling all of its nuclear-related commitments in a verifiable and complete fashion. 

Should we detect a violation of the agreement by Iran, the State Department will 

not hesitate to discuss appropriate actions with the President. We retain a wide 

range of options to deal with any failure by Iran to fulfill its nuclear-related commitments, whether significant nonperformance by Iran or more minor instances of noncompliance. For example, the United States has the ability to reimpose both 

national and multilateral nuclear-related sanctions in the event of nonperformance 

by Iran. In the case of United Nations (U.N.) sanctions, under U.N. Security Council 

Resolution 2231, we could do so even over the objections of any member of the Security Council, including China or Russia. Additionally, we have a range of other 

options for addressing minor noncompliance, including reimposing certain domestic 

sanctions to respond to minor but persistent violations of the JCPOA, and using our 

leverage in the Joint Commission on procurement requests. 

Question. Are you confident that the IAEA has the capacity to meticulously verify 

Iranian compliance? 

Answer. Yes. The IAEA has an established record of implementing safeguards 

agreements worldwide, and in verifying the compliance of states with their nuclear 

obligations. In addition, the IAEA has a proven track record of performing additional verification responsibilities based on its experience in verifying the Joint Plan 

of Action (JPOA) among the P5+1 and Iran since November 2013. 

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) puts in place vigorous, intrusive, and unprecedented transparency measures to enable the IAEA to verify 

whether Iran is fulfilling its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA. The 

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sanctions-related steps in the JCPOA will not be implemented until the IAEA is 

able to verify that Iran has completed key nuclear-related measures. 

The JCPOA ensures continuous monitoring of Iran’s key declared nuclear facilities. Not only will the IAEA have the right to a constant physical or technical presence in Iran’s primary nuclear sites, Natanz and Fordow, but it will be able to conduct regular monitoring of Iran’s uranium mines and mills and its centrifuge 

production, assembly, and storage facilities. This means that the IAEA will have information, access, and/or instrumental observation concerning the entire nuclear 

fuel cycle in Iran, as well as its nuclear-related procurement. This kind of monitoring makes it exceedingly difficult for Iran to divert materials for clandestine sites 

without being rapidly detected. Moreover, the establishment of a dedicated procurement channel for Iran’s nuclear program will further enable the close monitoring 

and approval of all nuclear-related imports so as to minimize the chances of any 

diversion to a secret nuclear weapons program. 

Under the Additional Protocol, which Iran will implement under the JCPOA, 

IAEA inspectors can request access to any location they have reason to suspect relates to undeclared nuclear activities. This is separate and in addition to the continuous access described above at declared nuclear facilities. The IAEA may use environmental sampling, visual observation, and radiation detection and measurement 

devices to detect clandestine nuclear activity at these locations. Moreover, if Iran 

were to deny an IAEA request for access to a suspicious undeclared location, a special provision in the JCPOA would trigger an access dispute resolution mechanism. 

Question. The United States has been a leader in providing humanitarian assistance to the Syrian conflict, but how do we address the hard fact that humanitarian 

needs are far outstripping the available resources? 

In the tradition of being a beacon of hope for refugees across the globe fleeing violence and persecution, shouldn’t we in the United States be willing to resettle significantly more Syrian refugees—who undergo the toughest security vetting available—to our country? The German Government will be accepting 1.5 million asylees 

this year alone. Should the United States be capable of identifying, conducting security screening and then resettling more than just 10,000 Syrian refugees announced 

for next year? 

Answer. We agree the needs stemming from the Syria humanitarian crisis are 

outpacing the international community’s response. We have provided more than 

$4.5 billion in humanitarian assistance since the start of the conflict; however, 

despite these efforts the U.N. appeal for the response is only 45 percent funded. To 

address this crisis, we are executing a five-pronged approach by: (1) engaging in 

robust international humanitarian diplomacy to encourage countries to contribute to 

the U.N. appeals for the Syrian crisis; (2) working to significantly increase the number of countries resettling Syrian refugees; (3) working with countries of first asylum to identify opportunities for refugees to pursue employment and become more 

self-sufficient in ways that do not exacerbate existing unemployment issues in host 

countries; (4) expanding methods to coordinate humanitarian and development 

assistance to support nations hosting large numbers of refugees; and (5) helping 

Europe focus on saving lives, improving reception, registration, and immediate 

assistance while it grapples with huge migration policy issues. 

The United States aims to admit up to 85,000 refugees in FY 2016, including 

10,000 from Syria. This is a 21-percent projected increase in total arrivals over FY 

2015, and a more than 500-percent increase in the number of Syrians admitted over 

the number admitted in FY 2015. The Department of State believes that 10,000 Syrian admissions is achievable given the number of referrals we have received from 

the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees as well as U.S. Government capacity to 

interview and security and medical screen Syrian applicants in the coming year. We 

will continue to evaluate the U.S. response to this humanitarian crisis, and if we 

can do more, we will. 

Question. The U.N. estimates that some 422,000 people inside Syria are ‘‘besieged’’—meaning completely cut off from receiving aid. Another 4.8 million are estimated as ‘‘hard-to-reach.’’ 

♦ What can the international community do differently to ensure that humanitarian access expands and that aid reaches those in Syria who need it the most? 

Answer. We remain very concerned about the people in Syria living in what the 

United Nations (U.N.) designates as ‘‘hard to reach’’ or ‘‘besieged areas.’’ These are 

vulnerable populations in great need of our support, and receive minimal to no 

assistance. ‘‘Besieged’’ areas are the most challenging in terms of access because 

those areas are cut off from humanitarian aid—in most cases because of the actions 

of the Assad regime. We continue to call on the regime and its allies to allow aid 

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throughout the country. The U.N. now estimates 4.5 million people are residing in 

designated ‘‘hard to reach’’ areas, more than half are in areas under the control of 

the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Despite the urgent need to reach 

civilians in need trapped under ISIL rule, our partners have found it increasingly 

challenging to operate in areas they control, given their violent and unpredictable 

nature. However, we continue to work to reach people in critical need of life-saving 

assistance in these areas, in cases where we are able to do so without ISIL stealing 

or benefiting from the assistance. 

The United States has worked through the U.N. Security Council and has supported Resolutions 2139, 2165, and 2191 calling for unhindered access to people in 

need. We continue to call on all parties to the conflict to act consistently with the 

calls in those resolutions. However, the single greatest factor limiting access for 

humanitarian aid remains the ongoing, intensifying conflict. Humanitarian assistance will not end the bloodshed in Syria. 

In addition, to maximize the reach and effectiveness of our support, we are working through various channels to ensure our assistance reaches throughout the entire 

country. These channels include the U.N., international organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and local Syrian organizations and networks. It 

includes assistance that originates in Syria, assistance delivered across conflict 

lines, and cross border assistance. 

United States Government humanitarian assistance is provided based on humanitarian need and the ability of our partners to access the populations in need of 

assistance. We work closely with the U.N., NGOs, and our Disaster Response teams 

on the ground to ensure we have the most current and detailed information on what 

the most pressing needs are and how we can reach those populations. We are in 

constant communication with our partners to discuss our programs and to ensure 

we are reaching the intended beneficiaries. Our programs also remain flexible 

should we need to modify methods or activities to minimize safety and security concerns or risk of diversion. 

The United States has provided more than $4.5 billion in humanitarian assistance 

since the start of the Syrian crisis—more than any other single donor—to help 

address dire humanitarian needs faced by millions of Syrians. For 5 years, our partners have fearlessly crossed conflict lines—at great personal risk—to help approximately 5 million people inside Syria every month who are in need of assistance and 

caught in the cross-fire If confirmed, I will ensure we continue these efforts to reach 

all those in need in Syria. 

Question. During the annual tier ranking negotiations with the J/TIP office, the 

regional bureaus often have an outsized role in determining the tier rankings of a 

country. If confirmed as the Under Secretary for Political Affairs, you will represent 

the regional bureaus in these negotiations. 

♦ If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that credibility of the TIP Report— 

which was the gold standard—is restored? 

♦ In tier ranking discussions, how will you approach the large footprint of the regional bureaus with the much less resourced and weaker J/TIP office to ensure 

that the TIP office’s recommendations are given serious consideration, not dismissed out of hand, and taken on board if reasonable? 

Answer. Over the past 15 years, the TIP Report has consistently drawn public 

attention to the problem of modern slavery and foreign government efforts to address it. The report is widely regarded as the gold standard for antitrafficking information about government efforts around the world to address this crime. 

The Department strives to make the report as objective and accurate as possible, 

documenting the successes and shortcomings of government antitrafficking efforts 

measured against the minimum standards established under U.S. law. However, the 

perception that unrelated political concerns played a role in the 2015 tier ranking 

process is a significant threat to the report’s credibility. 

The Department continuously reviews how we can use the report even more effectively as a lever to motivate tangible progress around the world. Specifically, the 

Department is working to improve internal communication and institutionalizing a 

process that ensures high-level engagement in a timely way throughout the course 

of the reporting period to urge governments to take needed action to fulfill the TIP 

Report recommendations. In addition, we are reviewing the individual country recommendations in the report, which inform the Action Plans we prepare annually for 

each country. We are considering ways we can strengthen the recommendations in 

the report and use them more effectively to push progress in individual priority 

countries through engagement year round. 

Producing the TIP Report is a year-round and whole-of-Department effort. It has 

and will continue to reflect the Department’s assessment of foreign government 

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efforts in 188 countries and territories during the reporting period to combat trafficking. Dedicated staff from the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP) and officers in the regional bureaus and at posts around the world work 

together, including with senior Department officials, to gather information year 

round from foreign governments, media, and civil society to inform each of the 

narratives. 

The final narratives and rankings, which the Secretary approves, reflect the 

Department’s best assessment of government efforts to combat human trafficking. 

If confirmed, I commit to you that I will continue this work with the utmost integrity—understanding both J/TIP’s essential role and voice in this process, as well as 

the importance of our missions on the ground in working with host governments to 

implement the recommendations in the TIP Report. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with the J/TIP Office, our regional 

bureaus, and our missions around the globe to ensure TIP issues are integrated into 

our broader foreign policy efforts. If confirmed, I also look forward to a robust and 

ongoing engagement and consultation with Congress to ensure that the TIP Report 

remains the gold standard for antitrafficking efforts for years to come. 

Question. In an effort to respond to the humanitarian crisis of unaccompanied 

Central American minors arriving at the United States Southwestern border, the 

United States has deepened its engagement with Central American nations and 

their governments in an effort to respond to challenges to citizen security, bolster 

democratic governance, promote economic growth, and facilitate regional integration. However, U.S. relations with Nicaragua remain minimal. 

♦ As part of its efforts to promote political and economic integration in Central 

America, is there an opportunity for the United States to pursue greater 

engagement with the Nicaraguan Government? Please identify areas where the 

United States and Nicaragua could increase bilateral cooperation. 

Answer. Currently, our engagement with Nicaragua has produced positive collaboration on trade, counternarcotics, search and rescue, disaster preparedness and 

response, the return of fugitive U.S. citizens, and protection of cultural patrimony. 

We believe we can continue to deepen our cooperation in these areas. The Nicaraguan Government also resolved all U.S. citizen property compensation claims subject to foreign assistance restrictions under Section 527. Our engagement on issues 

of democratic governance has been less productive. However, we will continue to use 

our engagement to promote democracy and greater defense of human rights. 

In keeping with our larger engagement in Central America, we will work with 

Nicaragua to increase regional prosperity and security, particularly given 

Nicaragua’s relatively strong economic growth, renewable energy production, and 

counternarcotics efforts. We will also seek to work with Nicaragua and its neighbors 

to promote regional integration and peaceful and enduring resolution of border and 

maritime boundary disputes. 

Question. How do you think this decision will impact the peace and reconciliation 

process in Afghanistan? Upon confirmation, do you anticipate playing a role in the 

reconciliation process? 

Answer. The United States continues to support an Afghan-led reconciliation process by which all Afghan opposition groups, including the Taliban, enter a political 

dialogue so that Afghans can talk to other Afghans about the future of their country 

and eventually resolve the conflict in Afghanistan. As part of the Department of 

State team, I will support U.S. efforts to work with the Afghan Government in its 

efforts to establish an Afghan-led reconciliation process. 

The Taliban have an opportunity to make genuine peace with the Afghan Government and rebuild their lives. The Government of Afghanistan has invited the 

Taliban to join the Afghan political process. The Taliban have a choice. They can 

accept the Government of Afghanistan’s invitation to engage in a peace process and 

ultimately become part of the legitimate political system of a sovereign, united 

Afghanistan, supported by the international community. Or, they can choose to continue fighting fellow Afghans and destabilizing their own country. 

The President’s decision will help the United States to continue playing an important role in setting the conditions for peace and reconciliation. 

Question. In the past 2 fiscal years, combined funding from the Departments of 

State and Defense for security assistance to Africa has grown from $542 million to 

$1 billion, while democracy building assistance has fallen from $230 million to $160 

million during the same time period. Though I understand myriad security challenges in the region, this imbalance in funding comes at a time of serious governance challenges and sends the wrong message to our partners. 

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♦ Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that there is an appropriate balance 

between engagement on security assistance and in the area of democracy and 

governance? 

Answer. Democracy, human rights, and governance (DRG) programs remain a significant priority for this administration. This commitment is strongly reflected in 

the President’s Budget for FY 2016, which requests $312 million for critical DRG 

programs in Africa to foster good governance and fight corruption, strengthen the 

rule of law, and promote civil society. In the past, annual appropriations bills have 

reduced funding for the key foreign assistance accounts that support DRG, which 

can make it difficult to fully fund these important activities. Our goal is to increase 

support for these important democracy-building programs, particularly in Africa. 

The Department of State also views the enhancement and improvement of security sector capabilities in Africa—both military and civilian—as an integral part of 

improving the human rights situation. Past events have shown us that security 

forces that lack robust civilian oversight and have not been appropriately educated 

on the importance of civilian security and respect for human rights norms can 

quickly descend into becoming perpetrators of human rights violations. For this 

reason, all of our military and police training includes a strong human rights component. In addition to traditional security assistance programs, the Security Governance Initiative (SGI) is an example of an important State Department-led effort specifically targeted to strengthen the institutions that govern the security sector. Our 

security sector reform efforts seek to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the 

security forces of African partner countries by improving the management, oversight 

and accountability of security sector institutions. Our engagement focuses at the 

strategic level to enhance military, law enforcement, and justice sector governance 

and capacity of African partners. We plan to continue those efforts, working toward 

the common goals of adherence to human rights norms and the protection of the 

citizenry, that militaries and police forces are established to protect. 

Question. What specific steps has the administration taken to improve human 

rights and political freedoms in Angola over the past several years through both diplomatic efforts and programmatic activities? 

Answer. We regularly meet with civil society, including human rights activists, 

attorneys, and independent journalists and discuss these issues in depth with government counterparts, including Vice President Vicente and Foreign Minister 

Chikoti. The Embassy has an ongoing relationship with the Minister of Justice and 

Human Rights that will continue at the first ever Human Rights Dialogue, tentatively scheduled for this November. On human rights cases, the Embassy attends 

court trials engaging with the defendants and their legal team. DRL Deputy Assistant Secretary Feldstein raised these points with the government during his August 

2015 visit to Luanda. We will continue to press the Government of Angola to combat 

corruption and improve human rights such as freedom of press, assembly, and 

speech, including through the AGOA eligibility annual review process in early 2016. 

Question. What is your assessment of the actual—as opposed to stated—reasons 

for the arrest of the so called ‘‘Angola 15,’’ and what specific actions has the State 

Department taken in the context of their arrest and detention to make clear that 

the government should respect freedom of assembly, association, and speech, and 

follow due process related to this case and others? 

Answer. We note the Government of Angola’s claims that they arrested the 15 

activists due to fears of an attempted unconstitutional change of government. They 

have indicated they have additional evidence in this case and we will monitor further developments as the trial progresses. We continue to engage the government 

on this case and all other human rights cases urging an open and transparent due 

process be observed. U.S. Embassy Luanda has discussed detention conditions with 

the detainees’ lawyers. During DRL Deputy Assistant Secretary Feldstein’s visit to 

Luanda in August 2015, he met with human rights defenders, the activists’ lawyers, 

and the government. As a followup to his visit, a Human Rights Dialogue with the 

government is tentatively scheduled for this November in Washington, DC. 

Question. If confirmed, how will you make sure that the Asia-Pacific region remains a priority in our foreign policy and balance it with other competing regional 

priorities? 

Answer. The Asia-Pacific is a critical region for the United States because we are, 

and will remain, a Pacific power. The former Under Secretary for Political Affairs 

worked to increase U.S. presence in the region and establish a ‘‘new normal’’ of 

engagement. If confirmed, I will work to sustain and increase this ‘‘new normal’’ of 

intensified engagement, while exploring fresh efforts to expand our influence. I will 

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also work to strengthen our partnerships and alliances, and develop maritime 

domain awareness (MDA) and law enforcement capacity in Southeast Asia. In the 

future, I look forward to seeking new opportunities to empower our partners in the 

region to more capably tackle global challenges such as climate change, global public 

health, human rights, counterterrorism, nonproliferation, transnational crime, and 

other traditional and nontraditional security challenges. 

THOMAS SHANNON’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Unfortunately, Venezuela’s December 6 parliamentary election will not 

include democratic figures like Leopoldo Lopez, who remains in jail, on the ballot. 

During your confirmation hearing, you stated that those political prisoners are 

essential to the democratic process in Venezuela, and that you will continue to press 

for their release. 

♦ Can the elections be truly considered fair and free while prominent opposition 

figures remain imprisoned and barred from participating? 

Answer. We remain deeply concerned by the Venezuelan Government’s continuing 

efforts to prevent opponents from participating in the political process. Arresting 

and imprisoning leading political figures, declaring others ineligible to hold public 

office, and restricting the ability of candidates to campaign and communicate with 

voters are significant violations of democratic principles and practices. In such an 

environment, it is hard to see how an election could be fair. However, the upcoming 

legislative elections could still be free, if Venezuelans are allowed to go to the polls 

and there is sufficient guarantee that their votes will count. 

While we join the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Inter-American 

Commission on Human Rights, and the European Union in calling on Venezuela to 

release political prisoners and respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, we 

also call on the government to invite credible international election observers to participate in the December 6 elections. We believe that such observers will guarantee 

the votes of all Venezuelans, and help Venezuelans exercise a fundamental right no 

matter how challenging the political environment. 

Question. Last year, Moises Naim of the Carnegie Endowment for International 

Peace noted in The Financial Times that, ‘‘the enormous influence that Cuba has 

gained in Venezuela is one of the most underreported geopolitical developments of 

recent times.’’ 

♦ Do you believe that Cuba has contributed to the weakening of democratic institutions in Venezuela? 

♦ How much influence do you believe Cuba has with Venezuela’s military and 

security services? 

♦ Should Cuba’s regime be held accountable for the deterioration of democracy 

and supporting repression in Venezuela? 

♦ Has the Obama administration’s new Cuba policy, which unconditionally recognized and promotes business with the Western Hemisphere’s sole totalitarian 

dictatorship, sent a message to the Maduro government that there are no consequences for similarly radicalizing his regime? 

Answer. Cuba’s interests in Venezuela are threefold: securing a reliable source of 

cheap energy, obtaining cash transfers to meet fiscal needs, and gaining an ally in 

South America and the greater Caribbean. Cuba has pursued these interests assiduously, and in return has provided the Venezuelan Government with much-needed 

security and intelligence assistance, doctors, teachers, and other personnel to run 

Venezuela’s social programs. While Cuba is interested in the stability of Venezuela, 

it has no interest or investment in Venezuela’s democratic institutions. 

That said, the challenges facing Venezuelan democracy are the responsibility of 

the Government of Venezuela. However important Cuban influence might be, we 

should not deflect that responsibility. It is the Venezuelan Government that is holding political prisoners, declaring political candidates ineligible for public office, 

weakening the separation of powers, politicizing the judiciary, and limiting freedom 

of the press. 

The United States consistently makes clear to the Government of Venezuela that 

their acts of repression and oppression will continue to impact the bilateral relationship negatively. Each iteration of dialogue with the Venezuelans is anchored by 

direct and candid engagement on human rights, rule-of-law, and public trust. 

In our engagement with countries throughout the region we press governments 

to live up to the hemisphere’s shared commitment to democracy as articulated in 

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the OAS Charter, the Inter-American Democratic Charter, and other fundamental 

instruments related to democracy and human rights. In the process, we will continue to call on the Venezuelan Government to respect the human rights of all Venezuelans, regardless of their political affiliations and views, and afford them the 

ability to exercise their rights and freedoms of expression and assembly and due 

process. 

Question. Please explain why each of the individuals in the attached list have not 

been sanctioned under the Venezuela Defense of Human Rights and Civil Society 

Act of 2014. 

Answer. While I was not involved in the implementation of the Venezuela Defense 

of Human Rights and Civil Society Act of 2014, I believe this law, and Executive 

Order 13692, are important foreign policy tools that we should use as appropriate 

and necessary. Each determination on whether and when to impose targeted measures, including visa restrictions or asset blocking, takes into account the specific factual information we have on the individuals at issue in light of the requirements 

under U.S. law for imposing sanctions. Our implementation of sanctions is also carried out in the context of U.S. foreign policy interests, in consultation with all relevant agencies, including respect for human rights, democratic governance and pluralism, and regional security and stability. 

Separately, since July 2014 the Department has restricted visa eligibility for certain Venezuelans believed to be responsible for, or complicit, in human rights abuses 

and undermining democratic governance, including public corruption. The Secretary 

of State took these steps pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and 

Nationality Act. 

We will continue to monitor the situation in Venezuela, and stand ready to take 

action against other individuals as additional information becomes available and is 

assessed to meet the criteria for sanctions. 

Question. Did you or any U.S. official, including persons in the White House, indicate to representatives of the Venezuelan Government that the United States will 

refrain from applying additional sanctions on human rights violators or other corrupt persons? 

Answer. No. We have been clear that all diplomatic options remain on the table 

and, should the situation warrant it, we would deploy these tools. 

Question. During your time as Counselor of the State Department, please provide 

a list of specific times and circumstances in which you have met Diosdado Cabello, 

Speaker of Venezuela’s National Assembly? 

Answer. I traveled to Port-au-Prince on June 13, 2015, at the invitation of Haitian 

President Michel Martelly, who hosted U.S. and Venezuelan officials for a trilateral 

meeting to discuss Haitian elections and support for its reconstruction and development. National Assembly President Diosdado Cabello was a member of the Venezuelan delegation. Following the trilateral meeting, I met with Mr. Cabello and 

Foreign Minister Rodriguez in a bilateral meeting. These were the only times I have 

met with Mr. Cabello during my tenure as Counselor. 

Question. In June 2015, you were photographed meeting with Mr. Cabello in 

Haiti. Were you aware in advance that he would be attending this meeting? If so, 

when did you find out? 

Answer. The Venezuelan Government chose the members of its delegation for the 

June 13, 2015, trilateral meeting in Port-au-Prince. We did not know of Mr. 

Cabello’s inclusion in that group until we arrived in Haiti on June 13. 

Question. Is it the Obama administration’s policy to send high-ranking State 

Department officials to meet with senior foreign officials that are the targets of U.S. 

federal investigations? 

Answer. No. In pursuit of U.S. national interests, we regularly meet with a broad 

spectrum of political, private sector, and civil society leaders. We are mindful of 

those instances when such leaders are accused of wrong doing or are under investigation. There are moments when such engagement is necessary, either to communicate clearly U.S. positions or achieve U.S. policy goals. 

Question. Have you been briefed about the ongoing investigation of Diosdado 

Cabello by anyone in the U.S. law enforcement community? If so, when and whom 

were you briefed by? 

Answer. In the course of my duties as Counselor, I have been briefed by federal 

law enforcement agencies regarding the situation in Venezuela, specifically in April 

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and June 2015. The exact subject and nature of these briefings is sensitive law 

enforcement information. 

Question. Have you ever discussed the status of any ongoing law enforcement 

investigations with any Venezuelan officials, including Diosdado Cabello? 

Answer. No. I have not discussed the status of any ongoing law enforcement 

investigations with Venezuelan officials. 

Question. Has the Drug Enforcement Administration or Department of Justice 

provided a list to the Department of State of individuals cooperating with U.S. law 

enforcement investigations in Venezuela? If so, when? 

Answer. No. I am unaware of any such list. 

Question. Has the State Department revoked visas for any Venezuelan officials 

that the U.S. law enforcement community has indicated are cooperating with the 

U.S. Government? If so, what was your role in that decision? 

Answer. I am not aware of any visa revocations of Venezuelan officials that are 

cooperating with U.S. law enforcement officials. 

Question. Please explain the length and nature of your relationship with Pedro 

Mario Burelli, a Venezuelan citizen. 

Answer. I first met Pedro Burelli when I served at our Embassy in Caracas from 

1996–99. At the time, he was a member of the PDVSA Board of Directors and his 

father, Miguel Angel Burelli Rivas, was the Foreign Minister in the government of 

President Rafael Caldera. Mr. Burelli is a friend of mine. 

Question. During your nomination hearing, you stated that if confirmed, you will 

make sure that you will work to restore the credibility of the TIP process. If confirmed, what are your specific recommendations for making the TIP process more 

transparent? 

Answer. Over the past 15 years, the TIP Report has consistently drawn public 

attention to the problem of modern slavery and foreign government efforts to address it. The report is widely regarded as the gold standard for antitrafficking information about government efforts around the world to address this crime. 

The Department strives to make the report as objective and accurate as possible, 

documenting the successes and shortcomings of government antitrafficking efforts 

measured against the minimum standards established under U.S. law. However, the 

perception that unrelated political concerns played a role in the 2015 tier ranking 

process is a significant threat to the report’s credibility. 

The Department continuously reviews how we can use the report even more effectively as a lever to motivate tangible progress around the world. Specifically, the 

Department is working to improve internal communication and institutionalizing a 

process that ensures high-level engagement in a timely way throughout the course 

of the reporting period to urge governments to take needed action to fulfill the TIP 

Report recommendations. In addition, we are reviewing the individual country recommendations in the report, which inform the Action Plans we prepare annually for 

each country. We are considering ways we can strengthen the recommendations in 

the report and use them more effectively to push progress in individual priority 

countries through engagement year round. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with the J/TIP Office, our regional 

bureaus, and our missions around the globe to ensure TIP issues are integrated into 

our broader foreign policy efforts. If confirmed, I also look forward to a robust and 

ongoing engagement and consultation with Congress to ensure that the TIP Report 

remains the gold standard for antitrafficking efforts for years to come. 

Question. Please provide the Cuban’s Government’s National Action Plan to Combat Trafficking that the Department cited as one of the reasons Cuba was upgraded 

in the most recent TIP report. 

Answer. The Cuban Government informed the Department in March 2015 that 

they were developing a national action plan, which would include trafficking in persons. This information was provided at the end of the 2015 reporting period and was 

not considered in decisions regarding Cuba’s tier placement in the 2015 report. In 

fact, the 2015 TIP Report recommends that the Cuban Government ‘‘develop an 

action plan to address sex trafficking and forced labor for males and females.’’ 

To date, the Government of Cuba has not shared with us a national action plan, 

although in 2013 and 2014 they provided reports of their efforts to combat trafficking in persons, which were considered as part of our evaluation process. 

Cuba was upgraded in the 2015 TIP Report because of significant efforts to comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, including the 

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prosecution and conviction of 13 sex traffickers in 2013 and the provision of services 

to victims in those cases. 

The Cuban Government’s antitrafficking efforts, including efforts to develop a 

national action plan to address sex trafficking and forced labor, will be one of the 

many factors taken into consideration when determining Cuba’s tier ranking in the 

2016 TIP Report. 

Question. What actions has the U.S. Government taken since the conclusion of the 

JCPOA to sanction Iran for its ongoing human rights abuses and sponsorship of 

terrorism? 

Answer. The administration’s policy regarding Iran’s human rights abuses and 

sponsorship of terrorism has not changed as a result of the JCPOA. Our unilateral 

sanctions focused on human rights abuses and terrorism will not be affected by the 

JCPOA, and we will continue to enforce them. 

On human rights, we continue to publicly express our concerns regarding these 

abuses, and to work with the international community to press Iran to meet its 

international human rights commitments. We have consistently and publicly 

expressed our concerns about Iran’s human rights abuses through a range of channels and call on Iran to grant all prisoners and detainees full due process rights, 

in accordance with its international commitments. 

The administration will continue to highlight our concerns and document human 

rights violations in our annual Human Rights, Trafficking in Persons, and International Religious Freedom reports. Additionally, we have partnered with other 

countries to support and adopt resolutions in the U.N. General Assembly and the 

U.N. Human Rights Council highlighting human rights concerns in Iran, and in 

supporting the mandate of the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human 

Rights in Iran. 

Iran’s support for terrorism also remains a serious concern for the administration, 

and we are committed to working with our partners in the region and around the 

world to take the necessary steps to counter Iranian aggression. The United States 

has designated Iran as a State Sponsor of Terrorism, and that designation and the 

sanctions consequences that flow from it will remain in place under the deal. Iranian individuals and entities designated for terrorism will remain subject to sanctions, including IRGC–QF Qasem Soleimani and the IRGC–QF itself. 

Question. Recent press reports indicate that Russia has facilitated Iran’s efforts 

to ship weapons to the Assad regime in Syria. Is Russia in violation of existing 

UNSCRs regarding Iranian arms sales? 

Answer. Full and robust enforcement of all relevant U.N. measures is, and will, 

remain critical. We continue to deter and respond to arms sales violations, including 

through interdiction, sanctions and law enforcement measures, and will continue to 

press the Security Council to address and respond to any violations of U.N. Security 

Council resolutions. Where legal and appropriate, we have shared information with 

Russia when transactions might violate U.N. Security Council resolutions on Iran. 

The United States takes seriously all credible allegations of states facilitating violations of a U.N. arms embargo, and we are prepared to pursue action in the Security Council, its sanctions committees, other multilateral fora, bilaterally and unilaterally. The Department would be happy to brief you on further details in a classified 

setting. 

Question. What specifically is the administration doing to punish Iran for its 

recent ballistic missile test, which, according to the United States, was a violation 

of UNSCR 1929? 

Answer. We believe that Iran’s October 10 launch of the ‘‘Emad,’’ which is a new 

variant of the Shahab-3 medium range ballistic missile inherently capable of delivering a nuclear weapon, was a clear violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 

1929 (2010). 

In a meeting of the U.N. Security Council on October 21, U.S. Ambassador to the 

United Nations, Samantha Power, highlighted this violation and condemned the 

launch as destabilizing. Other Security Council members joined the United States 

in condemning the launch as a violation, highlighting the widespread international 

concern with this act. These actions alone have demonstrated to Iran that there is 

a political cost for such provocation. 

Additionally, on October 21 the United States, together with France, Germany, 

and the United Kingdom, submitted a joint report on the launch to the U.N. Security Council’s Iran Sanctions Committee. We anticipate that the committee will discuss our report in a meeting this month. We have called on the committee, with 

the support of the independent U.N. Panel of Experts, to review this matter quickly 

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and recommend appropriate action. We also intend to press the committee to engage 

Iran directly, including to express concern and to ask Iran to explain its behavior. 

Further, beyond the U.N. Security Council, we have a range of unilateral and 

multilateral tools available to counter Iran’s missile-related activities. We have 

imposed on multiple past occasions penalties under domestic authorities on foreign 

persons and entities engaged in proliferation-related activities. We are reviewing the 

facts from the recent launch to determine whether such action is warranted in this 

case. In the meantime, we are continuing to combat the proliferation of missile technology and equipment by working with the more than 100 countries around the 

world that have endorsed the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and by urging 

all countries to implement and enforce missile-related export controls, such as those 

established by the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). 

Moving forward, full and robust enforcement of all relevant U.N. measures will 

remain critical. We will continue to press the Security Council to address and 

respond to any violations by Iran. While all of the provisions of the previous U.N. 

Security Council resolutions on Iran’s nuclear program remain in effect, we will continue to insist that these resolutions be enforced and that the committee and the 

Panel continue to carry out their respective mandates. We have repeatedly underscored this point to all relevant international actors. 

Question. Has Iran violated the arms embargo that it is subject to under several 

UNSCRs since the conclusion of the JCPOA? Please provide a list of specific violations as part of a classified response if necessary. 

Answer. We believe it is likely that Iran has continued in recent months to provide support to the Assad regime in Syria and to the Houthis in Yemen in violation 

of UNSCRs. We would be happy to provide additional details in a classified setting. 

We are certainly concerned that Iran continues to violate the U.N. sanctions imposed against it, including through illicit procurement and arms smuggling. Iran’s 

trafficking of weapons, including to some of the most extreme and irresponsible 

actors in the region, remains a serious threat to peace. We continue to deter and 

respond to such violations, including through interdiction, sanctions and law 

enforcement measures, as appropriate. 

To support these efforts, we will continue to invoke the U.N. arms restrictions on 

Iran that exist now in Security Council Resolution 1929 (2010) and those in Security 

Council Resolution 2231(2015), which will come into effect once we reach Implementation Day. We will also continue to invoke other existing U.N. arms embargoes as 

appropriate, including those in Security Council resolutions that target arms transfers to the Houthis in Yemen, Shia militants in Iraq, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Libya, 

and North Korea. Full and robust enforcement of all relevant U.N. measures is and 

will remain critical. 

In addition, we still have a number of ways, including through our unilateral 

sanctions authorities, to impose penalties on foreign persons and entities involved 

in Iranian conventional arms transfers. The size of the U.S. economy, the power of 

our financial system, and the reach of U.S. unilateral measures give us enormous 

leverage to pressure other countries to abide by restrictions on Iranian arms 

activity. 

Question. Do you agree with Iranian Foreign Minister Zarif’s statement that Iran 

does not ‘‘jail people for their opinions?’’ 

Answer. No. As we noted in our most recent Country Report on Human Rights 

for Iran, during 2014 ‘‘the government arrested students, journalists, lawyers, political activists, women’s activists, artists, and members of religious minorities, 

charged many with crimes, such as ‘propaganda against the system’ and ‘insulting 

the Supreme Leader’ and treated such cases as national security trials.’’ 

We also noted in the report that ‘‘Iranian law limits freedom of speech, including 

by members of the press. Individuals were not permitted to criticize publicly the 

country’s system of government, Supreme Leader, or official religion. Security forces 

and the country’s judiciary punished those who violated these restrictions and often 

punished as well persons who publicly criticized the President, the Cabinet, and the 

Islamic Consultative Assembly. The government monitored meetings, movements, 

and communications of opposition members, reformists, activists, and human rights 

defenders. It often charged persons with crimes against national security and insulting the regime based on letters, e-mails, and other public and private communications.’’ 

Question. What specifically do you intend to do to bring home American citizens 

currently detained in Iran and to obtain information about the whereabouts of Floridian Robert Levinson? 

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Answer. The President and the Secretary of State have repeatedly and publicly 

called for the immediate release of Saeed Abedini, Jason Rezaian, and Amir 

Hekmati, and for the Government of Iran to work cooperatively with us to locate 

Robert Levinson. We will not rest until these Americans are reunited with their 

families in the United States. 

The Secretary consistently raises the cases of detained and missing U.S. citizens 

with his Iranian counterpart when they meet. I also raised this issue with the Iranian Government at the first meeting of the Joint Commission in Vienna in October. 

If confirmed, I will continue to raise the detained and missing U.S. citizens with 

Iranian officials at all levels at every opportunity. 

THOMAS SHANNON’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. What would you say are the most significant implications of the JCPOA 

for U.S. foreign policy broadly? What would be the consequences for the region, and 

our Nation, should this deal unravel, or fail to be implemented? To what extent, if 

any, does the Iran deal represent a turning point in United States-Iran relations? 

Do you view this as a limited agreement that does not change the trajectory of decades of United States-Iran animosity? What type of future engagement do you hope 

to have with Iran? What do you think is realistic? 

Answer. The goal of the JCPOA is to eliminate the imminent threat that Iran will 

acquire a nuclear weapon. The deal itself will not erase decades of Iranian antiAmerican and anti-Israeli rhetoric and actions. We will continue to aggressively 

counter Iran’s support for terrorism and its destabilizing activities in the region, 

working closely with Israel, the gulf countries, and our other regional partners. We 

have been clear that we are not suspending or removing sanctions related to nonnuclear issues, such as Iran’s support for terrorism, its ballistic missile activities, 

its abuse of human rights, or its support for the Assad regime, Hezbollah, or the 

Houthis in Yemen. 

Question. You have mentioned before that this deal with Iran will be ‘‘made or 

broken in its implementation.’’ Would you be willing to provide to this committee 

with a list of potential or foreseen Iranian violations, and what specific actions 

would be taken to punish Iranian cheating? 

Answer. We remain committed to consulting closely with Congress throughout implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and to ensuring 

that Iran fulfills all of its nuclear-related commitments in a verifiable and complete 

manner. Should Iran fail to fulfill any of its nuclear-related commitments, we retain 

a wide range of options to respond, whether in the case of significant nonperformance by Iran or more minor instances of noncompliance. For example, the United 

States has the ability to reimpose both national and multilateral nuclear-related 

sanctions in the event of nonperformance by Iran. In the case of United Nations 

(U.N.) sanctions, under U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231, we could do so even 

over the objections of any member of the Security Council, including China or Russia. Additionally, we have a range of other options for addressing minor noncompliance. These include reimposing certain domestic sanctions to respond to minor but 

persistent violations of the JCPOA, and using our leverage in the Joint Commission 

on procurement requests. 

Question. Iran’s Supreme Leader Khamenei formally endorsed the JCPOA, but he 

also included some caveats. He said that this deal commits the West to lift all sanctions and prohibits it from imposing any new ones. Khamenei specifically noted that 

sanctions for terrorism or human rights abuses would be violations of the JCPOA, 

and would then oblige the Iranian Government to cease abiding by it. 

♦ How does this interpretation of the deal from Iran impact our ability to counter 

their hegemonic moves in Syria? Is our toolkit limited now? Will this administration support further sanctions on Iran for human rights abuses or terrorism? 

Answer. We are aware of the October 21 letter from the Supreme Leader to President Rouhani and note that all sides understand what they must to do to reach 

JCPOA Implementation Day, when the IAEA verifies that Iran has taken all of its 

nuclear related steps under the JCPOA and in turn Iran receives relief from 

nuclear-related sanctions. The JCPOA clearly lays out this process, and that will 

remain the focus of the administration. As long as Iran keeps its commitments 

under the JCPOA, we will not reimpose the nuclear-related sanctions lifted under 

the JCPOA. 

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We have been clear with Iran, both publicly and privately, that we will continue 

to take the actions we feel necessary, including through the use of sanctions, to 

counter Iran’s destabilizing activities, to block their support for terrorism, and to 

address their human rights abuses. 

We have condemned Iranian support to Syria’s Assad regime—support that includes providing not only billions of dollars in funds, but also weapons, strategic 

guidance, training, and mobilization of Shia paramilitary fighters from around the 

region, thus enabling the regime’s continued repression. We have imposed targeted 

sanctions on Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and its Ministry of Intelligence and Security for their support to the Assad regime. 

Question. As you know, on October 10 Iran launched a medium-range ballistic 

missile called the ‘‘Ebad’’ missile, which Ambassador Samantha Power concluded 

was capable of delivering a nuclear weapon. 

♦ Do you believe this constitutes a violation of the U.N. Security Resolution 2231? 

How should the U.S. respond to such a violation? 

Answer. The administration is deeply concerned that Iran continues to develop a 

ballistic missile capacity that threatens regional and international security. Iran’s 

October 10 missile launch violates UNSCR 1929, which requires Iran not to ‘‘undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons, 

including launches using ballistic missile technology.’’ 

We have strongly condemned the launch and are now working with allies to raise 

Iran’s violation at the U.N. and increase the political costs to Iran of violating its 

international obligations. As you note, Ambassador Power raised the matter in the 

U.N. Security Council in mid-October. As followup, together with France, Germany, 

and the United Kingdom, we submitted a joint report on the launch to the Security 

Council’s Iran Sanctions Committee. We called on the committee, with the support 

of the independent U.N. Panel of Experts, to review this matter quickly and recommend appropriate action. 

Beyond the U.N. Security Council, we have a range of unilateral and multilateral 

tools available to counter Iran’s missile-related activities. We have imposed on multiple past occasions penalties under domestic authorities on foreign persons and 

entities engaged in proliferation-related activities. We are reviewing the facts from 

the recent launch to determine whether such action is warranted in this case. In 

the meantime, we are continuing to combat the proliferation of missile technology 

and equipment by working with the more than 100 countries around the world that 

have endorsed the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and by urging all countries 

to implement and enforce missile-related export controls, such as those established 

by the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). 

Question. Soon the United States, Russia, and a group of European and Middle 

Eastern countries are preparing international talks to accelerate efforts to end the 

war in Syria. 

♦ At this point, are you expecting a negotiated, diplomatic solution? How will 

President Assad play into this equation? Do you agree with having Assad stay 

in power for any period of time? What is your opinion of Iran being at the table? 

Do you think they can play a productive role? Is a negotiated settlement possible with ISIS involved? 

Answer. There is no military solution to the crisis in Syria. Attempting to end the 

civil war by military action will only cause greater violence and create further 

refugee flows, human casualties, destruction of institutions and public services— 

exacerbating human suffering. That is why, while we work to degrade and defeat 

ISIL, we are trying to advance a managed, negotiated political transition through 

diplomacy; Secretary Kerry initiated last week’s meeting in Vienna to do just that. 

Assad cannot unite or govern Syria. His brutality against the Syrian people, 

including chlorine attacks and indiscriminate barrel bombing, has cost hundreds of 

thousands lives and resulted in the current crisis in which half of the prewar Syrian 

population is displaced. Last week in Vienna, all participants agreed that any future 

‘‘elections must be administered under U.N. supervision to the satisfaction of the 

governance and to the highest international standards of transparency and accountability, free and fair, with all Syrians, including the diaspora, eligible to participate.’’ 

The Secretary of State is clear it is important for all key stakeholders to be 

present, including Iran. However, the invitation for Iran to participate in these discussions does not overlook Iran’s ongoing support for the Assad regime, continued 

support for terrorist organizations like Hezbollah, and its destabilizing regional 

behavior. As the President has said, there cannot be a return to the prewar status 

quo. 

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While it is unclear whether the current round of talks will succeed in bringing 

about the transition that the Syrian people deserve, the United States is committed 

to pursuing a negotiated settlement to the crisis. As we pursue this diplomatic 

track, we are also pursuing a comprehensive effort to degrade and defeat ISIL in 

Syria—a goal that was affirmed by all participants at last week’s Vienna meeting. 

We have conducted over 2,700 strikes against ISIL targets in Syria, and we have 

seen marked success in the campaign over the last year. ISIL’s access to border 

crossings has been eliminated from all but 68 miles of the 600-mile long Turkey/ 

Syrian border and we continue to pursue these efforts with over 65 coalition 

partners. 

Question. Russia’s increased military actions in Syria are concerning. Particularly 

when they have said they are targeting ISIS, when in reality some 80 percent of 

their strikes are targeting areas not controlled by ISIS. Instead, they are helping 

to further prop up Assad by striking rebel groups. 

♦ How willing do you think the Russians are to actually participate in the antiISIS coalition? 

Answer. Russia’s actions in Syria—where its focus has not been on striking 

ISIL—indicate it is not interested in participating in the U.S.-led 65-member 

Counter-ISIL Coalition. If the Kremlin changes course and employs its military in 

a constructive manner that works with the coalition, we would welcome Russia’s 

contribution. We appreciate that Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov has agreed to 

participate in the upcoming meeting in Vienna, which will bring together 19 international stakeholders to discuss how to end the violence in Syria as soon as possible, but Russia still needs to recognize that there must be a political transition 

in Syria that includes Assad’s departure in order to stop the bloodshed as well as 

the refugee and humanitarian crises. 

Question. What do you see as Russia’s motivations for intervening in Syria? What 

are likely consequences for Syria, Russia, and the region? 

Answer. It appears that the Russian Government intervened to prop up the Assad 

regime when it observed significant setbacks to the regime on the ground. The 

Kremlin has maintained its actions are driven by a desire to fight terrorism, but 

is also likely motivated by an interest in portraying itself as a global leader, while 

redirecting attention away from Ukraine. 

Russia has aligned itself against the vast majority of the Syrian people and interjected itself into a sectarian conflict. Moscow asserts that its military action is 

directed at ISIL, but about 80 percent of Russian strikes target areas like Hama, 

Homs, and Aleppo where the Assad regime has lost territory to forces led by the 

moderate opposition. 

There is also credible reporting that Russian actions are exacerbating an already 

dangerous refugee outflow, straining European countries’ ability to cope. Just over 

the last month, the United Nations reports at least 120,000 Syrians have been internally displaced as a result of regime offenses aided by Russian airstrikes. In less 

than 2 weeks, 52,800 people were displaced in northern Hama and southern Idlib 

alone. 

We have repeatedly conveyed our concerns to Russian officials that its intervention in Syria has aggravated the sectarian divide and the humanitarian crisis. We 

have urged Russia to use its influence to compel the Assad regime to stop its attacks 

against innocent civilians and to agree to a political transition. 

Question. What are implications of Russian intervention for U.S. military operations against ISIS? What are potential implications of Russian intervention for 

U.S. policy in the region, and U.S. bilateral relationships with traditional regional 

partners? 

Answer. The implications of Russian intervention for U.S. military operations 

against ISIL are twofold: (1) Russian pilots’ behavior over Syria has been dangerous—indeed, reckless at times—and thus we have made efforts to mitigate the 

danger to our pilots; (2) Russian airstrikes have targeted moderate opposition fighting ISIL and allowed ISIL to gain territory in some areas, making our counter-ISIL 

fight more difficult. 

On October 20, senior officials from our Department of Defense and the Russian 

Ministry of Defense signed a memorandum of understanding on measures to ensure 

our pilots’ safety by minimizing the risk of inflight incidents among coalition and 

Russian aircraft operating over Syria. There is no agreement between our two sides 

on broader military coordination beyond flight safety. Some countries neighboring 

Syria, including Israel, Turkey, and Jordan, have also established working level 

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military communication mechanisms to avoid misunderstandings and unintended 

confrontations. 

About 80 percent of Russian strikes target areas like Hama, Homs, and Aleppo 

where the Assad regime has lost territory to forces led by the moderate opposition. 

In northern Syria, reports suggest that since Russian strikes began, ISIL has 

acquired more territory, not less. 

We have encouraged our allies and partners to push Russia to employ its military 

to target ISIL and compel the Assad regime to stop its attacks against innocent 

civilians and agree to a political transition. 

Question. Do you think Russia’s involvement in Syria is in any way good or helpful to U.S. policy interests? 

Answer. We and our allies and partners are pushing Russia to play a constructive 

role in the fight against ISIL and to use its influence with the Assad regime to compel it to end its attacks against the Syrian people and to agree to a political transition to end the crisis. If the Kremlin changes course and employs its military in a 

constructive manner that works with the coalition, it could have a positive effect on 

policy goals in the region, and we would, as President Obama has said, welcome 

Russia’s contribution. 

Question. We can see from the latest developments in the Middle East that traditional U.S. allies in the region are starting to turn toward Russia more in the 

absence of a stronger U.S. presence. Just this weekend, Iraq gave Russia the green 

light to begin airstrikes there, despite U.S. objections. And on October 23, 2015, 

Russia signed an agreement with Jordan to cooperate militarily against ISIS. 

♦ What do you think of these moves toward Russia? Is our lack of commitment 

to Iraq and Syria leading our regional allies to turn to Russia? Do you view that 

as a problem? 

Answer. The United States remains the most powerful force in the Middle East 

with a web of alliances and partnerships as well as a physical presence that is 

unrivaled. Regional actors have reacted to Russia’s intervention in various ways, but 

we are confident that our deep and long-standing partnerships with countries such 

as Jordan and Iraq will remain strong as we share the same objectives on the core 

issues of how to best combat ISIL and promote a transition in Syria. 

The Government of Iraq has not approved Russian airstrikes in its territory, 

though some parliamentarians have pressured Prime Minister Abadi to do so. Prime 

Minister Abadi has assured us that the Government of Iraq will not invite Russia 

to conduct airstrikes. We have not seen Russia conduct any strikes there, nor take 

any practical steps in preparation to do so in the near term. Similar to the United 

States, Jordan has worked with Russia to ensure the safety of its pilots as they conduct operations in regions where Russian aircraft are also present. 

Question. In April of 2015, the State Department released its second Quadrennial 

Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR). Please describe what you see as the 

principal outcomes of the QDDR. 

♦ What progress, if any, has been made toward implementing the review’s recommendations? What impact, if any, will the review have on the day-to-day conduct of U.S. diplomacy and on the role and functioning of the office of the Under 

Secretary for Political Affairs? 

Answer. The principal outcomes of the 2015 QDDR are its identification and focus 

on a few big challenges and opportunities, both strategic and operational. The review identified four global strategic policy priorities that are, in many cases, interrelated: preventing conflict and violent extremism, promoting open democratic societies, advancing inclusive economic growth, and mitigating and adapting to climate 

change. These policy objectives are relevant to our work in nearly all parts of the 

world and the QDDR provides the State Department and USAID with detailed guidance on how we should focus our efforts. All four of these strategic priorities were 

included in both the 2015 National Security Strategy and the 2014 State-USAID 

Joint Strategic Plan, but the QDDR makes very specific commitments detailing 

what the Department and USAID will do to advance our objectives in these areas. 

Furthermore, the 2015 QDDR includes specific recommendations for the bureaucratic reforms we must undertake in order to adapt our organizations to support our 

policy priorities. The QDDR outlines the steps we must take to build dynamic organizations including harnessing knowledge, data, and technology; promoting innovation; managing physical risk; advancing strategic planning and performance management; and increasing our engagement with broad sectors of American society, 

economy, and culture. 

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Lastly, another principal outcome of the 2015 QDDR is the attention given to 

building a skilled, diverse, and agile workforce. The review also presents steps to 

improve work-life wellness for our employees and give support to those who face the 

greatest risks. 

As the nominee to be Under Secretary for Political Affairs, the ongoing implementation of the QDDR recommendations affects a broad variety of what would be my 

portfolio, either directly or via the regional and functional bureaus that I would 

oversee. This includes aspects of the strategic policy priorities, organizational reforms, as well as workforce issues. 

Since the QDDR’s release in late April 2015, progress has been made in implementing a broad range of the review’s recommendations related to the four strategic 

objectives. 

♦ Countering Violent Extremism: Following the February White House summit on 

Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) the Department supported the organization of eight regional conferences to improve regional coordination. These events 

have given rise to many ongoing initiatives that are building the capacity of 

governments, civil society, and local communities to prevent and counter violent 

extremism and terrorism. In order to elevate CVE as a priority and improve 

coordination, the Secretary approved centralizing the Department’s expanding 

CVE activities in the Counterterrorism Bureau. 

♦ Promoting Resilient, Open, Democratic Societies: The Department, in coordination with interagency partners, is working to create and maintain civic space, 

promote democratic governance, and support regional frameworks, including 

through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, foreign assistance, and partnerships with civil society and the private sector. The Department does so through 

such international fora as the Community of Democracies, the Open Government Partnership, the Freedom Online Coalition, and such funding initiatives 

as the Lifeline Embattled Civil Society Organizations Assistance Fund and 

LIFT (Leading Internet Freedom Technology), in which the Department and 

like-minded partners assist civil society actors in both open and restrictive environments to engage governments to respect human rights and fundamental 

freedoms. The Department actively defends the human rights and the inclusion 

of marginalized and vulnerable groups. It also advocates for the strengthening 

of international human rights frameworks, institutions, and oversight in an 

effort to amplify the voices of women, youth, persons with disabilities, displaced 

persons, indigenous persons, survivors of violence and human trafficking, as 

well as members of other traditionally marginalized groups. Information-sharing mechanisms are being strengthened to ensure that human rights abuses are 

taken into account when considering visa eligibility. 

♦ Advancing Inclusive Economic Growth: Considerable progress has been made in 

implementing the QDDR’s reform recommendations related to this objective. 

The six regional bureaus have identified deputy assistant secretaries to lead 

these bureaus engagement on economic, energy, environmental, oceans, health, 

and scientific affairs; they meet on a regular basis. Rotational positions are 

being established for officers to serve in functional bureaus (e.g., economic, 

energy, oceans/environment/scientific affairs) followed by an assignment in a 

regional bureau. New detail assignments were created to allow Foreign Service 

officers to serve temporarily in other government agencies, at the state and 

local level, and with private companies. 

♦ Mitigating and Adapting to Climate Change: The United States takes a leading 

role in confronting the threat of climate change through action both at home 

and abroad. In addition to efforts to achieve an ambitious, inclusive, and durable U.N. agreement, Under Secretary Catherine Novelli will chair a Department-wide Climate Capacity Building Working Group to better integrate and 

elevate climate change across our diplomacy and development work. 

Since the QDDR’s release the Department has made considerable strides in building a more dynamic organization. These reforms are already improving our ability 

to promote our objectives and respond to the complex threats and challenges we 

face. In particular, these efforts are leading to improved use of technology to better 

access, organize, and make use of data and information and promoting innovation 

while managing risk. 

The QDDR emphasized the importance of harnessing knowledge, data, and technology. The Secretary has launched an initiative to transform the way we process 

information and manage knowledge at the Department. Recently we have begun to 

create two technology platforms to transform how our people produce, access, and 

use information to pursue our foreign policy objectives more effectively and efficiently. First, we are developing a user-friendly portal through which staff will be 

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able to search for a specific issue, region, or person across a wide variety of sources 

(e.g., emails, cables, memoranda). Second, we have set about to create a mobilefriendly contact management system to give our diplomats on-the-go access to relevant, up-to-date information about their foreign counterparts, such as topics discussed during last point of contact. Given the personnel transitions that occur every 

year in the Department with the rotational model of the Foreign Service, this tool 

will enable diplomats new to their assignments to quickly get up to speed. 

In an effort to make the Department an intelligent and efficient consumer of big 

data, a recommendation also highlighted in the 2015 QDDR, we are establishing an 

office for advanced data analytics to improve our policy and operational effectiveness 

in this new era of ‘‘Big Data.’’ This unit will equip the State Department’s policymakers and subject matter experts with data-driven empirically based analyses by 

fusing quantitative and qualitative insight. It will enhance the Department’s efforts 

to integrate data-driven analysis and diplomacy, and it will collaborate with our 

overseas missions and domestic offices to make data more accessible to employees 

and senior leaders. This effort will enable the Department to leverage data and 

information to uncover trends; anticipate political outcomes; estimate the impact of 

our policy; minimize costs and risks by reducing uncertainty; foster strategic thinking to connect policy to operations; and enhance and integrate big-data analytics 

into our problem-solving and decisionmaking. 

The QDDR obligates the Department to foster a culture of innovation and creative 

problem-solving while managing and mitigating risk. Earlier this year a new risk 

management policy was drafted and implemented. A Department-wide survey on 

risk management practices was distributed this fall and responses are currently 

being evaluated in order to identify the key components of successful risk mitigation 

programs as well as gaps. 

The implementation of a series of QDDR recommendations to invest in our workforce is underway. These initiatives seek to improve the day-to-day functioning of 

our workforce by improving skills and work-life balance. These efforts recognize that 

our single most important asset as a Department is our people and we have 

launched several efforts to improve training for, and the evaluation of, our workforce. The 2015 QDDR included specific recommendations to invest in our workforce 

by expanding the core training curriculum, increasing long-term training options as 

well as excursion tours to other agencies. Although enrollment at the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) has increased 56 percent since 2010 while appropriated funding 

has declined 28 percent, we continue to drive innovation in several critical areas. 

This includes developing new content, improving methodology, and increasing accessibility of our training programs. The Department is also implementing a core curriculum for our personnel and emphasizing continued training throughout the 

course of an employee’s career. These improvements are enhancing the daily effectiveness of our people in carrying out our foreign policy objectives. 

Likewise, we have streamlined and improved the processes we use to evaluate 

staff performance. For example, we have revamped and shortened the Employee 

Evaluation Report used for Foreign Service personnel to focus on employee effectiveness in achieving goals, rather than focusing on competencies in performing tasks. 

We have also updated the mid-year professional development form to promote earlier and better performance related discussions, establish clear expectations and 

goals, and identify areas of excellence and areas for additional professional growth. 

The Department has also taken steps to increase the flexibility, diversity, and 

overall work-life wellness of our workforce. These efforts, highlighted in the 2015 

QDDR, are improving the Department’s ability to efficiently and effectively promote 

our strategic priorities and deliver foreign assistance. We are working to increase 

the agility of our workforce so that we can get the right people with the right skills, 

in the right place at the right time. The requirement that we respond quickly and 

deploy expertise wherever it is needed is driving us to create expanded opportunities 

for Foreign Service, Civil Service, and local staff abroad to take on temporary rotational assignments to fill staffing gaps, more quickly align skills with positions and 

speed hiring. 

The QDDR emphasized the need to create a diverse workforce—one that more 

closely reflects the diversity of our Nation. We are therefore making significant 

efforts to recruit and support women, minorities, LGBTI persons, and persons with 

disabilities. Our recruitment initiatives include the successful Pickering and Rangel 

fellowship programs, opportunities for military veterans and persons with disabilities, the 2012 Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan, as well as outreach activities 

across the Nation targeting underrepresented student populations. 

Retaining the best personnel requires that we both invest in our employees, but 

also ensure that they can balance their work and personal lives. The Secretary 

established a Work-Life Wellness Task Force and launched a Voluntary Leave 

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Bank. The Department’s Family Liaison Office continues to support careers for eligible family members both at our overseas posts as well as domestically. A number 

of flexible work schedule and telework options also exist. As a result of these and 

other efforts, in 2014 the Partnership for Public Service found the State Department 

ranked third among large agencies in their annual ‘‘Best Place to Work in the Federal Government’’ survey. 

Question. You have spent a lot of your career involved in the Western Hemisphere. Democratic conditions in Venezuela have deteriorated significantly over the 

past decade. Recent opinion polls show that the ruling Socialist party will be 

defeated, but observers fear that the government will resort to fraud to maintain 

control of the legislature. 

♦ Can you discuss your concerns for the upcoming legislative elections in Venezuela? If confirmed, what steps would you recommend taking to ensure the 

elections are free and fair? And how would you recommend reacting if they are 

not free and fair? 

Answer. The upcoming legislative elections will be a barometer of the well-being 

of Venezuelan democracy. As the December 6 vote approaches, we remain deeply 

concerned by the Venezuelan Government’s continuing efforts to prevent opponents 

from participating in the political process. Arresting and imprisoning leading political figures, declaring others ineligible to hold public office, and restricting the ability of candidates to campaign and communicate with voters are significant violations 

of democratic principles and practices. In such an environment, it is hard to see how 

an election could be fair. However, the upcoming elections could still be free, if Venezuelans are allowed to go to the polls and there is sufficient guarantee that their 

votes will count. 

If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to convince the Venezuelan Government 

to invite and accredit international electoral observers with recognized experience 

and credibility. I will also continue our engagement with others in the region to support a credible electoral observation mission. We will also continue our support to 

domestic electoral observation groups. 

It is our hope that these elections will accurately reflect the sentiments of Venezuelan voters. In the event that is not the case, we would respond in keeping with 

the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the other Inter-American mechanisms. 

We would do so in consultation with partners in the region, and with Congress. 

Question. Earlier this year, the administration imposed sanctions against a number of Venezuelan officials found to be involved in human rights abuses, including 

the repression of freedom of expression. At the same time, the administration has 

engaged in bilateral talks, led by you, with Venezuelan officials, including President 

Maduro, reportedly in an effort to ease tensions. 

♦ What can you tell us about those talks with the Venezuelan Government? What 

came out of those talks, and are they ongoing? To what extent are we engaging 

with other Latin American countries regarding the situation in Venezuela? 

Answer. The purpose of my engagement was to create a channel of political dialogue through which both countries could express concerns about the bilateral relationship. From our point of view, the focus was several fold: (1) to express the 

importance of setting a date for legislative elections, to encourage the Government 

of Venezuela to invite credible international electoral observers to evaluate the vote, 

and to address the issue of political prisoners; (2) to stabilize our diplomatic relationship and to ensure that our mission in Caracas had the personnel and guarantees from the host government to represent our interests in accordance with international law and practice; and (3) to determine if we shared any common regional 

interests. 

The talks are ongoing, currently being conducted through our diplomatic missions. 

In some areas, such as setting an electoral date and stabilizing and protecting our 

diplomatic mission, we achieved our goal. In other areas, such as the well-being of 

political prisoners, inviting electoral observation missions to participate in the legislative elections, and exploration of possible points of common regional interest, we 

continue to engage the Government of Venezuela. 

Part of our broader strategy has been to create an incentive for partners in Latin 

America and beyond to engage with the Government of Venezuela, especially on 

issues related to elections and human rights. This has happened, and we will continue to work with our partners in the hemisphere to establish a common understanding of the democratic and human rights challenges facing Venezuela. 

Question. After two trips to the region, I was pleased to see President Obama’s 

announcement regarding the maintenance of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan 

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past 2016. What will be the civilian component of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan 

post-2016? What changes, if any, are contemplated in the U.S. civilian mission and 

the State Department’s role in Afghanistan with respect to the President’s decision 

on the military side of the U.S. effort? What do you see being the main challenges 

to success in Afghanistan? What are your thoughts on developing a coordinated plan 

to bring about a credible peace process between the Afghan Government and the 

Taliban, and how is the U.S. playing a role? 

Answer. With the assistance and support of the United States and other international allies, Afghanistan has made significant progress over the last decade, including its first democratic transition of power, an extraordinary expansion in access 

to health and education services, and the strengthening of its armed forces as they 

have assumed full responsibility for security. The United States remains committed 

to working with the Afghan Government, the Afghan people, and international partners to promote stability and peace in Afghanistan. Our bilateral partnership continues to serve the national interests of both our nations, including our common 

interest in ensuring that Afghanistan is never again a safe haven for terrorists who 

threaten the region, our allies, and our homeland. 

The civilian presence 

Advancing our national interests in Afghanistan requires a capable civilian team 

in Kabul. The President’s October 15 announcement to sustain our bilateral counterterrorism mission and our participation in the NATO train, advise, and assist mission in Afghanistan does not alter the Department of State’s plans to consolidate 

Embassy operations in Kabul. DOS continues efforts both to streamline operations 

to ensure the Embassy can be self-sufficient and to coordinate planning with DOD 

to accommodate a Security Cooperation Office sometime in the future. A significant 

majority of our personnel are—and will continue to be—security and life support 

staff due to Afghanistan’s unique operating environment. 

Challenges 

While significant progress has been made in Afghanistan, the country continues 

to face daunting security, political, and economic challenges. In 2015, Afghan 

National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) for the first time faced the insurgency largely without the direct support of international troops. They took heavy 

losses and experienced significant setbacks, but in many respects they have recovered and performed with courage and initiative—including in Kunduz. Certain elements, including the U.S.-trained Afghan Special Forces, performed exceptionally 

well. Maintaining Afghan force levels in the future and ensuring they have the necessary training and equipment will remain a challenge. We are committed to working closely with President Ghani, the Afghan Government, and our international 

partners to ensure that Afghan forces are trained and equipped to preserve the 

gains made over the last 13 years. 

Addressing Afghanistan’s stagnant economy and high unemployment rates will 

also be a challenge. The declining international presence in Afghanistan has been 

a significant drag on the economy, underscoring the importance of developing a 

more sustainable foundation for economic growth and employment generation. We 

are encouraging the government to take steps to increase GDP growth as Afghanistan’s population increases; address chronic fiscal shortfalls while reducing donor 

dependency; and deliver on its ambitious reform agenda, which includes fighting 

corruption and improving the business climate. 

President Ghani and chief executive officer (CEO) Abdullah have collaboratively 

appointed the majority of senior government officials, and we are encouraging them 

to continue working together on implementing the broader reform agenda to ensure 

political stability. 

A credible peace process 

The United States supports President Ghani and CEO Abdullah in their call for 

reconciliation talks with the Taliban. It has long been our position that an Afghanled, Afghan-owned reconciliation process is the surest way to achieve stability and 

end the conflict. As part of the outcome of any process, the Taliban and other armed 

Afghan opposition groups must end violence, break any associations with international terrorism, and accept Afghanistan’s constitution, including its protections 

for women and minorities. 

Question. In your testimony you highlighted your work with partners in Africa to 

fight jihadist ideology. Now, U.S. security assistance to Africa has increased dramatically in recent years, most notably to support counterterrorism efforts. Several 

of our key counterterrorism partners in Africa, however, are among the world’s most 

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fragile states, and some are led by regimes associated with significant human rights 

abuses and/or increasing restrictions on political space domestically. 

♦ How is the State Department seeking to balance the significant investments in 

these countries’ militaries against concerns about their political trajectories? 

How sustainable are efforts to counter terrorism if African governments do not 

improve local conditions for development and open, democratic space? 

Answer. State fragility and the ability of terrorist organizations to operate within 

a country’s territory are inextricably linked. A country that lacks stable military, 

political, and law enforcement institutions and that is unresponsive to the needs of 

its citizens cannot effectively counter and combat violent extremism, whether arising from within or without. When citizens feel free to express their opinions and 

are vested in their domestic political process, they come to share with the government the desire to keep violent extremists at bay so that their nation and their families can safely prosper. For this reason, we employ multipronged approaches to the 

situation in a given country to address all of these issues. 

A large portion of our counterterrorism assistance focuses on building the capacities of partner governments’ militaries and law enforcement agencies to combat 

insurgencies and reduce terrorist threats, as well as to investigate and prosecute 

suspected terrorists in a rule of law framework. Our support for host nation civil 

society organizations is a vital and growing part of the mission. To this end, we 

work with a variety of local nongovernmental organizations to advance peace, reconciliation, post-conflict trauma and psychosocial healing, and to build resilience of 

disaffected populations, including by providing positive alternatives to youth. 

Our counterterrorism cooperation is not provided in a vacuum. Rather, at the 

same time we are seeking African governments’ assistance in combating the spread 

of violent extremist ideologies, we are also having conversations with those governments about the need to open political space and ensure that their citizens feel 

invested in their common future. Only then can both the citizens’ aspirations and 

the country’s security both be achieved. 

Question. Since President Obama announced the shift in U.S. policy last December, the administration has eased U.S. economic sanctions in order to increase 

travel and trade with Cuba. What additional measures, if any, is the administration 

considering to ease U.S. sanctions toward Cuba? 

♦ How would you assess the human rights situation in Cuba in the aftermath of 

the U.S. policy shift? Have you seen a change for the better? To what extent 

has this shift in U.S. policy toward Cuba had any effect on U.S. relations with 

other Latin American countries within the region in general? 

Answer. The President’s December 17, 2014, announcement of the intent to reestablish diplomatic relations with the Government of Cuba was overwhelmingly 

welcomed by countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. For example, at the 

Summit of the Americas in April, the Presidents of Costa Rica and Uruguay joined 

President Obama in a meeting with leaders of Cuban civil society. The Pope also 

requested meetings with political dissidents during his September visit to Cuba, but 

the Cuban Government did not permit the meetings to occur. 

The administration has stated it will continue to explore how to more effectively 

engage and empower the Cuban people. As counselor, I have not been involved in 

the planning of future regulatory changes, but any such changes would be in furtherance of the administration’s policy of engagement with, and support for, the 

Cuban people. We believe that facilitating travel, the flow of information, and certain types of commerce allows the United States to better advance our interests and 

improve the lives of ordinary Cubans. 

Human rights conditions in Cuba remain deeply concerning. Our new policy is 

based on the premise that we will be more effective in promoting human rights if 

we have diplomatic relations and an Embassy in Havana, and that the new policy 

will shift international attention to the Cuban Government’s repressive policies. We 

have successfully advocated for the participation of independent civil society, including Cuban civil society at international conferences, such as the Summit of the 

Americas and the recent Community of Democracies ministerial meeting in San Salvador. And we will continue to encourage other countries committed to democratic 

values to champion them in Cuba. 

Question. Do you think Russia will continue to comply with the cease-fire in eastern Ukraine? What are the prospects for the full implementation of the Minsk 

Agreement, including the return to Ukraine of portions of the country’s border now 

controlled by Russia? Do you think the United Nations should refrain from suspending sanctions on Russia until Russia returns the border to Ukrainian control? 

Why or why not? How, if at all, should the U.S. respond? 

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Answer. We are pleased that the ceasefire is largely holding in eastern Ukraine 

and the withdrawal of heavy weapons is proceeding. However, we are concerned by 

the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Special Monitoring Mission (OSCE SMM) reports of an uptick in small arms fire and shelling, in particular 

in and around Donetsk Airport. Since September 1, more than a dozen Ukrainian 

soldiers have been killed in action and more than 50 have been wounded. We have 

called upon Russia and the separatists to cease these attacks. 

Russia is a party to the Minsk agreements, which it signed in February 2015 and 

in September 2014, but it has not yet lived up to its commitments. Under the Minsk 

Agreements, combined Russian-separatist forces must allow OSCE monitors full 

access to the conflict zone, including up to the international border, allow local elections in the Donbas under Ukrainian law and monitored by OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and return control of Ukraine’s 

international border to the Government of Ukraine. Moscow has not fulfilled these 

commitments. 

We have been consistent in our policy, and united with our European allies and 

partners, that sanctions will remain in place until Russia implements all of its 

Minsk commitments, including withdrawing its forces and returning the international border to Ukrainian control. As we have also consistently stated, our separate Crimea-related sanctions will remain in place as long as the Kremlin imposes 

its will on that piece of Ukrainian land. 

Question. In her testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee earlier 

this month, Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland called for ‘‘legal, monitored 

elections’’ in areas controlled by separatist forces in eastern Ukraine. 

♦ Does this formulation signal U.S. support for elections that would not meet the 

commonly used ‘‘free and fair’’ standard? If so, in what ways? Would the U.S.’s 

role in ‘‘legal, monitored elections’’ change at all? If so, please elaborate. 

Answer. The United States supports local elections in eastern Ukraine, as prescribed in the Minsk Agreements, to be held under Ukrainian law, in accordance 

with Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) standards and 

monitored by the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights 

(ODIHR). The terms ‘‘legal’’ and ‘‘monitored’’ are not alternatives to ‘‘free and fair.’’ 

Rather, they address specific concerns that Russian-backed separatists would again 

try to run illegitimate elections of their own, ignoring Ukrainian law, OSCE standards, and their Minsk obligations, as they did in 2014. We continue to call on Russia 

and the separatists it supports to allow Ukrainians living in the Luhansk and 

Donetsk Oblasts to exercise their democratic right to vote in a secure environment 

that is free from coercion in ‘‘free and fair’’ elections. It is important that citizens 

living in the conflict zone, IDPs, and refugees have the opportunity to exercise their 

right to choose their leaders under Ukrainian law, monitored by OSCE ODIHR, as 

asked for in the Minsk agreements. 

Question. Haiti’s parliamentary election on August 9, 2015, was plagued with violence. However, Haiti’s Presidential election on October 25, 2015, was largely free 

of violent incidents. 

♦ In your opinion, what changed between these two elections? What best practices 

do you feel were identified in the Presidential election that should be manipulated for the third round of elections coming up in December? 

Answer. In advance of the October 25 round, we worked closely with the Provisional Electoral Council and its partners to review the recommendations made by 

the electoral observation missions of the first round. Improvements were observed 

in voter education, the distribution of the voter registry, and the training of poll 

workers. In the days leading up to the second round, the United States called on 

all actors to participate fully and peacefully in the electoral process, to abide by the 

rule of law, to pledge to maintain a high standard of transparency, and to respond 

to the election results peacefully. 

Also of note is that additional security measures were put into place in advance 

of the October 25 round. The Haitian National Police (HNP) and the U.N. peacekeeping force MINUSTAH deployed an additional 2,974 security personnel throughout the country, increasing personnel in areas that were particularly problematic on 

August 9. Funds were also disbursed earlier to the HNP for the October round. This 

allowed them to purchase the needed vehicles, as well as covered per diem and travel costs for officers traveling to polling stations. Finally, U.N. peacekeeping forces 

increased their visibility on Election Day, and HNP officers took a more proactive 

role in dealing with disruptions and arresting individuals suspected of fraud or 

intimidation. 

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We continue to engage the Haitian Government and electoral officials on the 

importance of keeping proactive security measures in place throughout the tabulation period and after the results are announced, and through the third round in 

December. 

Question. In Haiti, election results are counted at one central tabulation center 

in Port-au-Prince. This means that ballots must be physically transported across the 

country, often on poor, dilapidated roads and in unreliable vehicles. Some speculate 

that this transportation and certification of ballots might lead to inaccurate vote 

counts or worse, open a window for elections tampering. 

♦ What, if any, role should the U.S. take in helping with elections oversight? 

Would you encourage Haiti to keep this centralized vote-counting system, or 

would you encourage them to use multiple tabulation centers placed with geographic strategy? 

Answer. The United States Government has supported and will continue to support the work of the Provisional Electoral Council, which manages the logistics and 

tabulation of elections in Haiti, as guided by Haitian electoral law. Although we can 

provide recommendations on potential improvements, the process itself is planned 

and run by the Haitian Government. We contributed more than $31 million in support of Haiti’s three rounds of elections. These funds have been key to providing 

support for the participation of women candidates; strengthening the Provisional 

Electoral Council operations and logistics, security, and transport; providing technical and logistical support to field an independent nongovernmental domestic 

observer group; providing equipment to the Haitian National Police; and contributing funding to the multidonor elections basket fund managed by the United 

Nations Development Program. Throughout the tabulation, the Organization of 

American States electoral observer mission, which we continue to support, has 

observers on hand to monitor the process. 

THOMAS SHANNON’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR ISAKSON

Question. In our office meeting you discussed some of your areas of interest, particularly one that we have in common—Africa. Would you share for the committee 

a little bit more about your thoughts on how the United States can better engage 

with African countries—politically, economically, etc.? 

Answer. The U.S. Government is engaged in Africa across a full spectrum of 

issues, including democracy and governance, economic development, security cooperation, and humanitarian assistance. As President Obama has made clear 

through his trips to the continent and the African Leaders’ Summit, Africa is a clear 

priority for the 21st century—a land of opportunity and growth—and we will continue to deepen our engagement in each of these areas. 

We are seizing upon Africa’s rich economic potential through programs such as 

Millennium Challenge compacts, Trade Africa, regional Trade and Investment Hubs, 

the Doing Business in Africa campaign, the African Growth and Opportunity Act 

(AGOA), the African Women’s Entrepreneurship Program. We are investing in Africa’s youth through programs such as the Young African Leaders’ Initiative (YALI). 

YALI participants—the Mandela Washington Fellows—come to study at colleges 

and universities in the United States and then bring their experience back to their 

communities across the continent. These are Africa’s political, business, and scientific leaders of tomorrow, so our investment in them is critical. 

The value of our engagement in promoting free and fair elections was evidenced 

recently in Cote d’Ivoire, where, with assistance delivered to local election monitors 

through USAID, the Ivoirian people turned out in large numbers to vote in a free 

and fair election. We will highlight these successes as we engage with the many 

African countries with elections in the coming years. 

In addition, we continue to partner with African governments to counter violent 

extremism. We are bolstering local military capacity to counter the threats posed 

by Boko Haram and al-Shabaab, as well as assist in professionalizing and sensitizing African militaries to the need for civilian control and respect for human 

rights. We also partner with governments and nongovernmental organizations 

across the continent to develop sustainable strategies to counter trafficking, address 

labor issues and improve the rights of marginalized communities. 

Question. Recently, we heard from Assistant Secretary Anne Patterson about how 

the State Department has been engaged in ‘‘crisis management’’ throughout the 

Middle East. Do you think this will be your greatest challenge if confirmed? How 

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will you address it? How will you be involved in developing the administration’s foreign policy strategy, which I find to be unclear and undefined at this point in time? 

Answer. Addressing the region’s multiple conflicts will be one of the top challenges I will work to address, if confirmed. We will continue our efforts to reach a 

political transition in Syria, lead the 65-member counter ISIL coalition, encourage 

a resolution to conflicts in Libya and Yemen, continue the Secretary’s efforts to 

advance a two-state solution between the Israelis and Palestinians, implement the 

Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, and counter Iran’s support for terrorism throughout the region and its threatening behavior toward Israel and our 

other partners in the region. 

The United States will remain deeply engaged in efforts to address the multiple 

crises and conflicts in the Middle East. Our engagement today is grounded by our 

deep and enduring commitment to the Middle East and to its people. Our engagement will continue to use all the sources of American power—the might of our military but also the reach of our economy, the determination of our diplomacy, the universality of our values, and the powerful attraction of American education, science, 

technology, and innovation. 

This region is home to some of our oldest and closest friends and allies. As President Obama has made clear repeatedly, defending them against aggression has 

been, is, and will remain a vital national interest of the United States. 

If confirmed, I will provide my best advice and recommendations to the Secretary 

as we carry forward with our engagement in the region. My recommendations will 

be based on my regular consultations with our Ambassadors and Assistant Secretaries, as well as my own direct engagement on critical issues. 

RESPONSES OF LAURA HOLGATE, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENATIVE TO THE

INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY AND TO BE U.S.REPRESENTATIVE TO THE

VIENNA OFFICE OF THE U.N., TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. How will the U.S. evaluate the PMD report to be issued by the IAEA 

in December? 

Answer. On July 14, the IAEA and Iran concluded a roadmap for the clarification 

of past and present outstanding issues regarding Iran’s nuclear program. The roadmap established a time-limited process to address the IAEA’s concerns regarding 

past and present issues, including the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear 

program. The roadmap is a matter of public record, and was posted online on July 

14. On October 15, the IAEA reported that Iran’s activities set out in the roadmap 

have been completed on schedule. Under the roadmap, by December 15, the IAEA 

Director General will provide, for action by the Board of Governors, the final assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues, as set out in the 

annex to the 2011 IAEA Director General’s report GOV/2011/65. 

We look forward to receiving the Director General’s December report, and to considering, along with our fellow P5+1 partners and other members of the Board of 

Governors, appropriate next steps. Without prejudging the contents of the Director 

General’s report before it has been finalized, we will evaluate it based on our own 

long-standing assessments of Iran’s past nuclear activities, and taking into account 

Iran’s past and present nuclear commitments and the totality of circumstances to 

date. U.S. evaluation of the December report will be conducted by U.S. experts 

throughout the executive branch, including the Departments of State and Energy 

and the Intelligence Community. We anticipate the report will address those issues 

regarding Iran’s nuclear program outlined in the annex to the 2011 IAEA Director 

General’s report (GOV/2011/65), update those areas where the IAEA has received 

new information or made any new assessments, and provide the Director General’s 

final assessment on the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program. 

Question. Is the IAEA presently capable of true safeguarding or merely monitoring and reporting on the nuclear activities of a nation with a safeguards agreement? What do you see as the key capabilities lacking at the IAEA to truly implement safeguarding globally? 

Answer. Pursuant to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 

(NPT), each non-nuclear-weapon state party to the NPT undertakes to accept IAEA 

safeguards on nuclear material in that state. ‘‘Safeguards’’ is a term of art that 

describes IAEA activities to verify that commitments made by states under safeguards agreements with the IAEA are fulfilled with a view to preventing the diverFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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sion of nuclear material from peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. Although the IAEA 

has the authority under a comprehensive safeguards agreement to verify the peaceful use of all nuclear material in a state (i.e., the correctness and completeness of 

the state’s declarations), there are limitations on the types of information and access 

the IAEA receives as a routine matter under the safeguards agreement. 

An Additional Protocol to the comprehensive safeguards agreement equips the 

IAEA with broader access to information on nuclear and nuclear-related activities, 

and to associated locations. For example, the Additional Protocol requires reporting 

on nuclear research and development activities not involving nuclear material, uranium mining and milling, waste processing, exports and imports of certain nuclear 

equipment, and the sites surrounding its nuclear facilities, with associated inspector 

access. By enabling the IAEA to obtain a fuller picture of nuclear fuel-cycle-related 

activities in the state, the Additional Protocol positions the IAEA to draw a ‘‘broader 

conclusion’’ about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in those 

States. 

Question. Should the IAEA have near-real time surveillance authority for as many 

states as possible (including Iran)? Should the United States push for this authority? How will you work to expand this capability on behalf of the IAEA? 

Answer. The IAEA currently has the authority to implement near-real time surveillance in states with comprehensive safeguards agreements in force, subject to 

the agreement of the state. The United States encourages the IAEA to implement 

such remote surveillance where it is feasible and appropriate. When such near-real 

time surveillance is not implemented, the IAEA makes use of other measures to 

ensure that it can appropriately safeguard nuclear material in a facility. 

We work with the IAEA closely to ensure that the Agency’s Department of Safeguards has the equipment and technology necessary to fulfill its mandate. 

Question. What role can/should the IAEA play in responding to the smuggling of 

nuclear materials? How should this issue be addressed in the next Nuclear Security 

Summit? What other roles can/should the IAEA play in addressing nuclear security? 

Answer. The IAEA has a number of resources available to assist member states 

in responding to a nuclear smuggling incident. The IAEA’s Division of Nuclear Security manages the Incident and Trafficking Database (ITDB) program, which is a voluntary information exchange mechanism that allows participating States to share 

basic information about a smuggling incident with the international community. In 

addition, the Division of Nuclear Security, through its Nuclear Security Series publications, provides guidance to member states on topics such as measures for detecting nuclear and other radioactive materials out of regulatory control, nuclear 

forensics in support of investigations, and radiological crime scene management. 

The IAEA does not have the mission or mandate to provide a hands-on response 

or support an active investigation following a smuggling incident. However, a member state may request the IAEA’s Division of Nuclear Security to provide advisory 

services and/or technical expertise following a nuclear or radioactive materials 

smuggling incident. The United States encourages all countries to share relevant 

information on nuclear smuggling attempts while also ensuring information and evidence is properly handled to ensure the successful prosecution of criminals involved. 

Countering nuclear smuggling is a multifaceted issue that requires the development of a variety of capabilities to detect and secure illicitly acquired materials, 

investigate and disrupt smuggling networks, and deny smugglers freedom of movement. This issue has been an important focus of the Nuclear Security Summit process, and has been addressed in Summit Communiques and in various ‘‘Gift Baskets.’’ The 2014 Countering Nuclear Smuggling Gift Basket highlights cooperation 

with the IAEA on this issue, including cooperation on identifying the nature of 

threats and how to coordinate a regional response. 

As the U.S. Sherpa for the Nuclear Security Summit, I have remained committed 

to prioritizing an effective approach to countering nuclear smuggling, including 

through close coordination with the IAEA, and the outcomes of the 2016 summit 

will reflect our progress on this issue. If confirmed, I will also continue to make 

counternuclear smuggling a U.S. priority at the IAEA. 

Question. What is your interpretation of the U.S. position on the spread of nuclear 

energy? The spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies? 

Answer. The United States is fully committed to promoting access to nuclear 

energy for peaceful purposes throughout the world in accordance with Article IV of 

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. During his April 2009 

Prague speech, President Obama stated that, ‘‘We must harness the power of 

nuclear energy on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change, and to advance 

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peace and opportunity for all people.’’ Many states consider nuclear energy to be a 

viable option in meeting their energy needs and addressing climate change. 

The Obama administration has maintained a long-standing U.S. policy opposing 

the spread of enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) technologies. We make use of the 

various tools at our disposal, including negotiation of bilateral agreements for peaceful nuclear cooperation with responsible partners, to seek to achieve the lowest 

number of sensitive nuclear fuel cycle facilities and technologies, specifically ENR, 

and achieve our nonproliferation goals. 

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. IAEA officials and outside experts have argued that the agency faces 

constraints on its ability to implement its nuclear safeguards mission. These include 

a limited budget; challenges in recruiting and retaining qualified personnel; and 

monitoring new and different types of nuclear facilities. 

♦ Beyond the nuclear deal with Iran, what are the greatest challenges the IAEA 

faces in its mission to ensure countries comply with their commitments, under 

the Non-Proliferation Treaty? 

Answer. As President Obama stated during his 2009 speech in Prague, more 

resources and authorities are needed to strengthen international inspections. The 

United States attaches the highest priority to ensuring that the IAEA can fully perform its unique safeguards mission. This mission has been challenged by a growing 

workload in the context of worldwide growth in nuclear power as well as by the proliferation challenges posed by potential clandestine nuclear programs. 

The IAEA relies on the support of member states for the financial resources, 

qualified personnel, and modern equipment, facilities, and analytical capabilities 

needed to carry out its critical work. Should member state support dwindle while 

the workload continues to increase, the IAEA will not be able to maintain the current level of effectiveness of the safeguards regime. 

We must continue to work with other member states so that the IAEA is provided 

with sufficient financial resources to address these challenges. With respect to 

human resources, we maintain robust support by providing U.S. expertise at no cost 

to the IAEA. Additionally, U.S. support is also directed at efforts to ensure that the 

IAEA has access to up-to-date facilities, analytical techniques, and equipment. Without such support, the IAEA would be unable to fulfill its mandate. 

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MENENDEZ

Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that members of the Senate 

Foreign Relations Committee are not only notified—but also properly consulted— 

with respect to significant developments at the International Atomic Energy Agency 

(IAEA) and with respect to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)? 

Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consult closely with Congress as we work 

toward the successful implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 

(JCPOA), including the IAEA’s critical role in verifying that Iran is upholding all 

of its nuclear-related commitments. 

If confirmed, I look forward to a robust and ongoing dialogue with the Congress— 

and in particular, this committee and its staff—throughout the JCPOA implementation process. I believe full engagement with Congress is key to implementing this 

deal in the long term. 

Question. Does the IAEA have the resources, access, and will to judiciously investigate, monitor, and verify compliance of Iran’s activities with respect to its nuclear 

program and the JCPOA? 

Answer. Yes, the IAEA has the access and the will it needs for this task, and we 

will work to see that it also receives the necessary resources. The IAEA has an 

established record of implementing safeguards agreements worldwide, and in 

verifying the compliance of states with their nuclear obligations. In addition, the 

IAEA has a proven track record of performing additional verification responsibilities 

based on its experience in verifying the Joint Plan of Action (JPOA) among the P5+1 

and Iran since November 2013. 

We are working with the IAEA and other IAEA Member States to provide the 

IAEA with the reliable and predictable funding it needs to provide ongoing, longterm effective verification in Iran. As Director General Amano has reported, the 

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IAEA will require increased resources in order to fulfill its role in verifying Iran’s 

commitments under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). We expect 

other IAEA Member States will join us in providing the IAEA with the resources 

it needs for this special responsibility. 

The JCPOA is based on verification, not trust. IAEA inspectors will have access 

to the entire nuclear supply chain in Iran—its uranium mines and mills, its conversion facility, its centrifuge manufacturing and storage facilities, and its other 

declared nuclear sites. Iran will also implement the Additional Protocol, which provides the IAEA with authority to seek access to any undeclared suspicious locations. 

Put simply, the IAEA has authority for the necessary access when and where it 

needs it. 

We have full confidence in the IAEA’s ability to carry out its role in monitoring 

and verifying Iran’s nuclear-related commitments. 

Question. What do you see as the major challenges ahead for the IAEA with 

respect to its obligations under the JCPOA? 

Answer. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) puts in place vigorous, 

intrusive, and unprecedented transparency measures to enable the IAEA to verify 

whether Iran is fulfilling its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA. The 

sanctions-related steps in the JCPOA will not be implemented until the IAEA is 

able to verify that Iran has completed key nuclear-related measures. 

As Director General Amano has reported, the IAEA will require increased resources in order to fulfill its role in verifying Iran’s commitments under the JCPOA. 

We are working with the IAEA and other IAEA Member States to provide the IAEA 

with the reliable and predictable funding it needs to provide ongoing, long-term 

effective verification in Iran. 

Question. Based on the first meetings of the Joint Commission, do you believe it 

will be an effective forum for ensuring Iranian compliance with the JCPOA? Will 

the IAEA be an aggressive advocate in this setting? 

Answer. The Joint Commission (JC) will play an important role in promoting the 

successful implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). All 

of the JCPOA participants—the P5+1, the European Union and Iran—attended the 

first meeting of the JC. Participants focused on establishing the JC’s modalities and 

operations. We are committed to ensuring the JC functions effectively and serves 

as a useful forum for monitoring Iran’s fulfillment of its nuclear-related commitments and facilitating the resolution of issues in a timely fashion. 

The IAEA will play an essential role in verifying Iran’s nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA. The U.N. Security Council has requested (in Resolution 

2231), and the IAEA Board of Governors has authorized, the IAEA and the Joint 

Commission to consult and exchange information, where appropriate, as specified in 

the JCPOA. We are confident in the IAEA and its technical capacity to implement 

its enhanced verification role under the JCPOA, as well as Iran’s Comprehensive 

Safeguards Agreement and the Additional Protocol. 

Question. The Iran Sanctions Act expires in 2016. If snapback provisions of these 

sanctions are to be an effective deterrent for Iran, as the administration has testified before the SFRC, do you support the reauthorization of these sanctions? 

Answer. Because the Iran Sanctions Act does not expire until 2016, we believe 

that discussion of reauthorization at this time is premature. The United States has 

made it very clear that should Iran violate its commitments under the JCPOA after 

we have suspended sanctions, that we will be able to promptly snap back both U.S. 

and U.N. sanctions. 

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Since the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, 

have any officials of any foreign governments indicated to the United States Government that they are reassessing their national policies regarding enrichment and 

reprocessing? 

♦ If so, which countries and what were the circumstances of these conversations? 

Please provide a classified response if necessary. 

Answer. Please see the classified answer to this question provided through separate channels. 

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Question. Please provide a briefing for the oversight committees of any discussions 

that have been had with the United Arab Emirates regarding their nuclear cooperation agreement with the United States since the signing of the JCPOA. 

Answer. Please see the classified answer to this question provided through separate channels. 

Question. What steps has Iran taken as required by October 15 under the JCPOA 

to complete its obligations under the IAEA-Iranian ‘‘Roadmap?’’ Provide a classified 

response if necessary. 

Answer. Pursuant to the IAEA-Iran ‘‘Roadmap for the Clarification of Past and 

Present Outstanding Issues Regarding Iran’s Nuclear Program,’’ concluded on July 

14, 2015, Iran has taken several steps to fulfill its commitments. 

On August 15, the IAEA Secretariat informed member states that Iran had provided to the Agency its explanations in writing and related documents as agreed in 

the roadmap. On September 8, the IAEA submitted questions regarding this information. 

As committed to in the roadmap, technical-expert meetings, technical measures, 

and discussions were organized in Tehran to address these questions. In addition, 

for the first time, the IAEA has obtained access to a location at Parchin, which the 

IAEA regarded as essential for the clarification of outstanding issues concerning 

Iran’s nuclear program. 

On October 15, 2015, the Secretariat informed member states that, in the period 

to October 15, 2015, activities set out in the roadmap were completed. 

By December 15, 2015, the Director General will provide, for action by the Board 

of Governors, the final assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues. 

Question. Which specific scientists did Iran provide the IAEA with access to as 

part of the ‘‘Roadmap?’’ Please list names, titles, and affiliations. Provide a classified 

response if necessary. 

Answer. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Iran agreed on a 

time-limited ‘‘Roadmap’’ for Iran to address the IAEA’s concerns, including those 

specific issues set out in the IAEA Director General’s November 2011 report on possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program. Under this roadmap, the IAEA 

submitted questions to Iran regarding information provided to the IAEA by Iran. 

Iran committed to technical-expert meetings, technical measures, and discussions 

to be organized in Tehran by October 15, 2015, to address these questions. The 

IAEA confirmed on October 15 that all activities required under the roadmap were 

completed. 

The Director General will provide, for action by the Board of Governors, the final 

assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues. We cannot 

prejudge the substance and quality of Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA before the 

Director General has issued his report. 

Question. Which scientists has Iran continued to refuse access to that the United 

States believes were involved in Iran’s past nuclear weaponization efforts? Provide 

a classified response if necessary. 

Answer. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Iran agreed on a 

time-limited ‘‘Roadmap’’ for Iran to address the IAEA’s concerns, including those 

specific issues set out in the IAEA Director General’s November 2011 report on possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program. Under this roadmap, the IAEA 

submitted questions to Iran regarding information provided to the IAEA by Iran. 

Iran committed to technical-expert meetings, technical measures, and discussions to 

be organized in Tehran by October 15 to address these questions. The IAEA confirmed on October 15 that all activities required under the roadmap were completed. 

The Director General will provide, for action by the Board of Governors, the final 

assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues. We cannot 

prejudge the substance and quality of Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA before the 

Director General has issued his report. 

Question. Has the IAEA been given access to all of the data generated as part 

of Iran’s weaponization work and do any copies of this data remain under Iranian 

control? Provide a classified response if necessary. 

Answer. The IAEA laid out the large breadth of information in its possession 

regarding possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program in a 2011 report 

to the Board of Governors, including information received from more than 10 member states. Under the roadmap concluded with Iran on July, 14, 2015, Iran has provided additional explanations in writing and related documents to the IAEA. The 

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IAEA then submitted to Iran questions regarding this information, and Iran has 

completed specified steps under the roadmap to address these questions. 

The Director General will provide, for action by the Board of Governors, the final 

assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues. We cannot 

prejudge the substance and quality of Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA before the 

Director General has issued his report. 

I defer to the Intelligence Community on any questions on the disposition of specific Iranian documents or data. 

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Does the IAEA have the funds to serve as an adequate verification 

mechanism for the Iran nuclear agreement? 

Answer. We are working with the IAEA and other IAEA Member States to provide the IAEA with the reliable and predictable funding it needs to provide ongoing, 

long-term effective verification in Iran. As Director General Amano has reported, 

the IAEA will require increased resources in order to fulfill its role in verifying 

Iran’s commitments under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). He has 

estimated the total additional cost, post-Implementation Day, to be ÷9.2 million per 

year for JCPOA-specific costs beyond safeguards implementation, including the provisional application of the Additional Protocol. We expect other IAEA Member 

States will join us in providing the IAEA with the resources it needs for this special 

responsibility. 

Question. Do you think that other monitoring regimes the IAEA is responsible for 

conducting will suffer due to the increased budget need for the Iran deal? If so, to 

what extent? 

Answer. We are working with the IAEA and with other IAEA Member States to 

ensure that the IAEA’s role in verifying the JCPOA does not negatively impact the 

effectiveness of its global safeguards mission. The IAEA applies safeguards worldwide to verify that non-nuclear-weapon states are not diverting nuclear material or 

pursuing clandestine nuclear programs. 

Question. The July 2015 JCPOA states that the IAEA will pursue drawing a 

‘‘broader conclusion that all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful activities.’’ 

Please explain the process by which the agency draws this conclusion. And if Iran 

is not willing to share this information, how will the IAEA make a conclusion that 

says Iran is in compliance? 

Answer. The ‘‘broader conclusion’’ means the IAEA has concluded that all nuclear 

material in a State remains in peaceful activities. The IAEA will only draw such 

a conclusion for States that are fully and effectively implementing both a comprehensive safeguards agreement (CSA) and the Additional Protocol (AP). A broader 

conclusion is drawn on the basis of IAEA inspector activities and a comprehensive 

evaluation of information available to the IAEA to ascertain that there are no indications of diversion of declared nuclear material from peaceful nuclear activities in 

a State, and no indications of undeclared nuclear material or activities in a State. 

When the IAEA reaches this point in its evaluation of a State, the Secretariat can 

draw the broader conclusion that all nuclear material in a State remains in peaceful 

activities. As of the end of 2014, the IAEA has drawn the broader conclusion for 

65 of the 118 States with a CSA and AP in force. 

Implementation of the AP provides the IAEA with broader access to information 

and locations relevant to nuclear activities in a State, which significantly increases 

the IAEA’s ability to determine whether there are any undeclared nuclear materials 

or activities in a State. As the IAEA implements these measures in Iran, as in other 

States, it will need to work with Iran to resolve any discrepancies, anomalies, or 

questions and inconsistencies that may arise concerning Iran’s declarations. Cooperation from Iran in addressing these issues will be important for the IAEA to 

be in a position to draw the broader conclusion that all nuclear material in Iran 

remains in peaceful activities. 

Question. Are Additional Protocols strong enough to detect countries’ (particularly 

Iran’s) clandestine nuclear weapons programs? 

Answer. Yes. Although the IAEA has the authority under a comprehensive safeguards agreement to verify the peaceful use of all nuclear material in a State (i.e. 

the correctness and completeness of the State’s declarations), there are limitations 

on the types of information and access the IAEA receives as a routine matter under 

the safeguards agreement. The Additional Protocol equips the IAEA with broader 

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access to information on nuclear and nuclear-related activities, and to associated 

locations. For example, the Additional Protocol requires reporting on nuclear research and development activities not involving nuclear material, uranium mining 

and milling, waste processing, exports and imports of certain nuclear equipment, 

and sites surrounding nuclear facilities, with associated inspector access. By enabling the IAEA to obtain a fuller picture of nuclear fuel-cycle-related activities, the 

Additional Protocol positions the Agency to draw a ‘‘broader conclusion’’ about the 

absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities in those States. 

Under the JCPOA, Iran will provisionally apply the Additional Protocol pending 

its entry into force, ensuring the IAEA can seek access to any undeclared location. 

In addition, the JCPOA provides for additional transparency measures, including a 

special access provision regarding access to undeclared locations. Put simply, the 

IAEA will have access when and where it needs it, for verification of the JCPOA. 

We are not relying on trust in monitoring Iran’s commitments. Rather, the Joint 

Comprehensive Plan of Action puts in place vigorous, intrusive, and unprecedented 

transparency measures, including the Additional Protocol, to verify that Iran does 

not pursue a nuclear weapon. Implementation of the Additional Protocol and 

JCPOA transparency measures are also intended to deter Iran from cheating by creating a high likelihood that such cheating would be caught early. 

Question. As the U.S. Representative to the IAEA, how would you handle a country who asks to enter into secret side agreements with the IAEA? 

Answer. The IAEA is required to maintain a regime to protect unauthorized disclosure of all confidential information that the IAEA acquires, including such information that comes to the IAEA’s knowledge in the implementation of safeguards 

agreements and the Additional Protocol. For example, it is standard practice that 

IAEA safeguards agreements have ‘‘subsidiary arrangements’’ that provide additional detail on how the safeguards agreement will be implemented. These arrangements between the IAEA and individual states typically include proprietary and 

other sensitive information, and are therefore treated as confidential documents 

that the IAEA does not release to other member states. Neither we nor other member states have the authority to demand these documents from the IAEA, and the 

IAEA does not have the authority to release them. 

The United States relies upon the integrity of the IAEA’s confidentiality regime 

to protect information that it shares with the IAEA under its own safeguards agreements. Indeed, the United States Senate recognized the importance of confidentiality in its resolution of ratification for the U.S.-IAEA Additional Protocol. 

Question. In your opinion, is the IAEA doing enough to improve nuclear security 

around the world? If not, what more would you suggest it do? What is your opinion 

of the expansion of nuclear energy to states where there is little infrastructure, 

funding or oversight culture, such as nondemocratic countries in Africa and Asia? 

Should the United States be encouraging those states to import nuclear power 

plants? 

Answer. In a world of challenging and evolving threats, nuclear security requires 

constant and continuous attention. This is essentially a state responsibility, and the 

international community must always strive to improve nuclear security. The IAEA 

plays a critical role in coordinating nuclear security activities and providing support 

to member states in their efforts to improve nuclear security. We look forward to 

hosting the Nuclear Security summit next year, and further strengthening the central coordinating role of the IAEA is one of the summit’s key goals. Some of the 

invaluable services the IAEA provides include developing a wide range of nuclear 

security guidance documents, providing training, performing nuclear security peer 

review missions around the world, helping states to assess and improve their national nuclear security systems, and convening specialized meetings at which member states can exchange information. The IAEA also serves as the depositary for key 

international conventions and agreements related to nuclear security, for example, 

the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material. It hosted a Ministerlevel nuclear security conference in 2013, and plans to host a second conference in 

December 2016 to maintain leader-level attention on this important topic. The 

IAEA’s Division of Nuclear Security has undertaken this broad range of needed 

activities and continues to provide essential services, and as a newly established division of the IAEA (January 2014), the Division of Nuclear Security has room to 

grow and expand these activities. 

The United States is fully committed to promoting access to nuclear energy for 

peaceful purposes throughout the world in accordance with Article IV of the Treaty 

on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. During his April 2009 speech in 

Prague, President Obama stated that, ‘‘We must harness the power of nuclear 

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energy on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change, and to advance peace and 

opportunity for all people.’’ Many States consider nuclear energy to be a viable 

option in meeting their energy needs and addressing climate change. 

However, for States pursuing nuclear energy, the development and implementation of an appropriate infrastructure to support the successful introduction of 

nuclear power and its safe, secure, safeguarded, and efficient use is an issue of great 

importance. The IAEA is uniquely positioned to provide the guidance and support 

states need to establish that infrastructure. The United States has been a consistent 

supporter of the IAEA’s efforts, in particular through the Peaceful Uses Initiative. 

It has been an effective way of leveraging U.S. expertise and experience in safety, 

security and nonproliferation, and reaching a broad range of countries. 

If confirmed, I would promote the IAEA’s central role in strengthening nuclear 

security as well as promote further strengthening of the Division of Nuclear Security’s many activities and services. 

Question. In 2007 you authored an article entitled ‘‘Preventing Nuclear Terrorism,’’ and in several speeches since then, you have argued that the path toward 

a secure nuclear future must involve engaging all relevant voices and aligning the 

objectives of nuclear commerce and nonproliferation. Is the IAEA involved in any 

in-country or cultural education regarding nuclear materials and the danger of such 

materials being used for terrorism? If not, do you think it should be? If so, what 

organizations do you think would serve as good partners? 

Answer. Nuclear terrorism is one of the most challenging threats to international 

security. The most effective means to address the threat of nuclear terrorism is for 

countries around the world to establish strong nuclear security measures to prevent 

terrorists from acquiring nuclear or other radioactive materials needed for a nuclear 

or radiological explosive device. The IAEA plays a central role in the international 

nuclear security architecture, including by developing and disseminating nuclear security guidance to member states, advancing nuclear security education programs 

in academia, managing the nuclear and radiological ‘‘Incident and Trafficking Database’’ (ITDB), supporting the development of a collaborative network of nuclear 

security training and support centers, and providing training courses and workshops 

on implementing nuclear security culture. 

Other international organizations and initiatives with nuclear security-related 

mandates, such as the International Criminal Police Organization, the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism, the Global Partnership Against the Spread of 

Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, the United Nations, and the Nuclear 

Forensics International Technical Working Group, also play important roles in 

enhancing global nuclear security and countering the threat posed by nuclear terrorism. The World Institute for Nuclear Security provides a unique and critical ability 

to engage industry, public health, and commercial actors. The United States recognizes the importance of these complementary efforts and encourages the IAEA to 

continue its leading role in coordinating activities to enhance cooperation and avoid 

duplication. 

Question. The President, in his budget request for fiscal year 2016, requested $2 

million in funding for the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty Organization 

(CTBTO Preparatory Commission), even though Congress rejected becoming a signatory to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty (CTBT) in 1999. Do you 

think the United States should contribute funds to the CTBTO’s International Monitoring System when we are not even a party to the treaty? Why or why not? 

Answer. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty’s (CTBT) International 

Monitoring System (IMS) has been fully supported by the Clinton, Bush, and 

Obama administrations, and the U.S. Congress has provided funds as requested by 

the administration to support the IMS. The IMS is over 85 percent complete, with 

281 installed and certified monitoring facilities. Data from the IMS flows continuously to the U.S. National Data Center (USNDC) at the Air Force Technical Applications Center. The IMS data received are regularly used by the USNDC to supplement U.S. national means and methods used to monitor for nuclear explosions. The 

open nature of the high-quality monitoring data produced by the IMS and its analysis by the CTBTO Preparatory Commission’s International Data Centre provides 

other nations with a trustworthy and transparent monitoring capability that they 

can use to make their own informed assessments. It also provides them with confirmation of U.S. verification judgements. Beyond this role, IMS data have made important contributions to monitoring hazardous natural phenomena such as 

tsunamis, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and meteorite strikes. Perhaps even 

more significantly, IMS data also helped to track man-made hazards, such as the 

radioactive debris from the Fukushima reactor in Japan. The IMS has proven itself 

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to be a highly valuable resource, even in the absence of the CTBT’s entry into force, 

and continued funding is necessary to both continue its operations and complete the 

remaining monitoring facilities. 

Question. In 2006, 2009, and again in 2013, North Korea announced that it had 

conducted successful nuclear bomb tests. In September of this year, North Korea not 

only announced their plans to launch a rocket that could lead to an intercontinental 

ballistic missile, but also that their main nuclear complex at Yongbyon has been 

restarted and that they intend to bolster their nuclear arsenal. If North Korea tests 

another nuclear device, will the CTBTO’s International Monitoring System be able 

to detect it? 

Answer. With respect to the three declared North Korean nuclear explosions, the 

International Monitoring System (IMS) performed well, and the IMS has actually 

improved dramatically over the intervening years. In 2006, 20 seismic stations and 

one radionuclide station detected North Korea’s test. In 2009, 61 seismic stations 

detected North Korea’s second event and established its location with a certainty 

of +/¥ 10 kilometers. And in 2013, 94 seismic, two infrasound, and two radionuclide 

stations detected North Korea’s test. The main reason for this greater detection ability is the progress that has been made in building out the IMS. There were 153 certified stations in 2006; today there are 281. 

The ability of the IMS to detect a future North Korean nuclear explosion will 

depend on many factors, such as the explosive yield of the nuclear device, its depth 

of burial, efforts to decouple the explosive force of the detonation from the surrounding media, and containment of radionuclide particulates and gases. 

It is important to note that, in addition to the IMS, once the CTBT enters into 

force, an onsite inspection can be conducted to resolve ambiguities regarding the 

nature of a detected event. Such an inspection would employ an impressive array 

of equipment and experts to determine whether or not a nuclear explosion has been 

carried out in violation of the treaty. The State Party subjected to such an inspection cannot refuse to allow it to take place. This ‘‘challenge inspection’’ is unique 

to the CTBT; it does not exist in any other nuclear testing limitation treaty or 

agreement. 

Question. How do you plan, if confirmed, to work to promote U.N. reform efforts, 

such as reducing U.S. assessment levels, keeping U.N. agency or program budget 

growth under control, and increasing the efficiency and accountability of the Secretariat staff? What are your main priorities for this role? What challenges do you 

foresee? 

Answer. The Obama administration is committed to achieving a reformed and 

renewed U.N. that fulfills its mandates while operating effectively and within its 

means. The administration has pushed aggressively for sound management, budgeting, and accountability at the U.N. and throughout the U.N. system and related/ 

affiliated organizations, and has achieved notable successes on behalf of U.S. taxpayers. Many member states look to the United States, as a major contributor and 

leader on financial and administrative issues, to be at the forefront of pressing for 

these reforms. If confirmed, I will continue the effort to pursue a comprehensive 

reform agenda in Vienna, in coordination with the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. and 

the rest of the U.S. delegation to the U.N. 

Since the 1990s, the general policy of the U.S. Government on international organization assessed budgets has been, and continues to be, zero nominal growth 

(ZNG). As national governments reduce expenditures abroad and domestically, there 

is a continuing need to restrain growth in international organization budgets. While 

there have been occasional exceptions under this policy to advance compelling U.S. 

interests, the Department of State has had good success limiting budget growth at 

many U.N. organizations, with negotiations during 2015 resulting in no-growth 

assessed budgets at organizations such as the Food and Agriculture Organization, 

International Labor Organization, International Maritime Organization, International Telecommunication Union, U.N. Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, and the World Health Organization. 

The Department of State is working with our allies across the U.N. system to 

urge the Secretary General to control the growth in staff costs—a major driver of 

U.N. budget growth over the last decade. Our efforts resulted in a multiyear pay 

freeze that is expected to bring U.N. compensation back to the desired level by 2016. 

If confirmed, I will do my part to press the international organizations in Vienna 

to contain budget growth to the greatest extent possible and to demonstrate a sustained effort to identify offsets and absorb proposed increases without reducing operational effectiveness, while also protecting those programs most important to U.S. 

interests. 

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At the same time the U.N. and other international organizations must continue 

to strengthen their mechanisms for ensuring transparency, effective oversight, and 

accountability. The Department of State successfully spearheaded an initiative to 

establish permanent public access to evaluation and audit reports by the U.N.’s 

Office of Internal Oversight Services and we will continue to be a vocal supporter 

for operational independence of the OIOS. The Department of State will continue 

to strengthen ethics offices and independent audit committees in each of the funds 

and programs and specialized agencies, and related/affiliated organizations. We will 

advocate for further improvements to whistleblower protection policies that demonstrate best practice in protecting whistleblowers from retaliation. 

The United States is a strong proponent of ensuring that the staff of the U.N. 

and other international organizations are held accountable. If confirmed, I will support continued efforts to advocate for reforms that facilitate recruiting highly skilled 

staff in a timely manner, while promoting top performers, getting rid of underperformers, encouraging mobility, and providing professional development. 

Question. In your view, what are the major areas of the UNODC’s work that are 

of highest interest to the United States? What are the U.S. policy objectives for the 

upcoming U.N. General Assembly special session on the world drug problem in 

2016? Do you expect that these objectives will be met? 

Answer. The Department of State supports UNODC assistance programs that 

focus on strengthening criminal justice institutions, providing legislative assistance, 

and assisting with the establishment of drug demand reduction and treatment programs. UNODC is the primary international organization that supports implementation of the three international drug control conventions, the U.N. Convention 

against Transnational Organized Crime, and the U.N. Convention against Corruption. The United States served as the primary architect of all five of these conventions, which mirror and globalize U.S. counternarcotics and anticrime standards, 

and supporting UNODC work to promote the implementation of these instruments 

is among our highest priorities for the organization. The Department of State also 

strongly supports UNODC capacity building programs to strengthen legislative 

frameworks and strengthen global enforcement efforts targeting antimoney laundering and counterterrorist financing; illicit wildlife trafficking; migrant smuggling 

and trafficking in persons; and illegal drug threats, particularly the growing threat 

posed by new psychoactive substances. 

Regarding the 2016 U.N. General Assembly Special Session, the Department of 

State views this meeting as a valuable opportunity to analyze the achievements, 

gaps, and challenges in countering the world drug problem. Our priorities for the 

UNGASS are: (1) to reaffirm the enduring value of the three U.N. drug conventions 

and the international community’s commitment to them, (2) to promote a publichealth approach, (3) to encourage justice sector innovations, and (4) to reinforce the 

need for international cooperation to fight organized crime. We believe that there 

is broad consensus among governments behind these priorities. Civil society has a 

crucial role to play in this process. Nongovernmental organizations fill a crucial role 

in ensuring that governments address the international drug problem justly and 

transparently, as well as treat people with dignity. 

Question. In what ways does the U.S. Government benefit from the donor funds 

it provides to UNODC to combat crime, drug, and terrorism related issues? What 

capabilities does UNODC provide that the U.S. Government cannot achieve through 

other means? Has the United States found that any UNODC programs duplicate 

other U.N. system programs? Has the United States found inefficiencies in UNODC 

operations? What efforts have been made to evaluate the effectiveness and impact 

of UNODC activities? 

Answer. UNODC is the primary mechanism through which the international community sets criminal justice and law enforcement standards, pools resources, shares 

best practices and other expertise, and works together to close off safe havens to 

crime, drugs, and terrorist groups. U.S. contributions to UNODC support anticrime 

and counterdrug treaty implementation activities that directly advance U.S. interests and globalize international norms based on U.S. standards, law, and practice. 

U.S. support for UNODC also effectively leverages political and financial contributions from other states, making U.S. support a critical force multiplier. 

We believe UNODC programs provide valuable technical assistance to member 

states on the full range of issues that UNODC addresses, including counterterrorism, counterpiracy, trafficking in persons, and governance and the rule of law. 

UNODC endeavors to work with other U.N. agencies in a mutually reinforcing way 

that avoids unnecessary duplication of effort and costs. Nevertheless, promoting 

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greater coordination and coherence of U.N. entities on counterterrorism, and in general, is a priority for the United States on which we regularly engage the U.N. 

The Department of State works closely with UNODC to ensure monitoring and 

evaluation are included in program planning supported by U.S. contributions. 

UNODC also has an Independent Evaluation Unit, which the United States helped 

create and which plays a vital role in the oversight and evaluation of UNODC programs by an independent source. Finally, the Department actively participates in 

the governing bodies of these organizations, thereby shaping their programmatic 

direction and priorities. 

LAURA HOLGATE’S RESPONSES TO

QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR ISAKSON

Question. What will be the biggest challenges to verifying Iran’s compliance with 

the JCPOA? 

Answer. The IAEA has an established record of implementing safeguards agreements worldwide, and in verifying the compliance of states with their nuclear obligations. In addition, the IAEA has a proven track record of performing additional 

verification responsibilities based on its experience in verifying the Joint Plan of 

Action among the P5+1 and Iran since November 2013. 

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) puts in place vigorous, intrusive, and unprecedented transparency measures to enable the IAEA to verify 

whether Iran is fulfilling its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA. The 

sanctions-related steps in the JCPOA will not be implemented until the IAEA is 

able to verify that Iran has completed key nuclear-related measures. 

As Director General Amano has reported, the IAEA will require increased 

resources in order to fulfill its role in verifying Iran’s commitments under the 

JCPOA. We are working with the IAEA and other IAEA Member States to provide 

the IAEA with the reliable and predictable funding, personnel, and technology it 

needs to provide ongoing, long-term effective verification in Iran. 

Question. Do you think the IAEA will be able to handle the additional work 

required by the JCPOA? If confirmed, how will you use your position to inform Congress of the challenges and opportunities the IAEA faces? 

Answer. Yes. The IAEA has the expertise and the capabilities needed to implement the verification regime specified in the JCPOA. The IAEA has an established 

record of implementing safeguards agreements worldwide, and in verifying the compliance of states with their nuclear obligations. In addition, the IAEA has a proven 

track record of performing additional verification responsibilities based on its experience in verifying the Joint Plan of Action among the P5+1 and Iran since November 

2013. We have full confidence in the IAEA’s ability to carry out its role in monitoring and verifying Iran’s nuclear-related commitments. 

We are working with the IAEA and with other IAEA Member States so that the 

IAEA’s performance of its role in the JCPOA does not negatively impact the effectiveness of its global safeguards mission. The IAEA applies safeguards worldwide 

to verify that non-nuclear-weapon states are not diverting nuclear material or pursuing clandestine nuclear programs. 

If confirmed, I look forward to closely engaging with Congress about the important role of the IAEA—not just in verifying Iran’s nuclear commitments under the 

JCPOA, but in performing its unique safeguards and other missions worldwide. If 

confirmed, I also look forward to close consultation with Congress as the IAEA 

works to implement the JCPOA verification regime and to an ongoing dialogue 

about how the U.S. can continue to support the IAEA’s other critical missions. 

Question. What is your level of confidence in the current review of Iran’s PMD 

and the dismantling of their nuclear facilities to come into compliance with the 

JCPOA? 

Answer. On July 14, the IAEA and Iran concluded a roadmap for the clarification 

of past and present outstanding issues regarding Iran’s nuclear program. This roadmap established a time-limited process to address the IAEA’s concerns regarding 

past and present issues, including the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear 

program. 

The next step is for the IAEA Director General to provide, by December 15, the 

final assessment on the resolution of all past and present outstanding issues, as set 

out in the annex of the 2011 IAEA Director General’s report GOV/2011/65, for action 

by the Board of Governors. We look forward to receiving this report and considering, 

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along with our fellow P5+1 partners and other members of the Board of Governors, 

appropriate next steps. 

We have full confidence in the IAEA’s ability to carry out its role in monitoring 

and verifying Iran’s nuclear-related commitments, both within the roadmap and 

under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), including the steps Iran 

must take before reaching Implementation Day such as the removal of the calandria 

at Arak and filling it with concrete, removing two-thirds of its centrifuges, and 

reducing its stockpile of enriched uranium by 98 percent. 

Question. Beyond Iran, what do you believe will be some of the key challenges facing the IAEA in the future? 

Answer. As President Obama stated during his 2009 speech in Prague, more 

resources and authorities are needed to strengthen international inspections. The 

United States attaches the highest priority to the IAEA’s ability to fully perform its 

unique safeguards mission. This mission has been challenged by an increasing 

workload in the context of worldwide growth in nuclear power as well as by the proliferation challenges posed by potential clandestine nuclear programs. 

The IAEA must rely on the support of Member States for the financial resources, 

qualified personnel, and modern equipment, facilities, and analytical capabilities 

needed to carry out its critical work. Should Member State support dwindle while 

the workload continues to increase, the IAEA will not be able to maintain the current level of the safeguards regime. 

We must continue to work with others to provide the IAEA with sufficient financial resources to address these challenges. With respect to human resources, we 

maintain robust support by providing U.S. expertise at no cost to the IAEA. Additionally, U.S. support is also directed at efforts to provide the IAEA with access to 

up-to-date facilities, analytical techniques, training, and equipment. Without such 

support, the IAEA would be unable to fulfill its mandate. 

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NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

The Hon. Deborah R. Malack of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Uganda 

Lisa J. Peterson, of Virginia, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, to be Ambassador to the 

Kingdom of Swaziland 

H. Dean Pittman, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Mozambique 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:33 a.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake, Gardner, Markey, and Coons. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

Today, the committee will consider the nomination of three very 

experienced Foreign Service officers to be U.S. Ambassadors to 

Uganda, Swaziland, and Mozambique. I was happy to meet each of 

you in my office earlier, and I appreciated learning the positions 

you have and the service that you have already provided elsewhere 

in the world, and specifically on the continent of Africa. 

In Uganda, our Ambassador to the re will be tasked to help ensure that the country enforces a tenuous peace agreement in South 

Sudan. Another challenge will be to help Uganda avoid complacency with regard to HIV/AIDS after the good progress the country 

has made largely due to PEPFAR program. 

Swaziland has had its AGOA benefits rescinded at a time when 

the government is already struggling with revenue generation. 

While various international financial institutions have offered 

loans in exchange for reforms, thus far, Swaziland has not been 

able to deliver on those reforms. So it is a difficult situation there. 

Mozambique has recently discovered vast natural gas resources. 

Our Ambassador to the re will have to help that country make the 

most of that discovery, which often, as we know, becomes more of 

a curse than a blessing. 

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658 

I thank each of you for your time, for sharing your experience, 

and I appreciate family members who are here and also appreciate 

the sacrifices that they have made so that we all can benefit from 

the good work that you do. 

With that, I will recognize Congressman Markey—Senator Markey—we were both in the House before this—— 

[Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE [continuing]. For any comments that he has. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for 

your leadership on the subcommittee and for convening this hearing to consider the nominations of these three very distinguished 

public servants to serve as our Ambassadors to Uganda, Swaziland, 

and Mozambique. 

To the nominees, thank you for dedicating yourselves to serving 

our country. We know what you do is hard and that it can also be 

hard on your families, so I want to give a warm welcome to the 

families of the nominees who are here today. I know from my own 

experience that the support of your family is critical to your own 

success, so thank you again to the nominees and to their families 

for being here today. 

We are here to talk about your future posts, and generally about 

Africa. I am sure that you will agree that the continent presents 

much opportunity but also many challenges. 

Mr. Chairman, when we traveled with the President to Africa 

this summer, we saw the possibility to spark Africa’s existing entrepreneurial spirit to create unprecedented economic opportunity 

and growth. We can and should help spur this growth by supporting expanded access to sustainable sources of power, innovative 

telecommunications, and Internet interconnectivity. All of these are 

fundamental requirements for commercial and social success in our 

time. 

At the same time, we also saw that Africa faces tremendous challenges. We must work to strengthen democratic institutions and legitimate electoral processes; ensure that economic growth lifts all 

boats, not just the elites; and that it happens in a way that does 

not degrade the environment, but safeguards it for future generations. 

We also need to support efforts to protect and advance human 

rights, including the prevention of trafficking in persons, and the 

abuse of LGBT people and other minorities. 

So I look very much forward to this hearing today and engaging 

with all of you on these important topics. 

I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for having this hearing, and I yield 

back. 

Senator FLAKE.Thank you, Senator Markey. 

We will now proceed with the nominees. 

Deborah Malac, a career member in the Senior Foreign Service, 

currently serves as U.S. Ambassador to Liberia. Her previous assignments have included postings to Cameroon, Senegal, South Africa, and Ethiopia. 

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The second nominee is Lisa Peterson, who most recently served 

as the Director of the Office of Multilateral and Global Affairs in 

the Department of State’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, 

and Labor, a position she has held since 2012. Prior assignments 

include postings in Cameroon, Nigeria, Kenya, Zambia, DRC, CAR, 

and South Africa. 

Last but not least, H. Dean Pittman is a career member of the 

Foreign Service. He spent time in Mozambique back in the early 

1990s, a very different time then, and he will hopefully be heading 

back to the country here shortly, this time as U.S. Ambassador. 

So with that, Ambassador Malac. 

STATEMENT OF THE HON. DEBORAH R. MALAC, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and members of 

the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as 

the nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda. I thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

for the confidence and trust they have placed in me by sending my 

name to the Senate for consideration. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize 

my husband, Ron Olson, and our three children, Nicholas, Gregory, 

and Katharine, and our daughter-in-law, Shana. I am deeply grateful for their unstinting love and support. Without it, I would not 

be here today. 

Mr. Chairman, I have been extraordinarily privileged to serve as 

a member of the Foreign Service for more than 34 years. As the 

daughter of an immigrant who arrived in the United States in the 

middle of the last century in pursuit of freedom and opportunity, 

my service is small repayment for all that the United States has 

afforded me and my family. 

The majority of my career has been spent working in and on Africa, beginning with my first assignment in Cameroon in 1981. 

That first taste of Africa was followed by assignments in South Africa, Senegal, Ethiopia, and, now, Liberia, where I have had the 

great honor to serve as Ambassador since 2012. Interspersed 

among the Africa assignments, I have worked in Washington and 

Southeast Asia on issues of democracy, development, trade, and security. 

Mr. Chairman, the United States has enjoyed a close bilateral 

partnership with Uganda for the past quarter century. Uganda and 

the United States have worked together to promote the peaceful 

resolution of a series of regional conflicts. 

Having expelled the Lord’s Resistance Army from Ugandan territory, the Ugandan military has continued to lead regional efforts 

to counter the LRA in central Africa. 

As the second largest troop contributor to the African Union Mission in Somalia, Uganda has made tremendous sacrifices in its efforts to degrade and defeat terrorists al-Shabaab, and bring peace 

and stability to the Horn of Africa. 

The United States is supporting Uganda to build capacity in law 

enforcement, crisis response, counterterrorism investigations, 

criminal justice sector reform, border security, and countering violent extremism and terrorist finance. 

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660 

Uganda stands out not only for its contributions to regional peace 

and security, but also for its great strides in transitioning from a 

country beset by internal conflict to one that is at peace and growing economically. 

When President Museveni came to power in 1986 after decades 

of violent internal strife in Uganda, he instituted macroeconomic 

policies that contributed to steady economic growth. 

We look forward to continuing to work with Uganda to help expand economic activity for its citizens and support improved governance that will help foster broad-based economic development. 

We are working to help Uganda strengthen its multiparty democracy and reinforce respect for human rights. 

Uganda will hold elections in 2016, during which President 

Museveni will seek a fifth term. If confirmed, I will urge the President to ensure the political space necessary for a spirited and robust campaign in which all parties participate freely. 

It is important for the region and Uganda’s future that the elections are free, fair, transparent, and peaceful. 

We continue to urge the Ugandan Government to respect the 

fundamental human rights of all individuals. 

On the development front, we continue to invest in Uganda with 

a robust set of programs. USAID has provided over $430 million 

over the past 6 years in development assistance to help Uganda’s 

people, efforts that support vital activities, including education and 

economic growth, as well as reintegration and rehabilitation support for those affected by past conflicts in Uganda, including many 

former LRA abductees. 

President Obama’s Feed the Future Initiative focuses on improving productivity and incomes in the agriculture sector, on which 70 

percent of Uganda’s citizens rely for their livelihoods. 

In the health sector, the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate has fallen 

from a high of 13.4 percent in 1992 to around 7 percent, where it 

has stagnated for the past decade. Malaria still causes an estimated 70,000 to 100,000 deaths per year, and progress in improving maternal and child health is slow. 

Through the Global Health Security Agenda, the President’s 

Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the President’s Malaria Initiative, 

and the Saving Mothers, Giving Life partnership, we are working 

with the Ugandan Government to improve the quality and accessibility of health services and to address Uganda’s most pressing 

needs. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will seek to strengthen our partnership with Uganda as a force for regional peace and security. I 

will also work with the government and people of Uganda in pursuit of a healthier, more productive, and more prosperous society 

where protection of citizens’ political and personal freedoms is a 

priority for all. 

Achieving these objectives will be critical to Uganda’s future stability and economic growth, as well as its continued role as an important and constructive regional leader. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, or more precisely, first, if confirmed, the 

protection of U.S. citizens and U.S. business interests in Uganda 

will be the foremost concern for my team and me. 

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661 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. If confirmed, I look forward 

to working with you to represent and promote the interests of the 

American people in Uganda. I welcome any questions the committee may have. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Malac follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR DEBORAH MALAC

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear 

before you today as the nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the 

Republic of Uganda. I thank President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have placed in me by sending my name to the Senate for 

consideration. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to take the opportunity to recognize my husband, Ron 

Olson, our three children, Nicholas, Gregory, and Katharine, and my daughter-inlaw, Shana. I am deeply grateful for their unstinting love and support; without it, 

I would not be seated here today. 

Mr. Chairman, I have been extraordinarily privileged to serve as a member of the 

Foreign Service for more than 34 years. As the daughter of an immigrant who 

arrived in the United States in the middle of the last century in pursuit of freedom 

and opportunity, my service is small repayment for all that the United States has 

afforded my family and me. The majority of my career has been spent working in 

and on Africa, beginning with my first assignment in Cameroon in 1981. That first 

taste of Africa was followed by assignments in South Africa, Senegal, Ethiopia, and 

now, Liberia, where I have had the great honor to serve as Ambassador since 2012. 

Interspersed among the Africa assignments, I have worked in Washington and 

Southeast Asia on issues of democracy, development, trade, and security. 

Mr. Chairman, the United States has enjoyed a close bilateral partnership with 

Uganda for the past quarter century. Uganda and the United States have worked 

together to promote the peaceful resolution of a series of regional conflicts. Having 

expelled the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) from Ugandan territory, the Ugandan 

military has continued to lead regional efforts to counter the LRA in central Africa. 

As the second largest troop contributor to the African Union Mission in Somalia, 

Uganda has made tremendous sacrifices in its efforts to degrade and defeat the terrorist al-Shabaab and bring peace and stability to the Horn of Africa. 

The United States is supporting Uganda to build capacity in law enforcement crisis response, counterterrorism investigations, criminal justice sector reform, border 

security, and countering violent extremism and terrorist finance. 

Uganda stands out not only for its contributions to regional peace and security, 

but also for its great strides in transitioning from a country beset by internal conflict to one that is at peace and growing economically. When President Yoweri 

Museveni came to power in 1986 after decades of violent internal strife in Uganda, 

he instituted macroeconomic policies that contributed to steady economic growth. 

We look forward to continuing to work with Uganda to help expand economic activity for its citizens and support improved governance that will help foster broadbased economic development. 

We are working to help Uganda strengthen its multiparty democracy and reinforce respect for human rights. Uganda will hold elections in 2016, during which 

President Museveni will seek a fifth term. If confirmed, I will urge the President 

to ensure the political space necessary for a spirited and robust campaign in which 

all parties participate freely. It is important for the region and Uganda’s future that 

the elections are free, fair, transparent, and peaceful. We continue to urge the 

Ugandan Government to respect the fundamental human rights of all individuals. 

On the development front, we continue to invest in Uganda with a robust set of 

programs. USAID has provided over $430 million over the past 6 years in development assistance to help Uganda’s people, efforts that support vital activities including education and economic growth, as well as reintegration and rehabilitation support for those affected by past conflicts in Uganda, including many former LRA 

abductees. President Obama’s Feed the Future Initiative focuses on improving productivity and incomes in the agriculture sector, on which 70 percent of Uganda’s 

citizens rely for their livelihoods. 

In the health sector, the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate has fallen from a high of 13.4 

percent in 1992 to around 7 percent, where it has stagnated for the past decade. 

Malaria still causes an estimated 70,000 to 100,000 deaths per year, and progress 

in improving maternal and child health is slow. Through the Global Health Security 

Agenda, the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the President’s Malaria 

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662 

Initiative, and the Saving Mothers, Giving Life partnership, we are working with 

the Ugandan Government to improve the quality and accessibility of health services 

and to address Uganda’s most pressing health concerns. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will seek to strengthen our partnership with 

Uganda as a force for regional peace and security. I will also work with the government and people of Uganda in pursuit of a healthier, more productive, and more 

prosperous society where protection of citizens’ political and personal freedoms is a 

priority for all. Achieving these objectives will be critical to Uganda’s future stability 

and economic growth, as well as its continued role as an important and constructive 

regional leader. Finally, Mr. Chairman, or more precisely, first, if confirmed, the 

protection of U.S. citizens and U.S. business interests in Uganda will be the foremost concern for my team and for me. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 

appear before you today. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to represent and promote the interests of the American people in Uganda. I welcome any 

questions the committee may have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Peterson. 

STATEMENT OF LISA J. PETERSON, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND 

Ms. PETERSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The full text of my remarks has been submitted for the record. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor 

for me to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee 

to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Swaziland. 

I am happy to have with me today my husband, Siza Ntshakala, 

and my son, Thabo. They have made tremendous sacrifices for my 

Foreign Service career. I am grateful for their love and support, 

which have helped bring me to the threshold of this potential new, 

challenging, and exciting assignment. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working with you 

and the honorable members of this committee to advance the interests and values of the United States and the American people in 

Swaziland. 

The United States maintains one of the few resident diplomatic 

missions in the Kingdom of Swaziland. Our relationship with the 

people of Swaziland is an important partnership. 

The new Embassy building that will open next year in Mbabane 

is a powerful symbol of the value the U.S. places on that relationship and will be a great platform for outreach to the Swazi people. 

If confirmed, I will continue to engage the Swazi Government as 

well. I would like to see the king and his advisers enter into an 

ongoing dialogue with civil society. 

Swazi citizens still have limited ability to engage meaningfully in 

public policy decisions. And basic rights such as the freedoms of 

peaceful assembly, association, and expression are restricted. Dialogue with civil society will help open the way for citizen engagement in policy decisions, which will help ensure the best policy outcomes. 

Swaziland is facing a declining economy. This is partially due to 

a broader regional economic downturn, but also due to the loss of 

African Growth and Opportunity Act, or AGOA, trade preferences. 

Swaziland was suspended from AGOA membership in January 

after the government failed to meet established benchmarks to 

strengthen its human rights record, despite several years of enFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

663 

gagement by the U.S. Government. These benchmarks involve the 

same basic rights for which Swazi civil society advocates. 

Drawing on my experience with the Bureau of Democracy, 

Human Rights, and Labor, I will support those who strive to hold 

the Government accountable and uphold democratic values. I will 

support civil society, labor unions, and media, to create space for 

needed political dialogue amongst all the stakeholders of Swaziland. 

The people of Swaziland want what the people of the United 

States want: peace, stability, economic prosperity, and an opportunity for their children to build better lives for themselves. They 

also hope that their children will be healthy enough to have that 

opportunity. 

Swaziland’s 26 percent HIV prevalence rate is the highest in the 

world, and the Nation is suffering a severe tuberculosis crisis. 

Thanks to the resources available through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, the United States has 

helped save tens of thousands of lives in Swaziland. 

Embassy Mbabane has been actively coordinating with the Swazi 

Government and other donors to control the epidemic by strengthening health infrastructure, increasing the capacity of the Health 

Ministry and HIV/AIDS Council, and developing a whole-of-government approach to the crisis. 

This year, Swaziland was selected for the new DREAMS initiative, which aims to enable adolescent girls and young women to become Determined, Resilient, Empowered, AIDS-Free, Mentored and 

Safe. These efforts have generated results. 

In 2004, prior to PEPFAR, fewer than 500 people were on 

antiretroviral therapy. Now more than 130,000 people in Swaziland 

receive treatment. 

If confirmed, I would look to build on the Embassy’s ongoing 

work to continue engaging national, regional, and local community 

leaders about efforts to create sustainable programs for an AIDSfree generation. 

A stable Swaziland is important to U.S. regional strategic interests, but long-term stability is not possible where citizens are unable to use their voices to hold government accountable for its actions. 

If confirmed, I will draw on the strong bilateral relationship between the United States and Swaziland to continue encouraging 

the kingdom to improve its record on human rights and fundamental freedoms. This will also help Swaziland meet the benchmarks for AGOA eligibility, which will benefit the Swazi economy. 

I will also ensure that our health programming builds on success 

and innovates for sustainability, saving the lives of Swazi citizens 

and helping preserve family units. 

And I will continue to engage in cross-cutting areas, such as civil 

society’s ability to advocate on issues from preventing gender-based 

violence to protection of marginalized groups to institutionalizing 

the rule of law. 

Encouraged by the mutual respect between our two nations and 

energized by the challenges that lie ahead, I would be honored, if 

confirmed, to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Swaziland. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

664 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I want to thank 

you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I will be happy 

to answer any questions you have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Peterson follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LISA PETERSON

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor for me to appear 

before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom 

of Swaziland. I am happy to have with me today my husband, Siza Ntshakala, and 

my son, Thabo. They have made tremendous sacrifices for my Foreign Service 

career. I am grateful for their love and support, which have helped bring me to the 

threshold of this potential new, challenging, and exciting assignment. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the honorable 

members of this committee to advance the interests and values of the United States 

and the American people in Swaziland. 

Service in Swaziland would offer me the opportunity to utilize the experience I 

have developed over years of work throughout Africa. My decision to remain in 

Africa was, in many ways, shaped by my first tour in the Central African Republic. 

There, I had the opportunity to work with officials of the sole political party as they 

grappled with demands for change. I also had the chance to work with citizens who 

were coalescing around calls for multiparty democracy and with a trade union movement battling to advocate for workers’ rights in the face of government harassment 

and restrictions. Since then, I have collaborated with human rights advocates, supported grassroots democracy education efforts, and advocated for democratic organizations and movements from South Africa to South Sudan and from Kenya to Nigeria. HIV/AIDS has been a constant focus throughout my assignments, culminating 

in my support for the development of Mission Cameroon’s first country strategy for 

the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). If confirmed, I am particularly looking forward to continuing Mission Swaziland’s work to combine these 

two priorities—expanding Swazi ownership of the HIV/AIDS response while 

strengthening the ability of Swazi citizens to hold their government accountable for 

performance across all sectors, including but not limited to health. 

The United States maintains one of the few resident diplomatic missions in the 

Kingdom of Swaziland. Our relationship with the people of Swaziland is an important partnership. The new Embassy building that will open next year in Mbabane 

is a powerful symbol of the value the U.S. places on that relationship and will be 

a great platform for outreach to the Swazi people. 

If confirmed, I will continue to engage the Swazi Government as well. I would like 

to see the king and his advisors enter into an ongoing dialogue with civil society. 

Swazi citizens still have limited ability to engage meaningfully in public policy decisions, and basic rights such as the freedoms of peaceful assembly, association, and 

expression are restricted. Dialogue with civil society will help open the way for 

citizen engagement in policy decisions, which will help ensure the best policy 

outcomes. 

Swaziland is facing a declining economy. This is partially due to a broader 

regional economic downturn, but also due to the loss of African Growth and Opportunity (AGOA) trade preferences. Swaziland was suspended from AGOA membership in January, after the government failed to meet established benchmarks to 

strengthen its human rights record, despite several years of engagement by the U.S. 

Government. These benchmarks involve the same basic rights for which Swazi civil 

society advocates: freedom of peaceful assembly, association, expression, and other 

essential freedoms. Drawing on my experience with the Bureau of Democracy, 

Human Rights, and Labor, I will support those who strive to hold the government 

accountable and uphold democratic values. I will support civil society, labor unions, 

and media, to create space for needed political dialogue amongst all the stakeholders in Swaziland. 

The people of Swaziland want what the people of the United States want: peace, 

stability, economic prosperity, and an opportunity for their children to build better 

lives for themselves. They also hope that their children will be healthy enough to 

have that opportunity. 

Swaziland’s 26 percent HIV prevalence rate is the highest in the world, and the 

nation is suffering a severe tuberculosis crisis. Thanks to the resources available 

through PEPFAR, the United States has helped save tens of thousands of lives in 

Swaziland. Embassy Mbabane has been actively coordinating with the Swazi Government and other donors to control the epidemic by strengthening health infrastructure, increasing the capacity of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

665 

the National Emergency Response Council for HIV/AIDS, and developing a whole 

of government approach to the crisis. 

These efforts have generated results. In 2004, prior to PEPFAR, fewer than 500 

people were on antiretroviral therapy. Now, more than 130,000 people in Swaziland 

receive treatment. With the new guidance for starting treatment early in the disease progression, and the potential to implement a ‘‘test and start’’ program, those 

numbers should increase even further. In recent years, the Swazi Government has 

procured its own medicines and laboratory commodities, although the supply chain 

continues to face challenges and needs ongoing support. If confirmed, I would look 

to build on the Embassy’s ongoing work to continue engaging national, regional, and 

local community leaders about efforts to create sustainable programs for an AIDSFree generation. 

The U.S. mission in Swaziland engages with both national leaders and at grass 

roots levels across Swaziland. In addition, Peace Corps Volunteers are actively 

engaged in community health and HIV prevention programs. These volunteers are 

tangible representatives of the interest and concern of the United States for the people of Swaziland. 

If confirmed, I am also passionate about working with Swaziland’s young women 

and girls to help them realize their full potential, because young women who feel 

empowered are less likely to be at risk for HIV. To that end, Swaziland is a partner 

in the new DREAMS initiative, which aims to enable adolescent girls and young 

women to become Determined, Resilient, Empowered, AIDS-Free, Mentored and 

Safe. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to work closely with the Government of 

the Kingdom of Swaziland and civil society to enhance the status of women and 

girls, in order to help address the HIV/AIDS epidemic, support poverty alleviation 

efforts, and uphold universal human rights. 

A stable Swaziland is important to U.S. regional strategic interests, but, longterm stability is not possible where citizens are unable to use their voices to hold 

government accountable for its actions. If confirmed, I will draw on the strong bilateral relationship between the United States and Swaziland to continue encouraging 

the Kingdom to improve its record on human rights and fundamental freedoms. This 

will also help Swaziland meet the benchmarks for AGOA eligibility, which will benefit the Swazi economy. I will also ensure that our health programming builds on 

success and innovates for sustainability, saving the lives of Swazi citizens and helping preserve family units. And I will continue to engage in cross-cutting areas, such 

as civil society’s ability to advocate on issues from preventing gender-based violence 

to protection of marginalized groups to institutionalizing the rule of law. Encouraged by the mutual respect between our two nations and energized by the challenges that lie ahead, I would be honored, if confirmed, to serve as U.S. Ambassador 

to Swaziland. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I want to thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I will be happy to answer any questions you have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Pittman. 

STATEMENT OF H. DEAN PITTMAN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MOZAMBIQUE 

Mr. PITTMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to say, first, my family is sort of scattered from Burma 

to Mississippi today, so it is just me up here, but thank you very 

much. 

And just let me say to Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor for me to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence they have placed in me. 

Mr. Chairman, as you noted, I served in Mozambique 24 years 

ago at a time the country was just emerging from years of devastating civil war. Mozambique has come a long way since those 

days. 

Over these last decades, the United States has aimed to build a 

strong, productive partnership with Mozambique and its people as 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

666 

we advance our mutual interests in tackling a wide range of issues, 

including expanding investment opportunities; combating 

transnational crime and illegal trafficking; stopping the spread of 

HIV; and building more inclusive, democratic institutions that can 

meet the needs of all Mozambique’s people. And we have seen significant, though uneven, progress. 

On the economic front, Mozambique had registered impressive 

growth over the past decade. This economic growth will likely continue as the country develops its recently discovered natural gas 

fields, an area where opportunities for U.S. investment are already 

being realized. 

Most notably, when the Texas-based company Anadarko concludes its negotiations with the Government to develop a large natural gas field, a multimillion dollar project, it will become one of 

the largest investors in sub-Saharan Africa. 

With our opening of the Embassy’s new Foreign Commercial 

Service Office in 2014, we have deepened U.S. Government advocacy support available to U.S. companies and businesses. 

But it is clear these positive developments only tell part of the 

story. Despite such impressive economic growth, the majority of 

Mozambique’s 25 million people continue to live below the poverty 

line. Mozambique has an HIV prevalence rate of around 11 percent 

nationwide. Educational opportunities, while improving, still are 

not equally available across the country. And illiteracy remains a 

challenge, particularly for women and girls. 

Weak institutions and porous borders continue to make Mozambique a target of international trafficking and other criminal networks. And perhaps most troubling, recent violent skirmishes between the Government and opposition party underscore that peace 

remains fragile. 

Mozambique’s progress and ability to be a strong partner with 

the United States depends in large part on continued peace and 

stability; strong democratic institutions; a healthy, educated population; an engaged civil society; and economic growth that is inclusive and benefits all Mozambicans. 

These are areas where the United States has long worked closely 

with Mozambique, and this is an area where we will continue to 

focus our attention. Let me offer a few examples. 

As the largest bilateral donor to Mozambique, the United States 

provides the majority of our support to improve the health of 

Mozambicans. The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the 

President’s Malaria Initiative, the Global Health Initiative, and the 

Peace Corps are all working together toward this goal in partnership with both the Mozambican Government and the Mozambican 

people. 

Thanks to these efforts, more than 675,000 people living with 

HIV are now on treatment, and 75 percent of them are supported 

by the generosity of the American people. 

If confirmed, I will also encourage the Mozambican Government 

to commit more of its own resources, particularly as it is able to 

do so, to improve the health of its people and ensure the sustainability of its health care system. 

In the agricultural sector, where there is significant room for expansion, the U.S. Government is helping Mozambicans improve 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

667 

overall performance in order to reduce hunger, poverty, and malnutrition. 

In light of Mozambique’s geographical location on the Indian 

Ocean, we recognize its potential as a regional partner and leader. 

But to fulfill this role, Mozambique must be able to secure its long 

land borders and coastline. There needs to be sustained efforts to 

promote maritime security and curb illegal trade flows. So if confirmed, I will look for more opportunities to expand efforts in this 

area. 

We are cooperating with Mozambique to conserve coastal wetlands and marine reserves, and to reestablish the country’s unique 

wildlife parks and combat wildlife trafficking. The Government of 

Mozambique has already taken important steps enacting stronger 

conservation law and recently courageously destroying a stockpile 

of confiscated ivory and rhino horns. 

If confirmed, I will advocate for continued demonstrations of political and national will to take on powerful criminal enterprises intent on profiteering at the expense of Mozambique’s natural heritage and what is, indeed, a global treasure. 

Underpinning all of this work, are people-to-people ties. More 

than 1,200 Mozambicans have come to the United States as part 

of a wide variety of exchange programs and returned home to contribute to their country the perspectives they gained here in our 

country. 

These exchanges work both ways. We have a robust Peace Corps 

program in Mozambique. As a former Peace Corps Volunteer, I 

know what invaluable experiences our volunteers gain from work 

they are doing in many communities, large and small, throughout 

the entire country. 

So, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I want to 

thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. If confirmed, I welcome the challenge of protecting and advancing the interests of the United States in Mozambique. It is a duty and responsibility I would be honored to accept. Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Pittman follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DEAN PITTMAN

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor for me to appear 

before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Mozambique. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me. Mr. Chairman, I served in Mozambique 24 years 

ago at a time the country was just emerging from years of devastating civil war. 

Mozambique has come a long way since those days. Over these last decades the 

United States has aimed to build a strong, productive partnership with Mozambique 

and its people as we advance our mutual interests in tackling a wide range of 

issues, including expanding investment opportunities, combating transnational 

crime and illegal trafficking, stopping the spread of HIV, and building more inclusive, democratic institutions that can meet the needs of all Mozambique’s people. 

And we have seen significant—though uneven—progress.On the economic front 

Mozambique has registered impressive growth over the past decade—upward of 7 

percent a year. This economic growth will likely continue as the country develops 

its recently discovered natural gas fields; an area where opportunities for U.S. 

investment are already being realized. Most notably, when the Texas-based company—Anadarko—concludes its negotiations with the government to develop a large 

section of the natural gas fields—a multibillion dollar project—it will become one 

of the largest investors in sub-Saharan Africa. Already other U.S. companies are 

taking advantage of what are expected to be increasing investment opportunities, 

not only in the energy field, but also in construction, tourism, and agriculture. With 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

668 

our opening of the Embassy’s new Foreign Commercial Service Office in 2014, we 

have deepened U.S. Government advocacy support available to U.S. companies and 

investors. As a new Trade Africa partner, the United States will work closely with 

Mozambique to expand economic ties and improve the environment for trade and 

investment. 

But it is clear these positive developments only tell part of the story. Despite such 

impressive economic growth, the majority of Mozambique’s 25 million people continue to live below the poverty line. Mozambique has an HIV prevalence rate of over 

11 percent nationwide, a huge threat to the country’s well-being. Educational opportunities, while improving, still are not equally available across the country and illiteracy remains a challenge, particularly among women and girls. Weak institutions 

and porous borders continue to make Mozambique a target of international trafficking and other criminal networks. And perhaps most troubling, recent violent 

skirmishes between the government and opposition party underscore that peace 

remains fragile. 

Mozambique’s progress and ability to be a strong partner with the U.S. depends 

in large part on continued peace and stability, strong democratic institutions, a 

healthy, educated population, an engaged civil society and economic growth that is 

inclusive and benefits all Mozambicans. These are areas where the United States 

has long worked closely with Mozambique and its people and where, if confirmed, 

I will continue to focus our attention. Let me offer a few examples of areas where 

we have worked successfully with Mozambique to advance our mutual interests. 

As the largest bilateral donor to Mozambique, the United States provides the 

majority of our support to improve the health of Mozambicans. The President’s 

Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the President’s Malaria Initiative, the Global 

Health Initiative, and the Peace Corps are all working together toward this goal in 

partnership with both the Mozambican Government and civil society. Thanks to the 

partnership between the Mozambican Government and international donors including the United States (through PEPFAR), more than 675,000 people living with HIV 

are now on treatment, and 75 percent of them are supported by the generosity of 

the American people. If confirmed, I will continue to advance our ambitious vision 

of creating an AIDS-free generation by working to reduce the transmission of HIV/ 

AIDS, boost the percentage of HIV-positive Mozambicans on treatment, and control 

the epidemic in the highest burden districts of Mozambique by the year 2018. At 

the same time, I will encourage the Mozambican Government to commit more of its 

own resources—particularly as its ability to do so increases—to improving the 

health of its people and ensuring the sustainability of its health care system. 

In the agricultural sector, where there is significant room for expansion, the U.S. 

Government is helping Mozambicans improve overall performance in order to reduce 

hunger, poverty, and malnutrition. Our support is also designed to help create 

opportunities through entrepreneurship, access to markets, improved technology, 

and a healthy business climate that will aid in transforming subsistence farming 

into commercial agriculture. 

We worked closely with Mozambique to carry out the recently concluded 5-year 

Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact that focused on investments in 

water supply, sanitation, drainage, roads, bridges, land tenure, and agriculture to 

increase productive capacity in areas where economic development has lagged. 

In addition over the last couple of decades, the United States has been a major 

contributor to ridding Mozambique of landmines, a deadly reminder of the civil war 

and an obstacle to development and economic growth. Earlier this year, Mozambique officially declared itself ‘‘impact free’’ of landmines. 

We also recognize Mozambique’s potential as a regional partner and leader, particularly in light of its expectation of becoming a world-class energy exporter. To fulfill this role, Mozambique must be able to secure its long land borders and coastline. 

There needs also to be sustained efforts to promote maritime security and curb illegal trade flows. If confirmed, I will continue to build upon our partnership with the 

Mozambican authorities to promote regional maritime and border security as an 

integral part of efforts to advance regional stability and economic growth. 

We are also cooperating with Mozambique to conserve coastal wetlands and 

marine reserves, and to reestablish the country’s unique wildlife parks and combat 

wildlife trafficking, a very serious threat to Mozambique’s sovereignty, border security, as well as the economic welfare of the population. The Government of Mozambique has already taken important steps: enacting a stronger conservation law and 

recently courageously destroying a stockpile of confiscated ivory and rhino horn. If 

confirmed, I will advocate for continued demonstrations of political and national will 

to take on powerful criminal enterprises intent on profiteering at the expense of 

Mozambique’s natural heritage, and indeed a global heritage. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

669 

Underpinning all of this work are our people-to-people ties. Our American Cultural Center and American Corners provide spaces for the exchange of ideas on topics from the environment to entrepreneurship, from capacity building to culture. 

More than 1,200 Mozambicans have come to the United States as part of a wide 

variety of exchange programs and returned home to contribute to their communities 

the perspectives and skills gained here. And, these exchanges work both ways. We 

have a robust Peace Corps program in Mozambique, and as a former Peace Corps 

Volunteer, I know what invaluable experiences our volunteers gain from work they 

are doing in many communities large and small throughout the entire country. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I want to thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. If confirmed, I welcome the challenge of protecting and advancing the interests of the United States in Mozambique; it is a duty 

and responsibility I would be honored to accept. Thank you and I would welcome 

any questions you might have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Mr. Pittman. 

Ms. Malac, with regard to Uganda, there has been, as we talked 

about before, an uptick in HIV/AIDS. What is the Government 

doing to help stem that? I am talking about the Ugandan Government. And how can we play a positive role there? 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you, Senator. 

Yes, we are a bit concerned that the decline in HIV/AIDS rates 

has stagnated over the last several years. We continue to work 

through the PEPFAR program with the Government of Uganda, 

with the Ministry of Health, which understands the concerns, looking for other opportunities to improve prevention efforts. 

They have been quite successful in terms of preventing motherto-child transmission. But clearly, with numbers continuing to 

show increases in some parts of the population, there is more that 

needs to be done. We believe that it is possible to stop that from 

continuing to go up and push it back in the other direction. So 

PEPFAR is heavily engaged in a number of areas in the prevention 

arena. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. Uganda has played a positive role in 

the region, in terms of contributing troops and helping broker 

peace deals and enforce, hopefully, a cease-fire in South Sudan. Do 

you see it as an important role, your role as Ambassador, if you are 

confirmed, to forward that relationship? What can we do to make 

sure that that kind of positive cooperation continues? 

Ambassador MALAC. Clearly, the relationship that we have had 

with Uganda over the last several years in the security arena is a 

very important one for our interests and the interests of the countries in East Africa and the Horn. If confirmed as Ambassador, I 

will continue, through the many different avenues that the U.S. 

has used to date, to ensure that our interests and Uganda’s converge as regards the security sector. 

We believe that Uganda has potential to continue to play a leadership role in the security sector and bringing some help to address 

the conflicts that surround the country. So I am quite confident 

that we will be able to continue that relationship. 

The Ugandans have said that they are committed to participate 

in all of the activities. But clearly, we will need, going forward, to 

ensure that that conversation remains robust, and that we are able 

to identify opportunities that they are in a position to address. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. And thank you for your willingness 

to take on this assignment after that nice, leisurely post you had 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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in Liberia over the last couple years. Thanks for the work that you 

did there as well. 

Ms. Peterson, you mentioned that the HIV/AIDS rate in Swaziland is among if not the highest in the world. You also mentioned 

that there are a large number, 130,000, on retrovirals. Given the 

difficulty in terms of revenue for Government, how will they be 

able to continue to provide the retrovirals? Is that an issue we 

ought to be concerned about? 

Ms. PETERSON. Thank you very much for that question. 

The Government has taken a very forward-leaning position, in 

terms of taking responsibility for providing the medications for 

treatment in Swaziland. The financial burden on the Government 

is only going to grow as the objective for addressing prevention is 

actually through treatment, and the numbers of people who will 

need to go on treatment will increase. 

The Government is in a difficult position, because they have the 

looming economic circumstance in the region at this moment in 

time. 

We are considering options that may help them in the short term 

with ensuring that the supply chain of medication is not stopped. 

But longer term, there will clearly need to be conversations with 

the Government about how they are prioritizing their spending, so 

that they can continue to uphold their commitment, which is a 

point on which they are very proud. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

With regard to AGOA, is there any possibility that, in the short 

term, they might be able to hit the benchmarks they need to have 

these restrictions lifted? 

Ms. PETERSON. So the Government has ‘‘done the needful’’ on two 

Labor Relations Act provisions. There is, apparently, work that has 

been developed around crowd control measures, public order, the 

way security forces respond to public demonstrations. That is still 

a work in progress and not something that has been really rolled 

out to the Swazi security forces. 

The real sticking points are going to come around revisions to the 

Public Order Act and the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The International Labor Organization has been working with the Swazi Government to amend the relevant provisions in the Terrorism Act. If 

confirmed, this is something that I would also like to try to draw 

on individuals and organizations that I came to know through my 

work in Democracy, Human Rights and Labor to try to find ways 

that we can help the Government address those final two provisions, so that overall space, not just for trade unions, but also for 

civil society writ large, will be more open. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Pittman, you mentioned wildlife trafficking as an issue the 

Government is dealing with there. There has been a huge uptick 

in rhino poaching in the Kruger National Park proximity right 

near the border of Mozambique. What role is yours, if you are confirmed, to help the Government respond to that problem? 

Mr. PITTMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

Yes, you are right. First of all, this is a huge resource that the 

Mozambicans have, and they are aware of it. They have these 

beautiful, unique, natural national parks and reserves. They are 

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unique to the world. So preserving these and preventing trafficking 

in ivory and rhino horns is critical. 

The United States has been very much involved, and I have to 

say our Ambassador to the re, Ambassador Griffiths, has been 

working very closely with the Government and with the private 

sector. I think that is key, that we have a partnership where we 

bring in private sector expertise to work with the Government to 

manage their resources and help manage the parks, help manage 

the reserves, but also look at how we can provide training and 

other advice and other tools to the Government to prevent the trafficking in wildlife. 

It is a challenge. The borders are porous, and the capacity is a 

challenge. But we are working on a whole series of levels, and a 

lot of our assistance is going directly to support efforts in this area. 

I have to commend the Government. They realize this is a challenge. They realize how important it is. And they have recently destroyed 2.5 tons of ivory and rhino horns that had been confiscated. 

So I think we have a good partner with Mozambique in working 

toward a solution here. It is a challenge. It is a challenge for the 

region. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Markey. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Ambassador Malac, last April, Human Rights Watch said that 

the new bill to regulate nongovernmental groups would severely 

curb Ugandans’ basic rights and would subject NGOs to such extensive governmental control and interference that it could negate 

the very essence of freedom of association and expression. 

Alarmingly, one of its clauses would prohibit activity ‘‘contrary to 

the dignity of the people of the Uganda.’’ Such a broad definition 

leaves the conclusion that they want to just be able to act arbitrarily. 

So what is the State Department’s view of Uganda’s new NGO 

bill that they are looking at? And what would you do, as Ambassador, to help protect civil society groups? 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you, Senator. 

Regulation of NGOs is a topic of much interest and discussion 

among many countries in East Africa, and so we are, understandably, having seen how it works elsewhere, concerned by the proposed legislation in Uganda. 

The good news on this issue, however, is that the Ugandan Government has continued to appear open to dialogue and discussion, 

and to entertain suggestions for revisions to the language of the 

legislation that are put forward by civil society organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and international partners. 

If confirmed, I will continue to lead that kind of an effort to have 

a dialogue and discussion, and try to moderate where we can aspects of the legislation, understanding that the Government of 

Uganda does need to have a good understanding of what activities 

are ongoing inside its borders. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

The Somali-based extremist group al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for the 2010 bombings in the Ugandan capital. Reports say 

that it has successfully recruited members in Uganda. Also, alFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Shabaab militants based in Kenya have threatened Uganda with 

further attacks in retaliation for its involvement in the African 

Union Mission in Somalia. 

We work closely with Uganda, with assistance focused on improving border control and airport security, travel document control, forensics, and critical questions on Somali. 

Could you talk a little bit about that and how you see that situation unfolding? 

Ambassador MALAC. Certainly, Senator. Thank you. 

Uganda has faced a lot of challenges and it, certainly, is under 

threat for the leading role that it has played in AMISOM since its 

inception in 2007. As a result, they have been a direct target of terrorist attacks. 

It is clear to us that there is much more work that we all need 

to do to strengthen their ability to insulate themselves, to the extent that it is possible with terrorist groups, from these kinds of 

activities. 

We have seen al-Shabaab and what it is capable of doing, not 

just within Somalia, but outside. It is ongoing effort in cooperation 

with the Government of Uganda to work together to try to build 

their capacity to do that in a variety of ways, as you have outlined. 

If confirmed, I would continue those programs and that cooperation in any way possible. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ms. Peterson, the 2005 Constitution, notably its Bill of Rights, 

was a key step toward Swazi compliance with global constitutional 

norms. But pro-democracy groups view it as falling short in many 

respects, and discontent continues over alleged corruption, nepotism, favoritism, and privilege for royals and the political elite; mismanagement of public funds; and state resistance to political reform. 

What more can the United States do to help foster a climate 

where political parties can operate and civic freedoms can expand? 

Ms. PETERSON. Thank you very much for that question. 

I think the fundamental work on ensuring space for civil society—and this grows out of the engagement around AGOA—that if 

we can get the space opened for civil society, that will open broader 

opportunities for engagement by an array of actors. 

I do think that Swaziland has taken a negative direction since 

2005. It clearly is something that the current Ambassador at post 

has worked on. If confirmed, I would look to build on her engagements, provide as much support and as much convening power for 

civil society as I can. 

On the fiscal transparency side, I think as a starting point, we, 

the U.S. Government, can hold a stronger line on asking for greater 

fiscal transparency from the Government. But, again, opening the 

space for Swazis to be able to speak to their own Government and 

hold their own Government accountable will also be key to getting 

the Government to respond on these points. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Mr. Pittman, according to the department’s 2015 Trafficking in 

Persons report, Mozambique as a Tier 2 country is a transit and 

to a lesser extent destination country for men, women, and children 

subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Please describe the 

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Government’s approach to halting human trafficking abuses. What 

must it do more effectively to counter such crimes? And what can 

you in the Embassy do to advance that goal? 

Mr. PITTMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

In some ways, this is a bit of a good news story. The Government 

of Mozambique was listed as a Tier 2 Watch country just a few 

years ago. But because of some of the good work and efforts they 

have made, they moved to the Tier 2. Obviously, it is still not 

enough, and we work very closely with the Government to sort of 

see how we can find ways to advance them and get them to fulfill 

the regulations here. 

But they have taken some positive steps, and, certainly, ones 

that are encouraging. They set up reference groups in various provinces that are looking at some of these cases and investigating 

them and providing that kind of eyes on the ground for the Government. The Government is taking the opportunity with other NGOs 

and groups to provide training and information to Government 

workers so they are aware of what they should be looking for, and 

how they should be approached. 

Broader issues, of course, are the issues that Mozambique has 

with maintaining its long borders that are porous. 

These are all areas where we will continue to work. But the bottom line here, I think, is that we have some good progress so far 

on this issue. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Coons. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for convening this hearing today. 

First, to Ambassador Malac, I just cannot thank you enough for 

your service in Liberia. In my three visits to Liberia, I was struck 

by the capabilities of the country, the challenges it faced. And in 

the most recent visit, I had the opportunity to see your leadership 

in the midst of the Ebola crisis. It was nothing short of spectacular. 

You were just the sort of Foreign Service leader we hope for in this 

country under extremely demanding circumstances—highly motivated, capable, still retaining a sense of humor in the midst of one 

of the most difficult environments I have ever seen, and with a 

loyal and dedicated team. 

So I just want to start by, in front of your family, thanking you 

for what I know was a very long and difficult period, and for your 

exceptional leadership in it. 

I mean to take nothing away from our other nominees, but I 

have had the opportunity to see you lead under extremely demanding circumstances. 

And you go from Monrovia to Kampala. When I first came into 

Kampala, in 1987, Museveni’s troops had just taken control. He 

had just become President, and he is still President today. 

So my first question would simply be, given what we have already heard in terms of concerns about the civil society, the NGO 

law, and the really grinding pressure on civil society, and given recent decisions about pursuing another term, how do you strike an 

appropriate balance between advocating for democracy and open 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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civil society and transparency while retaining a positive relationship with a key regional security ally? 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you for those kind words, Senator, 

and for the question. Yes, moving from one difficult situation to another. 

Creating democracy, creating multiparty democracy that functions in an appropriate manner is a process, as you know. It is not 

something that happens overnight. 

A few elections ago, there was not anything that even resembled 

multiparty democracy in Uganda. Now in the election we are headed toward in early next year, there is a greater semblance of that 

process. 

But it is messy, and it is, certainly, not as far and as well-entrenched in Uganda as any of us would like to see it. So we are 

continuing to have the discussion; continuing to work as the U.S. 

Government has been doing with developing the capacity of political parties to provide legitimate opposition, some real opposition, 

to the current system; creating capacity within civil society organizations, nongovernmental organizations, to understand the role 

that they play, the important role that they play in making demands on their government for appropriate democratic outlets and 

processes; continuing to work with the elections commission to ensure the capacity of the system to function, despite some of the concerns. 

The issue of term limits is always a tricky one. Ultimately, this 

often resides in constitutions, and ultimately, those decisions are 

for the people to decide. We understand often those referendums or 

decisions may not always be the most transparent processes. 

But that said, I think I, if confirmed as Ambassador, will continue to have this conversation that has been an ongoing one with 

President Museveni to show that change is good sometimes—it 

brings different ideas; it brings different opportunities—but, most 

importantly, to encourage him to keep the space open so that opposition parties and civil society organizations, Ugandans, can advocate for their own rights and civil protections. 

Thank you. 

Senator COONS. Let me also ask you, Ambassador, about the 

LGBT community in Uganda and the shrinking space in which 

they have had to operate in the last couple of years, and the real 

challenges we face in trying to respect their security, privacy, and 

liberty while still advocating for them. 

I had a very memorable meeting a number of years ago in which 

I was asked not to be a more vocal advocate because of the consequences for those who were known to have met with a Senator 

or anyone else from our Government. 

How do you fight for space when the political environment 

around it is not supportive? 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you. 

That is a very difficult balance to strike, particularly as we are 

pushed on the part of the U.S. Government to ensure, as we do advocate all over the world, for the protection of the human rights of 

all individuals to be free from discrimination, to be free from the 

threat of violence. It is an issue and a value that we hold very 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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dear, and we must advocate in that arena, even in difficult environments like Uganda. 

It is often the case that we are sometimes further out ahead of 

some of the local groups or individuals themselves. So continuing 

the dialogue that we have—we work very closely with organizations and individuals in Uganda who are advocating for LGBT 

rights to ensure that we are calibrated appropriately and to continue to work with the Government, to dialogue with the Government of Uganda, to ensure that the space is open. 

It will be an ongoing process where we believe the legislation 

that was on the books previously is gone. But, of course, we will 

have to continue to watch vigilantly to ensure that we do not turn 

the clock back. 

Senator COONS. Thank you. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question of all three, being 

conscious of my colleagues’ time. 

Mr. Pittman, you served as a Peace Corps volunteer in Gabon 

many years ago. All three of you have had experience and exposure 

with the Peace Corps in the countries to which you will serve or 

where you previously served. 

I am also interested in the Young African Leaders program. We 

had a terrific meeting with them in Monrovia. The University of 

Delaware is one of 20 institutions that hosts them. I think it has 

a lot of potential and is an area this administration has led in. 

If you would please in turn talk about how we build a better relationship between the nations to which you will be posted, and 

what role exchange programs, service programs like the Peace 

Corps, like Young African Leaders, play in that process? Please, if 

you would, in order. 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you, Senator. 

Watching what has been happening with Young African Leaders 

participants who have returned to Liberia has been very instructive in terms of what the possibilities are, watching how they come 

back with these connections, not just to young people in the United 

States but to the Africans that they have met from other countries 

that they might not have had the opportunity to. They themselves 

are watching the energy, creating networks among themselves, 

talking back and forth and coming up with ideas about how they 

can contribute. 

If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity in Uganda to see 

what other possibilities we can find among the young people. It is 

a very young population, as many of the African countries are. So 

finding ways to constructively engage the young population is absolutely critical for the future of this country. I think that YALI, 

among others, is one tool that we can use. 

Ms. PETERSON. Thank you, Senator. 

The Peace Corps is a key part of our engagement on our HIV/ 

AIDS programming in Swaziland. They provide access to rural 

communities and young populations in a way that traditional Embassy-based programming would never be able to accomplish. It 

really is a people-to-people connection that you cannot match in 

any way. 

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If confirmed, I would definitely continue supporting the work of 

the Peace Corps as they can go about raising awareness and encouraging voluntary testing. 

In terms of other initiatives such as the Young African Leaders 

program, because Swaziland is not quite as young of a population 

as Uganda, but it still has its own youth bulge, engagement with 

young people and developing young leaders who are going to have 

that access to mentors that they meet through the course of the 

program, those sorts of resources available to them will be key to 

Swaziland’s ability to consider how it moves forward and creates 

opportunities for young people, with young people advocating for 

their own particular needs. 

Senator COONS. Thank you, Ms. Peterson. 

Mr. Pittman. 

Mr. PITTMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

As you know, I was in the Peace Corps, and I am a huge fan. 

We have over about 180 Peace Corps Volunteers in Mozambique 

now. They are not only a value-add, they are a multiplier in the 

many areas where we are working. That is education; health; advancing the interests of young girls, particularly; and education, as 

I said. So that is a great resource for a mission to have, and I am 

pleased that we have a robust Peace Corps program there. 

As I noted in my testimony, we have had 1,200 exchange persons 

from Mozambique come to the United States. I think this is an excellent program. We will continue to look at how we can engage 

with youth groups through our Embassy outreach to civil society. 

And the YALI program is an excellent way to identify some of 

the next generation of young leaders. I believe we identified this 

last go-round about 15 or so Mozambicans. 

So if confirmed, this will be a great area where I hope to do a 

lot of work as well. 

Senator COONS. Thank you. 

Thank you to you and your families. And as you had to Mbabane, 

Maputo, and Kampala, I wish you all the best and look forward to 

staying in touch. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Gardner. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank you as well to the nominees who are here today. I appreciate your sacrifice, your service, and your families as well. So 

thank you for your public service. 

I, too, just want to follow up on what Senator Coons said about 

Museveni and the comments you had made in your opening statement. ‘‘Uganda will hold elections in 2016, during which President 

Museveni will seek a fifth term. If confirmed, I will urge the President to ensure the political space necessary for a spirited and robust campaign in which all parties participate freely.’’ 

Obviously, with the news on October 15, the arrest of the opposition leaders, we are far from a spirited and robust campaign, at 

this point, so perhaps we can go further into what the U.S. positions will be. 

But I want to shift away from that. I do not think this has been 

brought up yet. I would just like to get an update perhaps on what 

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you see in Uganda and what the United States is doing in terms 

of the LRA and resistance to the LRA. 

Ambassador MALAC. Thank you, Senator. 

The counter-LRA activities continue. As you know, only one of 

the ICC indictees, Joseph Kony himself, remains on the battlefield. 

It is a slow process. It is a very remote area. 

But as you all are aware, the operation has been extended for another year. We continue to be hopeful that the activities, working 

with the partners in the region, led primarily by the Ugandan 

forces, that they will be successful. That continues to be the hope, 

that we will find and remove Joseph Kony from the battlefield in 

the coming months. 

The commitment on the part of the Ugandan Government remains strong to participate in these activities and to help free the 

populations of that part of Africa from the threat of LRA activity 

that had such a negative impact for so long. 

Senator GARDNER. Mr. Chairman, thank you. 

Ambassador, thank you. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Any followup questions from my colleagues? I should not ask 

that to Senator Coons. [Laughter.] 

I appreciate the time that you have taken to prepare for this 

hearing. I appreciate, again, the family members who are here and 

the sacrifices that they make. 

We look forward to going forward with this process and thank 

you all. Thank you for your service. 

The hearing record will be open until Thursday, so members can 

submit other questions for the record, as well. We would ask witnesses to respond as promptly as possible to these questions that 

might come your way. 

With thanks to the committee, this hearing now stands adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 10:24 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF HON. DEBORAH MALAC, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF UGANDA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MALAC’S RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What steps has Uganda taken to address sexual exploitation and abuse 

by peacekeepers in AMISOM? 

Answer. In regard to the accusations in the Human Rights Watch report of systematic sexual abuse by AMISOM soldiers of Somali women, the Ugandans charged 

three soldiers for conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline under Section 178 

of the Ugandan Peoples’ Defense Force (UPDF) Act and have committed to undertaking courts martial against any other soldiers found over the course of the investigation to have violated military regulations. We understand that Uganda and 

AMISOM restructured the ‘‘gender office’’ for the primary AMISOM base in 

Mogadishu and moved it to a stadium outside the base so that anyone can access 

the office for assistance or to report incidents. The Ugandan Chieftaincy of Military 

Intelligence (CMI) was tasked with the investigation into the accusations made in 

the Human Rights Watch report. We continue to follow up with our interlocutors 

in the CMI on their progress in the investigation. 

Separately, the UPDF convicted two soldiers in July and September 2015, respectively, of sexually abusing two fellow Ugandan soldiers while stationed in Somalia 

as part of the AMISOM contingent. 

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Question. In 2013, Ugandan forces deployed a court martial to Mogadishu, but it 

has since been recalled. Why was it recalled? 

Answer. We understand that the Ugandans undertook this action in order to 

avoid paying additional per diem to soldiers undergoing the trials. The Ugandans 

see this as an additional disciplinary measure for those soldiers. 

Question. What African Union guidelines and policies on sexual exploitation and 

abuse are AMISOM troops, including Uganda, subject to? 

Answer. Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) are expressly prohibited by 

AMISOM, and are also against the regulations of the individual and troop contributing countries (TCCs). This zero-tolerance policy regarding sexual exploitation and 

abuse was recently reaffirmed at the September 2015 meeting of the AU’s Military 

Operations Coordination Committee, which was attended by the leaderships of the 

AU, AMISOM, and troop/police-contributing countries, including Uganda, as well as 

donor partners. AMISOM maintains a policy on prevention and response to sexual 

exploitation and abuse, as well as a board of inquiry to investigate breaches in discipline. AMISOM also established a disciplinary board, before which there are currently pending cases of sexual harassment by AMISOM forces. Nonetheless, an AU 

investigation into existing measures to prevent sexual abuse and exploitation 

revealed that AMISOM should make significant improvements to its reporting and 

accountability mechanisms, and Human Rights Watch has noted gaps and weaknesses within the original SEA policy language itself. We are committed to following 

up with our AU and TCC partners on how they are improving their systems. 

Question. If confirmed, will you commit to opening a dialogue with the Ugandan 

Government on military professionalism, specifically around the issue of sexual 

exploitation and abuse? 

Answer. Respect for human rights and protection of civilians is a core component 

of all peacekeeping and military training conducted by the United States for the 

Ugandan Peoples’ Defense Force (UPDF). We are already engaged in a discussion 

with the Government of Uganda regarding the allegations of abuse and misconduct 

by the UPDF forces serving in AMISOM, and continue to provide training to 

enhance the UPDF’s professionalism. If confirmed, I will continue this ongoing dialogue with the Government of Uganda and the leadership of the UPDF to urge 

greater attention to protection of civilians and respect for human rights whenever 

or wherever UPDF forces are deployed. In addition, I will continue to advocate 

for investigations into and accountability for actions related to abuse or sexual 

exploitation. 

Question. What commitments has Uganda made to countering wildlife trafficking 

and what programming and funding has the United States put toward counterwildlife trafficking in FY 2014 and FY 2015? 

Answer. Uganda’s location makes it a natural transit route for wildlife products, 

especially ivory, that originate in neighboring countries. The problem is underscored 

by weak antitrafficking laws and inadequate resources and training of wildlife officials. Because the penalties for trafficking are not strong enough to act as deterrents, the Ministry of Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities is working to strengthen the 

current wildlife law. We continue to raise this issue with the government to ensure 

government-wide leadership in enacting the amendments and greater government 

investment of resources in the law enforcement and intelligence aspects of combating wildlife trafficking. 

Additionally, many of the administration’s global and regional activities to combat 

wildlife trafficking, including training programs, strengthening regional cooperation, 

and reducing demand, can lead to benefits in Uganda. At this time, USAID/Uganda 

is focused on supporting several comprehensive analyses of wildlife crime and trafficking that look at Uganda, specifically, as well as its link to broader East African 

regional networks. These assessments will inform the design of future programs. 

USAID/Uganda plans to program $500,000 to combat wildlife trafficking in FY 

2015. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MALAC’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. According to figures obtained by the Congressional Research Service, 

Uganda will receive over $90 million in security assistance in FY15 and a mere $3 

million for Democracy and Governance activities, most of which will be used to 

assist with activities associated with the February 2016 elections. 

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♦ Is this an appropriate balance of funding in your estimation? What is the 

United States Government currently doing to support democracy and good governance/anticorruption in Uganda, and how much are we providing to fund 

those activities? Are these activities adequate to the challenges in the aforementioned areas? If confirmed as Ambassador, what will be your priorities for the 

duration of your tenure in the areas of democracy and governance and 

anticorruption? What role will you play in supporting efforts to see that next 

year’s Presidential elections are free and fair? 

Answer. Funding for Democracy and Governance (DG) programs is constrained 

globally, and we strive to make the broadest possible effect with whatever level of 

funding is available. Embassy Kampala is proactive in identifying DG funding 

opportunities and has dedicated a total of $3 million in FY 2015 and FY 2016 

resources toward Governing Justly and Democratically activities. U.S. foreign assistance supports human rights and invests in organizations and individuals that 

defend human rights in Uganda; creates more effective links between officials and 

their constituents; improves local government capacity to deliver services; promotes 

greater judicial independence, media professionalism, and civil society participation 

for more accountable governance; and increases transparency and respect for democratic processes and the rule of law. In addition, through our military assistance, 

the United States prioritizes courses on human rights as part of its basic curriculum 

for all U.S.-provided training for Ugandan soldiers. Our assistance is helping to 

build the Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) into a more professional force that 

can continue to help promote stability throughout the region. 

If confirmed, I will continue to urge the President and Government of Uganda to 

open up political space for political parties and civil society to operate and to campaign freely. I will use all available resources and tools to strengthen existing programs to build capacity among civil society organizations, political parties, and the 

media. On anticorruption, I will continue existing programs to strengthen institutional capacity to combat corruption, and look for opportunities to broaden our partnerships in Uganda to address this massive challenge. I will continue to raise with 

Ugandan officials and nongovernmental partners the need to reduce corruption at 

all levels in order to ensure Uganda’s long-term development and stability. If confirmed, I will be in a better positon to assess whether the resources for these programs are adequate, and will do so when I am in the country. 

Question. The State Department Inspector General issued a report of Inspection 

of Embassy Kampala in 2014 with 27 recommendations. Among the findings was 

that post-specific procedures for Leahy vetting of Ugandan military and law enforcement personnel had not been codified. 

♦ What is the status of the codification of procedures for Leahy vetting at the 

Embassy? 

Answer. Embassy Kampala was encouraged in an ‘‘informal’’ recommendation to 

develop post-specific procedures for Leahy vetting as a best practice. There was no 

finding by the OIG that the Embassy was doing Leahy vetting incorrectly or insufficiently. Nonetheless, Embassy Kampala has codified its existing robust procedures 

for conducting Leahy vetting for all individuals and units requiring vetting by developing a written, post-specific standard operating procedure for Leahy vetting. 

Question. In July, the East African Community has asked Ugandan President 

Yoweri Museveni to lead mediation talks on Burundi. Reports continue of politically 

motivated killings in the Burundian capital, Bujumbura. 

♦ If confirmed, what role will you play in supporting and encouraging Uganda’s 

continued engagement in efforts to bring an end to the crisis in Burundi? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stress the importance of President 

Museveni’s mediation efforts on behalf of the EAC to convene urgently a comprehensive Burundian political dialogue aimed at reaching consensus on a path to end the 

violence and restoring the Arusha Agreement as the foundation for peace, stability, 

and economic development in Burundi. 

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RESPONSES OF LISA PETERSON, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KINGDOM OF

SWAZILAND, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PETERSON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. The Trafficking in Persons Report 2015 recommends that the Government of Swaziland ‘‘institutionalize training of officials, particularly police, prosecutors, and judges, on the 2010 antitrafficking act and case investigation techniques.’’ 

♦ Does the Government of Swaziland have the capacity to successfully undertake 

such actions? If not, what role should the United States play in assisting with 

such training? 

Answer. Swaziland could do more to combat this crime. The Swazi Government 

has limited capacity to improve training on antitrafficking techniques, and the 

Department is already supporting multiple initiatives to increase official capacity 

and understanding among Swazi officials in addressing trafficking crimes. For example, we will look to use International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) training 

opportunities to improve overall policing techniques, which can be applicable to trafficking prevention and investigation methods. 

The State Department’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons has 

awarded a grant for the ‘‘Establishment of Data Collection Systems in SADC (South 

African Development Community) Member States.’’ Swaziland will be one of the 

beneficiaries of this project, which will include setting up national and regional data 

hubs, as well as conducting training courses for users of the system. 

Furthermore, if confirmed, I will encourage the Swazi Government to enact 

amendments to its 2010 antitrafficking law to allow permanent residency of foreign 

victims and increase its efforts at prosecution, improving the rights of victims of 

trafficking. 

Although not specifically tied to antitrafficking efforts, the U.S. Government 

funded a pilot program for child-friendly courts for victims of sexual assault. Children feel more comfortable testifying with the assistance of social workers in such 

courts, and as a result, both reporting rates of sex crimes against children and prosecution rates have gone up. Thus, officials are working to improve such systems in 

country, and with continued assistance and support, we hope to see continued 

progress in the judicial sector. 

Question. According to the State Department’s 2015 Fiscal Transparency Report, 

Swaziland has made no significant progress in meeting minimum fiscal transparency standards. 

♦ How pervasive is official corruption and what effect is it having on the economy? 

What actions would the government have to undertake to spur economic 

growth, and improve fiscal management? If confirmed as Ambassador, what will 

you do to encourage such actions? 

Answer. While a lack of fiscal transparency can be an enabling factor for corruption, the Fiscal Transparency report does not assess corruption. Rather, it tracks 

practices regarding reporting of budget information to the public such as whether 

budgets are publicly available, reliable, and substantially complete as well as transparency in licensing and contracting for natural resource extraction. Our concerns 

in the review relate to government reporting on issues related to processes for 

awarding contracts and licenses for natural resource extraction as well as the 

degree of oversight on expenditures to support the royal family, military, police, and 

correctional services. 

In terms of corruption, Swaziland’s scores in perception of corruption indices are 

quite favorable. However, there are concerns that Swaziland’s sovereign wealth fund 

is able to enter business deals, which are not transparent or open for public review. 

This issue is pervasive and has resulted in an investment climate that is less conducive to U.S. and other foreign investment, notwithstanding the country’s official policy of encouraging such investment. 

A return to AGOA eligibility could spur economic growth through trade, but businesses looking to invest or reinvest in Swaziland will be interested in seeing a more 

transparent business environment. Meeting these benchmarks would provide space 

to organizations, such as civil society and the media, to hold leaders accountable 

and shine a light on corruption. Additionally, Swaziland should implement the regulatory reforms identified in the country’s Investor Roadmap (which dates to 2005 

and was relaunched in 2012), most of which remain unaddressed. Swaziland should 

enhance ways for private sector entities of all sizes to get access to financing, and 

should look for ways to keep the country’s deficit under control while protecting 

spending to help the poorest of the poor in Swaziland. 

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If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of Swaziland to meet the AGOA 

benchmarks—including basic rights such as the freedoms of peaceful assembly, 

association, and expression. Meeting these benchmarks would provide space to organizations, such as civil society and the media, to hold leaders accountable, shine a 

light on corruption, and provide opportunities to improve the country’s trade and investment climate. I would also engage the government in discussions around Swaziland’s need for economic growth and the ways in which greater transparency in the 

investment climate can contribute to more interest from foreign investors. The 

Department of State recently funded an Internal Audit Department Capacity Building Project to empower the government’s auditors and bring greater oversight to the 

government’s finances. While International Quality Assessment Scores have 

improved, I would urge the Swazi Government to pass the Public Finance Management bill and to establish an independent Internal Audit Committee. These steps 

are crucial to both meeting international standards and ensuring sustainability of 

the progress made through this project. 

RESPONSES OF DEAN PITTMAN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF

MOZAMBIQUE, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PITTMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Violence has flared recently between government and RENAMO forces. 

What role do you believe the U.S. Ambassador to Mozambique should play, if any, 

in this situation? What specific steps would you advocate the U.S. Government take 

to ameliorate the instability? 

Answer. We are concerned about reports of confrontations between elements of 

Renamo and government forces, including incidents involving the opposition leader. 

However, Mozambicans have demonstrated that they can resolve differences 

through dialogue. As the largest donor to Mozambique and with growing U.S. 

investment there, the United States has an important role to play in encouraging 

peace and stability. As Ambassador, I would continue to build on Ambassador Griffiths’ efforts work with all sides to support the peaceful resolution of outstanding 

differences. However, understanding that the situation between elements of Renamo 

and government forces remains very fluid, the Department would be happy to provide a briefing as more information becomes available. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PITTMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Agence France Presse reported on November 3 that fighting between 

government forces and opposition party Renamo resulted in fatalities, though the 

number of deaths remains unclear. This is the latest in a series of deadly clashes 

between the two parties. 

♦ What is your assessment of whether these clashes could evolve into a more generalized conflict? 

♦ What are the main points of contention between the government and Renamo, 

and what role, if any, will you have in supporting a rapprochement between the 

ruling party and Renamo if confirmed as Ambassador? 

Answer. Currently, the skirmishes are entirely localized to rural areas in Mozambique’s central provinces. Although worrisome, all indications from leadership on 

both sides are that there is no desire for a return to civil war. The Embassy has 

been monitoring these events closely. At this time, events are still very fluid. 

The main points of contention between the government and Renamo were outlined 

in the 2014 cessation of hostilities agreement. They include the separation of party 

activities from state functions and the disarmament and reintegration of residual 

Renamo forces into the police and military. Additionally, Renamo has a bill before 

Parliament seeking a constitutional change to the mechanism by which provincial 

governors are established. 

While these periodic skirmishes are concerning, Mozambicans have demonstrated 

in the past that they can resolve differences through dialogue. If confirmed as 

Ambassador, I will actively pursue a peaceful, transparent, and constitutional resolution to the political impasse. I will encourage all parties to use negotiation rather 

than violence to achieve their goals. I will do everything in my power to promote 

rapprochement between ruling party Frelimo and Renamo. 

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Question. Mozambique ranks near the bottom of Transparency International’s corruption index, and according to the State Department’s 2015 Fiscal Transparency 

Report, Mozambique has not made significant progress in meeting minimum 

requirements of fiscal transparency. 

♦ What programs do we currently have in place to help Mozambicans combat corruption? What tools will you have if confirmed as Ambassador to use against 

corruption government officials, and under what circumstances will you use 

them? If confirmed, what actions do you plan to take during your tenure as 

Ambassador to help Mozambicans to combat corruption? 

Answer. Promoting transparency, combatting corruption, and strengthening 

national institutions and civil society are important aspects of our work in Mozambique. We currently support the Mozambican Prosecutor General and Anti-Corruption Offices through training and mentoring for prosecutors and anticorruption officials to increase their capacity to prevent, investigate and prosecute corruption and 

to strengthen internal administrative capacity, with a specific focus on procurement 

and financial management. These programs not only increase the capacity of the 

government to apply the law and prosecute corruption cases, but they also reinforce 

efforts to improve overall public financial management and accountability within 

important state institutions. In addition, our work with the media seeks to increase 

the capacity of journalists to provide citizens with accurate and independent information. In the last fiscal year, the program mentored 13 leading journalists from 

major media outlets on investigative journalism and trained 33 emerging journalists 

to equip them to enter the market. The program also assisted select media outlets 

in improving their business management and revenues from advertising, thus contributing to their long-term sustainability and making them less prone to depending 

on a single advertiser and vulnerable to undue influence. A strong Fourth Estate 

helps hold government accountable to the citizens, and strong prosecutors help hold 

people, businesses, organizations and other government agencies accountable to the 

law. 

If confirmed, I will regularly include anticorruption themes in our embassy public 

outreach efforts and continue our engagement with civil society. I will include fiscal 

transparency and respect for international norms as a regular theme in discussions 

with senior government officials. Improving public financial management—of which 

fiscal transparency is a key element—will be a recurring theme in my work, particularly in the context of projected falling commodity prices and state revenues. I will 

support and, where possible, expand embassy efforts to train organizations that hold 

governments accountable and serve as watchdogs against corruption, such as civil 

society organizations and the media. 

I will also continue to work with other donors on such key initiatives as the promotion of full Mozambican membership in and adherence to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which offers a global standard to promote 

transparency in the extractive sector’s revenue. Additionally, I will continue to 

encourage the government to pass legislation enabling a public comment period on 

draft legislation which would increase transparency in the discussion and passage 

of national laws. More work will also be necessary to see that Mozambique’s 

supreme audit institution conducts audits of the government’s annual budget and 

makes audit reports public. 

I note that as a sign of progress in transparency, the government passed the Freedom of Information law last year, which should allow greater public scrutiny of government decisions and better oversight of how public funds are used. If confirmed, 

I would actively look for ways to help Mozambique as it implements this important 

law. 

Question. Exports of liquefied natural gas could begin as early as 2018. Has the 

government put in place strong enough regulations and oversight mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability in the sector? What role will you play, if confirmed, to help Mozambicans ensure that the population will benefit from resources 

from the sector? 

Answer. The discovery of significant energy resources has the potential to push 

sustainable development in Mozambique forward in favor of expansive growth that 

provides employment and opportunities to Mozambican citizens. To realize this 

potential, the Mozambican Government faces a number of critical legislative, regulatory, fiscal, and social decisions that will influence the development of its natural 

resources. 

If confirmed, I will advocate fiscal responsibility and transparency in the energy 

producing sector, including through the IMF representative in Maputo. The representative is actively working with the Government of Mozambique on transparency and the best use of resources. I will continue to support our programming 

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on media strengthening that has educated scores of journalists on the importance 

of independent reporting on the extractive industry sector of their country. If confirmed, I will also continue the Embassy’s regular meetings with NGOs advocating 

for transparency and proper use of funds. 

Mozambique has made significant progress through its official acceptance as a 

Compliant Country of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), and 

it has the opportunity to continue to strengthen its transparency and responsibility, 

given that the established contracts with the companies that work in extractive 

industries are open to the public. It will be important for Mozambique to use its 

resources for the benefit of its people. 

Question. Mozambique has been classified as a Tier 2 country since 2011. The 

Trafficking in Persons Report 2015 states ‘‘the government did not finalize its national action place or the implementing regulations for the 2008 antitrafficking law,’’ 

that ‘‘the government’s funding for and provision of protective services remained 

inadequate,’’ and that ‘‘the Ministry of Justice’s draft 2013 action plan to guide the 

efforts for witness protection and outline implementation of the 2012 witness protection law . . . remained unfinished.’’ 

♦ What steps will you take, if confirmed, to encourage the government to developing regulations to implement the 2008 antitrafficking law, and complete the 

action plan related to witness protection? Does the government have the 

resources for protective services? If not, what assistance could be provided to 

help with such services? 

Answer. Mozambique was upgraded from the Tier 2 Watch List in 2011 to Tier 

2 after significant progress in combating trafficking in persons. I understand that 

the Government of Mozambique is making efforts to comply with the minimum 

standards for the elimination of trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I will encourage 

the government to continue those efforts. The government established coordinating 

bodies known as ‘‘reference groups’’ in three additional provinces and reported its 

investigation in 2014 of 27 trafficking cases. The government prosecuted 44 suspected traffickers and convicted 32, a continued increase from previous years. In 

2014, government officials, in partnership with Save the Children, conducted an 

awareness campaign for 150 members of a transportation association and hosted 

seven antitrafficking lectures for 600 government and civil sector personnel. U.S. 

assistance also helped journalists report on the issue. 

Further, if confirmed, I will encourage the government to complete its national 

action plan, develop regulations to ensure full implementation of the protection provisions under the 2008 antitrafficking law, and, most importantly, encourage the 

government to expand the availability or protection services via allocation of increased funding to the Ministry of Gender and to NGOs. These recommendations 

complement programming the Department already had in place to support increased 

provision of adequate protection services, through a grant to IOM. In addition, I will 

advocate that Mozambican officials participate in training and other programs that 

combat these illegal activities. An example of such training is the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) the State Department sponsored for a Deputy Prosecutor General and a civil society human rights leader to visit the United States 

this month. They were in Washington, DC, this week and will go on to Nevada and 

California to witness firsthand and exchange viewpoints on how our federal, local, 

and state governments work together to combat trafficking in persons. 

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NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 1, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Catherine Ebert-Gray, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, and to serve concurrently 

and without additional compensation as Ambassador to the 

Solomon Islands and Ambassador to the Republic of Vanuatu 

Amos J. Hochstein, of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant 

Secretary of State (Energy Resources) 

Hon. Scot Alan Marciel, of California, to be Ambassador to the 

Union of Burma 

John D. Feeley, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Panama 

Linda Swartz Taglialatela, of New York, to be Ambassador to Barbados, and as Ambassador to the Federation of St. Kitts and 

Nevis, Saint Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda, the Commonwealth 

of Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 

Todd C. Chapman, of Texas, to be Ambassador to the Republic of 

Ecuador 

Jean Elizabeth Manes, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the Republic of El Salvador 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker (chairman of the committee) presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Gardner, Barrasso, Cardin, and 

Menendez. 

Also Present: Senator Warner. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. If my friends will quit talking about Senator 

Warner, we will start. 

The meeting will come to order. 

Today’s committee will consider seven nominations. 

We have our esteemed colleague, Senator Warner, with us to introduce the first nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources, Mr. Amos Hochstein. 

Is it ‘‘stine’’ or ‘‘stein’’? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Any way you like it. 

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The CHAIRMAN. No. [Laughter.] 

Which way do you like it? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Hochstein. 

The CHAIRMAN. Hochstein. We look forward to your introduction. 

And with that, I know Senator Warner is very busy, so we might 

go ahead and let that occur, and then we will move on to the other 

nominees. 

STATEMENT OF HON. MARK WARNER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA 

Senator WARNER. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is great to 

see you and my dear friends, Senator Cardin and Senator Menendez. I know the comments have been made at the dais that hopefully my comments will not be held against Amos. 

I know we have all great nominees, but I am here to introduce 

my friend and present to the committee Amos Hochstein. To show 

how strongly I believe in Amos, Amos is not even a Virginia resident. He lives in the District, but I am still here to support his 

nomination as Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources. 

I have known Amos since well over a decade. He advised me 

when I was governor. He advised me as I was gearing up on national security issues. He served ably over the last few years as 

special envoy. This is a position, Assistant Secretary, at this moment in time with energy issues, national security issues being 

paramount, that needs to be confirmed and needs to be confirmed 

quickly. 

As a matter of fact, Senator Murkowski and I recently chaired 

an Atlantic Council Task Force on Energy Center for United States 

Energy and National Security, and one of our recommendations 

was that this position be filled, and I cannot think of anyone that 

brings more qualifications, more recognition of both national security threats, particularly as they relate to energy and energy opportunities, than my good friend Amos Hochstein. 

So, I am proud to represent him, and again I ask my colleagues, 

particularly Senators Cardin and Menendez, not to hold any of my 

comments against him in your consideration. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thanks for being here. Thanks for 

your service. 

I will introduce the other nominees who do not have the handicap of Senator Warner introducing them. [Laughter.] 

But thank you so much. 

Next on our panel we have the Honorable Scot Marciel, a career 

member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Career Minister, to 

be our Ambassador to the Union of Burma. He currently serves as 

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and 

Pacific Affairs, a position he has held since 2013. Previously, Mr. 

Marciel served as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia. 

We thank you for being here. 

Catherine Ebert-Gray, a career member of the Senior Foreign 

Service, Class of Minister Counselor, is our nominee to be Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, the Republic of 

Vanuatu, a place I have not been. She currently serves as Deputy 

Assistant Secretary to the Bureau of Administration’s Office of LoFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

687 

gistics Management, a position she has held since 2011. Previously, 

Ms. Ebert-Gray served as the Director of the Department of Overseas Employment and as Management Counselor at U.S. Embassies in the Philippines and Morocco. 

Thank you all for being here. 

Now we will turn to the nominees. We would remind you that 

your full statement will be included in the record, without objection. If you all could keep it to about 5 minutes, we would appreciate it, and then you will have plenty of questions. We thank you 

all for your service and for being here and look forward to your 

comments. 

If you will just begin in order, going across from Amos. 

STATEMENT OF AMOS J. HOCHSTEIN, NOMINATED TO BE AN 

ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ENERGY RESOURCES 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, I am 

honored to be here as the President’s nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Energy Resources, or ENR. I want 

to begin by thanking President Obama and Secretary Kerry for 

their confidence and, with your support, for the opportunity to continue to serve our country. 

I served as Deputy Assistant Secretary from ENR’s inception 

until August of 2014, when I assumed the role of Special Envoy 

and Coordinator for International Energy Affairs. In my tenure 

leading the Bureau, ENR’s efforts have served as a force multiplier, 

strengthening U.S. leadership in global energy security. 

It is a profound honor to be considered to serve as the Bureau’s 

first Assistant Secretary. I started my career as a professional staff 

member in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, so I know the 

value of close consultation and partnership with Congress. I am 

humbled to appear before Congress, back where I started, seeking 

your confidence to serve the American people in this capacity. 

Most importantly, I am joined today by my wife, Rae Ringel, and 

my four children, as well as my parents and mother-in-law. My 

parents and their families found a home in this country after fleeing the Nazi advance in Europe. My great aunt Tony Sender, for 

whom my eldest daughter is named, was an elected member of Parliament through most of the Weimar Republic. She, too, was forced 

to flee to the United States, supporting the U.S. intelligence effort 

and ultimately named by Eleanor Roosevelt to represent the 

United States at the United Nations. 

My family history has led me from a young age to appreciate 

what the United States has done for me, strengthening my resolve 

to give something back to my country and contribute what I can 

to ensure our leadership in the world endures. Today, as energy 

has become the foundation for economic growth, political stability 

and national security in every part of the world, I am grateful to 

have the opportunity to contribute in this area. 

We are living through truly revolutionary times in energy, from 

oil to gas to renewable energy. Due to advances in technology and 

private investment, U.S. natural gas production has hit record 

highs. After years of decline, U.S. oil production also rose dramatically, and at the very same time new investment in renewable energy over the past two years is on track to exceed $80 billion. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

688 

But let us be clear. No matter how much energy we produce at 

home, the reality is we live in a global and interlinked economy, 

and energy is a global commodity. Supply disruptions anywhere are 

a threat everywhere, including here at home. 

Mr. Chairman, if you will allow me to review a small but representative sample of the critical work ENR has been engaged in 

and priorities I will focus on should I be confirmed. 

First, Iran. Within weeks of the Bureau’s formation in 2011, Congress passed its first broad sanctions affecting Iran’s oil exports. 

ENR was tasked with developing the strategy to strictly implement 

these sanctions, not an easy task. Our efforts shrank Iran’s customers from 20 to 6, and reduced exports from 2.5 million barrels 

per day to just 1 million. We achieved this without disrupting global oil supplies or price. This unprecedented effort cut Iranian revenues by over $150 billion and played a key role in forcing them to 

the negotiating table. 

Ukraine and Europe continue to be vulnerable to Russia as their 

dominant and, in some cases, only supplier. We saw this in 2005 

and 2009 when Gazprom cut off gas supplies to Ukraine and parts 

of Europe and Turkey. Russia continues to use energy to gain and 

maintain political leverage over Ukraine, as well as East and Central Europe, recreating Cold War lines between East and West. 

This includes the so-called Nord Stream II project. 

ENR’s active engagement in the region, in close collaboration 

with the European Commission, has proven vital to counter Russia’s dominance. Just this weekend, we grew concerned that gas 

could be used as a weapon against Turkey. While we hope this will 

not happen, it proves once again the urgent need to diversify resources and routes throughout the region. 

Mr. Chairman, this can be achieved, but only with U.S. and EU 

leadership. From the beginning, the United States targeted 

DAESH’s oil operations by damaging or destroying oil refineries 

and oil collection points. In a region with a long history of illicit 

oil trade, Daesh was able to adapt quickly, but so have we. U.S. 

strikes are now targeting specific and strategic critical energy infrastructure in Daesh territory. Beyond revenue, Daesh uses control of energy resources as a symbol of their authority and legitimacy, which is why ENR remains in lockstep with the rest of the 

U.S. national security team to degrade and defeat DAESH. 

As we work to prevent the use of energy as a political tool or 

weapon, we are also advancing an alternate vision where cooperation in the energy sector can foster collaboration and prosperity. 

The potential is real. From Azerbaijan, the Caspian and Iraq, 

through Turkey to Europe, from Israel to Egypt, Cyprus and Lebanon to Turkey and Europe, energy will not lead the politics but 

can serve as an incentive for cooperation and collaboration. 

Mr. Chairman, as you know, oil and gas markets are volatile. 

This produces both pain and gain, depending on where you stand 

on the producer and consumer scale. If confirmed, I will continue 

to make sure we are attentive to the political instability consequences of the ‘‘lower for longer’’ price scenario on countries that 

rely on hydrocarbon revenues for significant shares of their budgets. 

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689 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I fervently believe in the critical 

role energy plays in our national security and that of our friends 

and allies. I look forward to your questions, and thank you for having me today. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Hochstein follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMOS J HOCHSTEIN

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, I am honored to be here before you as the President’s nominee to be Assistant Secretary of 

State for the Bureau of Energy Resources or ‘‘ENR.’’ I want to begin by thanking 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence and, with your support, 

for the opportunity to continue to serve our country. 

Now, more than ever, we can see the vital links between energy security and 

national security; as such, the importance of our energy diplomacy is only growing. 

Supplies of energy represent a lifeline for ISIS that must be cut, a cudgel for Russia 

that must be countered, a vulnerability for our allies in Europe addressed, concerns 

rising in the South China Sea, as well as opportunities in Central America, the Caribbean, and the Eastern Mediterranean; and—for the most innovative, prolific producer in history, the United States of America—energy can and must be a tool for 

leadership in a complex world. 

That is what the men and women of the Bureau of Energy Resources seek to do 

every day. I served as Deputy Assistant Secretary from the Bureau’s inception in 

2011 until August 2014, when I assumed the role of Special Envoy and Coordinator 

for International Energy Affairs. In my tenure leading the Bureau, ENR’s efforts 

have served as a force multiplier, strengthening U.S. leadership in global energy 

security. 

It is a profound honor to be considered to serve as the Bureau’s first Assistant 

Secretary. I started my career serving as a professional staff member in the House 

Foreign Affairs Committee, so I know the value of close consultation and partnership with Congress. And I am humbled to appear before Congress, back where I 

started, seeking your confidence to serve the American people in this capacity. 

Most importantly, I am joined today by my wife, Rae Ringel, and my four children, as well as my parents and mother-in-law. My parents and their families found 

a home in this country after fleeing the Nazi’s advance in Europe. My great aunt, 

Tony Sender, whom my eldest daughter is named for, was elected a Member of Parliament through most of the Weimar Republic. She too fled to the United States, 

supporting the U.S. intelligence effort and ultimately named by Eleanor Roosevelt 

to represent the United States at the U.N. My family history has led me from a 

young age to appreciate what America has done for me, and strengthened my 

resolve to give something back to my country and contribute what I can, to ensure 

our leadership in the world endures. Today, as energy has become the foundation 

for economic growth, political stability and national security in every part of the 

world—I am grateful to have the opportunity to contribute in this area. 

We are living through truly revolutionary times in energy—from oil to gas to 

renewable energy. Due to advances in technology and private investment, U.S. natural gas production has hit record highs, and after years of decline, U.S. oil production also rose dramatically. And at the very same time, new investment in U.S. renewables over the past 2 years is on track to exceed $80 billion. 

But let us be clear, no matter how much energy we produce at home, the reality 

is that we live in a global and interlinked economy and energy is a global commodity. 

The United States remains committed to its role as world leader. Energy shortages, price volatility, and supply disruptions anywhere threaten economic growth 

everywhere, including here at home. Our challenge, therefore, is to look ahead, foster innovation and investment, assess changing markets and politics, and create 

business opportunities. 

Mr. Chairman, allow me to review a small but representative sample of the critical work ENR has been engaged in and priorities I will focus on, should I be 

confirmed. 

First, Iran. Within weeks of the Bureau’s formation in 2011, Congress passed its 

first broad sanctions affecting Iran’s oil exports. ENR was tasked with developing 

the strategy to strictly implement these sanctions. This was not an easy task. Iran 

at the time had more than 20 customers and exported approximately 2.5 million 

barrels per day. Our efforts shrank Iran’s customers from 20 to 6, and reduced 

exports from 2.5 million barrels per day to just 1 million. We achieved this without 

disrupting global oil supplies or price. This unprecedented effort cut Iranian reveFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

690 

nues by over $150 billion, and played a key role in forcing them to the negotiating 

table. 

Ukraine and Europe continue to be vulnerable to Russia as their dominant, and 

in some cases only, supplier. We saw this in 2005 and 2009 when Gazprom cut off 

gas supplies to Ukraine and parts of Europe and Turkey. Russia continues to use 

energy to gain and maintain political leverage over Ukraine, as well as East and 

Central Europe, recreating cold war lines between East and West. This includes the 

so-called Nord Stream II project. ENR’s active engagement in the region, in close 

collaboration with the European Commission, has proven vital to counter Russia’s 

dominance. Just this weekend, we grew concerned gas could be used as a weapon 

against Turkey. While we hope this will not happen, it proves once again the urgent 

need to diversify resources and routes throughout the region. 

Beyond Iran and Russia, ENR is working with the Department of Defense and 

our Counter-ISIL Coalition partners, strengthening our national security by taking 

the fight to Daesh in Syria and Iraq. From the beginning, the United States targeted Daesh’s oil operations by damaging or destroying more than two dozen mobile 

refineries and about twice as many oil collection points. In a region with a long history of illicit oil trade, Daesh was able to adapt quickly. But so have we. Today, 

U.S. strikes are increasingly targeting specific and strategic critical energy infrastructure in Daesh territory. Beyond revenue, Daesh uses control of energy resources as a propaganda tool to assert its authority and legitimacy, and relies on 

this as a core tenet of its global expansion strategy. This is why ENR remains in 

lockstep with the rest of the U.S. national security community and our international 

coalition partners to degrade and defeat Daesh. 

As we work to prevent the use of energy as a political tool or weapon, we are also 

advancing an alternate vision where cooperation in the energy sector fosters collaboration and prosperity. The potential is real—from Azerbaijan, the Caspian and Iraq 

through Turkey to Europe, from Israel to Egypt, Cyprus and Lebanon to Turkey and 

Europe—energy will not lead the politics but can serve as an incentive for cooperation and collaboration. 

ENR has also focused its efforts closer to home, where most Caribbean island 

states and some countries in Central America are net energy importers. Many find 

themselves indebted to a dominant supplier through an unsustainable financial 

scheme that has left them no option for diversification and efficiency, thereby 

increasing their vulnerability. Through ENR’s leadership of the interagency Caribbean Energy Security initiative and as the U.S. chair of the Caribbean and Central 

American Energy Task Force, we are working diligently with our friends and partners in the region to advance a secure energy future—cleaner, more diverse, and 

more secure. ENR is also implementing the Connecting the Americas 2022 program, 

which facilitates power interconnections throughout the hemisphere. These programs seek to create an effective, integrated power market, which will stimulate investment in a modern energy system, thereby spurring economic growth throughout 

the region. 

Energy is a way for the United States to engage with partners and allies worldwide. In Asia, energy demand is increasing exponentially—but there is no infrastructure or trading markets connecting the region. Energy trade relationships continue to be rewritten, with Asia projected to be the final destination for 80 percent 

of regionally traded coal, 75 percent of oil, and 60 percent of natural gas by 2040. 

ENR’s engagements in the Asia-Pacific promote market opportunities for U.S. companies, leaders in gas, nuclear, wind, solar, hydro, smart grids, and efficient generation, to help the region develop its energy potential. Two out of three people in subSaharan Africa lack access to electricity, which is why ENR is focused on new 

technologies. These countries have the opportunity to skip a generation of technology in energy, as they did so successfully in telecommunications. In the 1990s, 

these countries skipped directly to mobile. Today, we should focus on 21st century 

solutions utilizing ALL natural resources—from those requiring extraction to those 

requiring capturing; from oil and gas to wind and sun. 

Mr. Chairman, all you need to do is drive by a gas station on a regular basis to 

know that oil and gas markets are volatile. This produces both pain and gain, depending on where you are on the producer and consumer scale. If confirmed, I will 

continue to make sure we are attentive to the political instability consequences of 

long-term major price disruptions on countries that rely on hydrocarbon revenues 

for a significant share of their budgets. These are the countries that will face increasing challenges, including political and social instability, as their projected 

budget revenues decline in a lower for longer price environment. We should focus 

on these countries as they are forced to cut expenditures and social benefits, and 

continue to promote diversification of their economies away from just energy 

revenues. 

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691 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I fervently believe in the critical role energy plays 

in our national security and that of our friends and allies. I look forward to your 

questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Ms. Ebert-Gray 

STATEMENT OF CATHERINE EBERT–GRAY, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW 

GUINEA, AND THE SOLOMON ISLANDS, AND TO THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU 

Ms. EBERT-GRAY. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, 

I am honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to be Ambassador of the United States to Papua New 

Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. 

With the Chairman’s permission, I would like to quickly introduce my family. My husband, Ian Gray, is also a State Department 

employee, as well as my son, Tommy, and my daughter, Claire, 

with me. My family has shared both the adventures and the sacrifices of my public service career, and for that I am profoundly 

grateful. 

I recently completed service as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the 

Bureau of Administration. This role prepared me for effective interagency and multinational collaboration. For four years I provided 

oversight to the foreign affairs supply chain, I supported crises 

around the globe, and I assisted with operational transitions in 

Iraq and Afghanistan. I have also had the privilege to serve in 

eight countries since I joined the Foreign Service. 

Half of my professional life since college, in fact, has been spent 

in the Pacific, including one adventurous and prior tour in Papua 

New Guinea. During this time I developed a great fondness for the 

people, history, and cultures of the region, a region of both promise 

and unique challenges. 

I was introduced to these exotic nations as a student of World 

War II history. My father served on the USS Chanticleer in the Pacific theater. My father-in-law was an Australian Air Force tail 

gunner. To this day, the events of the Second World War have 

crystalized an enduring friendship between the United States and 

the people of Melanesia. As stated by Secretary Kerry, America’s 

security and prosperity continue to be closely and increasingly 

linked to our neighbors in the Asian Pacific. 

If confirmed, I will continue to advance the United States overarching goal in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu 

to help foster sustainable, transparent, and inclusive economic 

growth, and to support host nation efforts to strengthen education, 

health, and security. 

Exxon-Mobil’s 2014 launch of its liquefied natural gas pipeline 

can be a catalyst for economic growth in Papua New Guinea, and 

each of the three nations continues to be appropriately focused on 

improved management of their natural resources, including fishing, 

mining, and forestry. As are all Pacific island countries, they are 

also deeply concerned with the effects of climate change on their 

shores. 

As you may be aware, Papua New Guinea successfully hosted the 

Pacific Island Games, the Pacific Island Forum, and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Meeting of Ministers Responsible for 

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692 

Forestry this year. These are very proud achievements for Papua 

New Guinea, which will also host the FIFA under 20 Women’s 

World Cup Soccer next year, and in 2018 they will host the APEC 

Leaders’ Summit. 

Clearly, the future potential of these Southwest Pacific nations 

relies on their continued commitment to security, democracy, and 

responsible management of their mineral wealth. Each must tap 

the talents of all of its citizens, including women and girls. If confirmed, I will continue the work of our mission in gender-based programs to ensure that all of our assistance and public diplomacy 

programs in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu 

maintain their focus on advancing the status and rights of females. 

As the Pacific country with the highest rate of HIV/AIDS infection, Papua New Guinea also remains a partner with the United 

States in the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with other international donors on 

control and treatment of the disease in support of their national 

health care system. 

The United States shares many interests and values with the 

people of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. If 

confirmed, I will be a caring leader of our mission, I will remain 

focused on the security and safety of Americans, and I will work 

closely with each nation to build on our strong existing relationships and to explore new areas of mutual interest and cooperation. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I welcome 

the opportunity to answer your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Ebert-Gray follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CATHERINE EBERT-GRAY

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador of the United States to 

Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. 

With the chairman’s permission, I would like to introduce my family—my husband, Ian Gray, also a State Department employee, as well as my son, Tommy, and 

my daughter, Claire. My family has steadfastly shared both the adventures and the 

sacrifices of my public service career, and for this I am profoundly grateful. 

I recently completed service as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of 

Administration. This role prepared me for effective interagency and multinational 

collaboration. For 4 years I provided oversight to the foreign affairs supply chain, 

supported crises around the globe, and assisted with operational transitions in Iraq 

and Afghanistan. 

I have also had the privilege to serve in eight countries since I joined the Foreign 

Service. Half of my professional life since college, in fact, has been spent in the 

Pacific. During this time I developed a great fondness for the people, cultures, and 

history of the region—a region of both promise and unique challenges. 

I was introduced to these exotic nations as a student of World War II history. My 

father served on the USS Chanticleer in the Pacific theater. My father-in-law was 

an Australian Air Force tail gunner. To this day, the events of the Second World 

War have crystalized an enduring friendship between the United States and the 

people of Melanesia. As stated by Secretary Kerry, America’s security and prosperity 

continue to be closely and increasingly linked to our neighbors in the Asia Pacific. 

If confirmed, I will continue to advance the United States overarching goal in 

Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu to help foster sustainable, transparent, and inclusive economic growth, and to support host nation efforts to 

strengthen education, health, and security. Exxon-Mobil’s 2014 launch of its liquefied natural gas pipeline can be a catalyst for economic growth in Papua New Guinea; and each of the three nations continues to be appropriately focused on improved 

management of their natural resources, including fishing, mining, and forestry. As 

are all Pacific island countries, they are also deeply concerned with the effects of 

climate change on their shores. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

693 

You may be aware that Papua New Guinea successfully hosted the Pacific Island 

Games, the Pacific Island Forum, and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation 

(APEC) 3rd Meeting of Ministers Responsible for Forestry this year. These are 

proud achievements in Papua New Guinea, which will also host the FIFA under 20 

Women’s World Cup Soccer Tournament in 2016 and APEC Leaders’ Summit in 

2018. 

Clearly, the future potential of these Southwest Pacific nations relies on their continued commitment to security, democracy, and responsible management of their 

mineral wealth. Each must tap the talents of all of its citizens, including women 

and girls. If confirmed, I will continue the work of our mission in gender-based programs to ensure that all of our assistance and public diplomacy programs in Papua 

New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu maintain their focus on advancing the 

status and rights of females. 

As the Pacific country with the highest rate of HIV/AIDS infection, Papua New 

Guinea also remains a partner in the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. 

If confirmed, I intend to work closely with other international donors on control and 

treatment of the disease in support of the national health care system. 

The United States shares many interests and values with the people of Papua 

New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. If confirmed, I will be a caring leader 

of our mission, I will remain focused on the safety of Americans, and I will work 

closely with each nation to build on our strong existing relationships and to explore 

new areas of mutual interest and cooperation. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to 

appear before you. I will be happy to answer any questions you may have. 

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Marciel. 

STATEMENT OF HON. SCOT ALAN MARCIEL, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE UNION OF BURMA 

Mr. MARCIEL. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, 

thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador 

to Burma. I thank the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me, and I am grateful to the members 

of the committee for the opportunity to speak to my qualifications 

and intentions. 

I would also like to begin by thanking my family—unfortunately, 

they could not join me today—my wife, Mae, my daughters, Lauren 

and Natalie, and my parents for their love and support. The Foreign Service is a family effort, and I have been really fortunate to 

have such a wonderful family by my side for all these years. 

I joined the Foreign Service in 1985 and have had the privilege 

of serving and representing the United States in six overseas assignments, as well as in Washington. I believe deeply in public 

service and have sought throughout my career to advance our country’s interests and promote its values. If confirmed, serving as Ambassador to Burma would be an incredible opportunity to continue 

this work in a country whose people look to America to support 

their own efforts to build democracy after decades of military rule. 

The past half-century has not been kind to the people of Burma. 

A country that in the early 1960s was considered one of the brightest prospects in Asia suffered through many years of conflict, bad 

economic policy, and repressive rule, resulting in intense conflict, 

poverty, weak institutions, and a deep and pervasive lack of trust 

between the people and their government. 

I visited Burma several times between 2005 and 2010, and it was 

evident that the country had dug itself a very deep hole. In 2011, 

the current government began to open up. It released political prisoners, including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, allowed sigFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nificantly greater freedom of press, association and expression, and 

began economic reforms. 

After the years of cool relations, the United States responded to 

Burma’s opening by stepping up engagement. Our effort has been 

dedicated to promoting and supporting Burma’s democratic transformation, increasing respect for human rights, encouraging economic reform, and helping to advance peace and national reconciliation. 

Most recently, we support the country’s efforts to make the November 8 parliamentary elections as good as they could be. We 

were very aware of the numerous flaws in the elections, but we 

also saw that Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, along with many other parties, viewed the elections as 

the best opportunity to move the country toward greater democracy 

and reform. 

The elections themselves turned out to be reasonably well run. 

The people turned out in droves to vote for change, and the opposition NLD party won by a landslide. 

The elections represent an important step forward, but there remains an enormous amount of work to do, starting with ensuring 

a smooth transition to the new government expected to take office 

in April. 

Most of this is work the people of Burma have to do. They have 

to build their economy, overcome the decades of distrust to advance 

the peace process and national reconciliation, reform their security 

forces, strengthen respect for human rights, and mold their constitution into a document more fitting for a democracy. 

But as they work on these challenges, the people of Burma want 

us there to support and, where possible, help them. We cannot fix 

their problems for them, but we do have a role to play, engaging 

diplomatically to encourage progress, calling out behavior that opposes reforms, and suggesting ways forward; and, where appropriate, offering assistance to promote economic development, help 

develop critically important civil society, build institutions, fight 

poverty and disease. This is what we have been doing, and this is 

what, in my view, we need to continue to do. 

If confirmed, I will continue America’s clear focus on supporting 

those people and organizations in Burma who are working to build 

peace and democracy and to increase freedom and prosperity. We 

will need to engage the new government of Burma right away to 

encourage progress, to tackle structural problems that have not 

been addressed, and to continue broad-based reforms while moving 

toward peace and national reconciliation. We will have to encourage the still-powerful Burmese military to support rather than impede progress, and we need to continue our focus on the troubling 

situation in Rakhine State. The treatment of ethnic and religious 

minorities, including the Rohingya, is critical for Burma’s efforts to 

bring unity to a country that for too long has been divided. 

If confirmed, I will work with the government, civil society, and 

international community to promote progress for all communities 

in Rakhine, including the Rohingya and the ethnic Rakhine. 

We have long been and remain today a good friend of the people 

of Burma. With the recent reforms in elections, these people will 

now have the best opportunity in generations to move toward a 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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freer, more democratic, and more prosperous future. We should do 

all we can to support and assist them. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination. I look forward 

to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Marciel follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SCOT MARCIEL

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 

appear before you today. I am honored to be President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the United States Ambassador to Burma. I thank the President for the confidence he has placed in me by sending my name forward to the Senate for consideration, and also thank Secretary of State Kerry for his support. I am grateful to the 

members of the committee for this opportunity to speak to my qualifications and 

intentions. I also want to acknowledge and express appreciation for the very important role that Congress has played on Burma policy for many years. 

I also want to thank my family—my wife, Mae, my daughters, Lauren and Natalie, and my parents for all of their love and support. The Foreign Service is a family effort, and I have been very fortunate to have such a wonderful family by my 

side. 

I joined the Foreign Service in 1985, and have had the privilege of serving and 

representing the United States in six overseas assignments, as well as in Washington. I believe deeply in public service, and have sought throughout my career to 

advance our country’s interests and promote its values. If confirmed, serving as 

Ambassador to Burma would be an incredible opportunity to continue this work in 

a country whose people very much look to America to support their efforts to build 

democracy after decades of military rule. 

The past half-century has not been kind to the people of Burma. A country that 

in the early 1960s was considered one of the brightest prospects in Asia suffered 

through many years of internal conflict, bad economic policies, occasional isolation, 

and repressive authoritarian rule, resulting in extensive poverty, weak institutions, 

and—perhaps most importantly—a deep and pervasive lack of trust between the 

people and their government, and between different communities. I visited Burma 

several times between 2005 and 2010, and it was evident that the country had dug 

itself a very deep hole. 

In 2011, the current government began to open up. It released political prisoners, 

including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, allowed significantly greater freedom of press, association, and expression, began economic reforms, and opened itself 

to a much greater extent to the international community. 

After many years of very cool relations, the United States responded to Burma’s 

opening by significantly stepping up engagement. We sent out our first Ambassador 

in many years, ramped up assistance, and sent a steady stream of senior visitors 

out to work with the government, opposition, and civil society. Our effort has been 

dedicated to promoting and supporting Burma’s democratic transformation, increasing respect for human rights, encouraging broad-based economic reform, and helping 

to advance national reconciliation by creating conditions to end the civil war that 

has plagued the country since its independence. 

We focused significant energy on supporting Burma’s efforts to make the November 8 parliamentary elections as good as they could be. We were aware of the 

numerous structural and constitutional flaws, but also saw that Aung San Suu Kyi 

and her National League for Democracy (NLD) party, along with many ethnic-based 

parties and others, viewed the elections as the best opportunity to move the country 

toward greater democracy and reform. In the end, as everyone here knows, after a 

period of competitive, open campaigning, the elections themselves were reasonably 

well run, and the people turned out in droves to vote for change. Aung San Suu 

Kyi’s NLD party won in a landslide, and—importantly—many of the ruling party’s 

candidates conceded defeat. 

The elections represent an important step forward, but there remains an enormous amount of work to do, starting with ensuring a smooth and effective transition 

to the new government, with the next President expected to take office in April. 

Most of this is work the people of Burma have to do. They have to build their economy, overcome decades of distrust and prejudice to advance the national reconciliation process, build institutions, reform their security forces, strengthen respect for 

and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, mold their constitution 

into a document more fitting for a democracy, and much more. 

As they work on these enormous challenges, the people of Burma—at least the 

vast majority of them—want us there to support and, where possible, help them. 

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We cannot fix their problems for them, but we do have an important role to play: 

engaging diplomatically to encourage progress, call out behavior that opposes 

reforms, and suggest ways forward; offering assistance to help develop the critically 

important civil society, build institutions, and fight poverty and disease; and offering ideas and reaffirming key democratic values through our words and our deeds. 

This is what we have been doing and, in my view, this is what we need to continue to do. If confirmed, I will continue America’s very clear focus on supporting 

those people and organizations in Burma who are working so hard to build peace 

and democracy, increase respect for human rights, address the problems of human 

trafficking, promote broad-based economic development, and develop trust. It is also 

important that as the people of Burma take the courageous steps necessary to end 

the decades of ethnic fighting that the United States provides the support that will 

enable lasting reconciliation and peace. 

We will need to engage the new Government of Burma right away to encourage 

progress on all these issues. We will urge the Government and Parliament to tackle 

structural problems that have not yet been addressed, and which marred the recent 

elections, and to continue broad-based reforms. We also need to continue to support 

Burma’s critically important civil society, and also do all we can to encourage the 

still-powerful Burmese military to support rather than impede progress. 

We also need to continue our focus on the situation in Rakhine State. The situation there is deeply troubling. We have already made clear to Burma’s authorities 

that the treatment of ethnic and religious minorities, including the Rohingya, is critical for their efforts to bring true unity to a country that for too long has been 

divided along ethnic and religious lines. If confirmed, I will work with the government, civil society, and the international community to promote the joint stability 

and prosperity of all communities in Rakhine, including the Rohingya and the ethnic Rakhine populations, and that ensure all the people living in the country are 

able to enjoy dignity, justice, and their human rights and fundamental freedoms. 

We have long been, and remain today, a good friend to the people of Burma. With 

the recent reforms and elections, those people now have the best opportunity in generations to move toward a freer, more democratic, and more prosperous future. We 

can and should do all we can to support and assist them. 

Thank you again for considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you all for your testimony. 

Mr. Hochstein, I want to first thank you for coming to our office 

several months ago to walk us through strategically what the State 

Department is doing to try to diversify energy supplies in Europe. 

It was very helpful to us. I do not even know at the time if you 

were even nominated for this position, but I thank you for doing 

that. 

For the record, I would like for you to talk a little bit about that. 

I know that many of our European friends are heavily dependent 

on Russia for energy. Poland, for instance, imports 500,000 barrels 

a day, 96 percent of their oil. One-third of the natural gas supplied 

to Europe comes through Russia. Could you talk a little bit about 

how you see going forward what we would do to help our friends 

diversify their energy supplies? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Senator, thank you. I think that is one of the 

most critical areas of what we need to focus on today. The vulnerability that Europe has is split in two. The eastern and central part 

of Europe is where the real vulnerability lies, and the vulnerability 

is not only in oil, it is primarily in gas, where Russia has used that 

particular tool and dependency as political leverage. 

Today, because of the tradition and history of the cold war, the 

infrastructure all leads from Russia through Ukraine into Eastern 

and Central Europe. So several countries there, if you look beyond 

Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Romania, et cetera, are nearing 

between 70 and 90 percent of their dependency on gas comes from 

this one single supplier. 

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While we were in a weak position to respond to the aggressive 

action in 2009, we have done a lot of work since 2009, when the 

cutoff really affected large parts of Europe. In 2014, when they cut 

the gas in June to Ukraine, we were able to get reverse flows of 

gas into Ukraine against their expectations, but that is not enough. 

What needs to happen is new infrastructure projects that will 

interlink this area of Europe, from the East Balkans to the West 

Balkans, south and north of that, to be able to make sure that any 

gas that comes in is able to flow. That does not exist today. It all 

goes in one direction, and it all comes from one source. 

We are working closer today with the EU than ever before to be 

able to make that strategy a reality. We have helped them through 

thinking through some of this strategically. I have been traveling 

extensively throughout the region, and we have prioritized this 

throughout the administration to be able to see a conclusion to 

that. 

Next week there will be a signing in Sofia in Bulgaria of the final 

investment decision on a new pipeline that will connect Greece to 

Bulgaria. That will allow flows from Azerbaijan through Turkey to 

go into Bulgaria. It will allow potentially Israeli or Egyptian gas 

to come in from the Eastern Mediterranean and Kurdish gas from 

Iraq in the future, a few years from now, to enter as well. In addition, if there will be an LNG terminal there, American gas can 

enter there as well. That will create real competition, lower prices, 

and a total and complete diversification of resources. 

Russia does not need to be out of the game, they just have to 

stop messing with the game, and I think if we have these projects, 

that will happen. 

The CHAIRMAN. Right now, we are the only country in the world, 

I guess, that does not export our petroleum, and I am just wondering if you think that it is in our national interest for us to be 

able to do so. 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. As you know, Mr. Chairman, we have begun— 

we have licensed the gas exports, and the first cargo will go out in 

January, and we will begin the historic transition to an exporter 

of natural gas. The discussion on the petroleum side, on crude, we 

do export products. So refined products of crude are exported, and 

lately or recently we have started exporting condensates as well. 

I think I know that there is a debate, a very healthy debate here 

in Congress and in the administration, and I think that is still 

something that we are talking about. I look at it not from the domestic economic issues but from the foreign policy side, and I think 

that today in the American picture of where we are today, I am not 

sure if we lifted the ban there would actually be exports because 

of where we are. But there is no doubt that several of our allies 

have asked for it and are interested in it. 

I do not know that it will have a material effect as much as a 

psychological one, but I know that there are several other considerations to consider when making this decision. 

The CHAIRMAN. I note the good nonanswer. [Laughter.] 

I would have expected you to give that answer, but I do appreciate the conversations we have had in private. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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As it relates to Iran, when do you expect them to get back up 

to full capacity, and who is it most specifically they will be dealing 

with relative to their own exports? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. So, today they are still under sanctions, but assuming that they fulfill their side of the agreement and sanctions 

are removed, they will be able to increase their exports by a significant amount in fairly quick order, both because of how much oil 

they have in storage and because of the capability of some of the 

fields to increase. But I do not think they can go—I do not expect 

them to be able to go back to their previous levels prior to 2012 

all that quickly. They are entering the market, or they are reentering the market at a difficult time for the market, where crude 

is at $45. Their OPEC competitors are protecting their market 

share rather than protecting price, and they have a lot of work to 

do on their own fields. 

They will have to deal with companies that will be interested in 

taking the considerable risk of going in, the high insurance rates, 

and they will have to have a new kind of contract mechanism that 

will be attractive to those companies. 

So I think it is going to take a lot more time than people think. 

But in the short order, there will be a bump up of exports. On gas, 

I think that it will be a lot longer than that. 

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Marciel, you talked about a number of the 

problems that exist in Burma, and I appreciate you doing that in 

your presentation. And obviously, we are excited about the election 

process that just has occurred. But for all the promise of the political transformation of the country, serious challenges confront 

them, as you know. Ethnic strife, persecution of the country’s Muslim minority, mass corruption, human rights abuses by the military, and the rise of Buddhist nationalism, among other challenges, 

threaten to undermine the transformation. 

I just came from a country, Egypt, which has a different set of 

challenges that we are trying to figure out a way to balance our 

efforts there in an appropriate way. But how would you suggest 

that our nation balance our objectives there appropriately, ushering them along but also urging them to deal with some of the internal issues that they have to deal with? 

Mr. MARCIEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You outlined some of 

the incredible number of challenges that the country faces. I think 

since we began increased engagement in 2011 when the current 

government began the reform, we have been very focused on, 

broadly defined, supporting the reform effort, and that includes obviously moving toward a more democratic system, improving respect for human rights, as well as rule of law, promoting broadbased economic development, dealing with the ethnic conflict and 

the peace process. 

So I think going forward, the first step I would say is doing all 

we can to ensure a smooth transition. This is kind of uncharted 

territory for Burma. A transition to what we expect would be a government led by what has been the opposition, NLD, that would 

take place in April. So our focus is very much on, again, doing what 

we can to ensure that transition happens, and then we would expect the incoming government to focus on broad-based economic development, but also addressing many of these challenges. Aung San 

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Suu Kyi has spoken out for many years about the need to improve 

human rights, the peace process, all of these things. 

So I think we want to be broadly supportive of the incoming government, and at the same time, where there are challenges and 

particularly difficult issues, I would highlight the treatment of the 

Rohingya for one, have very honest conversations with both the incoming government but also other players in the Burmese system 

who might be less enthusiastic about reforms. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Out of courtesy to my colleagues, I am going to move on to Senator Cardin. Thank you so much for the way you are the ranking 

member of this committee, and I look forward to your questions. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

First, I thank you for accommodating these hearings, very important positions. And as the Chairman has always done, he has expedited the procedures of our committee, and I very much appreciate 

that. 

I thank all of our nominees that are here for your willingness to 

serve in the United States and the public. We know it is not easy. 

It is challenging, in some cases dangerous, and you do this because 

of your commitment to our country and our principles. And we 

thank you, and we thank your families because we know you cannot do it without a supportive family, so we very much appreciate 

that very much. 

To Secretary Marciel, I want to personally thank you for your 

help in the Subcommittee on Eastern Asian and Pacific. You have 

been a key advisor to us, and we very much appreciate you always 

being willing to help us understand the challenges in that region. 

And now you are going to take on one of the most difficult challenges in Burma. You talked about Burma, and we all agree that 

they have made incredible progress. There is no question about 

that, from the military government to having elections. But as you 

pointed out, the Rohingyas were being discriminated against. They 

were not even included in the election, and there are serious issues 

with regard to migration, refugees, trafficking, et cetera. 

I guess I would encourage you to be specific with the Burmese 

as to what they need to do in order to go to the next level. We find 

that many countries in transition make some immediate progress, 

but then they stall and in some cases go in the wrong direction. 

So could you be a little more specific as to how we can advance 

the progress in Burma, whether it is going to require the United 

States to encourage, along with our allies, constitutional reform, so 

that we know that we have the framework for true transformation 

of that country into a more open and democratic society? 

Mr. MARCIEL. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and thank you for 

your kind words. I would say that, again, as I used the term earlier, this is uncharted territory. It is uncharted territory for the 

Burmese as they move to this transition, to a government that, 

given NLD’s landslide victory, we would expect to be led by the 

NLD. 

I think, at the risk of speaking on behalf of the Burmese people, 

it was pretty clear from just the vote totals that they were voting 

for change. They were saying we want more when it comes to reform, more change, better lives, that sort of thing. So I think that 

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the new government comes in with a mandate for more change. Obviously, that change is not going to be only on the issues that we 

are most concerned about regarding human rights, but I would expect that would be part of it. 

So some of the challenge is going to be the new government’s 

ability to work with the other key players, certainly the military. 

The military will continue to have 25 percent of the seats in Parliament for the foreseeable future at least, and will continue to be 

able to name key ministers, including the Minister of Home Affairs, 

the Minister of Defense, that sort of thing. 

So I think one of the specific things we will do, we already are 

doing, is encouraging a smooth transition toward that new government, including dialogue between the NLD, specifically Aung San 

Suu Kyi, the military, and others, so that they can find a way to 

work together that allows for further reform. 

So I think the impetus for reform is quite strong within the country, but there are going to be some groups that might resist that, 

and part of what we should do is focus on trying to encourage all 

groups to support that reform and not get in the way of what the 

Burmese people have said. 

I think there are some specific things, technical assistance in 

some areas where they need some help to get some things done, 

better rule of law training, these sorts of things. And on the situation in Rakhine State, which is one where there is not a lot of support for treating everybody in Rakhine State with equal protection 

of the law, I think that’s a more long-term effort, that we have to 

have some frank conversations, but also perhaps offer some specific 

suggestions about here are some things that you might look at 

doing to help them overcome what may be one of their most difficult challenges. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you for that answer. 

Ms. Ebert-Gray, human rights is a critical issue in the Pacific Islands also. It is where America’s presence can make a huge difference. It is one of the great contributions that we make through 

our missions in other countries. In the Pacific Islands, though, we 

hear not only about the democratic institutions that are challenged 

but also their focus on the climate change issues and how it is affecting the security of their people. 

How do you see your role in advancing human rights in the Pacific Islands? And you can include in that how you would deal with 

their specific concerns on climate change, which are not necessarily 

the same as the non-Island world. 

Ms. EBERT-GRAY. Thank you, Senator. The Pacific Island nation 

leaders are deeply concerned about climate change, understandably 

so, and I understand they met with President Obama this week in 

Paris to discuss their concerns. Since 2000, the United States has 

committed over $60 million in climate change adaptation programs, 

including mangrove preservation in Papua New Guinea and ecosystem adaptation in the Solomon Islands, and there certainly will 

be more programs to come. 

As far as human rights, according to our human rights reports, 

all three nations actually have a legal foundation which respects 

individual liberties, freedom of the press, independent judiciaries, 

and many of the other foundations that are necessary. But all three 

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countries also suffer with many abuses. They have discrimination 

against women and girls. They have poor police across all three islands, a number of slowdowns in the judiciary and other ways that 

human rights are not getting the attention and the corrections that 

are necessary. 

We have invested through the years in human rights improvements and, if confirmed, I hope to continue to focus on both areas 

and bring energy and attention to those two high global priorities. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Mr. Hochstein, I want to get one question in to you because, to 

me, good governance and transparency is critically important on 

energy resources, and you have a major responsibility here. 

I listened to your statement, I read your statement, and I certainly agree with the points that you have made in every major 

area, but I want to concentrate on ISIL for one moment. According 

to the Financial Times, there is still $1.5 million from ISIL a day 

going into the black market. ISIL presents a unique challenge to 

the civilized world. And yes, it is right for us to try to take out 

their energy resources, as we do, as our military does, but we have 

got to figure out new ways to stop the flow of any of their resources 

that go into any market for financial support for their terrorist activities. 

So can you just share with us your views on how we can take 

every conceivable step to destroy any financial ability that is going 

to ISIL through oil or gas resources? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Thank you, Senator. I could not agree more. 

What we have tried to do over the last few months, especially 

since—I will say what I can in an open hearing, and I am happy 

to do more in a different setting—since the Abu Sayyaf raid, my 

team has been able to look, together with the Pentagon, at a lot 

of the details of how it is managed. 

I do not believe that the revenue they are generating is coming 

necessarily through the exports, or smuggling rather, across borders. Most of it is being consumed and generated inside the areas 

of Iraq that are under their control, as well as Syria, including 

trade with the regime. But it is not only about the revenues. It is 

also about using these resources as a means to entrench their control of the territory that they hold. 

What we have therefore done is instead of trying to hit just a 

number of targets that, as you suggested, is less effective, is look 

at it from the full value chain, from the holding of the territory, 

the production of the oil and the gas, the processing, the refining, 

and putting it on the trucks which are the veins, and getting it out 

into the economy. The way they generate their revenues is largely 

at that early stage. After that, what happens is more about supporting the territory than revenue, and that is why you have seen 

over the last few weeks a stepped-up approach that is not only 

more bombings but a different kind of bombing. We are going after 

different assets that I believe are already having a significant impact, but we can do a lot more, and we are working with my colleagues at the Pentagon, at Centcom, to figure out what is the 

right mix of which targets to go after. 

So I can expand a little bit more in—— 

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Senator CARDIN. That is very helpful. I think in a different setting we should talk about the different avenues of where we can 

stop the flow of revenues coming in to ISIL, and you make a good 

point, that if it is at the early stages of the chain, hitting the later 

stages is not going to make much of a difference. But it does still 

stop the supply chain, which could affect their revenues. We really 

need to think outside the box to stop any possibility of them benefitting from these resources. 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. We have dedicated now a whole team that is 

working, embedded together with some folks at DOD and out in 

the field, to be able to help in giving that. We have been doing an 

analysis of the expansion of the oil and gas infrastructure gains for 

the last two years, and it did not start now. It is a very strategic 

taking of territory based on infrastructure and resources. So we are 

happy to expand on that. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Very good. 

Senator Gardner. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Hochstein, I just want to ask you a question following up on 

what Senator Cardin had talked about. 

First, thank you to all of you for being here, and to Mr. Marciel, 

thank you very much for joining me in my office as well. Thank 

you. 

Mr. Hochstein, you mentioned the expansion of oil and gas gains 

by ISIS. Where are their gains today? How much do they have 

today compared to where they were when we first started our air 

strikes? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. So the airstrikes that we started with many 

months ago targeting the energy sector really went after, as I said 

in my testimony, mobile refineries and some of the oil collection 

points. And that disrupted for a while, and it reduced the revenues 

and the profits, I would say, because what you can do with the oil 

when you have a refinery, it is a higher value per barrel that you 

produce. So we were able to reduce that value. 

But they adapted. And what you see in a lot of countries, especially in post-conflict countries, they are able to do things that Halliburton and Exxon would love to be able to do but they cannot 

with using barbed wire and some Scotch tape, and they have been 

adaptive. 

So what we have done is now, with the new information that we 

have, looking more strategically at that value chain, began a different bombing campaign that will target it differently. So taking 

out the trucks in the last couple of weeks, looking at some of the 

strategic hits that we have done, I believe that we have already 

seen—and I can show that to you in a different setting—that there 

has been a material change on the ground today. I cannot give you 

an answer as to what has that $1.5 million a day or $1 million a 

day figure changed to. If you give me a couple of weeks, I can. 

Senator GARDNER. Do we believe they have more means of production today than they did in terms of energy—— 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. No, no. 

Senator GARDNER. Okay, thank you very much. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Further questions along the same lines of energy, discussions 

that we have been having. You talked a little bit about some of the 

negotiations in Iran in your testimony. You talked about the $150 

billion that Iran faced in cuts to their oil revenues by the sanctions 

that were put in place. Do we know what an estimate would be of 

the increase of Iranian revenues will be through international sanctions relief when it comes to oil? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. It is hard to put a dollar figure to that because 

I do not actually have access to their engineering in their fields. 

They have had a lot of cannibalization of their fields after years of 

sanctions, so they will have to do a lot of work to be able to do that 

effectively and efficiently. So I cannot tell you a dollar figure of 

how much that will be. I do not know how many barrels they are 

going to produce, and I do not know what that is going to do. 

If they come online all of a sudden instead of tempered, what 

does that do to the price of oil based on the fact that we have a 

supply glut at the moment? So there are a lot of factors that would 

have to go into it. Clearly, they cannot get anywhere near to where 

they were in early 2012 before the sanctions went into effect. 

Senator GARDNER. How many of our trade partners are actively 

pursuing energy deals with Iran right now? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. There are a number, but there are—— 

Senator GARDNER. Who would that be, if you could? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. I probably should not name companies specifically, but if you look at the press you will see some of the press 

reporting on companies, international oil companies that are entering—that are going there for consultations. 

But I think it is important to separate between who is going 

there for a meeting or a handshake versus what will be signed. The 

terms that we have seen of the contracts so far are not good 

enough to be able to support deals, and without the threat of sanctions, they cannot conclude any deals at the moment. I spent a lot 

of time reminding my friends in the industry overseas that sanctions are still in place and any violation today will be treated in 

the same way. But I think there will be fewer. 

What I hear from private conversations with the CEOs is that 

they are a lot more tentative in their approach than the media 

would suggest. 

Senator GARDNER. Mr. Hochstein, do you think it is appropriate 

to include prohibitions of funding within aid programs for fossil 

fuel projects, or for coal? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. I think that there is—my shop is not necessarily 

involved in the decision on the—I believe that you mean the coal 

financing in the international financial institutions. That is administered by the Department of the Treasury. But because there are 

exceptions there for countries that are below the poverty line, administered as IDA, or if there are other exceptions, I have been 

supportive of the industry where I can based on the new guidelines. 

I met with Peabody and others when they were trying to work 

in Mongolia. We have supported, because of these special circumstances in Kosovo, the creation of a new facility, a new coal 

plant in Kosovo where it replaces an old, dirtier one. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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So there are restrictions in place that I live with, and within 

those there are still 79 countries or so that are excepted from that 

policy that we are still able to work in. 

Senator GARDNER. But in terms of our negotiations with other 

nations, you think it can be an appropriate tool to restrict funding 

for fossil fuel projects? 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. I think based on the agreement that was 

reached with DOECD, it is going to have a significant impact when 

it is not just the United States alone, when it is more countries 

doing it together as a policy. But I probably would have to let others in the Department of the Treasury decide what material affect 

that would have financially on coal projects. 

Senator GARDNER. Mr. Marciel, turning to Burma, with the transition of the government completed in April, what are you most 

concerned about that could happen between April and January in 

terms of the transition? We talked a little bit about this in the office, but what do we need to see, what are you concerned that we 

could see and how that could affect the transition? 

Mr. MARCIEL. Thank you, Senator. What we are hoping to see, 

and I think what we expect to see is a transition that proceeds as 

it is supposed to, with the sitting of a new Parliament in February, 

which will then elect a President who would sit with his or her 

Cabinet probably in April. So what we are hoping to see is that no 

individuals or institutions try to interfere in that process. 

So far, as of today, the signs are good. The military leadership, 

the current president, et cetera, are all insisting that they will 

abide by the results of the voting and support the transition. We 

understand that Aung San Suu Kyi will be meeting with the Commander in Chief and the President this week, which is a very important and useful step, to have this dialogue to figure out how 

they make this transition work smoothly. 

And then assuming that the transition does happen—I know 

there will be a thousand challenges at least, one of the big ones 

will be expectations, as we discussed earlier in your office. There 

will be tremendous expectations for this new government both inside the country with people looking for economic benefits and further reforms, and my guess is there will be a lot of expectations 

internationally, and it will be a real challenge for any government, 

but particularly one without any experience in government to manage. 

Senator GARDNER. And if confirmed—we talked earlier about the 

carrot and stick approach and leverage the United States would 

have in terms of the transition for the new government. If confirmed, what would your position be on lifting any remaining U.S. 

sanctions against Burma during the transition process? 

Mr. MARCIEL. Well, we, of course, had broad sanctions against 

Burma writ large up until 2011, when the reforms started. After 

those reforms began, we suspended some of those sanctions, kind 

of the broad sanctions against the overall economy, while maintaining targeted sanctions on individuals and entities who were either 

involved in human rights violations or were clearly blocking reforms or undermining reforms. So those very targeted sanctions 

continue today as the main sanctions against Burma, but the overFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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all broad-based sanctions are not there because we want the economy actually to be healthy. 

So at this point and certainly going forward with the transition, 

I would not anticipate nor recommend any dramatic change to that. 

I think we want to see how this transition works, and then I think 

we would want to consult with the new government, as well as 

Congress, closely on any changes. 

I would note that we do—the sanctions, the targeted sanctions 

are somewhat dynamic in the sense that people can be taken off 

the designated list if they show that they have ended the behaviors 

that put them on the list. People can be added to the list, and we 

can always make adjustments when we see unintended consequences or problems. But what we will do is make sure that we 

are consulting closely with Congress given the great interest. 

Senator GARDNER. But you believe that any de-listing on the 

SDN list, that any change of their listing would only occur if they 

specifically change their behavior as it relates to the reason they 

were placed on the list in the first place? 

Mr. MARCIEL. Right. There is a process in place that is run by 

Treasury’s OFAT office, particular requirements—I am not an expert on it—that entities or individuals on the specially designated 

nationals list would have to follow in order to be considered to be 

removed from the list. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator. 

We have, as you know, another panel of four people. It is toward 

the end of the year and people are trying to move out and hopefully 

get confirmed. 

Ms. Ebert-Gray, I want to thank you in particular for having 

your family here. 

To the family, know that she has been through extensive questioning in private and answered all kinds of other questions. 

So I hope that all three of you will answer any QFRs that come 

your way after this presentation today. 

We thank all of you for your service to our country. With that, 

we hope you will go on to something constructive and will bring the 

other panel up. But thank you all for being here. Thank you. 

Mr. HOCHSTEIN. Thank you. 

Mr. MARCIEL. Thank you. 

Ms. EBERT-GRAY. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Hochstein, for what it is worth, you missed 

your greatest asset by not introducing your family. [Laughter.] 

I doubt you would have had the number of questions you had 

had you done so. [Laughter.] 

Anyway, we welcome you all. We did not realize you were here. 

Thank you. 

We will now move to the second panel. We thank you all for 

being here. 

Mr. John D. Feeley, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, has been nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Panama. Mr. Feeley is currently the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Previously Mr. 

Feeley served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mexico City, Mexico; Assessor in the Office of Recruitment; and Director of the Office of Central American Affairs. He also has served 

in the United States Marine Corps, and we thank you for that service also. 

Next we have Linda Taglialatela to be our Ambassador to Barbados, St. Kitts, Nevis, St. Lucia, Antigua, Barbuda, Dominica, 

Grenada, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. I do not know what 

you did to achieve that, but we know it was something special. She 

is a career member of the Senior Executive Service and currently 

serves as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of 

Human Resources, a position she has held since 2002. She has also 

served as Director and Deputy Director of the Office of Resource 

Management and Organization Analysis at the State Department. 

Todd Chapman, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, 

Class of Minister Counselor, is nominated to be Ambassador to Ecuador. He currently serves as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary 

of State for Political Military Affairs, a position he has held since 

2014. Mr. Chapman previously served as Deputy Chief of Mission 

at U.S. embassies in Brazil and Mozambique. 

Jean Elizabeth Manes. Did I pronounce that correctly? 

Ms. MANES. That is correct. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. A career member of the Foreign 

Service, Class of Counselors, is our nominee to be Ambassador to 

El Salvador. She currently serves as Principal Deputy Coordinator 

in the Bureau of International Information Programs at the Department of State, a position she has held since 2013. Prior to this, 

she served as Deputy Director of the Department’s Florida Regional Center and as Counselor for Public Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan. 

I think I would remind you that your full statement will be entered into the record. Staying within 5 minutes is appreciated, and 

we look forward. If you would just go down, starting with you, 

ma’am, we would appreciate it. Go in order; and again, thank you 

all for your willingness to serve in these capacities. 

STATEMENT OF LINDA SWARTZ TAGLIALATELA, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO BARBADOS, THE FEDERATION OF 

ST. KITTS AND NEVIS, SAINT LUCIA, ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA, THE COMMONWEALTH OF DOMINICA, GRENADA, AND 

SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES 

Ms. TAGLIALATELA. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman 

and Senator Cardin, it is a pleasure to be here today. Thank you 

for the opportunity to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts and 

Nevis, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. I am grateful 

to the President and Secretary Kerry for their confidence and support, as well as to the members of this committee for their kind 

consideration. 

Please allow me to introduce the members of my family present 

today, my brother, David Swartz, from Texas, and my sister, Susan 

Swartz, from New York. Throughout my life, my family, including 

my parents, have been an essential source of support. Without 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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their love, encouragement, and belief in me, I would not be here 

today. 

Mr. Chairman, I believe that our Nation is most effective when 

we lead by example and in accordance with our values, and I will 

seek to continue in this tradition if confirmed as Ambassador. If 

confirmed, I will proudly represent the United States in the Eastern Caribbean, a region with which we share strong cultural, historical, and familial ties. 

Since achieving independence in the 1960s and 1970s, the nations of the Eastern Caribbean have thrived as democracies and 

maintained friendly and productive relations with the United 

States. If confirmed, my top priority as Ambassador will be the 

safety and welfare of American citizens residing in and visiting the 

Caribbean, a region that hosts nearly 2 million tourists annually, 

the vast majority U.S. citizens. Thousand more of our citizens live, 

work, or study in the Caribbean. 

I am also committed to strengthening the safety and security of 

our Caribbean partners. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to 

bolster citizen security through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, which seeks to reduce the threats to citizen security by reducing illicit trafficking of narcotics and firearms; improving public 

safety by strengthening law enforcement, the judicial sector, and 

security services; increasing respect for the rule of law and human 

rights; and promoting crime prevention activities. 

As Ambassador, I would also work to promote fundamental freedoms and universal human rights, including the rights of the 

LGBTI communities, and I will pay particular attention to empowering and improving the status of women in the Eastern Caribbean. 

If confirmed, I will work to implement the Trafficking Victims 

Protection Act, including the vigorous investigation of cases, the 

prosecution and conviction of perpetrators, and the proactive identification of and provisions of services to victims. 

Several economic issues also have a deep impact on the Island 

Nations. The first is the high cost of energy. Caribbean nations 

have some of the highest electricity costs in the world due to their 

almost exclusive reliance on imported diesel fuel. The Caribbean 

Energy Security Initiative, launched by Vice President Biden in 

2014, seeks to increase the region’s access to energy sector financing and to improve the governance and diversification of Island energy sectors. 

The Eastern Caribbean continues to experience stagnant economic growth and high debt levels. The region is also susceptible 

to hurricanes, which in a matter of hours can set these tourismand agriculture-dependent nations back several years. If confirmed, 

I will work to encourage the nations of the Eastern Caribbean to 

seek out more sustainable sources of energy, to build resilience to 

the impacts of climate change, and to strengthen their economies 

through greater diversification and prudent debt management. 

Next year will mark the 55th anniversary of the Peace Corps. 

Currently, 63 Volunteers work on literacy projects in some of the 

region’s most vulnerable and marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will promote and support our Peace Corps Volunteers. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I 

look forward to working with you and your colleagues in Congress 

and with the American people to advance our shared interests in 

this most important region. 

Thank you for your gracious time. I would be happy to answer 

any questions you may have. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Taglialatela follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LINDA TAGLIALATELA

Mister Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity 

to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the United 

States Ambassador to Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, St. 

Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. I am grateful to 

the President and Secretary Kerry for their confidence and support, as well as to 

the members of this committee for their consideration. I look forward to speaking 

with you today about my qualifications; the myriad opportunities and challenges 

before us in Barbados and the nations of the Eastern Caribbean; and, if confirmed, 

how I can best work with the U.S. Congress to strengthen our already robust 

engagement in the region. 

Throughout my life, my family, including my parents, Leon and Anne Swartz, has 

been an essential source of support. Without their love, encouragement, and belief 

in me, I would not be here today. 

Mr. Chairman, I have had the privilege of serving our country for over 40 years, 

both as a career Civil Service employee and Foreign Service officer. It is a career 

that has afforded me the opportunity to see the inner workings of our government 

from my early days as a management analyst at the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) until most recently as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in 

the Bureau of Human Resources and Deputy Chief Human Capital Officer. My proven track record in resource management; Embassy operations and auditing; and 

workforce planning has equipped me well for the responsibilities of a chief of mission. Over four decades of service, I have acquired a deep understanding of how to 

effectively match resources, people, and policies to best advance our national security interests, protect the safety of Americans abroad, and advance the broad set of 

policy objectives that characterize our relations with the countries of the Caribbean. 

And, as importantly, this experience has given me a keen appreciation of two fundamental things: first, whatever our rank, position, or title, as public servants, our 

job is to protect and advance U.S. interests and values and to faithfully serve the 

American people. This means—and this is my second point—being good stewards of 

taxpayer dollars. If confirmed, these will be my guiding principles. 

Our Nation is most effective when we lead by example and in accordance with 

our values. This is what I have sought to do throughout my career and what I will 

seek to do if confirmed as Ambassador. 

If confirmed, I will proudly represent the United States in Barbados and the six 

nations of the Eastern Caribbean, a region with which we share strong cultural, historical, and familial ties. The Caribbean diaspora community in the United States, 

with its intellectual leadership, food, vibrant music, and sense of identity and community is a vital part of many of our cities, from Miami to New York and beyond. 

Since achieving independence in the 1960s and 1970s, the nations of the Eastern 

Caribbean have thrived as democracies and maintained friendly and productive 

relations with the United States. They also play an important role in supporting 

democracy and human rights across the hemisphere. 

If confirmed, my top priority as Ambassador will be the safety of American citizens residing in and visiting the Caribbean. The Eastern Caribbean hosted nearly 

2 million tourists last year, the vast majority of whom were U.S. citizens. Additionally, a large number of our citizens live in the Caribbean, whether in retirement, 

as students at one of the many universities in the islands, or as dual-nationals. I 

will also work to ensure the security of U.S. Government personnel at our Embassies in Barbados and Grenada as well as the Peace Corps Volunteers serving in St. 

Lucia, Grenada, Dominica, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. 

I am also committed to strengthening the safety and security of our Caribbean 

partners. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to bolster citizen security through 

the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative. Threats to citizen security in the Caribbean 

are all too familiar: transnational criminal organizations involved in drug-related 

crimes; systemic violence; corruption; weak judicial systems and a lack of respect 

for the rule of law; and, an increase in youth involved in criminal activities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

709 

Through Caribbean Basin Security Initiative programming and strong interagency 

cooperation, the United States will continue to support Caribbean nations in a 

whole-of-government, integrated approach that links citizen security, civil society 

development, and economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will work with the Governments of Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines to implement the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, including: the vigorous 

investigation of incidents of forced labor and sex trafficking; the prosecution and 

conviction of perpetrators; and the proactive identification of and provision of services to victims. 

Several economic issues are having a deep impact on the island nations of the 

Caribbean. The first is the high cost of energy. Caribbean nations have some of the 

highest electricity costs in the world due to their almost exclusive reliance on 

imported diesel fuel. The Caribbean Energy Security Initiative, launched by Vice 

President Biden, seeks to increase the region’s access to energy sector financing and 

improve governance and diversification of the islands’ energy sectors. 

Additionally, the region continues to experience stagnant economic growth with 

youth unemployment and underemployment rates in the region averaging between 

25–40 percent. These nations are also susceptible to environmental shocks, such as 

hurricanes, which, in a matter of hours, can set these tourism and agriculture 

dependent nations back several years. 

These challenges combine to create a difficult economic environment that prevents 

Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean nations from reaching their full potential and 

competing in the broader regional and global economies. If confirmed, I will work 

diligently to encourage the nations of the Eastern Caribbean to seek out less expensive and more sustainable sources of energy and to invest in job training, including 

career and technical training for youth. 

As Ambassador, I would also work to promote fundamental freedoms and universal human rights, including the rights of the LGBTI communities. I will pay particular attention to empowering and improving the status of women in the Eastern 

Caribbean. Women in these countries, who are well educated, play a strong role in 

politics and social issues. However, once their education is complete, many women 

are either unable to find jobs or can only find work in lower status or lower paying 

positions. Domestic and sexual violence against women remain grave concerns in 

the region, causing disproportionate, adverse impacts on families and youth, with 

victims frequently unable to rely upon the formal justice sector to seek redress. 

Yet despite these obstacles, the women leaders in Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean are extraordinary, and if confirmed, I will work to increase and improve the 

opportunities available to women and girls and other members of vulnerable 

communities. 

Next year will mark the 55th anniversary of the Peace Corps: I would like to 

acknowledge the long-standing Peace Corps presence in the Eastern Caribbean. St. 

Lucia was among the first countries to receive Volunteers in 1961 and continues to 

serve as the Peace Corps’ headquarters in the region. Currently 63 Volunteers work 

on literacy projects in Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines in those nations’ most vulnerable and marginalized communities. If confirmed, 

I will promote and support the efforts of our Peace Corp Volunteers. 

If confirmed, I look forward to representing the United States in Barbados and 

the Eastern Caribbean and to working with you and your colleagues in Congress 

on behalf of the administration and the American people to advance our shared 

interests in this important region. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you so much. 

Mr. Feeley. 

STATEMENT OF JOHN D. FEELEY, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA 

Mr. FEELEY. Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman and members of the 

committee. From the oath that I swore as an Eagle Scout, to the 

one I took upon commissioning as a Second Lieutenant of the Marines, and the oath by which I have lived and worked for the last 

25 years as a Foreign Service officer advancing American interests 

in the Western Hemisphere, my life and career have been marked 

by public service. 

This is an enormous privilege. I thank the President and the Secretary for the confidence they have shown in me by their nominaFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tion. And it is in that spirit of gratitude that I come before you 

today to seek your approval that I might continue to serve our 

great Nation as Ambassador in Panama. 

I am joined today by my wife, a Senior Foreign Service officer 

herself from San Juan, Puerto Rico, Cherie Feeley. My two sons 

and my grandson could not be with us, but I am sure that the 

number of hits on C-Span have gone up as a result of them watching. 

In my current position at the State Department, I oversee the 

daily operations of our 53 embassies and consulates, from Canada 

to the Caribbean, from Mexico to Argentina. I work on the operating budgets, the foreign assistance programs, and the personnel 

assignments that undergird American diplomacy throughout this 

hemisphere. 

The food we eat, the energy we consume, and the goods and services we trade with our neighbors in the Americas have more of an 

impact, I would argue, on the daily lives of our country’s citizens 

than any other region of the world. So it is vitally important that 

we know and understand these neighbors and partners to ensure 

our own security and prosperity. This is the essence of the President’s Strategy for Engagement in Central America. 

And Panama, whose destiny has been entwined with ours since 

its founding, is among the most critical of our partners in achieving 

the security, prosperity, and governance goals of the Strategy. Panama is a good news story in many aspects, and if confirmed, I will 

work with this committee to deepen and expand what is already an 

excellent bilateral relationship. 

Panama shares our commitment to protecting democratic freedoms and human rights. In 2014, they defied polls and, with the 

help of robust international election monitoring, elected an underdog candidate as president who has made education and 

anticorruption pillars of his vision for Panama’s future. 

You will recall that Panama served as host of the Summit of the 

Americas earlier this year, where landmark encounters between 

civil society organizations and the region’s leaders occurred. 

Given its stability and relative prosperity, Panama, like the 

United States, is a destination, rather than a source, of immigration. And as such, Panama understands the evils of human trafficking and was recently upgraded on our annual Trafficking in 

Persons Report. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will continue the 

good work already begun with our Panamanian partners to eradicate this form of modern slavery. 

Panama’s geographic location makes it a bridge in both the physical and metaphysical sense of the word. With a robust economy, 

Panama has leveraged its bridging function to become a logistical 

center for the region. The Panama Canal is a vital commercial corridor for the United States. Two out of every three ships transiting 

the Canal will stop at a U.S. port. 

And the global traffic across the bridge that is Panama will be 

accentuated by the Panama Canal expansion, due to be completed 

in 2016. This expansion will bring benefits to Panama and the 

United States, potentially doubling imports on the U.S. East and 

Gulf Coasts by 2029. Put simply, the expansion will lower shipping 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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costs between the United States and Asia, expand our markets, 

and create jobs for American workers. 

Another good news story: Panama is among our best partners 

working on education and innovation. The literacy rate for 15-yearolds is high for the region, around 94 percent. ‘‘Bilingual Panama’’ 

is the Panamanian Government’s ambitious plan to bring thousands of Panamanian English teachers to study in U.S. universities 

over the next five years, and we support that effort fully. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, Panama is not without challenges. Its 

bridging location renders it vulnerable to organized crime. Narcotics trafficking and money laundering, and the corruption that is 

attendant to those illicit activities, are also threats to Panama’s security and prosperity. 

If confirmed, I will work with Panama to address those ills, as 

well as the challenges, and in doing so I will support U.S. priorities 

such as our significant retiree and expatriate population that lives 

in Panama. I will look to support greater foreign investment opportunities for American businesses. And most of all, I will seek to 

work with our Panamanian partners to shore up the integrity of 

our interconnected financial and banking systems. 

I thank you for this opportunity, and I welcome any questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Feeley follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JOHN D. FEELEY

Mister Chairman, members of the committee, from the oath I swore as an Eagle 

Scout, to the one I took upon commissioning as a Second Lieutenant of Marines, and 

the oath by which I have lived and worked for 25 years as a Foreign Service officer 

advancing American interests in the Western Hemisphere, my life and career have 

been marked by public service. 

This is an enormous privilege. I thank the President and the Secretary for the 

confidence they have shown in me by their nomination. I realize just how fortunate 

I am. And it is in that spirit of gratitude that I come before you today to seek your 

approval that I might continue serving our Nation as Ambassador to Panama. 

I am joined today by my wife of 31 years, 2 sons, one grandson, and 17 Permanent 

Change of Station pack outs and moves, a Senior Foreign Service officer herself 

from San Juan, Puerto Rico, Cherie Feeley. 

In my current position at the State Department, I oversee the daily operations 

of our 53 embassies and consulates, from Canada to the Caribbean, from Mexico to 

Argentina. 

I work on the operating budgets, the foreign assistance programs, and the personnel assignments that undergird American diplomacy throughout this hemisphere. 

The food we eat, the energy we consume, and the goods and services we trade 

with our neighbors in the Americas have more of an impact on the daily lives of 

our country’s citizens than any other region of the world. 

So it is vitally important that we know and understand these neighbors and partners to ensure our own security and prosperity. This is the essence of the President’s Strategy for Engagement in Central America. 

And Panama, whose destiny has been entwined with ours since its founding, is 

among the most critical of our partners in achieving the security, prosperity, and 

governance goals of the Strategy. 

Panama is a good news story in many aspects, and if confirmed, I will work with 

this committee to deepen and expand what is already an excellent bilateral relationship. 

Panama shares our commitment to protecting democratic freedoms and human 

rights. Since 1989, Panamanians have consistently deepened their own democratic 

culture. 

In 2014, they defied polls and, with the help of robust international election monitoring, elected an underdog candidate as President who has made education and 

anticorruption pillars of his vision for Panama’s future. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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You will recall that Panama served as host of the Summit of the Americas earlier 

this year, where landmark encounters between civil society organizations and the 

region’s leaders occurred. 

Panama is also a partner on the global stage. Under President Juan Carlos 

Varela’s leadership, Panama is to date, the only Latin American member of the coalition against ISIL. 

Given its stability and relative prosperity, Panama—like the United States—is a 

destination, rather than a source, of immigration in the region. As such, Panama 

understands the evils of human trafficking and was recently upgraded on our annual Trafficking in Persons Report. 

If confirmed, I will continue the good work already begun with our Panamanian 

partners to eradicate this form of modern slavery. 

Panama’s geographic location makes it a bridge in both the physical and metaphysical sense of the word. With a robust economy, Panama has leveraged its bridging function to become a logistical center for the region. 

The Canal is a vital commercial corridor for the United States: two of every three 

ships transiting the Canal will stop at a U.S. port. 

And the global traffic across the bridge that is Panama will be accentuated by the 

Panama Canal expansion, due to be completed in 2016. This expansion will bring 

benefits to Panama and the United States, potentially doubling imports on the U.S. 

East and Gulf Coasts by 2029. 

Put simply: The expansion will lower shipping costs between the United States 

and Asia, expand our markets, and create jobs for American workers. 

Another good news story: Panama is among our best partners working on education and innovation. The literacy rate for 15-year-olds is around 94 percent. 

‘‘Bilingual Panama’’ is the Panamanian Government’s ambitious plan to bring 

thousands of Panamanian English teachers to study in U.S. universities over the 

next 5 years, and we support that effort. 

As the son of an English professor and the husband of a native Spanish speaker, 

no issue could be closer to my personal interest than that of contributing to a bilingual, bicultural, more integrated future in the Americas. With your consent, I will 

do so in Panama. 

Now, Mister Chairman, Panama is not without challenges. 

Its bridging location renders it vulnerable to organized crime. I mentioned trafficking in persons. Narcotics trafficking and money laundering—and the corruption 

that is attendant to those illicit activities—are also threats to Panama’s security and 

prosperity. 

Economic challenges include stubborn income inequality and poverty despite a 

decade of growth, inadequate public infrastructure, and limited economic development outside of Panama City. 

If confirmed, I will work with Panama as it addresses these challenges, doing so 

in support of U.S. priorities such as: 

—Our significant retiree and expatriate population; 

—Greater foreign direct investment opportunities for American business; and 

—The integrity of our interconnected financial and banking systems. 

I thank you for this opportunity and welcome your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Ms. Manes. 

STATEMENT OF JEAN ELIZABETH MANES, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF EL SALVADOR 

Ms. MANES. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an 

honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to 

serve as the next Ambassador of the United States to the Republic 

of El Salvador. I am humbled by the trust and confidence President 

Obama and Secretary of State Kerry have shown by sending my 

name to the Senate for consideration at this pivotal moment in the 

bilateral relationship. 

I am also grateful for the support of my family, including members here today, my husband, Hector Cerpa, and one of our two 

daughters, Candela. Our other daughter, Connie, definitely wishes 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

713 

she could be here but she is preparing for end-of-year exams in college. 

I also want to thank my parents, Roger and Betty Manes, who 

instilled in me the values of hard work, dedication and integrity, 

as I watched them build our family business. They are tuning in 

remotely from Florida, as is my 90-year-young grandmother, Alice 

Masters. 

Today is even more special because it was 25 years ago that I 

started my foreign policy career in this very place, as an intern 

with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee just down the hall in 

room 452. 

I also want to recognize the current U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador, Mari Carmen Aponte. Under her leadership of the Embassy, 

the people of the United States have been well represented over 

the last 5 years. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and 

others in Congress to enhance the bilateral relationship between 

the United States and El Salvador, as well as to increase regional 

integration with other Central American countries. This will include significant focus on three areas: stabilizing the security environment; improving the business investment climate; and strengthening government institutions. 

El Salvador is one of our closest partners in the Western Hemisphere. The people of El Salvador have demonstrated their commitment to democracy through peaceful transfer of power since the 

1992 Peace Accords that ended the Civil War. While El Salvador 

continues to face tremendous security challenges, as well as a 

range of political, economic, and social issues, a stable and economically viable future is possible. 

The commitment of President Sanchez Ceren and those of other 

leaders across the Northern Triangle in developing and leading the 

comprehensive plan ‘‘Alliance for Prosperity’’ represents an unprecedented opportunity to solidify the gains of the past and build for 

the future. The plan reflects a multidisciplinary and collective approach to addressing fundamental issues preventing long-term 

growth and stability in the region. 

The United States is and must continue to be a central player 

in advancing these efforts. The U.S. Strategy for Engagement in 

Central America, combined with initiatives under the Partnership 

for Growth and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, serves as 

the foundation for U.S. engagement in Central America, and El 

Salvador in particular. 

We are at a crossroads in Central America. We have committed 

partners, including the host government, leaders in the business 

community, civil society, international organizations, and the people of El Salvador. Now is the moment for American leadership and 

investments to help guide the region to a better future. 

Fundamentally, the biggest asset for both the United States and 

El Salvador is the people who support this effort. While there are 

over 6 million people in El Salvador, there are over 2 million people 

of Salvadoran descent who live in the United States. These include 

many community leaders across Maryland, California, Texas, New 

York, Virginia, and the District of Columbia. If confirmed, I will 

continue to strengthen these bonds between our two countries as 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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we work in partnership to support the implementation of the Strategy. 

As outlined in the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central 

America, one country cannot succeed alone. Regional integration is 

a core component of the strategy. If confirmed, my team and I will 

enhance the collaboration at all levels in the region, with specific 

focus on Honduras and Guatemala. You have my guarantee that I 

will use the important role of the U.S. Ambassador to bring all parties together; to serve as the convener and facilitator of ideas; and 

to make the best investments for a stable and growing El Salvador 

that remains a strong partner with the United States. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to be 

here, and I look forward to your questions. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Manes follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JEAN E. MANES

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the next Ambassador of the United 

States to the Republic of El Salvador. 

I am humbled by the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary of 

State Kerry have shown by sending my name to the Senate for consideration at this 

pivotal moment in the bilateral relationship. I am also grateful for the support of 

my family, including members here today, my husband, Hector Cerpa, and one of 

our two daughters, Candela. Our other daughter, Connie, wishes she could be here 

but is in the midst of preparing for end of year exams at college. I also want to 

thank my parents, Roger and Betty Manes, who instilled in me the values of hard 

work, dedication and integrity, as I watched them build our family business. 

Today is even more special because it was 25 years ago that I started my foreign 

policy career in this very place as an intern with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chaired by Claiborne Pell. 

I also want to recognize the current U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador, Mari Carmen Aponte. Under her leadership of the Embassy, the people of the United States 

have been well represented over the last 5 years. 

Throughout my career at the State Department, I have led complex organizations 

and negotiated large-scale initiatives. This includes my present position serving as 

Principal Deputy Coordinator for the 400-person International Information Programs Bureau, which provides the State Department’s worldwide outreach platform 

for public diplomacy. It also includes my previous position as the Director of 

Resources, overseeing $1.2 billion for public diplomacy domestic and worldwide operations. I have taken the business lessons I learned from my parents to ensure we 

are making the right investments on behalf of the American people and accounting 

for results. These have been hallmarks of my career. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and others in Congress as I use these skills to continue to enhance the bilateral relationship between 

the United States and El Salvador, as well as to increase regional integration with 

other Central American countries. This will include significant focus on three areas: 

stabilizing the security environment, improving the business investment climate 

and promoting inclusive economic growth; and strengthening government institutions. 

El Salvador is one of our closest partners in the Western Hemisphere. The people 

of El Salvador have demonstrated their commitment to democracy through peaceful 

transfer of power since the 1992 Peace Accords ended the Civil War, however today 

El Salvador is facing the highest homicide rates since the war, and projections are 

that the daily rate will reach more than 100 homicides per 100,000 people by the 

end of this year. While El Salvador continues to face political, economic, and social 

challenges as well, a stable and economically viable future is possible, and the 

United States is committed to supporting the people and Government of El Salvador 

toward realizing this goal. 

The commitment of President S ́ anchez Cere ́n and those of other leaders across the 

Northern Triangle in developing and leading the comprehensive ‘‘Alliance for Prosperity’’ plan represents an unprecedented opportunity to solidify the gains of the 

past and build for the future. The plan reflects a multidisciplinary and collective 

approach to addressing fundamental issues preventing long-term growth and stability in the region. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

715 

The United States is and must continue to be a central player in advancing these 

efforts. The U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America, combined with initiatives under the Partnership for Growth and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, 

serves as the foundation for U.S. engagement with El Salvador. We are at a crossroads in Central America. Down one road lies the prospect of a prosperous Central 

America that provides a home and future for its citizens. Down the other lies disorder and increased migration. We have committed partners including the host government, leaders in the business community, civil society, international organizations, and the people of El Salvador. Now is the moment for American leadership 

and investments to help lead the region to a better future. 

Fundamentally, the biggest asset for both the United States and El Salvador is 

the people who support this effort. While there are 6 million people in El Salvador, 

there are over 2 million people of Salvadoran descent who live in the United States. 

These include many community leaders across California, Texas, New York, Virginia, Maryland, and the District of Columbia. If confirmed, I will continue to 

strengthen these bonds between our two countries as we work in partnership to support implementation of the Strategy. 

As outlined in the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America, one country 

cannot succeed alone. Regional integration is a core component of the strategy. If 

confirmed, my team and I will enhance the collaboration at all levels in the region, 

with specific focus on Honduras and Guatemala. You have my guarantee that I will 

use the important role of the U.S. Ambassador to bring all parties together; to serve 

as the convener and facilitator of ideas; and to make the best investments for a stable and growing El Salvador that remains a strong partner with the United States. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to be here and I look 

forward to your questions. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Mr. Chapman. 

STATEMENT OF TODD C. CHAPMAN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR 

Mr. CHAPMAN. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and 

members of the committee, thank you for this privilege this afternoon to appear before you today. I am indeed grateful to President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have 

shown in me through this nomination to be the next United States 

Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador. 

I would like first to publicly honor and express deep gratitude for 

my wife, Janetta, who is here with me today, and my two sons, 

Joshua and Jason, who have faithfully supported me in this 25- 

year journey in the Foreign Service. They have shared in the joys, 

in the excitement, and sometimes in the hardships which this life 

sometimes brings. I also am so grateful for my parents, Bob and 

Marilyn Chapman, who were always my greatest champions and 

my greatest cheerleaders. Indeed, I am a blessed man. 

During my career, I have represented this great Nation in a diverse group of countries, including Bolivia, Costa Rica, Nigeria, 

Mozambique, and Afghanistan. As an Economic Officer I promoted 

progrowth economic policies, implemented development agendas, 

and advanced commercial partnerships. As Charge d’Affaires in 

Mozambique, I led our implementation of over $500 million in economic, health, and democracy programs. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Brasilia, Brazil, I helped provide direction to one of our 

most dynamic bilateral relationships. And I now serve as Principal 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, enhancing security partnerships around the world through 

peacekeeping training, de-mining activities, defense trade, and security assistance. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

716 

The United States has long recognized the value and importance 

of fostering a strong and productive relationship with Ecuador. The 

United States sent its first representative to Ecuador in 1825 when 

the U.S. Senate confirmed William Wheelwright to serve as U.S. 

Consul in Guayaquil, Ecuador. In 1839 the United States and Ecuador signed a Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Navigation, and Commerce. Interestingly, whereas the commercial and navigation 

clauses were written to expire after 12 years, the treaty stated, ‘‘in 

all other parts which relate to peace and friendship, it shall be perpetually and permanently binding on both parties.’’ 

If confirmed, I look forward to advancing in concrete ways the 

long diplomatic tradition of peace and friendship that has helped 

define relations between our two countries. I am confident that 

working in this spirit we can expand our relations and develop and 

more fully realize a constructive agenda, one which advances the 

real interests of our countries. There is much for our countries to 

do together. 

The United States has long been Ecuador’s largest trading part- ner, with two-way trade approaching $20 billion in 2014, more than 

double 2008 totals. I will work diligently, if confirmed, with the 

government and private sector to expand our economic partnership, 

eliminate trade barriers to promote increased trade, and encourage 

investor-friendly practices. 

U.S. and Ecuadorian law enforcement and security personnel 

work cooperatively to counter regional threats posed by 

transnational crime, illicit narcotics, and trafficking in persons. 

Further cooperation and information sharing on these issues can 

result in greater security for citizens of both our countries. 

Additionally, our people-to-people exchanges are growing rapidly, 

with education partnerships leading more Americans and Ecuadorians to study in each other’s country, thus supporting President 

Obama’s 100,000 Strong Education Exchange Initiative. We are 

also responding to the Government of Ecuador’s request for expanded cooperation in English-teaching with a variety of creative 

programs. 

This is a time of great dynamism in the Ecuadorian body politic. 

Ecuadorians of all backgrounds and beliefs are actively debating 

and expressing a range of views about the country’s direction and 

future, demonstrable signs of that dynamism. Encouraging such expression, not limiting it, is consistent with the collective commitment to democratic values and human rights which the United 

States and Ecuador have both pledged to uphold. 

If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for these democratic values as I engage with a broad range of Ecuadorians—within national and subnational governments, civil society, religious institutions, the media and the private sector—to promote social justice 

and greater prosperity for all Ecuadorians. 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, committee members, if 

confirmed, I commit to doing my very best to represent the very 

best of the United States of America to the people and Government 

of Ecuador. I thank you for giving me the honor of appearing before 

you today. I look forward to your questions and the beginning of 

what I sincerely hope will be a continuing partnership and dialogue 

with this committee in the coming years. Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

717 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Chapman follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF TODD CHAPMAN

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, 

thank you for this privilege of appearing before you today.I am indeed grateful to 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have shown 

in me through this nomination to be the next United States Ambassador to the 

Republic of Ecuador. 

I would like first to publicly honor and express deep gratitude for my wife, 

Janetta, and my two sons, Joshua and Jason, who have faithfully supported me in 

this 25-year journey in the Foreign Service. They have shared in the joys, excitement, and sometimes the hardships, associated with this service and lifestyle. I also 

am so grateful for my parents, Marilyn and Bob Chapman, who were always my 

greatest champions and cheerleaders—I am blessed. 

During my career, I have represented our great Nation in a diverse group of countries, including Bolivia, Costa Rica, Nigeria, Mozambique, and Afghanistan. As an 

Economic Officer I promoted pro-growth economic policies, implemented development agendas, and advanced commercial partnerships. As Charge ́ d’Affaires in 

Mozambique, I led our implementation of over $500 million in economic, health, and 

democracy programs. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Brasilia, Brazil, from 2011– 

2014, I helped provide direction to one of our most dynamic bilateral relationships. 

And I now serve as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of PoliticalMilitary Affairs, enhancing security partnerships around the world through peacekeeping training, de-mining activities, defense trade, and security assistance. 

The United States has long recognized the value and importance of fostering a 

strong and productive relationship with Ecuador. The United States sent its first 

representative to Ecuador in 1825 when the U.S. Senate confirmed William Wheelwright to serve as U.S. consul in Guayaquil, Ecuador. In 1839 the United States 

and Ecuador signed a Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Navigation, and Commerce. 

Interestingly, whereas the commercial and navigation clauses were written to expire 

after 12 years, the treaty stated ‘‘in all other parts which relate to peace and friendship, it shall be perpetually and permanently binding on both parties.’’ If confirmed, 

I look forward to advancing in concrete ways the long diplomatic tradition of peace 

and friendship that has helped define relations between our two countries. 

I am confident that working in this spirit we can expand our relations and 

develop and more fully realize a constructive agenda which advances the real interests of our countries. There is much for our countries to do together. 

The United States has long been Ecuador’s largest trading partner, with two-way 

trade approaching $20 billion in 2014, more than double 2008 totals. I will work 

diligently, if confirmed, with the government and private sector to expand our economic partnership, eliminate trade barriers to promote increased trade, and encourage investor-friendly practices. 

U.S. and Ecuadorian law enforcement and security personnel work cooperatively 

to counter regional threats posed by transnational crime, illicit narcotics, and trafficking in persons. Further cooperation and information sharing on these issues can 

result in greater security for citizens of both countries. 

Additionally, our people-to-people exchanges are growing rapidly, with education 

partnerships leading more Americans and Ecuadorians to study in each other’s 

country, thus supporting President Obama’s 100,000 Strong Education Exchange 

Initiative. We are also responding to the Government of Ecuador’s request for 

expanded cooperation in English-teaching with a variety of creative programs. 

Tourism both ways is also rising quickly; over 200,000 Americans visited Ecuador 

last year while 335,000 Ecuadorians traveled to the United States.And the number 

of Americans residing in Ecuador is approaching 100,000, thanks in part to a growing number of retirees. 

This is a time of great dynamism in the Ecuadorian body politic. Ecuadorians of 

all backgrounds and beliefs are actively debating and expressing a range of views 

about the country’s direction and future—demonstrable signs of this dynamism. 

Encouraging such expression, not limiting it, is consistent with the collective commitment to democratic values and human rights which the United States and Ecuador have both pledged to uphold. If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for these 

democratic values as I engage with a broad range of Ecuadorians—within national 

and subnational governments, civil society, religious institutions, the media and the 

private sector—to promote social justice and greater prosperity for all Ecuadorians. 

Mr. Chairman, committee members, if confirmed I commit to doing my very best 

to represent the very best of the United States of America to the people and Government of Ecuador. I thank you for giving me the honor of appearing before you today, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

718 

and I look forward to your questions and the beginning of what I sincerely hope will 

be a continuing partnership and dialogue with this committee for several years to 

come. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you all. 

Our ranking member I know is in line to speak in the Finance 

Committee, so I am going to defer to him. If no other members 

come in, I will then defer to Senator Menendez, who appropriately 

has placed a lot of emphasis on the geography that all of you represent. 

So, with that, we will start with our ranking member. 

Senator CARDIN. And if I am correct, I think Senator Menendez 

should also go to the Senate Finance Committee sometime today on 

our international task force, but maybe not. I do not mean to speak 

for my colleague on the Finance Committee. 

First, thank you all very much for your service. As I said to the 

last panel, including this panel, we very much appreciate your public service, and thank your families because we know it is a family 

event. 

In our hemisphere, the countries that are represented here are 

all democratic countries in that they all have the institutions of democracy, and every one is challenged on human rights and freedom 

and all the things that we value. So there are issues. Just because 

it is a democratic country does not mean it does not have significant problems. 

So, Ms. Manes, let me start with El Salvador. You are correct 

that we have lots of Salvadorans in Maryland. They have contributed greatly to our State and to our Nation, a strong ethnic community and strongly engaged in the growth of America. 

There is an issue. I was in El Salvador not too long ago and experienced firsthand the way that gangs control the communities. I 

was in Honduras, saw the same thing there. The government is incapable of rooting out the gang activities which is corrupting their 

entire economy. To make matters worse, they are exporting that to 

my State of Maryland. We have Salvadoran gangs in Prince 

Georges County and in Montgomery County and other places in our 

state, not very far from here. 

So give me an idea about the priority you are going to place on 

dealing with the safety of the people of El Salvador. Their murder 

rates, of course, are the highest in the world. What are we going 

to do? What can the United States do to help in this regard? 

Ms. MANES. Well, I appreciate your question, and clearly security 

is the number-one issue. It cannot be divorced from economic development and governance, but it is clearly the top priority. 

I am pleased to say that the current government is committed to 

addressing the challenge. They have developed, in fact, a comprehensive Safe El Salvador, which really focuses on 50 municipalities that are the most troubled. They are committed to establishing 

rule of law, police intervention at an early stage in 10 of those this 

first year. 

There are challenges. There are definitely challenges on whether 

they can take that to scale, and that is a real area for them to collaborate with the United States. We already have strong collaboration with El Salvador on rule of law, governance, police issues. We 

have over 15 agencies represented at the U.S. mission—— 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

719 

Senator CARDIN. And I have visited them—— 

Ms. MANES. Yes. 

Senator CARDIN [continuing]. And I am very impressed with 

their dedication. They are making great progress. I am impressed 

by the commitment of their government to the issues. It is just incredible, though, how that network is as strong as it is. 

Ms. MANES. It is incredible, but what they are doing in terms of 

doing a place-based strategy focusing on 10 priority municipalities 

in a comprehensive way, not just with adding more police officers 

but focusing on prevention, focusing on reintegration of gang members into society, those are really fundamental steps, and those are 

definite areas where we can work closely with El Salvador. 

Senator CARDIN. And I just really want to underscore this point. 

We want to save the children there. We have had the immigration 

issues on our border, et cetera, but I met with a lot of really neat 

young people—— 

Ms. MANES. Yes. 

Senator CARDIN [continuing]. Who want to do well for their lives, 

and I am worried some, if not many of those, will get caught up 

in the violence of their neighborhood and never have a chance. So 

we are really talking about young people who are trapped in this 

web, and the United States offers an opportunity here, and your 

position in that country can make a huge difference. So I urge you 

to give this your highest priority. 

Ms. MANES. Absolutely. Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. If I could switch, I guess, to Panama, that’s a 

little bit easier. Panama really needs to be a country where our 

presence is used to help the entire region. It has a lot of things 

going for it from the point of view of its economy and the canal, 

but it is in the neighborhood where they can exercise a lot of influence, and the question is will they exercise the influence and how 

will the United States play a role in that. 

Mr. FEELEY. Thank you very much, Senator Cardin, for that 

question. You hit it right on the head. I agree with you completely. 

Panama is a country in Central America that, because of its geography, because of its history, and because of its current government, does not suffer from the same types of problems of citizen 

insecurity, shaken governance, and the gang problem that is so 

pervasive in the Northern Triangle. 

The United States has a very strong and capable partner in this 

current government. We do seek to use our collaboration with Panama to hopefully export it, so to speak, very much in the way we 

have with Colombia over many years. President Varela understands very well the threats that are to his geographic north and 

has expressed already through his leadership at the Summit of the 

Americas earlier this year and in a number of domestic programs 

his intention to continue collaborating with the United States and 

with all of the governments of the region to make sure that Panama becomes value added to the many problems that afflict the 

isthmus. 

Senator CARDIN. Ecuador, we talked a little bit before we sat 

down, a great country, but has been characterized by Freedom 

House as having a press that is not free. We cannot accept that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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What is your strategy to use the tools of our embassy to get a more 

open society and protecting journalists? 

Mr. CHAPMAN. Thank you very much, Senator Cardin. I share 

your concern about freedom of the press in Ecuador. Freedom 

House report and many others have highlighted the challenges that 

a free and independent media have been facing in Ecuador in recent years. 

I think it is very important that we as a government and we as 

an embassy speak very forthrightly about the challenges that this 

presents, the creation of kind of open civil societies and governments that we seek to see in this hemisphere. We share a commitment through treaties and charters. The Inter American Democratic Charter is very clear on the importance of freedom of expression, and I think that if confirmed, I will, just like the gentleman 

who just left as Ambassador, Adam Nim, be an advocate and, quite 

frankly, a forthright advocate for these issues, demonstrating how 

free press is good for free societies. 

So I think it is incumbent on us as a government and as an embassy, as a mission, to be very, very outspoken on these issues and 

to support in any way that we can those who are seeking to express 

themselves freely within Ecuador. 

Senator CARDIN. This committee is taking a particular interest 

in the trafficking issue. Several of the countries—Antigua, Barbuda—Tier 2 watch. You mentioned that in your testimony. We 

have St. Vincent, a Tier 2 country. Trafficking is a serious problem, 

and I must tell you, we very much want our mission in the Caribbean Islands to give us a strong report on how we can hold these 

countries to making progress against modern-day slavery. 

We know at times you want to be diplomatic, but when you are 

dealing on this issue you have got to give us a clear indication of 

how this country is performing on its trafficking, anti-trafficking 

activities. Are you prepared to do that? 

Ms. TAGLIALATELA. Thank you for that question, Senator. As a 

strong proponent of human rights and rule of law, I am concerned 

about trafficking of persons in the Caribbean. If confirmed, I will 

continue the robust engagement with the nations to encourage 

them to strengthen their antitrafficking laws and to improve their 

law enforcement efforts. I think it is important that we increase 

measures to protect and care for the victims and to try through a 

systemic approach to prevent people from becoming victims of trafficking. 

I understand and realize that two of our countries within the 

Caribbean are at Tier 2 Watch List. Those countries we will focus 

on, along with the other countries in the Caribbean, to make sure 

that they pay attention to the things that need to be done within 

their countries to stop trafficking in persons. 

Senator CARDIN. I just want to make this point. I appreciate that 

answer. I just want to make this point. There are objective tests 

as to how we rate countries in our TIP report, and we expect our 

representatives from America in these countries to use those standards and their recommendations to the State Department through 

the ways that you go about doing that. This is not a matter to 

trade off for diplomacy. This is a matter in which we demand objective reporting as to a country’s rating. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

721 

Ms. TAGLIALATELA. I assure you, Mr. Senator, that we will follow 

the standards of the report to evaluate and assess the actions of 

the countries within the Caribbean. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and congratulations to all of you on your nominations. 

I thought I read this from your resumes, but I just want to make 

sure. 

Mr. Feeley, Ms. Manes, and Mr. Chapman, do you all speak 

Spanish? I know you do, right? 

Ms. MANES. Yes. 

Mr. FEELEY. Yes, sir. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay, great. I am not going to conduct a 

Cervantes test now. I just wanted to get a sense of it. It helps in 

the country that you are in, particularly these Latin American 

countries. 

Let me say that in reading your testimony, as well as listening 

to it, in typical State Department form, you have the most positive 

view of our bilateral relationships with these countries, and I get 

that. But in some of these countries we have some real concerns 

and issues, and I do not think we can gloss over them because, 

from my perspective, they need to be an essential part of your mission as the head of our embassy in these respective countries. So 

let me go over a few of them. 

Mr. Chapman, I certainly want to join Senator Cardin in his concern about press freedom in Ecuador. I have spoken about this for 

years, and it continues to be one of the most oppressed elements 

of freedom of the press in the hemisphere. 

But beyond that, President Carrera is a fierce critic of the United 

States. He has ejected State Department representatives. He has 

imposed such restrictions on USAID that it had to close its mission. He shut down U.S. counterdrug operations. He has accused 

the United States of threatening Ecuador’s sovereignty. He has 

aligned Ecuador with allies like China and Russia, and he even 

provided asylum to WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange at the Embassy of Ecuador in London. 

So, while I heard the positive side of this bilateral relationship, 

I think that there is a very pressing series of things, and so I would 

like to get a sense from you, notwithstanding that President 

Carrera has supposedly announced that he will not stand for election in 2017—we will see—as his political party pushes for constitutional changes that allow indefinite reelection to take place, so 

we will see about that. 

How do you see this playing out? How do you see all of those elements of our relationship playing out? What do you intend to do 

as the ambassador in pursuing a better direction as it relates to 

those issues? 

Mr. CHAPMAN. Thank you very much, Senator. It is a very good 

observation and listing of the real challenges that we also have in 

our relationship with Ecuador. We have many areas of substantive 

engagement where there has been positive movement, whether it 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

722 

is working in education areas or counter-drug and some of the 

areas where we have seen some real progress at the working level. 

But you are right, there are many challenges in the relationship, 

and I certainly do not mean to gloss over them. I think what I 

would seek to do, if confirmed, is to seek to engage the Government 

of Ecuador on these issues in a substantive way to get beyond rhetoric and get to talking about the real issues that are of concern to 

both of our countries. We have signaled these on many occasions. 

We have had high-level exchanges with the government at various 

times. I think this is an appropriate time for us to attempt to reengage on some of these issues that are so important to us. 

If confirmed, I would seek to find a willing and open interlocutor 

in Ecuador with whom we can discuss these issues and see if we 

can chart out a path together to address some of them together. 

But where we cannot, we will continue to not abandon our values 

and principles and speak out on the issues that are important to 

U.S. foreign policy and to us as a nation. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I appreciate that. You know, as you go to— 

in 2017, if President Carrera is not going to run, for argument’s 

sake, whether he runs or not, 2016 is a vital year leading up to 

2017. 

Mr. CHAPMAN. Yes, right. 

Senator MENENDEZ. And so I would assume that it will be your 

mission to, beyond interlocutors at an intergovernmental level, to 

robustly pursue civil society elements in Ecuador in preparation for 

an election that we hope is free and fair. 

Mr. CHAPMAN. Yes. Absolutely, Senator, I could not agree more. 

As I mentioned in my statement, I will be looking to meet with and 

hold dialogues with and learn from a very broad range of society. 

That includes opposition, that includes religious organizations, 

labor groups, indigenous movements. There are so many groups in 

Ecuador that are actively expressing themselves about what they 

wish to see as a nation, I think it is incumbent on us as diplomats 

to meet with each and every one to hear their concerns. 

And so, yes, I commit to you that I will be active, getting around 

the country, meeting with a broad, broad range of Ecuadorians so 

that we can see how we can work to support this democracy and 

this civil society as they seek to express themselves. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Ms. Manes, I visited El Salvador a couple of 

years ago when I met with President Funes and the Minister of 

Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Justice, and in a very interesting luncheon that Ambassador Aponte arranged with me with 

members of the Constitutional Court of the Supreme Court, in essence the Supreme Court of Justice of their country, and the focus 

of a lot of my visit was, yes, our bilateral relationship, but particularly the question of extraditions. We had a series of fugitives and/ 

or others wanted for high crimes in the United States, from drug 

trafficking to murders and others, and we had not succeeded in 

gaining extraditions. 

We had a long conversation with members of the Supreme Court 

about something that the ambassador had been working on to try 

to lay the foundation to get, and I had a long conversation with 

members of the Supreme Court, including the Chief Justice, who 

comes from a political point of view that did not necessarily warm 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

723 

to the idea of extraditions. And among the things that we discussed, I said what if a Salvadoran had committed murder against 

a member of your family and went to the United States? Would you 

not want them to be extradited back to El Salvador? 

Well, the result of that conversation and the continuing work of 

our ambassador led to a series of extraditions, extraditions we had 

never achieved before. Now, that still, however, is a contentious 

issue in El Salvador, and there are still those who are wanted by 

law enforcement authorities here in the United States. 

So I appreciate what you said about Ambassador Aponte. I want 

to get a pledge from you, if confirmed, that you will continue to aggressively pursue those who have committed crimes in the United 

States and pursue extradition when the appropriate State and Justice Department efforts go forth, that you will make that a priority 

of your time as Ambassador in El Salvador. 

Ms. MANES. Senator, you have my pledge, and I can assure you 

that while I am a glass-half-full person, I have no difficulty tackling the complicated issues and will do so. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Okay. Well, I actually thought that your 

statement was among the most sobering of the countries that you 

were visiting. 

Let me ask you, the other thing with El Salvador which is, of 

course, part of our whole Central American challenge, Senator 

Cardin talked about it and it is a huge challenge, and I think we 

underestimate in the United States what that challenge is, and 

this is not about helping the people of El Salvador alone, it is about 

our own national interests and security. But also from that stems 

what we saw with refugee children, migrant children coming to the 

United States because their parents decide that either they will die 

here or I will risk them coming to the United States and hopefully 

they will live there. 

Now, that flow stemmed as a result of concerted effort between 

the United States and the governments of Central America, but I 

see the number spiking again. And before we get to a crisis situation where we will revert to what we did before—the whole region 

is not your bailiwick but your country is one of those—will you 

make it one of your priorities when you are at post to continue to 

work with the Salvadoran government on finding ways in which we 

stem the tide of young children taking a risk to come to the United 

States and pursue the more active in-country asylum process that 

we have tried to establish? 

Ms. MANES. Well, Senator, thank you for that question. You 

make the exact point. The fundamental issues that have led to the 

migration crisis have not changed. In fact, the number is going 

back up. Fundamentally, probably the number went down a little 

bit because of our collaboration in the region, in particular with 

Mexico, so less were actually reaching the United States. But the 

number of people who were actually departing El Salvador probably did not go down. 

So the fundamental underlying issues, predominantly security, 

and the research does show that the number-one reason people are 

willing to take that risk with their most precious assets, their kids, 

the fundamental reason is, in fact, the security issues. Economics 

is a distant second. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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So it is critical that we get a handle on the security situation in 

El Salvador not only for the security of El Salvador, as you rightly 

point out, but for the security of the United States, and that will 

be my number-one top priority if confirmed. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, thank you very much. 

Mr. Feeley, while Panama is virtuous in many ways, it does have 

a few issues. Money laundering. Panama made some moves in 

order to get itself removed from the international list of nations 

that are not doing enough to fight money laundering, but these efforts are falling short, in my view. The gray list is maintained by 

the Financial Action Task Force, an intergovernmental body that 

promotes anti-money-laundering policies. Panama has been on the 

list since June of 2014, alongside other countries like Afghanistan, 

Sudan, Syria. That is not great company. 

Panama developed an action plan with the task force in order to 

remove this designation, which included a legislative proposal 

meant to strengthen government supervision over the financial sector. However, talks between the task force and Panama have run 

into trouble lately. Problems include the ease with which corporations are formed, confidentiality regulations that make it easy for 

corporations to conceal details, minimum reporting requirements, 

tax exemptions, lax regulations over the shipping industry, which 

is another concern of mine, and an insufficient legal framework for 

dealing with money laundering. 

Do you plan to make this a significant issue of your ambassadorship? 

Mr. FEELEY. Absolutely, Senator Menendez. You accurately described the situation in Panama right now. You mentioned the gray 

list, the engagement with Panama. In my current position as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, without necessarily portfolio review for Panama, I have engaged with the Ambassador here, with 

the President and Foreign Minister, Vice President and Foreign 

Minister in Panama. I believe that they recognize just how important it is that they work with the international community, with 

the U.N., with the United States to clean up their banking sector 

so that their banking sector becomes a proponent for legitimate 

business and it is not subject to the bridging function I spoke about 

earlier, that many times, unfortunately, invites organized crime. 

So if I am confirmed, Senator, you have my pledge that this will 

be one of my highest priorities. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I have one other question, if 

I may? 

The CHAIRMAN. Go ahead. 

Senator MENENDEZ. With reference to—because of its location, 

Panama remains a center for shipping narcotics to the United 

States and other countries. What is your assessment of the 

progress with Panama, and is the drug interdiction committee 

working? What do we need to do? 

Mr. FEELEY. Absolutely. Thank you for that question, Senator 

Menendez. Panama is a good partner for the United States. Panama last year seized over 35,000 tons of cocaine, more than all of 

the other countries of Central America and Mexico combined. As an 

interdictor, it does quite a good job, and one of the reasons for that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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job is its consistent partnership with the United States under the 

Central American Regional Security Initiative. 

Where it has not worked and where we have seen deficits in Panama’s performance is precisely where we discussed earlier, in the 

financial transactions. If confirmed, I will ensure that we continue 

to work with the Sinan and Sena Front. As you know, there is no 

military in Panama, but the police and the security agencies, they 

guard the borders, and their air naval service to ensure that that 

interdiction level is kept up, that their vetted units are trained professionally by our DEA and our folks. But also we will turn increasing attention to the financial sector, sir. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, thank you very much. 

Just one last comment to the three of you. Other than Senator 

Cardin’s remarks about trafficking—that is why I did not spend a 

lot of time with you, Ms. Taglialatela, but I am sure that you will 

do a fine job there—I sometimes worry that in these countries, 

while we say that we promote our values, we muff it. I think that 

the purpose of our interests—yes, sometimes they are clearly commercial, but what makes America a beacon of light unto the world 

is what it stands for in human rights and democracy. And when 

we do not show that beacon in these countries that you are going 

to all represent, because the country that you are going to represent is the United States of America, the country you are going 

to be assigned to, then I think we do ourselves an enormous disservice. 

Now, that sometimes creates problems. Maybe, Mr. Chapman, 

you might get thrown out of Ecuador for doing it, but I would applaud you. Maybe Ms. Manes would find challenges—I do not think 

so—in raising some of the questions, justice questions in that country, or the questions of money laundering in that country. But that 

is the very essence of why we have missions abroad, to promote 

those values. 

So I just want to urge you—it is a refrain that I intend to make 

to each one of our nominees as you move abroad, because I often 

feel that we muff our concern about human rights and democracy. 

We say they are principles for us, but then we give them second 

or third billing as it relates to our missions abroad. So when I go 

to visit you, I will be looking forward to seeing what you have done 

in that regard. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

I appreciate the fact that we have four qualified nominees nominated to positions that are very important to us here in the Western Hemisphere. I sometimes think there is not near the emphasis 

on the Western Hemisphere that should exist. There are tremendous challenges that we have there, but also significant opportunities. 

Members of the committee will ask questions in writing through 

Thursday close of business. I am going to ask my questions through 

QFRs in that manner because of the time, but I want to thank you 

for your testimony here today, for bringing family members and for 

their service to our country in support of you and in other ways. 

And with that, the meeting is adjourned. 

Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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[Whereupon, at 4:12 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF AMOS HOCHSTEIN, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE

FOR ENERGY RESOURCES, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ASSISTANT-SECRETARY-DESIGNATE HOCHSTEIN’S

RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR BARRASSO

Question. How are the roles and responsibilities of the State Department’s Bureau 

of Energy Resources different from the Department of Energy’s Office of Policy and 

International Affairs? 

Answer. The State Department’s Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) and the 

Department of Energy’s (DOE) Office of Policy and International Affairs have different but very complementary mandates. The Department of Energy Organization 

Act, which established the Energy Department in 1977, expressly gives the Secretary of State primary authority and the central role in conducting international 

energy policy, stating that ‘‘the Secretary of State shall continue to exercise primary 

authority for the conduct of foreign policy relating to energy and nuclear nonproliferation, pursuant to policy guidelines established by the President’’ (42 U.S. C 

§ 7112 (10)). ENR works closely and collaboratively with DOE’s Office of Policy and 

International Affairs, but leads the effort where energy intersects with our foreign 

policy, national security, and counterterrorism objectives. The vital link between energy security and every nation’s national security has never been more clear than 

it is today. Access to reliable, affordable and sustainable energy affects every country’s economic growth, political stability and ability to meet its climate goals. With 

rapidly changing natural gas markets, shifts in global supply, the transformative 

impact of renewable energy technologies, and the explosion of energy consumption 

in the developing world in an era of climate change, energy diplomacy is fundamental to U.S. diplomatic engagement everywhere. 

As we work to address global energy challenges, ENR engages closely with DOE’s 

Office of Policy and International Affairs to coordinate U.S. bilateral and multilateral foreign policy engagement on energy issues. ENR’s diplomacy efforts amplify 

DOE’s technical expertise with the geopolitical and diplomatic tools that leverage 

our bilateral and international strengths to achieve lasting solutions. 

ENR, in coordination with the interagency, develops U.S. international energy 

policy, ensures that analyses of the national security implications of global energy 

and environmental developments are reflected in the interagency decision making 

process within the executive branch, and coordinates energy activities of the Department of State with relevant Federal agencies in line with the Energy Independence 

and Security Act of 2007. 

Question. Please describe how you have delineated the roles, lines of authorities, 

and decisionmaking among the Department of State, Department of Treasury, the 

Department of Energy, and the White House on international energy policies? 

Answer. As determined by Congress, the Department of State has the lead on all 

areas of international energy diplomacy. As such, the State Department’s Bureau 

of Energy Resources leads the effort where energy intersects with our foreign policy, 

national security, and counterterrorism objectives. 

For example, the Department of State leads on Iran and Russia sanctions, 

counter-ISIL efforts, Ukraine and European energy security, and cooperation in the 

Eastern Mediterranean, among other issues. 

We work closely and collaboratively with the White House, Department of 

Defense, the Department of the Treasury, and the Department of Energy to ensure 

collaboration, cooperation, and avoid duplication of efforts. The Department of Energy’s technical and scientific expertise is an important asset to energy diplomacy and 

the Department of State utilizes that expertise in its international engagements. 

We maintain regular meetings, weekly calls through the White House, and bilateral meetings with relevant government agencies, which helps us to delineate our 

individual roles and lines of authority. 

Question. In examining energy markets, how will the Bureau of Energy Resources 

avoid duplicating the efforts of other parts of the government? 

Answer. In examining markets, ENR utilizes the great expertise developed by the 

Department of Energy, the U.S. Energy Information Administration, the intelligence 

community, the Department of Commerce and others to support our own analysis 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

727 

and information derived from the Bureau’s unique exposure to U.S. Government 

resources, as well as active engagement with international counterparts. These 

include governments, think tanks, multilateral institutions, and the private sector. 

Question. What is the current number of staff positions at the Bureau of Energy 

Resources? What was the fiscal year 2015 budget for the Bureau of Energy 

Resources? 

Answer. The Bureau of Energy Resources currently has 68 permanent Full Time 

Equivalent (FTE) staff and 9 temporary positions. 

The Bureau in FY 2015 managed a budget of $4.394 million, approximately 10 

percent lower than the Bureau’s FY 2012 managed levels of $4.820 million. 

Question. In your testimony, you wrote: ‘‘Today, we should focus on 21st century 

solutions utilizing ALL natural resources—from those requiring extraction to those 

requiring capturing; from oil and gas to wind and sun.’’ 

♦ Are you committed to promoting all forms of energy projects across the globe 

including oil, gas, and coal? 

Answer. Yes, I support promoting all forms of energy globally, consistent with the 

Department and administration’s efforts to promote energy security and economic 

development. Recognizing that countries will pursue their own mix of energy options 

according to their unique circumstances, our approach is to support a menu of available energy options, from hydrocarbon to renewable technologies. 

The Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) supports the responsible development of 

hydrocarbon resources globally through several different channels. We are prioritizing the increase of gas supply diversification to Western Europe and are working 

to better integrate gas markets and supplies across geographic regions. Globally, 

through the Energy Governance and Capacity Initiative (EGCI), ENR assists countries with emerging or rapidly expanding oil and gas sectors on sustainable and 

transparent sector management to benefit national economic development. Through 

the Unconventional Gas Technical Engagement Program (UGTEP), ENR assists 

countries seeking to develop their unconventional natural gas resources safely and 

responsibly. 

At the same time, ENR has coordinated with other U.S. Government agencies to 

advance the construction of new coal plants by U.S. companies in Kosovo, and the 

export of U.S. equipment for coal mining in Mongolia. ENR also works closely with 

Ukraine to ensure it has access to adequate coal supplies. 

When leading U.S. Government energy diplomacy to address geopolitical energy 

crises, ENR works to advance diversification of energy supply sources, transmission 

routes, and fuel types. In addition, ENR facilitates regional energy resource cooperation by encouraging regional partners to utilize shared hydrocarbon and renewable 

resources as a vehicle for resolving long-standing disagreements and bolstering 

regional cooperation and interconnection. 

We routinely meet with representatives of industry from the entire spectrum of 

energy sources, to better understand their views on opportunities and challenges 

and to inform our diplomatic outreach. 

Question. What percentage of the Bureau’s time, resources, and budget went 

toward traditional energy resources of oil, gas, and coal during fiscal year 2015? 

What percentage of the Bureau’s time, resources, and budget went toward wind and 

solar energy in fiscal year 2015? 

Answer. ENR allocates its staff time and resources to advance our interests in 

having access to secure and reliable sources of energy. These sources of energy 

include traditional hydrocarbon resources as the majority of generation and alternative and renewable energy sources to help develop a sustainable 21st century 

modern energy matrix. The percentages vary given the issue, the country, and environment. In FY 2015, a significant portion of the Bureau’s time went to promoting 

energy security globally, which included promoting traditional and renewable 

energy sources, increasing regional integration, and increasing access to energy. 

This resource allocation is also true of the program funds that operationalize our 

energy diplomacy. Approximately 57 percent of foreign assistance funds obligated in 

FY 2015 worked to bring transparency and good governance to the oil and gas sectors to strengthen energy security and economic growth. Initiatives included helping 

to increase Ukrainian domestic gas production and assisting countries like Jordan 

in responsibly developing its unconventional shale gas resource potential. Approximately 43 percent of foreign assistance funds obligated in FY 2015 went toward 

power sector and other activities, including natural gas and renewable sources such 

as wind, solar, and geothermal, that are generation-neutral, to bring solvency to 

power sectors and interconnect countries across borders to strengthen energy secuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

728 

rity and regional cooperation. These programs help increase Southern African power 

sector investment and accelerate the extension of energy access to those currently 

without it. They also help develop regulations and technical capacity in Central 

America to support regional power integration and facilitate the introduction of electricity and gas from Mexico into Central America. 

Question. What action has the Bureau of Energy Resources taken on coal in bilateral relationships, in multilateral institutions, and by U.S. export financing agencies 

in fiscal year 2015? 

Answer. The Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) meets with U.S. energy firms 

representing the entire spectrum of energy resources, including U.S. coal companies 

seeking to assist developing countries to utilize modern coal technologies and practices. These discussions inform our diplomatic engagement. 

Within the State Department, the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs (EB) 

has primary responsibility for economic negotiations with multilateral financial and 

development institutions, including on the issue of financing coal-fired power 

projects. On these issues ENR has served as a technical resource to EB, providing 

information on the carbon content, emissions rates, and technical maturity of various types of energy resources and power generating technologies. 

ENR has had no active role in development of U.S. export financing agencies’ policies on coal. 

Question. Do you believe that lifting the restrictions on exports of liquefied natural gas and crude oil from the United States would promote U.S. national interests 

and energy security of our allies? Please explain. 

Answer. Oil is a global commodity. Natural gas is increasingly becoming a global 

commodity. Any supply disruption will increase global prices and the price we pay 

for energy at home. Disruptions would also undermine the economies and well-being 

of countries around the world, and thereby have a direct impact on the prosperity 

of Americans as well. As you know, current law prohibits most crude oil exports and 

any change would require congressional action. Domestic oil production has grown 

significantly in recent years, and that is a good thing. Since 2008, U.S. net crude 

oil imports have fallen by 3 million barrels per day as a result of growing domestic 

production and improving energy efficiency. This, in turn, has diverted previously 

imported barrels back into the global market which enhances global energy security 

and strengthens the global economy. We want to work together with Congress to 

focus on meeting America’s energy needs and ensuring that American energy remains a key player in the global energy markets. 

I support LNG exports and the Department of Energy (DOE) has regulatory 

authority over permits for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) exports and has approved 

LNG export permits for nearly 10 billion cubic feet per day (or more than 100 billion 

cubic meters a year) that can be exported both to countries with which we have Free 

Trade Agreements (FTA) and to those where we do not, such as European countries 

and Japan. The United States is poised to become a significant exporter of LNG. 

U.S. exports have the potential to bolster global gas supplies and add liquidity and 

flexibility to markets, thereby enhancing global energy security. U.S. LNG exports 

will benefit priority foreign policy interests including European energy security and 

fostering economic growth in the Asia-Pacific to help meet the region’s rapidly growing energy demands. 

Question. Do you support the Bureau of Energy Resources promoting export 

opportunities for U.S. natural gas, oil, and coal? What is your strategy to help U.S. 

energy companies create export opportunities for coal, oil, and natural gas? How 

would the Bureau of Energy Resources work with the Department of Commerce, 

Energy, and the Environmental Protection Agencies to support these opportunities? 

Answer. Yes. One of ENR’s primary objectives is to support U.S. exports in the 

energy sector, including hydrocarbons, nuclear, and renewables. 

ENR has supported and will continue to support American companies seeking 

opportunities across the globe. ENR has successfully advocated on behalf of U.S. 

companies and opportunities in every segment of the energy sector. 

The Bureau coordinates across the entirety of the interagency to ensure maximum 

effect for our advocacy and support on behalf of U.S. companies, as well as to ensure 

it is done properly and transparently. 

Question. Do you support multilateral institutions blocking financing for coal powered energy projects? If you do, why is it good U.S. policy to block financing for 

affordable, accessible, and reliable energy projects? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) has supported efforts to promote 

energy security globally by helping other nations modernize power production, distribution and use according to each country’s unique circumstances. 

ENR has coordinated with other U.S. Government agencies to advance the construction of new coal plants by U.S. companies in Kosovo, and the export of U.S. 

equipment for coal mining in Mongolia and Ukraine. These actions are in line with 

the administration’s Climate Action Plan, which allows public financing of coal 

plants in the world’s poorest countries in cases where no other economically feasible 

alternative exists. 

Question. What specific steps has the Bureau of Energy Resources taken to advocate that multilateral financial institutions and other multilateral development institutions change their energy sector financing to block coal-fired power projects? 

Answer. The Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) supports promoting all forms of 

energy projects globally consistent with the Department and administration’s efforts 

to promote energy security and economic development. Our approach, in bilateral 

engagements and through multilateral financial and development institutions, is to 

maximize the technical and financial analysis of available energy options as each 

country pursues its own resource and technology mix according to its unique 

circumstances. 

Within the State Department, the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs has 

primary responsibility for economic negotiations with multilateral financial and development institutions, including on the issue of financing coal-fired power projects. 

On these issues the Bureau of Energy Resources has served as a technical resource 

to the Economics Bureau, providing information on the carbon content, emissions 

rates, and technical maturity of various types of energy resources and power generating technologies. Recently, the Department was able to reach an agreement on 

export financing for coal-fired power plant technologies at the Organization for 

Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) that will help level the playing 

field for U.S. manufacturing companies in the energy sector. 

At the same time, ENR has coordinated with other U.S. Government agencies to 

advance the construction of new coal plants by U.S. companies in Kosovo, and the 

export of U.S. equipment for coal mining in Mongolia. ENR also continues to assist 

Ukraine to ensure it has access to sufficient supply of coal. 

Question. Please outline the roles and lines of authority among the Department 

of State, Department of Treasury, the White House, the Department of Energy, the 

U.S. Executive Director’s Office at the World Bank, and other financial institutions 

regarding multilateral energy investments. 

Answer. The President has delegated to the Secretary of the U.S. Department of 

Treasury (Treasury) principal responsibility for instructing the U.S. Executive 

Directors to the International Financial Institutions (IFI) on the positions and votes 

of the United States with respect to IFI decisions. Treasury solicits views on proposed Multilateral Development Bank (MDB) investments from the U.S. Department of State (State) and other U.S. agencies, including the U.S. Department of 

Energy, through its Working Group on Multilateral Assistance (WGMA). The Under 

Secretary of State for Economic Affairs serves as alternate U.S. Governor at each 

MDB. State’s Economic and Business Affairs Bureau coordinates the Department’s 

input on MDB issues and energy investments in cooperation with other State 

Department bureaus. 

Question. If sanctions are lifted, how quickly could Iran manage to ramp up its 

production of oil? What is the estimated revenue per year to Iran from lifting of 

sanctions on Iran’s energy sector? Have you done any economic modeling or analysis 

on the total economic benefits to the Iranian economy due to the lifting of the sanctions? 

Answer. Should sanctions be lifted, it is possible to estimate increases in exports 

would come in stages over time. I am available to brief in more detail in a classified 

setting. 

Iran’s economy has been isolated from the world since more robust sanctions were 

imposed on Iran’s energy sector in 2012. It will take significant time for Iranian production to reach sustained, higher levels once the sanctions relief described in the 

Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action goes into effect. The Treasury Department estimates that today, the Iranian economy is at most only 80 percent the size that it 

would have been, had it continued on its pre-2012 growth path. Consequently, it will 

take until at least until 2022 based on Iran’s anemic economic performance—even 

with sanctions relief—for Iran to get back to where it would have been absent our 

sanctions. Iran has foregone approximately $160 billion in oil revenue alone since 

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2012, after our sanctions reduced Iran’s oil exports by 60 percent. This money is lost 

and cannot be recovered. 

In order to increase production and exports, Iran will need access to foreign technology and capital. In order to attract such investment, Iran will have to make significant improvements to its investment climate. Even so, it will be difficult if not 

impossible for Iran to return to pre-1979 production levels of 6 million barrels per 

day. 

On the question of economic analysis and modeling, I refer you to the U.S. 

Department of the Treasury, and the intelligence community for further analysis 

and information on Iran’s economy. 

Question. What advice would you give international energy companies that are 

considering new investments in the Iranian energy sector now and after the current 

energy sanctions on Iran are lifted? 

Answer. We have and will continue to urge international energy companies to 

seek expert guidance before signing any contract or beginning a formal business relationship involving Iran. In addition, we urge such companies to bear in mind that 

all U.S. sanctions related to Iran for nonnuclear reasons remain in place and will 

continue to remain in place even after ‘‘Implementation Day,’’ which will occur only 

after the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verifies that Iran has taken 

key nuclear-related steps, after which the United States and the EU will provide 

relief from certain nuclear-related sanctions under the terms specified in the 

JCPOA. 

We strongly urge any country, company, or individual interested in doing future 

business with Iran to consult published guidance and expert counsel; companies 

requiring further clarification may bring questions to the Treasury Department’s 

Office of Foreign Asset Control to obtain further guidance. 

Question. If Iran violates the JCPOA and sanctions are reimposed, is it your 

understanding that foreign energy companies would be required to cease performance of any contracts with Iran? 

Answer. There is no provision in the JCPOA that grandfathers contracts signed 

prior to snapback. We are committed to ensuring that Iran complies with all of its 

commitments, and we have a wide range of options to respond to any Iranian noncompliance, from significant nonperformance to more minor instances of noncompliance. 

If given instruction for the snapback of oil-related sanctions, I am confident we 

will be able to implement those sanctions without delay. 

Question. If you become aware of an energy company that is violating U.S. sanctions, including a company with significant ties to the U.S., would you have any hesitation to recommend sanctions on that company? 

Answer. Prior to sanctions implementation in 2012, Iran had more than 20 customers and exported approximately 2.5 million barrels per day. ENR’s efforts 

shrank Iran’s customers from 20 to 6, and reduced exports from 2.5 million barrels 

per day to just 1 million. We achieved this without disrupting global oil supplies 

or price. This unprecedented effort cut Iranian revenues by over $150 billion, and 

played a key role in forcing them to the negotiating table. 

Our sanctions against Iran have been, and will continue to be, a powerful tool. 

We know that sanctions are only effective when they are strictly enforced. The entire State Department is, and will continue to be, committed to vigorous enforcement of any violations. 

Question. If you become aware of a sanctions violation, to which the administration is failing to respond, will you promptly notify this committee? 

Answer. Our sanctions against Iran have been, and will continue to be, a powerful 

tool. We know that sanctions are only effective when they are strictly enforced. The 

entire State Department is, and will continue to be, committed to vigorous enforcement of any violations. We will use all the tools at our disposal to ensure Iran fulfills its obligations under the JCPOA. 

Should I become aware of sanctions violations, I will report them diligently and 

appropriately. 

Question. How long would it take to effectively reimpose snapback sanctions 

against Iran in the energy sector? 

Answer. The United States has the ability to act very quickly to reimpose both 

unilateral and multilateral nuclear-related sanctions in the event of nonperformance 

by Iran. This includes the U.S. measures that impose sanctions on the purchasers 

of Iranian oil as well as the banks that finance those purchases. In the case of 

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United Nations (U.N.) sanctions, U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 establishes 

an unprecedented ‘‘snapback’’ mechanism under which any JCPOA participant has 

the unilateral ability to reimpose U.N. sanctions without the worry of a veto by any 

of the permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. Instead, there would be 

a vote in the Security Council to continue the sanctions relief, which we could veto, 

thereby resulting in the reimposition of all U.N. sanctions. 

In addition, the EU also has the ability to reimpose all of its sanctions in the 

event of noncompliance, including its embargo on Iranian oil, which has been one 

of the most powerful sanctions on Iran. Just as was the case in the past, we anticipate that should Iran be in noncompliance with this deal, we would have strong 

support from the EU and other countries to reimpose and vigorously enforce these 

sanctions. 

Question. Do you believe the United States should allow Iran to increase exports 

of oil while prohibiting U.S. companies and producers from accessing those same 

markets? 

Answer. When the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verifies that Iran 

has taken key nuclear-related steps, the United States and the EU have committed 

to provide relief from certain nuclear-related sanctions under the terms specified in 

the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreement reached in July by the 

P5+1—the United States, China, France, Russia, and the U.K., plus Germany, coordinated by the EU—and Iran. The JCPOA is designed to expand the scope of permissible business activity through sanctions relief in exchange for Iran’s full compliance with the requirements of the JCPOA. 

We look forward to and hope for full compliance and the lifting of these sanctions 

as specified in the JCPOA when the IAEA verifies Iran’s compliance on ‘‘Implementation Day.’’ However, U.S. sanctions targeting Iran’s support for terrorism, human 

rights abuses, and destabilizing activities in the region, as well as its ballistic missiles program, will remain in place even under the JCPOA and will be enforced 

vigorously. 

Current law prohibits most crude oil exports and any change would require congressional action. We want to work together with Congress to focus on meeting 

America’s energy needs and ensuring that American energy remains a key player 

in the global energy markets. 

Question. Do you believe it is in U.S. national security interest to allow U.S. allies 

and partners to purchase American oil to diversify away from Iran? 

Answer. Oil is a global commodity. Additional oil supplies from any nation coming 

on to global markets enhance the ability of any consuming nation, including our allies and partners, to increase its diversity of sources of oil supply. The United States 

maintains a long-standing policy to promote diversification of energy sources, types, 

and delivery routes as an essential component of energy security. 

Current law prohibits most crude oil exports and any change would require congressional action. We want to work together with Congress to focus on meeting 

America’s energy needs and ensuring that American energy remains a key player 

in the global energy markets. 

Question. How could U.S. exports of crude oil help counter any benefits Iran receives from lifting of U.S. sanctions on Iran’s energy sector? 

Answer. Current law prohibits most crude oil exports and any change would require congressional action. While we look forward to and hope for Iran’s full JCPOA 

compliance as verified by the IAEA, the subsequent lifting of the nuclear proliferation related sanctions specified in the JCPOA and additional oil supplies coming 

onto global markets will face market forces, such as the balance between supply and 

demand, which will determine its price. 

We want to work together with Congress to focus on meeting America’s energy 

needs and ensuring that American energy remains a key player in the global energy 

markets. U.S. sanctions targeting Iran’s support for terrorism, human rights abuses, 

and destabilizing activities in the region, as well as its ballistic missiles program, 

will remain in place even under the JCPOA and will be enforced vigorously. 

Question. The State Department plays a role in analyzing and issuing Presidential permits for cross-border oil pipelines. The Secretary of State recently made 

the determination that the national interests of the United States would be best 

served by denying TransCanada a Presidential permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline. 

♦ Did you participate in the Keystone XL pipeline application review? If so, what 

was your recommendation on the pipeline application? 

Answer. ENR is one of multiple bureaus responsible for implementing E.O. 13337 

in the Department. ENR’s market analysis findings were incorporated into the 

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broader National Interest Determination/Record of Decision and found the proposed 

project would have had a limited benefit for U.S. energy security by providing additional infrastructure for the dependable supply of crude oil. However, the absence 

of the proposed Project will not prevent Canada from continuing to serve as a secure 

source of energy supply. 

Question. What role, if any, did the Bureau of Energy Resources have with respect 

to the State Department’s review of the Keystone XL pipeline application? What 

was the Bureau’s recommendation? 

Answer. ENR is one of multiple Bureaus responsible for implementing E.O. 13337 

in the Department of State. ENR solicited public comment and helped amalgamate 

the analysis from across the Department and the interagency for the National Interest Determination/Record of Decision for the Secretary’s consideration in making his 

decision. 

ENR focused its role and analysis on the market affects as well as transportation 

alternatives. 

Question. In your opinion, how does the construction of oil sands pipelines impact 

U.S. national security and energy security? 

Answer. Canada serves as a secure source of oil which enhances U.S. energy and 

national security. Oil trade is driven by commercial considerations and occurs in the 

context of a globally traded market in which crude oil and products are relatively 

fungible. Ultimately Canada and global market forces will determine the development of the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin. 

Question. What percentage of the Bureau’s time, resources, and budget goes 

toward this effort? 

Answer. ENR allocates its staff time and resources to respond to the world as it 

is, with traditional hydrocarbon resources as the majority of generation, and to help 

transform the global energy picture—including cleaner burning natural gas, alternative and renewable sources, and achieving efficiencies in energy and power 

sectors. 

The Bureau’s work in driving private demand and finance for transforming the 

ways all nations use and produce energy, including low-emission technologies and 

fuels, is a part of this effort, and one that has myriad benefits for U.S. citizens and 

companies, many of which are global leaders in clean energy technologies. The market rationale for renewable energy generation and energy efficiency initiatives as 

part of a reliable and sustainable energy supply is growing, and will be an essential 

component of 21st century energy security and independence; in many ways the net 

climate effects are simply cobenefits that augment those market realities. In FY 

2015, a significant portion of the Bureau’s time went to promoting both traditional 

and renewable energy sources, increasing access to energy, and stimulating private 

demand and finance for technologies and fuels that will transform the ways nations 

use and produce energy and stop or mitigate the devastating effects of climate 

change. 

Question. What actions is the Bureau taking to stop or mitigate climate change? 

Answer. At the core of ENR’s mission is increasing the security of energy supply 

around the world. For electricity, the most economic options are increasingly also 

the least carbon emitting. Through ENR’s diplomatic engagements, we promote 

options to improve energy security and reliability in the most economically and technologically viable way, while encouraging greater trade opportunities. We advance 

policies that support stable, affordable access to energy resources ranging from fossil 

fuels to renewables, depending on the local conditions and available energy 

resources. ENR does not apply a climate change litmus test for its engagements 

with partner countries. Rather, ENR promotes energy security, trade, and proper 

governance around the world through encouraging the most economically and technologically viable resources. 

The Special Envoy for Climate Change manages the State Department’s diplomatic engagements related to climate negotiations. 

Question. Will international climate change be a top priority of the Bureau of 

Energy Resources under your leadership? 

Answer. The Special Envoy for Climate Change has primary responsibility for climate negotiations. 

The Bureau of Energy Resources’ (ENR) top priority is the advancement of U.S. 

energy security and U.S. economic interests through increasing global access to 

secure, reliable, and diverse sources of energy. ENR works to ensure energy security 

by leveraging and promoting 21st century energy solutions that employ all forms of 

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natural resources—from utilizing fossil fuel resources in an effective manner to 

enhancing nuclear power opportunities to supporting renewable power generation. 

Through this lens, ENR continues to analyze rapidly changing energy markets and 

politics, encourages stable investment environments, and promotes innovation and 

trade. 

Question. How can U.S. energy exports, such as liquefied natural gas and crude 

oil, help promote regional energy security and economic development in the Western 

Hemisphere? 

Answer. The United States is already a significant energy supplier to the Western 

Hemisphere. Reflecting a steady trend, in September 2015, 58 percent of total U.S. 

exports of refined products went to Western Hemisphere destinations, and nearly 

one quarter went to Canada and Mexico. 

As Mexico establishes the policies and regulations that shape its flagship energy 

reform, it is counting on significant increases in U.S. natural gas to accommodate 

new electricity generation and switch inefficient and costly heavy fuel oil plants to 

natural gas. We have engaged the Mexican Government extensively on this topic, 

and have provided technical and diplomatic support on a regional proposal to export 

North American gas from Mexico into Central America. 

The domestic shale gas boom has put the United States in a position to be a net 

natural gas exporter by 2017. Low natural gas prices and the capacity to export that 

surplus to markets provide a great opportunity to strengthen energy security and 

promote economic development in the Western Hemisphere. But while having strong 

and reliable energy suppliers can help, the primary challenge of energy security in 

most countries in the Western Hemisphere is not a lack of supply. For example, a 

number of countries in the Caribbean and Central America suffer from poor investment climates due to their small economies of scale, poor investment grades, and 

outmoded infrastructure. This results in an inability to attract the investment necessary to build energy infrastructure and supply power for their citizens that is reliable and affordable. 

The Bureau of Energy Resources, in collaboration with the Bureau of Western 

Hemisphere Affairs, is working to change this paradigm. In the Caribbean, under 

the Caribbean Energy Security Initiative (CESI), we are in collaboration with the 

many donors active in the region (the World Bank, Inter-American Development 

Bank, the European Union, and other national donors) to stimulate the kind of sectoral reform that creates lasting change. This includes work with the Inter-American Development Bank and the Department of Energy to explore options that could 

make liquefied natural gas—especially from the United States—a viable option for 

the larger Caribbean islands. This work makes it clear that the Caribbean has the 

opportunity to create a robust natural gas market if it establishes strong and transparent regulatory frameworks and works together as a region. For the Caribbean, 

regional economic integration is a significant geopolitical challenge and requires 

sustained engagement by regional governments and the international community. 

Question. What activities is the Bureau of Energy Resources taking to help promote energy security and diversification in Latin America and the Caribbean 

region? 

Answer. Energy security through greater diversification is the core of our energy 

diplomacy strategy in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Western Hemisphere 

has extensive energy resources. For example, Colombia is the 5th-largest coal producer in the world, Trinidad and Tobago is the 6th-largest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG), and Argentina is estimated to have some of the largest recoverable 

shale gas reserves in the world. And in recent years, more opportunities are appearing: the Caribbean and Central America have significant geothermal potential, 

Brazil has seen wind energy outcompete coal development without subsidies, and 

energy efficiency could drive savings throughout the hemisphere. But much more 

remains to be done, especially in countries were insufficient energy governance and 

poor investment environments stymie the progress of energy reform. 

The Department’s Energy Resources Bureau (ENR), in collaboration with the 

Western Hemisphere Affairs Bureau, seeks to improve energy governance, access to 

finance, international cooperation and collaboration, and support visionary solutions 

to maximize the energy security of our friends and partners. We engage bilaterally 

and multilaterally throughout the hemisphere. Some example activities include: 

♦ Ensuring that conventional and unconventional gas and oil development is done 

with the highest standards for safety and transparent governance in Colombia, 

Brazil, and Mexico under the Unconventional Gas Technical Engagement Program and Energy Governance and Capacity Initiative; 

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♦ Supporting the development of integrated, robust, and transparent power sectors in Central America and the Andean region under the Power Sector Program, a primary objective of the ‘‘Connecting the Americas 2022’’ Initiative from 

the 2012 Summit of the Americas; and, 

♦ Exploring the reforms and regional coordination necessary to enable natural gas 

trade in the Caribbean region in cooperation with the Department of Energy 

and Inter-America Development Bank, a key element of the Caribbean Energy 

Security Initiative. Recently, with significant engagement and technical assistance from ENR, Nevis island of Saint Kitts and Nevis signed a power purchase 

agreement (PPA) to develop geothermal resources. This project has the potential 

to provide sustainable renewable power to the entire country, and may also lead 

to the first-inter-island electrical interconnection in the Caribbean. Nevis’ experience can provide a model for other very small countries in the Caribbean that 

want to diversify their energy sectors, but lack access to natural gas markets. 

Question. The International Energy Agency coordinates the release of emergency 

petroleum reserves. In 2011, there was a release of oil from the Strategic Petroleum 

Reserve. 

♦ What is the U.S. policy and criteria for advocating a coordinated release of Strategic Petroleum Reserves through the International Energy Agency? Under 

what circumstances would you advise the President to release oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve? 

Answer. Decisions to withdraw crude oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve 

(SPR) are made by the President in cases of ‘‘a severe energy supply interruption 

or by obligations of the United States under the International Energy Program’’ as 

defined by and under the authorities of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 

1975. The SPR enhances the Nation’s energy security by storing over 700 million 

barrels of crude oil. If a petroleum supply interruption occurs, this oil can be released at a sustained rate of 4.4 million barrels per day for 90 days. The SPR helps 

meet the Nation’s obligations under the International Energy Agency’s (IEA) International Energy Program to hold emergency petroleum stocks equivalent to 90 days 

of net imports. While the SPR currently holds the equivalent of 137 days of import 

protection, the United States also has the obligation, based on its share of IEA 

members’ oil consumption, to provide 43.5 percent of an IEA collective stocks release. By maintaining an adequate and ready supply of oil in the SPR that can be 

delivered quickly and efficiently to global markets, the United States is less vulnerable to short term oil supply disruptions and resultant economic dislocations. 

Energy security was the primary reason the IEA was created in response to the 

1973 oil embargo and continues to be its guiding principle. Officers of the Bureau 

of Energy Resources, along with their DOE colleagues, participate in representing 

the United States at the IEA and engaging in its energy security work. The United 

States actively participates in IEA emergency response preparedness exercises and 

reviews to ensure that the IEA and its 29 member countries are prepared to respond 

to an oil supply disruption. As a result, the IEA is always ready to immediately activate its existing collective response mechanism among the 29 member countries as 

necessary. Any decision to initiate a collective action to release oil stocks requires 

consensus among the 29 members of the IEA. The United States remains in constant contact with the IEA Secretariat and with other IEA members on the situation in petroleum markets to ensure all are prepared to react appropriately in a crisis. As in the IEA’s three previous collective actions in 1991, 2005, and 2011, U.S. 

participation in an IEA coordinated release would enhance energy security and lessen economic dislocations for all countries that participate in the oil market, including the United States. 

We will continue to advise the President based on these parameters, as we did 

most recently in 2011. 

Question. What is Bureau of Energy Resources’ role in the United Nations Sustainable Energy for All initiative? 

Answer. The United States has supported the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4All) 

initiative since its inception in 2011. The State Department’s Bureau of Energy 

Resources (ENR), alongside the Department of Energy, coordinates U.S. Government action toward achieving, by 2030, the SE4All objectives of ensuring universal 

access to modern energy services, doubling the rate of improvement in energy efficiency, and doubling the share of renewable energy in the global energy mix. 

Question. Under current law, Congress created a Coordinator for International 

Energy Affairs that reports directly to the Secretary of State. If confirmed, will you 

also serve in that role? How many people currently work at the Office of the Coordinator for International Energy Affairs? 

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Answer. If confirmed, I would serve concurrently as Assistant Secretary for 

Energy Resources and Coordinator for International Energy Affairs. 

I am the only employee of the Office of the Coordinator for International Energy 

Affairs. There are 68 permanent full time equivalent (FTE) employees and 9 temporary positions in the Bureau of Energy Resources. 

Question. What are your views of Nord Stream II and the implications for the 

region? 

Answer. We are concerned that the Nord Stream II pipeline expansion, if constructed, would be a significant energy security threat to Ukraine as well as to Central and Eastern Europe. Russian President Putin and Russia’s energy company’s 

(Gazprom) CEO Alexey Miller are leading the efforts to build Nord Stream II from 

Russia to Germany. Gazprom’s CEO Miller has publicly stated his interest in cutting off gas transit through Ukraine by 2019. Nord Stream II, by increasing the 

amount of Russian gas shipments to European customers via the Baltic Sea, would 

contribute to this possibility by allowing Gazprom to cut shipments to and through 

Ukraine and potentially other Eastern European countries while maintaining supplies to only a few European customers. Ending Ukraine gas transit would eliminate 

approximately $2 billion in annual transit revenue for Ukraine and $1 billion for 

Slovakia. 

We also are concerned that the Nord Stream II pipeline, by maintaining or 

increasing the amount of Russian gas to Central and Eastern Europe, would undermine the European Union’s energy security strategy of diversifying its energy supplies to reduce vulnerability to supply disruptions. We actively support EU policies 

to ensure competition and transparency in a strong EU internal energy market that 

benefits all European consumers. 

The Bureau of Energy Resources has led U.S. Government efforts to engage the 

European Commission and member states on the potential risks of the Nordstream 

II pipeline for Ukraine and Europe’s long-term energy security. 

Question. To what extent, if at all, has Germany’s reliance on Russian energy 

resources prevented the European Union from developing a unified policy toward 

Russia or a cohesive European Union energy policy? 

Answer. German involvement is essential to ensuring a cohesive European Union 

energy policy. Reducing Russia’s use of the energy sector to gain influence and sow 

divisions in Europe is critical to Europe’s energy security. Russian gas is a significant, but not overwhelming, source of energy in Germany: gas accounted for 20 percent of Germany’s energy mix and 10 percent of its electricity production in 2014; 

33 percent of that gas came from Russia. There is a strong view in Germany that 

Russia does not pose an energy security threat to Germany, because even in the 

roughest days of the cold war, Russia continued to supply it with gas. 

Germany, like all EU member states, endorsed the EU’s reinvigorated Energy 

Union strategy in a European Council decision on March 19, 2015. We continue to 

work with our German partners to improve the energy security of all of Europe, including by noting our concerns about the proposed Nord Stream II pipeline expansion, which is being promoted by a consortium of Russian and European companies 

(including two German companies). We see Nord Stream II as a political project 

based on Gazprom CEO Miller’s public statement to cut off gas transit through 

Ukraine by 2019, and question its economic value. 

Question. How can the United States help Germany and the European Union 

meet its energy demands and help support a strong European Union energy diversification and security policy? 

Answer. The United States is strongly committed to helping advance European 

energy security, and the Bureau of Energy Resources is leading U.S. Government 

efforts on this top foreign policy priority. ENR and the State Department are actively engaging to promote true energy diversification in Europe—diversification of 

energy sources, routes, and suppliers. We also believe that cooperation in the energy 

sector can help foster cooperation in other areas, leading to more political cohesion 

and stability among countries in the region. 

Tangible evidence of the U.S. commitment can be seen in our support of key infrastructure projects to improve the energy security of the most vulnerable regions in 

Europe. These efforts include U.S. support for the development of the Southern Gas 

Corridor project, which will bring gas from Azerbaijan to Turkey and Europe. We 

are also working closely with Greece and Bulgaria on an interconnection pipeline 

that would bring Southern Corridor gas from Greece to Bulgaria, which is close to 

100 percent dependent on Russian gas. A new floating LNG facility in Lithuania 

is now in place—aptly named the Independence—which can be traced back to a 

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ergy island entirely dependent on a single source for all their natural gas needs. 

As a result of this new facility, they are now on track to be one of the most integrated energy regions by the end of this decade. 

The United States also provides strong and consistent political and technical support for regional energy security under the U.S.-EU Energy Council, which is 

cochaired by Secretary of State Kerry and Secretary of Energy Moniz, EU High 

Representative/Vice President Federica Mogherini, and European Commission Vice 

President Maros fcovic. The U.S.-EU Energy Council has convened six times since 

2009. 

We will continue to work to ensure that gas that arrives anywhere in Europe can 

be delivered to any customer in Europe. We are also working to promote U.S. technology and companies as Europeans look to integrate more renewable energy and 

adopt more energy efficiency measures. Energy security demands the attention and 

cooperation of all European countries, and we are working closely with member 

states, including Germany, and the European Commission as we advocate for true 

energy diversification for all of Europe. 

RESPONSES OF CATHERINE EBERT-GRAY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA, AND TO THE SOLOMON ISLANDS, AND

TO THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE EBERT-GRAY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Although the United States has a rich history of engagement and some 

important interests in the Southwest Pacific Islands, including energy production 

and fisheries, the distance and relatively small percentage of overall U.S. foreign 

assistance to Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu translates into 

scant attention from senior-level policymakers. 

♦ Should the United States play a greater role in the Southwest Pacific, particularly as Chinese economic influence continues to grow in Papua New Guinea 

and Vanuatu? 

Answer. The United States plays a vital role in the Southwest Pacific. President 

Obama met with Papua New Guinea (PNG) Prime Minister Peter O’Neill on December 1, 2015, Secretary of State Kerry stopped in the Solomon Islands in 2014, and 

Secretary Clinton visited PNG in 2010. The United States Government will engage 

at a high level with Papua New Guinea over the coming years in the run up to its 

hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in 2018. 

We have close and warm relationships with the governments and peoples of 

Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and the Solomon Islands. All three countries face 

many challenges, including economic development, good governance, gender equality, climate change, conservation and environmental protection, and transnational 

crime. With PNG we are negotiating a Customs Mutual Assistance Agreement; support programs for the prevention, care, and treatment of HIV/AIDS; and work to 

combat violence against women. In 2011, the Millennium Challenge Corporation 

completed a successful road construction project in Vanuatu designed to promote 

commerce and boost economic growth. Vanuatu also hosts a robust Peace Corps program. We are partnering with the Solomon Islands government to strengthen its 

capacity to curtail trafficking in persons. 

China is increasing its economic engagement in PNG, particularly in the construction, telecom, and service sectors. We welcome China’s investments in infrastructure 

in Asia, provided these investments are made in accordance with international 

standards of sustainability, transparency, and economic efficiency. 

If confirmed, I will pay close attention to Chinese investment while working to 

promote transparency and good governance, including by trying to strengthen PNG’s 

participation in the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative. If confirmed, 

across the Southwest Pacific, I will advance the strong progress our Embassy has 

been making on health issues and women’s empowerment; maintain our mission’s 

focus on building climate resilience to help mitigate potential impacts to these 

island nations; and promote economic development and fisheries protection by working with the U.S. Coast Guard to increase Shiprider agreements. 

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RESPONSES OF SCOT MARCIEL, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE UNION OF

BURMA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MARCIEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The Burmese Constitution shields the military from civilian oversight, 

provides the military control of key security ministries, and guarantees the military 

25 percent of the seats in the Parliament. 

♦ What level of engagement with the Burmese military, if any, is appropriate for 

the United States? 

Answer. The United States has limited and calibrated engagement with Burma’s 

military to encourage and demonstrate the importance of human rights, accountability, transparency, civilian control, and the proper role of a professional military 

in a modern, democratic society. We do not provide any weapons, technologies, or 

operational support of any kind to the Burmese military. 

We believe in the value of speaking ‘‘soldier to soldier’’ with Burma. Dialogue 

between our two countries’ armed forces provides a mechanism to share lessons, 

identify challenges, and illustrate U.S. military traditions and doctrine—specifically, 

the respect and defense of human rights and a civilian-led government. To that end, 

our interactions have consisted primarily of diplomatic interactions and academic 

exchanges designed to promote the ideals and values of a professional military in 

a democracy. These interactions and exchanges have focused on accountability, civilian control, rule of law, and respect for international humanitarian and human 

rights law. 

We continue to calibrate our policy in response to events on the ground, and we 

are looking for progress on a wide range of issues, including the peace process, the 

protection of broad political and civil liberties, the situation facing the Rohingya 

population, and constitutional reforms. The Burmese military’s ability to demonstrate concrete progress on these issues will be important in furthering our bilateral 

relationship. 

Over the longer term, the Burmese Government will need to address provisions 

in Burma’s Constitution, such as the lack of civilian control of the military and the 

military’s veto power over constitutional amendments that contradict fundamental 

democratic principles. It will be important to the success of Burma’s democratic 

transformation that the constitution be amended to make it appropriate for a democratic state. 

Question. Burma’s treatment of the Muslim minority Rohingya has been widely 

condemned by the international community. Many Rohingya live in deplorable conditions and are the victims of human trafficking. Burma is currently a Tier 2 Watch 

List country. 

♦ What is your assessment of the willingness of a new NLD-led government to 

undertake steps to address the plight of the Rohingya, including citizenship 

status? 

♦ What would you do as Ambassador to persuade the Burmese Government to 

improve their poor record on trafficking? 

Answer. When Assistant Secretary Daniel Russel traveled to Burma in November 

he met with leaders in the current government and the National League for Democracy (NLD), including President Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi. He underscored 

in his meetings with them the importance of tackling the situation in Rakhine State 

and strengthening the protection for human rights and freedoms for all people in 

Burma. 

The NLD agreed that addressing the challenging situation in Rakhine State was 

a top priority for the incoming government, and noted the importance of promoting 

tolerance and respect for diversity as well as development for both Rohingya and 

Rakhine communities. The situation in Rakhine State has been a long-standing 

challenge and will be an important issue for the next government to address. It will 

be one of my top priorities as well. 

The U.S. Government remains committed to encouraging progress in Rakhine 

State, including by urging the government to put in place a dignified and transparent pathway to citizenship that does not force individuals to self-identify against 

their will. We will continue to review all of our engagements in light of the extent 

to which the government follows through on its commitments to protect human 

rights, improve the situation in Rakhine State, and address the plight of the 

Rohingya population—as well as the success of the next government in continuing 

broad reforms. We will also continue consulting closely with Aung San Suu Kyi and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

738 

other democratic leaders in Burma on this issue. We remain committed to supporting Burma’s ongoing transition toward a more democratic, open society. 

Since the release of the 2015 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report, which ranked 

Burma Tier 2 Watch List, the government has made sustained efforts to combat 

trafficking, but many challenges remain. To continue to foster high-level government support for improving Burma’s trafficking record, we must continue to encourage them to address all forms of TIP—including cases within the country and cases 

involving the military—and address outstanding challenges, including limited resources and capacity, and intergovernmental coordination. If confirmed, this will be 

an important priority for me. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MARCIEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. In 2008, the Treasury Department imposed sanctions on Steven Law, 

as well as his father, for supporting the ruling Burmese junta and for profiting corruptly because of that support. Steven Law and his father have a history of involvement in illicit activities. Lo Hsing Han, Steven Law’s father, now deceased, is 

known as the ‘‘Godfather of Heroin,’’ and has been one of the world’s key heroin 

traffickers dating back to the early 1970s. Yet Steven Law’s company continues to 

thrive having most recently been awarded one of the country’s most coveted contracts to upgrade Yangon’s international airport. 

♦ If confirmed can you assure us that you will raise this case at the highest levels 

of Burmese Government? 

Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will raise this issue at the highest levels of the Burmese Government. 

Question. There are concerns that the SDN list could amount to a de facto trade 

embargo undermining economic development in Burma because half of all Myanmar’s trade flows through the Asia World terminal. 

♦ How should we balance our priorities of promoting Myanmar’s democratic transition through economic development while also ensuring that illicit actors do 

not benefit? 

♦ If a General License is issued for Asia World Port, wouldn’t we be, in effect, 

allowing a SDN designated individual continue to profit, thus undermining our 

broader efforts to help Burma reform and clean up its economy? 

♦ As we issue this License, are there additional demands that we are making on 

the Government of Burma to assure we maintain our leverage? 

Answer. Balancing our priorities of supporting Burma’s economic development 

and democratic transition, while maintaining the integrity of our sanctions policy, 

requires a carefully calibrated approach. The current sanctions are having an outsized effect on trade between the United States and Burma simply because many 

goods may pass through infrastructure with links to a Specially Designated National (SDN), which is unfortunately hard to avoid in Burma. By issuing a General 

License authorizing certain transactions ordinarily incident to the use of critical 

trade infrastructure for exports to or from Burma that are not to, from, or on behalf 

of an SDN for a limited period while continuing to prohibit investment in entities 

on the SDN list, we facilitate trade without reducing incentives for reform. Without 

a General License, we run the risk of damaging the economy during the critical 

transition period to a new government when expectations for economic development 

are running high. 

With this General License, our sanctions regime remains in place and the leverage that it provides is fundamentally unchanged. Not only is the General License 

limited to a 6-month duration, but what SDNs want the most—new investment by 

and exports to, from, or on their behalf with U.S. companies—remains prohibited. 

Calibrated sanctions remain in place, including a ban on investment with the military, and a ban on importing Burmese-origin rubies, jadeite, and jewelry that contains them. In our ongoing discussions with the Government of Burma and private 

sector, we will continue to underscore that the level and type of engagement is contingent upon further reforms, including constitutional reform and improvement in 

the human rights situation. 

Question. How can we best leverage the SDN list diplomatically to ensure we can 

put pressure on corrupt and crony-owned businesses enterprises in Burma? 

Answer. We use many tools to encourage progress in Burma’s political and economic transition, including diplomatic engagement and targeted financial sanctions 

aimed at those who undermine reform or the peace process in Burma, engage in 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

739 

human rights abuses, or participate in military trade with North Korea. Our Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list is a dynamic document—we can add or subtract individuals or entities on the list as circumstances warrant and supporting 

information is available. The United States has always made clear that SDNs can 

seek delisting if they cease sanctionable activities. Removal from the SDN list is an 

administrative process overseen by the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). SDNs seeking delisting may submit a petition to OFAC 

by submitting verifiable information demonstrating remedial steps, changed behavior, and a commitment to supporting the ongoing political and economic reforms, 

cutting military ties, and avoiding complicity in human rights abuses and participation in military trade with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. 

The extent to which the Government of Burma follows through on its commitments to respect the results of the election, peacefully transfer power, and protect 

the human rights of members of all its diverse populations—as well as the success 

of the next government in continuing broad reforms, including constitutional reform 

and improving the situation facing the Rohingya population—will determine to a 

large extent the level and type of engagement and support Burma will receive from 

the United States. We will also discuss the role of sanctions going forward with Congress, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other key stakeholders in Burma. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MARCIEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. What role do you think the United States and the Embassy in particular should play in the ongoing peace process in Burma? What is your plan to 

build trust with the ethnic nationalities? 

Answer. The United States remains committed to supporting the full implementation of a durable cease-fire agreement, the conduct of a national political dialogue, 

and the overall national reconciliation process in the months and years to come. Our 

Embassy regularly engages with Government of Burma officials and ethnic organizations to assist in moving the dialogue forward. We have provided material and 

technical support to enable political reforms, foster ethnic and religious reconciliation, and strengthen the capacity of reform-minded individuals and institutions. 

U.S. assistance has supported the formal peace process, increased participation of 

civil society and women, preparations for a national political dialogue, and ongoing 

civilian cease-fire monitoring. We will continue to work with all key stakeholders— 

including ethnic leaders and organizations—to further peace prospects. 

We recognize that some groups were not able to sign the agreement, and we 

understand and respect their concerns. We welcome their commitment to continue 

discussions within their communities and with the government about the necessary 

conditions for signing at a future date, and we urge the government to engage constructively in a dialogue with these groups to pursue a more inclusive peace. We 

also strongly urge all parties to honor their commitment to ensure unfettered access 

for humanitarian assistance to all those in need, without exception or delay. 

Question. The U.S. is not presently an official observer of the peace process. Do 

you believe the U.S. should be an official observer? Why or why not? 

Answer. While the United States was not an official observer, we did have a formal presence at the cease-fire agreement signing and Ambassador Mitchell signed 

a parallel ‘‘in the presence of’’ document marking the formal attendance of the 

United States. 

We have long stated the United States would seriously consider any requests from 

the Government of Burma and ethnic organizations that would advance the cause 

of peace in Burma. We are committed to remaining actively engaged in a national 

reconciliation process, including supporting the full implementation of the NCA and 

the political dialogue to follow. 

Question. Do you support a continued role for the Myanmar Peace Center in the 

peace process given its association with the outgoing regime? 

Answer. We would defer to the incoming government on the uture role of the 

Myanmar Peace Center, but the United States is prepared to work with key stakeholders in the peace process—as it has in the past—to advance the historic process 

of peace-building and national reconciliation in Burma in the months and years to 

come. 

Question. The SDN list remains a valuable tool to not only encourage reform but 

to address systemic wrongdoing by successive Burmese military regimes and their 

enablers, including but not limited to involvement in drug trafficking, human trafFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

740 

ficking, and gross human rights abuses. Likewise, limits on U.S. assistance to, and 

cooperation with, the military also serve to withhold legitimacy that the Tatmadaw 

is eager to obtain through such cooperation. 

♦ Do you believe that entities that were placed on the SDN list due to their 

involvement in drug trafficking, human trafficking, or serious human rights 

abuses should be delisted in response to political reforms that, while significant 

in restoring civilian rule, fail to provide a mechanism to address the crimes or 

abuses for which the entities were initially listed? 

Answer. No. The United States currently has no plans to change our approach to 

the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list. Our SDN list is a dynamic document—we can add or subtract individuals or entities on the list as circumstances 

warrant. Removal from the SDN list is an administrative process overseen by the 

Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). SDNs seeking 

delisting may petition OFAC by submitting verifiable information demonstrating remedial steps, changed behavior, and a commitment to supporting the ongoing political and economic reforms, promoting transparency, cutting military ties, and avoiding complicity in human rights abuses. 

The extent to which the Government of Burma follows through on its commitments to respect the results of the election, peacefully transfer power, and protect 

the human rights of all its diverse peoples—as well as the success of the next government in continuing broad reforms—will determine to a large extent the level and 

type of engagement and support Burma will receive from the United States. We will 

also discuss the role of sanctions going forward with Aung San Suu Kyi and other 

key democratic stakeholders in Burma. 

Question. What is your view on U.S. assistance to, or engagement with, the Burmese military, ministries that remain under its control and other entities that allow 

the military to continue to exercise undue influence and subvert civilian governance? How should this engagement be calibrated? What benchmarks for progress by 

the military should be used to calibrate engagement with the military? 

Answer. The United States has limited and calibrated engagement with Burma’s 

military to encourage and demonstrate the importance of human rights, civilian control of the military, and the proper role of professional armed forces in a modern, 

democratic society. We are not providing any weapons, technologies, or operational 

support of any kind to the Burmese military. The values listed above will be some 

of the benchmarks we use when calibrating our engagement with the Burmese military. When evaluating our engagement, we would also continue to consult broadly 

with civil society organizations, ethnic organizations, political party leaders, and 

other stakeholders. 

Continued reform of Burma’s military is necessary to deepen the democratic transition. Facilitating greater cooperation between civilian and military organizations 

in Burma, and securing the military’s support for ongoing reforms, will be essential 

to the success of the new government. Any programs would be contingent upon continued reforms, and only after continued consultation with Congress, civil society 

organizations, ethnic organizations, and political parties, including the NLD. 

Question. The outgoing government has backslid on key issues in the past year. 

The situation in Rakhine state remains deplorable, and the passage of the four ‘‘race 

and religion laws’’ by the Thein Sein government threatens to further institutionalize racism and discrimination against the Rohingya and other Muslim minorities. Military attacks in Shan and Kachin states have led to massive displacement 

of civilians and casualties. And dozens of political prisoners have been newly 

detained in just the past year. 

♦ What is the current U.S. position on humanitarian access in Rakhine State? 

Has the U.S. endorsed the government’s Rakhine Action Plan? What is the current status of the RAP? 

Answer. We have consistently urged the government, both publicly and privately, 

to ensure that humanitarian assistance flows freely to all vulnerable populations in 

Rakhine State, including Rohingya. We will continue to urge the government to lift 

restrictions on freedom of movement, allow for the safe and voluntary return of 

internally displaced persons, including Rohingya, to their places of origin, provide 

a pathway to or restore citizenship for stateless persons in Rakhine State and elsewhere that does not force individuals to adopt ethnic designations they do not 

accept, and reinforce the rule of law by protecting members of vulnerable populations. 

The government will also need to address the long-standing core challenges in 

Rakhine State and improve the lot of all communities there, including the Rohingya 

and ethnic Rakhine populations. This will require creating economic opportunity 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

741 

and development, improving basic infrastructure, developing and expanding access 

to education, health and livelihoods that benefit all communities fairly and equitably, and facilitating trust-building and interactions between both communities. 

The United States has not endorsed the draft Rakhine Action Plan but has, together 

with other members of the international community, provided feedback to the Government of Burma on it. Within the past year, the government has taken incremental steps to improve conditions in Rakhine State, including returning some 

internally displaced persons to their places of origin. 

Question. Has the U.S. called for the lame-duck Burmese Government to repeal 

the discriminatory race and religion laws before they leave office? 

Answer. We have consistently raised our concerns at the highest levels about the 

package of legislation on population control, interfaith marriage, religious conversion, and monogamy. These laws could be enforced in a manner that would undermine respect for religious freedom, women’s rights, and the Burmese Government’s 

own efforts to promote tolerance, diversity, and national unity. We have stressed to 

the government and a full range of Burmese stakeholders that protection of human 

rights and fundamental freedoms, including religious freedom, for all persons in 

Burma—regardless of race or religion—are critical components of national security, 

stability, unity, and the country’s reform process. We continue to urge the Burmese 

Government to revise the legislation in line with its international human rights 

commitments. 

Question. Has the U.S. called for the Tatmadaw to cease all offensive operations 

against ethnic nationalities? 

Answer. The United States has consistently called for all parties to refrain from 

violence and allow urgent humanitarian assistance to flow to all those in need without exception or delay. We have made clear to the Burmese Government that military action undertaken by or against any signatory or nonsignatory to the nationwide cease-fire agreement undermines the trust-building necessary for lasting peace, 

stability, and security for all. 

Question. Has the U.S. called on the Thein Sein administration to release all 

political prisoners, including those who are still awaiting sentencing, prior to leaving office? 

Answer. The United States continues to urge the Government of Burma to resume 

working with civil society to release all remaining political prisoners unconditionally, to remove conditions placed on those already released, and to continue comprehensive legal reforms to ensure there are no new arrests for political reasons. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MARCIEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR GARDNER

U.S. sanctions on Burma 

According to press reports, the administration is moving to modify the existing 

sanctions regime regarding Myanmar (Burma), including issuing ‘‘a general license 

that would in effect provide permission for U.S. businesses and banks to pay fees 

for the use of the Asia World port in Yangon, even though the money flows into the 

coffers of Asia World and the Burmese regime.’’ (Bloomberg News, December 4, 

2015). 

However, at your confirmation hearing before the committee on Wednesday, 

December 1, 2015, you stated that you ‘‘would not anticipate, nor recommend’’ 

changes to U.S. sanctions toward Burma. 

On November 19, 2015, during his testimony before the Subcommittee on East 

Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Scott Busby stated: ‘‘I think in the case of Burma, for instance, the 

fact that there were sanctions there, a significant sanctions regime, did play a significant role in helping to spark change there.’’ 

Question. Does the planned announcement by the Treasury Department represent 

a change in U.S. sanctions policy toward Burma? Do you believe the planned decision runs contrary to your statements before the committee? What is the U.S. policy 

toward the remaining U.S. sanctions on Burma? 

Answer. The planned General License is a technical solution designed to solve a 

specific problem we just recently realized was having a negative impact on international trade with Burma. Such trade is vital to avoid harm to Burma’s economy. 

The National League for Democracy has made clear that economic development— 

delivering jobs and opportunity for the people of Burma amidst high expectations— 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

742 

is a key priority and critical for their success as a government and for Burma as 

a country. 

The planned change does not represent a change in U.S. sanctions policy toward 

Burma. That said, there might be a need on occasion to make adjustments to those 

sanctions within the overall framework of the policy to address unintended consequences, in consultation with Congress. That is what we seek to do in this particular case. Without a General License we would constrain exports by ordinary 

businesses in Burma that are not subject to sanctions, simply because they pass 

through a transit point that is controlled by a Specially Designated National. Our 

current sanctions are not intended to have this effect, and the point of the General 

License is to eliminate this effect while still preventing the flow of investment to 

Specially Designated Nationals and the Burmese military. 

Our existing policy broadly eases financial investment and trade sanctions on 

Burma in response to significant positive reforms in the country, while maintaining 

targeted sanctions against specific individuals and entities that undermine reform, 

obstruct the peace process, engage in human rights abuses, or participate in military trade with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The administration has 

no intention of proposing a change to the sanctions regime at this point and the 

planned decision would not run contrary to my statements before the committee. In 

those statements, I said the administration would not recommend any dramatic 

change to our sanctions policy, and while targeted sanctions would continue, we 

would not pursue overall broad-based sanctions to avoid damage to Burma’s economy. I also noted that targeted sanctions are dynamic—we can add and remove 

individuals from the list—and make adjustments when we see unintended consequences or problems. 

Question. To what extent was the State Department consulted by the Treasury 

Department in making the decision to issue this proposed license? Which bureaus 

were consulted and approved of the decision to issue this proposed license? 

Answer. This issue first came to our attention in July. Since then, the Department of State and the Department of Treasury have worked closely together to 

gather additional information, study the problem, and consider potential solutions. 

The State Department’s Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, the Bureau of 

Economic and Business Affairs, the Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor, 

and the Coordinator for Sanctions Policy worked closely with the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control throughout this process. Our Embassy in 

Rangoon has also been part of the process, in part because they have seen firsthand 

the negative, constricting effect that the existing language has had on imports and 

exports to and from Burma, and the impact this is having on the economy and the 

ability of U.S. business to support the growth of the economy and democratic transition. Embassy Rangoon consequently has had an important role in gathering the 

information and data that have helped find a solution to this problem. 

Question. In your role as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East 

Asia and the Pacific, were you aware of this issue prior to your testimony before 

the committee? 

Answer. Yes, I have been aware of this issue since the issue came to our attention 

in July. 

Question. Can you provide to the committee, in an appropriate setting, all written 

formal communication between the State Department, the Treasury Department, 

and other U.S. stakeholders regarding this proposed action? 

Answer. The State Department and the Treasury Department have proactively 

consulted Congress on this proposal, and I welcome the opportunity to continue discussions on this issue. As a matter of policy, the Department does not release communications or documents related to internal deliberations. That being said, the 

Department values consultations with Congress, and if confirmed, I commit to 

engaging and consulting with you, your staff and the committee on this and other 

issues of concern related to Burma. 

Question. Has the State Department consulted with stakeholders in Burma, 

including the National League of Democracy, regarding this proposed action? If so, 

what was their response? 

Answer. Yes. The Embassy has consulted with stakeholders in Burma, including 

Aung San Suu Kyi’s chief of staff and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD). We also have sought an opportunity to discuss further with top NLD 

leadership the details of the proposed license, the NLD’s economic goals, and how 

our policy can continue to support the democratic transition. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. Do you believe that this proposed action weakens U.S. leverage in 

Burma before the completion of the political transition next April? 

Answer. No, I do not believe that the proposed action weakens U.S. leverage in 

Burma before the completion of the political transition. With the General License, 

our sanctions regime stays in place and the leverage that it provides is unchanged. 

The key reason the administration is issuing the General License is to address concerns that the U.S. Government’s sanction regime is inadvertently constricting 

imports and exports to Burma, which could have a negative impact on the Burmese 

economy, complicating the transition and making more difficult the ability of the 

National League for Democracy to govern. 

Question. Do you believe that entities that were placed on the Special Designated 

Nationals (SDN) list due to their involvement in drug trafficking, human trafficking, 

or serious human rights abuses should be delisted in response to political reforms, 

even if there is no evidence that the crimes or abuses for which the entities were 

initially listed have been addressed? 

Answer. No. The United States currently has no plans to change our approach to 

the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list. Our SDN list is a dynamic document—we can add or subtract individuals or entities on the list as circumstances 

warrant. Removal from the SDN list is an administrative process overseen by the 

Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). SDNs seeking 

delisting may petition OFAC by submitting verifiable information demonstrating 

remedial steps, changed behavior, and a commitment to supporting the ongoing 

political and economic reforms, promoting transparency, cutting military ties, and 

avoiding complicity in human rights abuses. 

The extent to which the Government of Burma follows through on its commitments to respect the results of the election, peacefully transfer power, and protect 

the human rights of all its diverse populations—as well as the success of the next 

government in continuing broad reforms, including constitutional reform and 

improving the situation facing the Rohingya—will determine to a large extent the 

level and type of engagement and support Burma will receive from the United 

States. We will also discuss the role of sanctions going forward with Aung San Suu 

Kyi and other key democratic stakeholders in Burma. 

Burma elections 

Question. Have the November 8, 2015, parliamentary elections in Burma met the 

State Department’s criteria of ‘‘credible, transparent, and inclusive’’? 

Answer. We congratulate the people of Burma on the November 8 election and 

commend all of the people and institutions in the country who worked together to 

hold a peaceful and historic poll. Millions of people voted for the first time in a competitive election with more than 90 political parties campaigning. The elections were 

peaceful and generally proceeded smoothly with only minor irregularities and no 

systemic security, electoral administration, or access issues reported by observers on 

election day. This election was an important step in the country’s democratic transition. The people of Burma struggled for decades, and made tremendous sacrifices, 

for this moment to happen. 

The elections, however, were far from perfect. Important structural and systematic impediments to the realization of full democratic and civilian government 

remain, including the reservation of 25 percent of parliamentary seats for the military, the disenfranchisement of groups of people who voted in previous elections 

(including Rohingya and other former white card holders), and the disqualifications 

of candidates based on arbitrary application of citizenship and residency requirements. 

It will now be important for all political leaders to work together to form a new 

government and to engage in meaningful dialogue. We have seen some evidence this 

is happening already, with Aung San Suu Kyi’s meetings with President Thein Sein, 

Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing, and former Commander in Chief Than 

Shwe. The next government must address the huge challenges that remain in the 

country, including completing the national reconciliation process with various ethnic 

groups, strengthening respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental 

freedoms, and improving the situation in Rakhine State. 

Question. In your view, should the more traditional definition of ‘‘free and fair’’ 

have been used for elections? Would Burma have been able to meet that standard? 

Answer. We used the terms credible, inclusive, and transparent because those 

terms were more precise in describing the key indicators of a successful election. We 

want free and fair elections, but we recognize the inherent limitations in Burma’s 

current constitutional framework, including the 25 percent of parliamentary seats 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

744 

reserved for military officials, the disenfranchisement of white card holders who 

voted in previous elections, and the disqualifications of candidates based on arbitrary application of citizenship and residency requirements. We continue to be cleareyed in identifying limitations to any assessment of Burma’s overall democratic 

progress. 

Human rights in Burma 

Question. Do you think U.S. policy has effectively addressed the human rights 

challenges in Burma, such as the Rohingya refugee issue? What leverage does the 

United States have to turn around this situation? 

Answer. We remain deeply concerned about the situation in Rakhine State and 

other human rights challenges in Burma. We are committed to encouraging progress 

on human rights issues, and we continue to engage the Government of Burma, at 

the highest levels, to push for further reforms. We will continue to review all of our 

engagements in light of the extent to which the Government of Burma follows 

through on its commitments to protect human rights, improve the situation in 

Rakhine State, and address the plight of the Rohingya population—recognizing that 

the success of the next government is dependent on continuing broad reforms. We 

also will continue consulting closely with the National League for Democracy and 

Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as other democratic leaders in Burma on this issue. 

Question. What will be your plan as Ambassador to move forward on the 

Rohingya refugee crisis and ethnic tensions? 

Answer. We have consistently told the Government of Burma that, while we welcome the important progress the country has made on its reform path, we remain 

deeply concerned about the situation in Rakhine State, particularly the discriminatory conditions facing the Rohingya population. 

If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government of Burma to allow unrestricted humanitarian access for all those in need in Rakhine State; allow the voluntary return of internally displaced Rohingya to their places of origins; create a 

path to provide or restore citizenship for stateless persons in Rakhine State and 

elsewhere that does not force them to identify as a members of an ethnic group or 

nationality they do not accept; and reinforce the rule of law by protecting vulnerable 

populations and holding to account those who commit violence against any person 

in Burma. The resolution of these issues in Rakhine State is a critical component 

of Burma’s transition to a stable, peaceful, and inclusive democracy. 

In addition to our advocacy, the United States has also taken a leadership role 

in providing humanitarian and development assistance in Burma. Since FY 2014, 

we have provided nearly $124 million in support of humanitarian assistance for vulnerable Burmese in Burma and the region. Furthermore, USAID will, contingent on 

availability of funding, provide up to $5 million of Complex Crisis Funds to provide 

livelihoods, early recovery, and trust-building support to approximately 5,000 

Rohingya and Rakhine households, or approximately 25,000 internally displaced 

persons. During the irregular migrant crisis earlier this year, we provided $3 million in humanitarian assistance for vulnerable migrants, and also helped in locating 

and identifying migrant vessels through U.S. maritime surveillance. Finally, we 

have resettled in the United States more than 140, 000 refugees from Southeast 

Asia in the past decade, including more than 1,000 Rohingya in the last 10 months. 

Question. How would the new NLD government deal with these issues? 

Answer. We cannot speak for what the National League for Democracy (NLD) 

intends to do to address these issues. We can say, however, that the U.S. Government has discussed this issue with the NLD many times and has stressed the need 

to find a solution. 

The situation in Rakhine State has been a long-standing challenge and will be 

an important issue for the next government to address. As evidenced above, it would 

be one of my top priorities as well, if confirmed. 

Question. What role do you think the United States and the Embassy in particular should play in the ongoing peace process? 

Answer. The United States remains committed to supporting the full implementation of a durable cease-fire agreement, the conduct of a national political dialogue, 

and the overall national reconciliation process in the months and years to come. Our 

Embassy regularly engages with Government of Burma officials and ethnic organizations to assist in moving the dialogue forward. We recognize some groups were 

not able to sign the agreement, and we understand and respect their decisions. We 

welcome their commitment to continue discussions within their communities and 

with the Government of Burma about the necessary conditions for signing at a 

future date, and we urge the Government of Burma to engage constructively in a 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

745 

dialogue with these groups to pursue a more inclusive peace. We have provided material and technical support to enable political reforms, foster ethnic and religious 

reconciliation, and strengthen the capacity of reform-minded individuals and institutions. U.S. assistance has supported the formal peace process, an increased participation of civil society and women, preparations for a national political dialogue, and 

ongoing civilian cease-fire monitoring. We will continue to work with key stakeholders—including ethnic leaders and organizations—to further peace prospects. 

Question. Has the U.S. called for the lame-duck Burmese Government to repeal 

the discriminatory race and religion laws before they leave office? 

Answer. We have consistently raised our concerns at the highest levels about the 

package of legislation on population control, interfaith marriage, religious conversion, and monogamy. These laws could be enforced in a manner that would undermine respect for religious freedom, women’s rights, and the Burmese Government’s 

own efforts to promote tolerance, diversity, and national unity. We have stressed to 

the government and a full range of Burmese stakeholders that protection of human 

rights and fundamental freedoms, including religious freedom, for all persons in 

Burma—regardless of race or religion—are critical components of national security, 

stability, unity, and the country’s reform process. We continue to urge the Burmese 

Government to revise the legislation in line with its international human rights 

obligations and commitments. 

Question. Has the U.S. called on the Thein Sein administration to release all political prisoners, including those who are still awaiting sentencing, prior to leaving 

office? 

Answer. Yes, the United States continues to urge the Government of Burma to 

resume working with civil society to release all remaining political prisoners unconditionally, to remove conditions placed on those already released, and to continue 

comprehensive legal reforms to ensure there are no new arrests for political reasons. 

RESPONSES OF LINDA TAGLIALATELA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERATION OF SAINT KITTS AND NEVIS, AND TO SAINT LUCIA, ANTIGUA, BARBUDA, 

THE COMMONWEALTH OF DOMINICA, GRENADA, AND SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE TAGLIALATELA’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What are the main U.S. interests in Barbados and the other six countries of the Eastern Caribbean and where would you place U.S. economic engagement with region on a list of priorities? 

Answer. The United States maintains a broad set of interests in Barbados and 

across the Eastern Caribbean. Our primary interest lies in the protection and safety 

of American citizens who reside in, and travel to, the region. Regional engagement 

in the Eastern Caribbean and broader Caribbean generally focuses on: enhanced citizen security, including efforts to combat illicit trafficking; the diversification of energy sources and adoption of renewable energy to promote energy security and price 

stability; increased tourism and trade, including the promotion of U.S. exports and 

support to U.S. businesses; the strengthening of democratic institutions, the rule of 

law, and the promotion of human rights; and increased people-to-people travel, education, and exchanges of ideas and culture that deepen the strong ties between of 

our citizens. 

Economic engagement with the Eastern Caribbean represents a top priority for 

the U.S. Government. The United States has enjoyed a long-standing trade relationship with Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean islands. We have a trade surplus 

with the region and U.S. products represent one-third of the region’s total imports. 

Our continued commercial and economic diplomacy provides a vital support structure for U.S. companies to operate successfully, but also to positively contribute to 

the region’s economic development and competitiveness. 

U.S. presence in the region is particularly important given that most economies 

have lost economic competitiveness as they have increased their dependence on imports, including food commodities, and tourism revenues. These countries suffer 

from the vulnerabilities common to small island economies: a lack of energy resources, large trade deficits, limited foreign direct investment, expensive regional 

and global transportation costs, vulnerability to natural disasters and the effects of 

climate change. While Caribbean economies may export duty-free to the United 

States through the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), CBI exports have dropped over 

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the past several years as the region’s manufactured goods have become less competitive against cheaper goods from other markets. 

The United States will continue to work with Eastern Caribbean nations as they 

seek to diversify their economies beyond tourism and commodities, equip their citizens to compete in global markets, reduce their crushing external debts, and adopt 

new forms of energy that will reduce manufacturing costs and vulnerability to oil 

price shocks. Additionally, if confirmed, I will work to ensure that Eastern Caribbean countries continue to seek opportunities to exploit their duty-free access to the 

United States under CBI, and to further reduce regulatory and technical barriers 

in their countries that reduce their attractiveness for inward foreign investment. 

Question. Last year, the Obama administration launched a strategy aimed at supporting energy security in the Caribbean. Given current low world oil prices, has 

interest in the region in pursuing that strategy waned? What specifically will you 

do as Ambassador to increase ‘‘Access to Finance, Good Governance, and Diversification’’ as foreseen by the energy security strategy? 

Answer. Since Vice President Joe Biden launched the Caribbean Energy Security 

Initiative in June 2014, the United States has played a leadership role in promoting 

energy reform to make the region more attractive to foreign direct investment, as 

well as quickening the diversification of energy sources and the pace at which new, 

renewable forms of energy can be adopted. 

While lower oil and gas prices have provided Caribbean nations with some reduction in energy costs, they have come to recognize that their long-term prosperity is 

tied to a mix of energy sources that can provide price and supply stability, with the 

goal of reducing energy costs for businesses and consumers. This recognition was 

evident at the White House Caribbean Energy Security Summit hosted in January 

by the Vice President, as well as in the President’s meeting with Caribbean leaders 

in Jamaica last April, where leaders committed to take concrete steps to promote 

their energy security. 

The recent inauguration of the Caribbean Center for Renewable Energy and 

Energy Efficiency in Bridgetown, Barbados, where the Center will serve to support 

Caribbean countries in fostering sustainable energy investments and markets, is 

evidence of how U.S. leadership can galvanize action to tackle regional challenges 

in the Caribbean. If confirmed, I will work actively with Caribbean leaders to help 

them prioritize their legislative and regulatory efforts to adopt new forms of renewable energy, diversify their energy sources, develop the regulatory structures that 

will attract companies and technologies and strengthen their energy infrastructure, 

reduce prices, and provide long-term energy security and stability. 

I would also seek to leverage the U.S. Government assistance that is being provided through the Caribbean Energy Security Initiative (CESI). For instance, under 

CESI, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) has sought to assist 

with private sector funding for clean energy projects, the U.S. Trade Development 

Agency is working to identify and study the feasibility of energy related initiatives 

for investors across the region, and the Department of State’s Bureau of Energy 

Resources is providing technical assistance on regulatory, engineering, procurement, 

and commercial matters. 

Question. What is the current extent of drug trafficking through the Eastern Caribbean region? To what extent is limited U.S. assistance under the Caribbean Basin 

Security Initiative actually able to help the Eastern Caribbean to cope with the drug 

problem? 

Answer. The Eastern Caribbean and broader Caribbean serve as a transshipment 

region for drugs destined for U.S., African, and European markets. Its strategic 

location with hundreds of islands and cays, combined with a large volume of commercial and noncommercial air/maritime movement, makes the Caribbean an 

attractive region for drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) seeking to conceal their 

illicit activities. 

Approximately 10 percent of cocaine trafficked to the United States from South 

America transited the Caribbean corridor in the first half of 2015, up from 4 percent 

in 2011, the majority of which was moved by maritime conveyance. Several factors 

may account for the increase in drug trafficking through the Caribbean, from the 

impact of enhanced enforcement efforts along the Central America/Mexico corridor 

and on the U.S. Southwest border to high rates of go-fast boat transport success 

from Colombia and Venezuela through the Dominican Republic to Puerto Rico. 

To counter the increase in drug trafficking, the United States targets DTOs operating in the Caribbean to stem the flow of illegal drugs, while expanding the level 

of cooperation with partner nations through security cooperation initiatives. The 

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dering and corruption, reduce the production and consumption of drugs, and generally reduce violence. 

Through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), we seek to reduce narcotics trafficking through programming focused on law enforcement capacity-building, border and port security, justice sector reform, and drug demand reduction. Key 

CBSI activities include efforts to equip, train, and provide technical assistance to 

counternarcotics authorities; promote regional coordination on maritime interdiction 

through multilateral exercises; empower countries to dismantle DTOs through tools 

such as civil asset forfeiture; and support for partner nation maintenance and 

sustainment capabilities of host-nation purchased and U.S.-provided maritime and 

aviation interdiction assets. 

Question. Many Caribbean nations have seen increases in violent crime and murder in recent years. What approaches have countries been taking to curb the violence, and has there been any diminishment in murder rates? To what extent does 

the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) help these countries improve citizen 

security? 

Answer. Crime rates have generally risen over the last several years across the 

Caribbean, including homicides. Caribbean nations, including those in the Eastern 

Caribbean, have recognized the need to do more to strengthen the capacity and 

effectiveness of their police forces and judicial systems to both prevent crime and 

investigate criminals who do their citizens harm. They are concurrently working to 

address the underlying, root causes of crime and insecurity, particularly among 

youth and those residing in marginalized communities. 

Throughout the region, leaders are working to prevent the trafficking of firearms, 

which are used in the commission of all forms of crimes. They are trying to reduce 

the unacceptable backlog of accused awaiting trial, which dramatically reduces the 

deterrent effect that speedy trials and the certainty of accountability has on criminals. Related to the strengthening of prosecutorial and judicial capacity, countries 

are revisiting bail for violent criminal offenders, many of whom are released and 

subsequently commit additional crimes while awaiting trial. Eastern Caribbean 

leaders also recognize that incarceration of juvenile, nonviolent offenders makes little sense, and are pursuing alternate and diversionary sentencing programs to help 

youth reintegrate into society as lawful, productive citizens. While these nascent 

efforts ultimately should reduce the prevalence of violent crimes, citizens continue 

to push their governments to take further action to bring about security and justice. 

Through CBSI, the U.S. Government is supporting the efforts of Caribbean governments as they seek to bolster the security of their citizens and build more inclusive and resilient communities. CBSI represents an integrated approach that links 

citizen security, social development, and economic prosperity. CBSI assistance is 

combating the drug trade and other transnational crimes that threaten regional 

security with the goal of substantially reducing illicit trafficking, increasing public 

safety, strengthening the rule of law, and addressing the underlying social and economic root causes of crime. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE TAGLIALATELA’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Antigua & Barbuda and St. Vincent & the Grenadines are destination 

and transit countries for men, women, and children subjected to sex trafficking and 

forced labor. Legal and undocumented immigrants from the Caribbean region as 

well as from Southeast Asia comprise the population most vulnerable to trafficking. 

None of the countries have taken explicit and concrete steps to stop trafficking in 

persons. 

♦ If confirmed, what is your plan in pressuring these countries to reform their justice system to stop sex trafficking and forced labor? Are you willing to publicly 

identify and rebuke countries under you purview that fail to make real strides 

in eliminating human trafficking? 

Answer. If confirmed, furthering efforts to combat trafficking in persons (TIP) will 

represent one of my top priorities in the Eastern Caribbean. We are engaged with 

the Governments of Antigua & Barbuda and St. Vincent and the Grenadines, both 

of which are on the Tier Two Watch List, to encourage them to redouble their efforts 

to meet the standards and recommendations in the 2015 TIP Report. These countries should vigorously prosecute human trafficking, identify trafficking victims, and 

provide assistance to victims. 

Both nations are working to address the issues that were identified in the 2015 

TIP Report. For example, Antigua & Barbuda amended its anti-TIP law. St. Vincent 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

748 

and the Grenadines recently made its first human trafficking arrest and indictment, 

identified additional trafficking victims and provided services, and finalized its 

national antitrafficking action plan for 2016. Both countries are subject to the automatic downgrade provision of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), and 

recognize the serious nature and impact of a downgrade to Tier 3. 

These nations, as do many of their neighbors in the Eastern Caribbean, are constrained in their respective capacities to address this critical issue, including limited 

law enforcement and investigative capacity, overburdened prosecutors and courts, 

and a scarcity of professional capacity to provide victims’ services. Through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative and related Department of State-funded TIP initiatives, the U.S. is working across the Eastern Caribbean to boost TIP prevention, 

identification, prosecution, and victim protection capabilities. 

In addition to targeted programming for police forces and judicial systems to allow 

them to investigate and prosecute traffickers, we are working with NGOs to build 

their capacity to report instances of trafficking and provide appropriate services to 

victims. Department of State projects have proven effective in the past, particularly 

in developing training manuals for law enforcement and victim’s services projects. 

If confirmed, I will seek additional resources that can be offered to further the 

progress we have made. Additionally, if confirmed, I will make TIP engagement a 

top area of discussion in my interaction with regional leaders, civil society, and the 

media to make sure everything possible is being done to address the TIP issue with 

the ultimate goal of eliminating human trafficking in the region. 

Question. The Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) is part of the U.S. security strategy focused on citizen safety throughout the region. How do you see the 

U.S. engagement with the CBSI countries in your region? Are there any ways the 

U.S. can improve security cooperation with countries in your region? Do you feel 

that any of the countries in your region are not adequately engaging in counternarcotics/firearms trafficking interdiction? 

Answer. Ensuring citizen security in the Caribbean is vital to U.S. national security, as well as to the stability and economic development of our regional partners. 

Through the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), the U.S. Government is 

empowering Caribbean governments to better safeguard the security of their citizens and build more inclusive and resilient communities through an integrated 

effort that links citizen security, social development, and economic prosperity. U.S. 

assistance through CBSI targets transnational criminal organizations involved in 

the trafficking of drugs, people, and firearms through the region by strengthening 

the capacity and effectiveness of the region’s police forces and judicial systems, to 

both prevent crime and investigate criminals who do their citizens harm. 

Eastern Caribbean nations are neither source countries for cocaine nor firearms, 

yet they are disproportionately bearing the brunt of the international trafficking of 

firearms and narcotics. Despite their limited law enforcement and interdiction capabilities, Eastern Caribbean nations are working effectively with the United States 

to prevent the use of their national territories and littoral waters by drug trafficking 

organizations (DTO) and transnational criminal organizations. 

Through both CBSI training and effective working relationships with the Bureau 

of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) and Immigration and Custom Enforcement’s 

Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), Eastern Caribbean nations are investigating and prosecuting to conviction firearms traffickers. Both ATF and HSI have 

successfully prosecuted U.S. traffickers, who, in many cases, are the source of illicit 

firearms in the Caribbean. 

Eastern Caribbean countries also work closely with the Drug Enforcement Administration and the U.S. Coast Guard on the interdiction of cocaine across the region. 

They are also willingly partnering with the United States as we work to promote 

regional coordination on strengthened border security; maritime interdiction 

through multilateral exercises; empower countries to dismantle DTOs through tools 

such as civil asset forfeiture; and take steps to support partner nation maintenance 

and sustainment capabilities of host nation-purchased, and U.S.-provided, maritime 

and aviation interdiction assets. 

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RESPONSES OF JOHN D. FEELEY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF PANAMA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FEELEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. In your opening statement you make reference to addressing human 

trafficking in Panama. You also highlight the importance of the U.S. expatriate community in Panama; expanding foreign direct investment; and, the integrity of our 

interconnected banking and financial systems. 

♦ Can you please tell us more regarding your concerns and priorities in these 

areas? 

Answer. Human Trafficking: The Panamanian Government is making significant 

efforts to comply fully with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking 

in persons. Panamanian authorities identified more trafficking victims in 2014 (25 

vice 16 the previous year), convicted five sex traffickers, and continued public 

awareness efforts. If confirmed, I will continue to press the Panamanian Government to enhance anti-TIP efforts, including through increased specialized victim 

services and intensified law enforcement efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes and convict traffickers. 

FDI and American Investment: The Panamanian Government has promoted economic growth over the last decade through open market policies and by actively 

encouraging trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). The United States—Panama 

Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA) requires that U.S. investors receive fair, equitable, and nondiscriminatory treatment, and that both parties abide by international law standards, such as for expropriation, compensation, and free transfers. 

If confirmed, I will seek to ensure these transparent guidelines are adhered to. 

I will also use every applicable provision of the Bilateral Investment Treaty and 

Trade Promotion Agreement to work for fair treatment of U.S. businesses and citizens in Panama. I will work as Panama’s partner to help strengthen their democratic institutions, especially in the justice sector, to provide opportunities for Americans who want to work, trade, travel, and live in Panama. 

My concern for U.S. investment in Panama is that Panama’s economic openness 

and weak financial oversight make it an attractive transit point for money laundering. The international financial community shares this view. Panama is currently under ‘‘targeted review’’ by the Financial Action Task Force because of its 

antimoney laundering deficiencies. The good news is that the Varela administration 

has expressed and demonstrated the political will to do something about it. In the 

past year, Panama has passed and implemented a number of laws to strengthen its 

antimoney laundering capabilities and compliance with U.N. Sanctions Regimes. If 

confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to help Panama build a more effective antimoney laundering regime. 

Question. What has been the effect of the U.S. bilateral free trade agreement with 

Panama? What effect might the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have on U.S. trade 

and investment relations with Panama? 

Answer. The effect has been to transform a strong trade relationship into an even 

stronger one. Since the U.S.-Panama Trade Promotion Agreement (TPA) entered 

into force in October 2012, American exports have increased every year, totaling 

$10.3 billion in goods in 2014. Panama was the United States 30th largest goods 

export market in 2014. 

The TPA supports American jobs, expands markets, and enhances U.S. competitiveness, by guaranteeing access to Panama’s nearly $30 billion services market (70 

percent of GDP), including in priority areas such as financial services, the telecommunications sector, computer sales, and distribution networks. U.S. companies 

also have a strong presence in the express delivery, energy, environmental, and professional services area of Panama’s economy. 

If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Government of Panama and the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, to further strengthen market access for U.S. 

companies, and to ensure U.S. products continue to be the preferred choice for Panamanian consumers. 

Although Panama is not a member of the TPP, it already enjoys excellent access 

to the U.S. market through the TPA and has free trade agreements and strong 

trade relationships with many TPP members. In addition, the Pacific alliance, a 

growing economic grouping in Latin America, has offered Panama a path to accession. Though Panama has not yet formally entered the alliance, we would support 

their entry. 

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Question. Panama’s ex-president, Ricardo Martinelli, faces prosecution for corruption as do other former officials including eight former Cabinet Ministers who have 

been investigated or charged for acts of corruption. A Panamanian Supreme Court 

justice was convicted of corruption. 

♦ How deep is such corruption in Panama? What role does transnational crime 

play in exploiting such corruption? 

Answer. The United States is aware of allegations against 12 current and former 

Panamanian administration officials on charges of corruption. The United States 

supports Panama’s efforts to improve governmental transparency and accountability 

by taking judicial action to prevent, investigate, and punish corruption. 

Panama ranks 94th out of the 175 countries on Transparency International’s perceptions of corruption ranking. Links to transnational crime, especially money laundering, help enable criminal activity in Panama. Fortunately, Panamanian officials 

have made addressing corruption a priority. The 17th International Anti-Corruption 

Conference will take place in Panama City in December 2016, and will be an important opportunity for Panama to demonstrate its commitment to lowering corruption 

levels in both the public and private sectors. 

If confirmed, I will work to support the strengthening of democratic institutions 

in Panama that are focused on serving its citizens while also being vigilant for any 

cases of corruption having a direct impact upon American citizens. We share Panama’s goal of fortifying institutions to detect, investigate, prevent, and punish corrupt acts. We will continue to partner on transnational criminal cases, and I will 

continue to encourage Panama to fully implement the accusatory justice system 

throughout the country. 

Question. How capable are Panama’s law enforcement agencies and its judiciary 

in addressing transnational crime and corruption? 

Answer. The United States shares the concerns that President Varela and ordinary Panamanian citizens express about the levels of crime, violence, and drug trafficking through Panama’s territory. As demonstrated by the current investigations 

and prosecutions of former officials on corruption charges, Panama’s security and 

judicial institutions are increasingly capable of tackling such cases. 

Corruption is one of the biggest problems facing Central America. The United 

States supports Panama’s efforts to investigate and prosecute officials accused of 

corruption. We will also encourage Panama to finalize the implementation of the 

accusatory justice system in the important provinces of Colon and Panama in 2016. 

Through a variety of vetted units, training, and technical assistance, the United 

States is working closely with the government and people of Panama to build 

stronger, more transparent public institutions and foster good governance. In 2015, 

CARSI partnered with Panamanian police to launch a nationwide, data-driven, 

crime mapping and analysis tool based on the NYPD’s COMPSTAT (comparative 

statistics) model. 

If confirmed, I will continue to support anticorruption programs throughout the 

security and justice sectors, including a robust program to aid Panama in its transition to the accusatory justice system. The U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central 

America commits to deepening this focus on governance and rule of law throughout 

the region and Panama in years to come. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE FEELEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. According to the 2015 TIP Report, Panama is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to sex trafficking and 

forced labor. Most Panamanian trafficking victims are exploited in sex trafficking 

in the country. 

♦ If confirmed, how do you plan to engage with the Government of Panama and 

push them to develop a more robust antitrafficking program in the country? 

Answer. The Panamanian Government is making significant efforts to comply 

fully with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking in persons. The 

2015 Trafficking in Persons report upgraded Panama to Tier 2 from Tier 2 

Watchlist in recognition of its efforts to combat trafficking in persons. Panamanian 

authorities identified more trafficking victims in 2014 (25 vice 16 the previous year), 

convicted five sex traffickers, and continued public awareness efforts. If confirmed, 

I will continue to press the Panamanian Government to enhance anti-TIP efforts, 

including through increased specialized victim services and intensified law enforcement efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking crimes and convict traffickers. 

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Panamanian authorities acknowledge this weakness, and are committed to working to address it. Vice President Isabel de St. Malo, who serves concurrently as Panama’s Foreign Minister, has made a public pledge to coordinate better Panama’s 

ability to combat TIP. 

If confirmed, I will continue efforts to help Panama increase specialized victim 

services. I will also encourage Panama to intensify law enforcement efforts to investigate and prosecute both labor and sex trafficking crimes and to convict and sentence traffickers, including any allegedly complicit government officials. I will also 

continue to develop and institutionalize government-provided antitrafficking training for relevant officials. 

Question. Panama’s strategic geographic location, dollarized economy, and status 

as a regional financial, trade, and logistics center make it a target for money 

launderers. Organized crime, including narco traffickers, uses the Panamanian legal 

system to their benefit to launder their illicit proceeds. 

♦ What will your message be to the Government of Panama on reforming their 

laws in regards to money laundering? 

Answer. Panama is widely regarded by international authorities as vulnerable to 

money laundering and is currently on ‘‘targeted review’’ by the Financial Action 

Task Force (FATF) as a country that has antimoney laundering/counter financing 

of terrorism (AML/CFT) deficiencies. However, under an effort coordinated by 

Embassy Panama and the Department of State, the Departments of Justice and 

Treasury are helping Panama build a more effective antimoney laundering regime. 

Panama significantly strengthened its autonomous Financial Intelligence Unit in 

December 2014 after the FATF placed the country on ‘‘the Grey List’’ in January 

2014, following its assessment that Panama’s AML procedures were weak. In the 

past year, Panama passed and implemented a number of laws to strengthen its 

antimoney laundering capabilities and compliance with U.N. Sanctions Regimes. 

If confirmed, I will continue working with Panama to strengthen its ability to 

detect, investigate, and prosecute money-laundering and terrorist-financing cases. 

Question. Panama has become an important connection for shipping narcotics to 

the U.S. and other countries. The International Narcotics Control Strategy has 

reported that traffickers have smuggled narcotics through the country’s uncontrolled 

transportation system, such as airfields, coastlines, containerized seaports and highways. 

♦ What steps will you take to help expand cooperation between U.S. and Panamanian law enforcement on interdicting narcotics bound for the U.S.? 

Answer. The United States shares the concerns that President Varela and ordinary Panamanian citizens express about the levels of crime, violence, and drug trafficking through Panama’s territory. As demonstrated by the investigations and prosecutions of former officials on corruption charges, Panama’s security and judicial 

institutions are increasingly capable of tackling such cases. As drug interdiction 

partners, Panama is one of the best in the region, seizing an impressive 35 metric 

tons of cocaine in its coastal waters and territory. 

Through a variety of vetted units, training, and technical assistance, the United 

States is working closely with the government and people of Panama to build 

stronger, more transparent public institutions and foster good governance. In 2015, 

the Department of State Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement 

partnered with Panamanian police to launch a nationwide, data-driven, crime mapping and analysis tool based on the New York Police Department’s COMPSTAT 

(comparative statistics) model. We will also encourage Panama to finalize the implementation of its accusatory justice system in the important provinces of Colon and 

Panama in 2016. 

The U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America commits to deepening this 

focus on governance and rule of law throughout the region and Panama in years 

to come. If confirmed, I will continue to support all these programs throughout the 

security and justice sectors, including an intensive effort to aid Panama in its transition to the accusatory justice system. 

Question. We have seen that individual sanctions against human rights violators 

in Venezuela have been effective tools. These claims have been echoed by many Venezuelan civil society groups and former government officials because they fear losing 

the privilege to travel and visit the U.S. 

♦ Do you agree? 

♦ Why hasn’t the U.S. Government sanctioned more human rights violators in 

Venezuela? 

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Answer. Sanctions represent one instrument among many to implement U.S. foreign policy. Each determination on whether and when to impose targeted measures, 

including visa restrictions or asset blocking, takes into account the specific factual 

information we have on the individuals at issue in light of the requirements under 

U.S. law for imposing sanctions. Our implementation of sanctions is also carried out 

in the context of U.S. foreign policy interests, in consultation with all relevant agencies, including respect for human rights, democratic governance and pluralism, and 

regional security and stability. 

Separately, since July 2014, the Department has restricted visa eligibility for certain Venezuelans believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, human rights abuses 

and undermining democratic governance, including public corruption. The Secretary 

of State took these steps pursuant to Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and 

Nationality Act. 

We will continue to monitor the situation in Venezuela, and stand ready to take 

action against other individuals as additional information becomes available and is 

assessed to meet the criteria for sanctions. 

RESPONSES OF JEAN ELIZABETH MANES, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF EL SALVADOR, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MANES’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. El Salvador is a pilot country for the U.S. Partnership for Growth initiative. The Partnership for Growth is supposed to focus on priorities identified with 

the Salvadoran Government and private sector to strengthen the country’s competitiveness and increase investment in the country. 

♦ How has this pilot effort fared? What has it accomplished to date? 

Answer. The Partnership for Growth (PFG) has laid an important foundation for 

the new U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America, paving the way for continued investments through institutional capacity-building, passage of key legislation, creation of guiding policies, and establishment of new lines of effort in prosperity programming. Thanks to this close bilateral coordination, the Salvadoran 

Government has advanced its strategic planning capacity and coordination with civil 

society, international donors, and the private sector. 

The Salvadoran Government has taken concrete steps to strengthen competitiveness and increase investment in the country. For example, it established a publicprivate Growth Council under PFG to create permanent dialogue between the government and private sectors. Since 2012, the government also passed a package of 

five pro-investment laws, as well as the Access to Public Information Law and the 

Asset Forfeiture Law. 

In addition, the government created guiding policies, such as the Establishment 

of the National Council for Citizen Security and crafted the Plan El Salvador Seguro 

security strategy, the National Violence Prevention Plan of 2014, and formed two 

police task forces: the Business Crimes Task Force (Anti-extortion Task Force) and 

the Crimes on Public Transportation Task Force, both of which address issues that 

hinder investment and competitiveness. 

Under PFG, the Salvadoran Government has taken responsibility for sustainable, 

continued implementation of efforts initiated through USAID and INL investments, 

for example the Salvadoran Institute for Professional Training. If confirmed, I will 

strongly encourage the Salvadoran Government to sustain and continue implementation of PFG efforts in support of the new U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central 

America. 

Question. El Salvador is experiencing severe gang-related violence and murders. 

Impoverished people are under constant threat must pay money extorted by gangs. 

People who receive remittances from the U.S. are targeted by gangs. Current U.S.- 

supported antigang efforts create small islands of safety. On a limited basis, we help 

law enforcement and judicial authorities protect citizens and prosecute criminals. 

♦ But, is it really possible for the Salvadoran Government to take these approaches to scale? If so, how? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure continued integration of USAID and INL programs under our Place-Based Strategy to focus our assistance efforts in the same 

high-crime communities identified by the Salvadoran Government in its Plan El Salvador Seguro in order to maximize the impact of our joint efforts. 

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If confirmed, I will also urge the Salvadoran Government to collaborate more strategically with the private sector to fund important security initiatives under their 

plan, with the aim of amplifying their efforts. 

The Salvadoran private sector has already shown strong interest in investing resources and partnering with the Salvadoran Government, alongside USAID and 

INL, to tackle security concerns that have a direct effect on the investment climate. 

For example, some private associations have donated land and architectural and engineering services for police stations and youth centers. 

Question. Like other countries in the region, El Salvador faces challenges from 

corruption. Is it possible for El Salvador to work with the U.N. with U.S. support 

as has happened in Guatemala to investigate and prosecute corruption? Wouldn’t 

this also help address concerns regarding politically motivated anticorruption prosecutions in El Salvador? 

Answer. Through our diplomatic engagement and assistance programs, the United 

States continues to support both government and civil society efforts to ensure the 

application of the rule of law and effective governance in El Salvador, emphasizing 

the need for greater transparency and accountability. 

The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) played a 

unique, significant, and transformative role in Guatemala. Support from a similar 

independent anticorruption structure in El Salvador could advance efforts to ensure 

accountability. 

That said, there are many ways of achieving these goals. It is up to the Salvadoran people to determine the best way forward. 

President Sa ́nchez Cere ́n and the Attorney General have publicly rejected an independent external entity like CICIG, stating existing Salvadoran institutions are 

combating corruption and impunity. 

If confirmed, I will give priority to promoting concrete actions by the Salvadoran 

Government that produce real results in fighting corruption. 

I also look forward to working with the Embassy team, including USAID and INL 

staff, to press forward with U.S. efforts that strengthen institutions, share best 

practices, and develop new initiatives to combat corruption and end impunity. 

Question. The Inter-American Development Bank is supporting efforts by the Government of El Salvador to identify and budget significant on-budget resources to 

implement the regional Alliance for Prosperity Initiative. In the end, each country 

needs to direct its own resources to arrive at long-term solutions. 

♦ How has the IDB’s effort been received by the Government of El Salvador and 

how will you encourage this effort as ambassador? 

Answer. The Government of El Salvador is fully supportive of the involvement of 

the IDB as it seeks to implement the ambitious plan outlined in the Alliance for 

Prosperity roadmap. 

The IDB serves as the Executive Secretariat for the Alliance for Prosperity and 

lends its expertise to help Northern Triangle governments, including El Salvador, 

tackle the long-standing and systemic issues driving outward migration. 

At the working level, Embassy San Salvador remains in close contact with local 

IDB representatives. If confirmed, I will continue the efforts to advance coordination 

between all stakeholders, especially the IDB, supporting successful outcomes of both 

the Alliance for Prosperity and the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central 

America. 

Question. Has El Salvador embraced genuine trade capacity building, such as removing non-tariff barriers to trade, to fully take advantage of the Central America 

Free Trade Agreement? What priorities will you pursue in this regard as ambassador? 

Answer. El Salvador was the first country to ratify CAFTA–DR and its trade volume has increased as a result of CAFTA–DR. However, more can be done and the 

United States continues to work with the Salvadoran Government to make improvements in technical areas, such as onerous labeling requirements, and improving the 

efficiency of customs procedures. Increasing and facilitating regional trade will be 

key to improving El Salvador’s economic situation. Accordingly, if confirmed, I will 

continue the work of USAID, INL, MCC, Department of Labor, the USTR, and others to help the Government of El Salvador harmonize and synchronize regulations, 

improve border infrastructure, and implement best practices for customs inspections 

in order to better integrate the region economically. 

El Salvador is working on reducing cross-border costs as well. Through a targeted 

initiative to improve interagency coordination among Customs, Police/Anti-narcotics 

Division, and Immigration, El Salvador reduced border crossing times by 14 percent 

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in the last 6 months at its two main border crossings to Guatemala (La Hechadura) 

and Honduras (El Amatillo). For precleared exports from Free Trade Zones, bordercrossing times for goods at El Salvador’s principal land border to Guatemala 

(Anguiatu) fell from over 10 hours to less than 1 hour. We also have productive cooperation with the Salvadorans on our Small Business Network of the Americas initiative which, on a practical scale, assists small businesses in both of our countries 

to improve operations and access markets. If confirmed, I will give high priority to 

getting results from these in policy measures to attract investment and build trade 

capacity. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MANES’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Organized crime in El Salvador is a serious problem. There are an estimated 25,000 gang members at large in El Salvador, with many in Mara 

Salvatrucha (MS 13) and their rival Calle 18 (18th Street). El Salvador is set to 

eclipse Honduras as the country with the highest homicide rate in the world. There 

have already been over 5,700 murders this year and the murder rate is now the 

highest it has been since the country’s civil war. 

♦ How is the El Salvador Government working to reduce the violent crime rate 

and what do you plan to do to help support these efforts? What is your assessment of the threat that trans-national gangs in El Salvador pose to the United 

States? 

Answer. Security is a critical concern for El Salvador, and if confirmed, I will 

make it my highest priority. The Government of El Salvador launched its new security strategy, Plan El Salvador Seguro, in 2015. This plan focuses most of its efforts 

on community-based violence prevention coordinated with law enforcement measures, victims’ assistance, reinsertion and rehabilitation programs, and efforts to 

strengthen rule of law institutions. At the outset, the plan focuses on 10 of the most 

critical municipalities, but the Salvadoran Government plans to extend it to the top 

50 most violent municipalities. As a complement to the plan, the National Civil 

Police launched a 5-year strategy focused on community policing and intelligenceled policing to improve investigation techniques and ensure better coordination 

among law enforcement institutions and other government agencies. If confirmed, 

I will urge the Salvadoran Government to implement its security plans as rapidly 

and effectively as possible. 

To date and with USAID support, the Salvadoran Government has created municipal violence prevention committees and USAID is working in more than 33 highcrime municipalities, supporting crime prevention councils and prevention plans, including a network of more than 118 outreach centers for at-risk youth. USAID also 

provided basic training in community policing to nearly 100 percent of the police 

force. According to official police data, there has been a 66-percent drop in homicides 

in 2015 compared to 2014 in 76 communities where USAID is working most comprehensively in violence prevention. USAID is realigning its programs to support 

the government’s Plan El Salvador Seguro’s 10 priority municipalities, fully integrating activities focused on violence prevention, criminal justice reform, and economic growth. If confirmed, I will also support and leverage USAID and Department 

of State programs under a place-based approach that integrates law enforcement 

and prevention in El Salvador’s most violent neighborhoods. 

The U.S. Government is also helping the Government of El Salvador expand its 

efforts to reduce crime and violence through support for specialized units. The State 

Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) 

provided technical support to help the Government of El Salvador establish an 

antiextortion task force that has achieved a 96-percent conviction rate. This conviction rate stands in stark contrast to the national criminal conviction rate which is 

estimated at 10 percent. The government replicated the task force model in Santa 

Ana and San Miguel, gaining national coverage to combat extortion. If confirmed, 

I will continue these efforts and also urge the government to collaborate more strategically with the private sector to fund security initiatives under the Salvadoran 

Government’s national strategy. 

Transnational gangs in El Salvador pose a threat to the United States. The MS– 

13 gang has members throughout the United States and often colludes with gang 

leaders imprisoned in El Salvador. Salvadoan collaboration among INL-supported 

prison intelligence units, the FBI, ATF, DHS, and U.S. police, have led to MS–13 

gang members being charged with homicide and numerous other crimes, including 

gang recruitment and human and narcotics trafficking. In October and November, 

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the FBI arrested 12 gang members for homicide in Newark and Boston. In September, an MS–13 gang member was extradited to the United States for two murders committed in 2010 in Nevada. If confirmed, I will ensure this close collaboration among law enforcement agencies continues. 

Question. The ‘‘Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity in the Northern Triangle’’ outlines working guidelines and commitments by regional leaders to promote Security, 

improve the work and business climate, ensure more effective government, create 

jobs, reduce poverty, improve the quality of services, and expand economic opportunities. 

♦ What improvements have been made with reforming the economic system to 

open the country to foreign investment and reducing burdensome regulations? 

♦ The pledge that President Obama made for $1 billion is unlikely to be fully 

funded by Congress for FY16. Based on the reduced funding that will be available, what would your recommendation be for where to concentrate U.S. funding in El Salvador? 

Answer. Since the announcement in 2014 by the Salvadoran, Guatemalan, and 

Honduran governments to launch the Alliance for Prosperity—a key component of 

which is to improve the business and investment environment in the region—the 

Salvadoran Government has taken concrete steps to attract investment. The InterAmerican Development Bank reports El Salvador has proposed its own investment 

of more than $1 billion in 2016 in Alliance for Prosperity projects. 

With USAID support, the Salvadoran Ministry of Finance has drafted tax reforms 

to reduce tax evasion and avoidance. El Salvador increased tax revenues by 30 percent from 2010 to 2014 through improved enforcement of tax policies and more 

transparent budgeting. The Salvadoran Government also launched an online public 

expenditure tracking system and a Fiscal Transparency Web site, accessible to the 

public, to provide budget information. Finally, the Salvadoran Government signed 

a Multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters in 

June to improve its ability to coordinate internationally to prevent offshore tax 

evasion. 

El Salvador is taking other steps such as working toward establishing a ‘‘single 

window’’ for investors, as recommended by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. It has 

also developed a Web site to register businesses online and the National Investment 

Office (ONI) is helping investors register with the appropriate Salvadoran Government institution. 

Key to facilitating trade, El Salvador reduced border crossing times at its two 

main crossings with Honduras and Guatemala by 14 percent. In the World Bank’s 

Doing Business Report, El Salvador rose from 97th of 189 countries evaluated in 

2015, to 86th in 2016. 

If confirmed, I will work with the Government of El Salvador to ensure it fulfills 

its commitments under the Alliance for Prosperity that coincide with the overarching goals of our U.S. Strategy for Engagement with Central America: improving 

citizen security, building economic prosperity, and strengthening democratic institutions. 

The administration is convinced the FY 2016 request of $1B for the U.S. Strategy 

for Engagement in Central America is the best way to support the efforts of our 

Central American partners. The U.S. Strategy is a whole-of-government approach 

to address violence and crime challenges, lack of economic opportunity, and weak 

government institutions contribute to the underlying conditions driving undocumented migration. U.S. programs under the Strategy are integrated across multiple 

lines of effort. We will continue to prioritize El Salvador in the implementation of 

the Strategy, to support the needed reforms in governance, prosperity, and security. 

Given the ongoing security situation in El Salvador, programs to address violence, 

isolate gangs, and ignoring policing remain critical. However, we recognize economic 

and governance programs also play an important role in creating improved conditions in El Salvador. 

Question. According to the 2015 TIP report, El Salvador is a source, transit, and 

destination country for women, men, and children subjected to sex trafficking and 

forced labor. The Government of El Salvador does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. 

♦ If confirmed, how do you plan to engage with the Government of El Salvador 

and work with them to aggressively enforce their antitrafficking program in the 

country? 

Answer. El Salvador remained a Tier 2 country in the 2015 Trafficking in Persons 

(TIP) Report. A 2014 amendment to El Salvador’s TIP law established the legal and 

budgetary framework for several interagency working groups and mandated better 

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funding to expand victims’ assistance. The amendment also significantly increased 

prison penalties for convicted traffickers. 

If confirmed, I will urge the government to implement its new law and to prosecute more aggresively and convict trafficking offenders. 

There have been eight convictions for trafficking crimes this year from prosecutions that began before the amendment was passed. If confirmed, I will urge the 

Salvadoran Government to investigate and prosecute cases through its U.S. assistance and vetted Anti-Human Trafficking Unit within the police (PNC). 

Question. 4,973 unaccompanied children were caught at the border in October trying to enter the United States, with the majority of them coming from El Salvador. 

What will your message be to the people of El Salvador in regards to attempting 

to migrate to the United States illegally? What steps do you feel that the Government of El Salvador can take to help reduce the flow of migrants? 

Answer. The U.S. Embassy in San Salvador and our colleagues in Public Affairs 

are working with the Salvadoran Government and its Embassy in Washington, DC, 

on information campaigns to discourage parents from sending their children on the 

dangerous journey to our border. However, many still take the journey, out of fear 

of violence, a lack of opportunities for education poverty, or economic survival. If 

confirmed, my message to the Salvadorans will be that they must all work together, 

with the United States as a committed partner, to help their government improve 

citizen security, build economic prosperity, and strengthen its democratic institutions so that parents and children can find opportunities for better lives in their 

home communities. 

To prevent undocumented migration, beginning in March 2015, the Salvadoran 

Government began requiring that all children, regardless of nationality, be accompanied by both parents when departing El Salvador or that one parent have the 

notarized permission of the other. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of El 

Salvador to enforce these requirements more consistently. 

I will also urge the Salvadoran Government to meet its commitments under the 

Alliance for Prosperity plan, which addresses the underlying factors driving 

migration. 

RESPONSES OF TODD C. CHAPMAN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF ECUADOR, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE CHAPMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What do you see as the most important aspects of the bilateral relationship with Ecuador and what steps would you take as Ambassador to put the relationship on a stronger footing? 

Answer. There are four key areas to our bilateral relationship with Ecuador: economic links, regional security, democracy and human rights, and people-to-people 

ties. If confirmed, I would work with Ecuadorian counterparts to build and move 

forward a positive bilateral agenda that reinforces our country’s goals in all four categories. This includes identifying common areas of interest with the Ecuadorians, 

addressing the difficult bilateral issues in a clear and direct way, and building a 

relationship based on mutual respect that will facilitate discussions on more sensitive issues. 

We are already on a strong footing in many ways. Our people-to-people ties continue to provide long-term strength to our relationship, with two-way educational 

exchanges thriving, and growing numbers of travelers to each country. Two-way 

trade has more than doubled since 2008, to nearly $20 billion in 2014. While American investors have in some cases encountered serious difficulties in Ecuador, we 

remain Ecuador’s largest trading partner and our economic relationship continues 

to grow. U.S. and Ecuadorian law enforcement and security officials are working cooperatively to counter regional threats posed by transnational crime, illicit narcotics, 

and trafficking in persons. 

We have had disagreements with the Ecuadorian Government in recent years, 

and some of these issues will not be resolved easily. If confirmed, I will raise the 

issues that are holding back greater bilateral partnership with both Government of 

Ecuador officials and with the public, including democratic and human rights concerns and a level playing field for investors. While we have areas of disagreement, 

our common interests can drive the broader U.S.-Ecuador relationship in a constructive direction. 

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Question. What are the State Department’s recommendations to Ecuador to 

address human trafficking? Is addressing human trafficking potentially an area for 

increased bilateral cooperation? 

Answer. Ecuador fully recognizes that international cooperation is vital in 

addressing human trafficking, and this is an area where we hope to have increased 

bilateral cooperation. As you know, the Department’s Trafficking in Persons Report 

documents government efforts to prosecute traffickers, protect victims, and prevent 

further trafficking and the Department uses a variety of programs to support such 

government efforts. In the past, we have provided training to Ecuadorian judges, 

prosecutors, police officials, and officials charged with providing assistance to trafficking victims. We will look for additional opportunities to continue and grow this 

cooperation with the Government of Ecuador in the future. 

In the 2015 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, the State Department ranked 

Ecuador Tier 2 and made the following recommendations for specific goals and objectives to further the Government of Ecuador’s antitrafficking efforts over the next 

year: 

(1) Strengthen the provision of specialized care services for trafficking victims— 

including for adults—in partnership with civil society organizations through increased funding. 

(2) Amend antitrafficking statutes so they do not penalize nontrafficking crimes 

in order to bring them in compliance with the 2000 U.N. TIP Protocol. 

(3) Increase efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking offenses and convict 

and punish traffickers, particularly for cases involving adult trafficking victims. 

(4) Hold criminally accountable public officials complicit in trafficking. 

(5) Develop and implement procedures for identifying trafficking victims among 

vulnerable populations, such as children and adults in prostitution or child and migrant workers. 

(6) Implement procedures to ensure identified victims are referred to care services. 

(7) Increase antitrafficking training for police officers, judges, labor inspectors, 

immigration officials, social workers, and other government officials, particularly to 

enhance victim identification. 

(8) Issue and implement guidelines to ensure officials consistently offer foreign 

victims legal alternatives to removal. 

(9) Enhance data collection and interagency coordination. 

I have worked on TIP issues in previous assignments—in Costa Rica, Bolivia, 

Mozambique, and Brazil—and if confirmed, commit to engage personally on this 

issue to advance our cooperation. Reducing trafficking in persons in Ecuador 

through enhanced partnerships will be a top priority. 

Question. What has been the impact on press freedom of frequent government 

fines, sanctions including forced corrections, and hostile rhetoric toward news coverage that is critical of the President Correa’s government? What steps, if any, 

would you take to encourage freedom of the press in Ecuador if appointed Ambassador? 

Answer. We are concerned about increasing restrictions on freedom of expression 

in Ecuador because a vibrant civil society capable of free expression and association 

is a necessary component of any democracy. We share international concern over the 

Government of Ecuador’s efforts to silence critical voices and restrict its citizens’ 

access to certain information and ideas. The U.N., Organization of American States 

(OAS) rapporteurs, and many international human rights organizations have expressed similar concerns. 

We will continue speaking out, as we do all around the world, in support of essential democratic rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I look forward to 

meeting with representatives of the press, civil society, and the government regarding this critical issue. With all interlocutors, I will highlight the importance of preserving space for dissenting voices, so vital to the continued development of democratic societies. If confirmed, I will also promote public diplomacy activities that 

demonstrate the power of free expression and association, including exchanges, visits, Internet outreach, and cultural events. 

Question. Is President Correa’s decision not to run for reelection a significant 

development? 

Answer. President Correa has announced that he will not be a candidate for 

President in the 2017 elections, which is indeed a significant development. President 

Correa has held this office since 2007, therefore the transition to another President 

as prescribed by the Ecuadorian Constitution, through an open and fair electoral 

process consistent with the terms and spirit of the Inter-American Democratic CharFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ter, will be a significant development demonstrating the strength and resilience of 

Ecuadorian democracy. We will continue to work with the democratically elected 

leaders of Ecuador to strengthen the bilateral relationship and advance a positive 

agenda for increased cooperation. 

Question. To what degree are U.S. companies welcome to invest and operate in 

Ecuador? How would you describe the current investment climate in Ecuador and 

how might it be improved? 

Answer. While Ecuador is a growing trading partner, the regulatory environment 

for U.S. investors in Ecuador continues to be challenging. We have a Bilateral 

Investment Treaty with Ecuador that provides for national treatment; unrestricted 

remittances and transfers; prompt, adequate, and effective compensation for expropriation; and binding international arbitration of disputes. However, a number of 

U.S. companies operating in Ecuador, notably in regulated sectors such as petroleum and electricity, have filed for international arbitration resulting from investment disputes. U.S. foreign direct investment in Ecuador (stock) was $851 million in 2012 (latest 

official data available). I would like to expand economic links further, and if confirmed, will prioritize support for U.S. companies doing business and seeking to do 

business in Ecuador. I would note that with nearly $20 billion in two-way trade in 

2014, the United States is Ecuador’s largest trading partner. 

President Correa during his visit to New York City for the U.N. General Assembly 

in September gave two interviews, one to CNBC and one to Forbes, in which he invited more U.S. companies to invest in Ecuador. In response to this public invitation, I hope to have the opportunity to meet with Ecuadorian Government officials 

to explore facilitating this goal and discuss the reasons that have led several U.S. 

companies to withdraw from Ecuador and/or to choose not to make investments in 

Ecuador. 

One of the issues of concern for American businesses is the protection of intellectual property rights—Ecuador is on USTR’s 301 Watch List. Another issue of concern is the impression that Ecuador’s investment policies are not consistently 

applied for all investors. If confirmed, I would strive to receive greater assurance 

that commercial disputes involving U.S. businesses will be resolved in a fair manner, consistent with due process. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE CHAPMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. While the U.S. and Ecuador have traditionally had close ties, relations 

with Ecuador have been strained in recent years. In 2014 Ecuador ordered all 20 

Defense Department employees in the U.S. Embassy’s military group to leave the 

country. 

President Correa has provided asylum in 2012 to WikiLeaks founder, Julian 

Assange, whose organization published troves of leaked U.S. military documents 

and diplomatic cables highly embarrassing to Washington. 

Correa had previously expelled at least three U.S. diplomats including Ambassador Heather Hodges in 2011. And Correa’s government asked the U.S. Agency for 

International Development to end operations in the country, accusing it of backing 

the opposition. 

Based on past actions and statements, President Correa is hostile toward the 

United States Government. As you mentioned in your testimony, you have previously worked in a diverse group of countries representing our nation. 

♦ If confirmed, how would you apply your past working experiences to promote 

policies that will strengthen the bilateral relations between Ecuador and the 

U.S.? 

Answer. During my 25-year Foreign Service career, I have had the opportunity 

to serve in a wide range of countries, including Brazil, Mozambique, Bolivia, Costa 

Rica, Afghanistan, and Nigeria. In several of these countries we faced numerous 

challenges and major policy differences on key bilateral issues. In Mozambique, for 

example, threats to freedom of expression were a constant theme. Working in 

Bolivia at the beginning of the Evo Morales era, we were confronted with strong 

opposition by our host government to a broad range of U.S. policies. 

Two points from my past experience are especially relevant to my future role, if 

confirmed, as Ambassador to Ecuador. First, if actions by governments are being 

taken or considered that would damage our overall bilateral relationship, I would 

ensure we address those actions in direct conversations with the host government, 

at multiple levels, to make sure the message gets through. For this to occur, chanFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nels of communication and the building of personal relationships with senior government leaders is essential, and something I have done effectively in several countries, 

including Bolivia, Brazil, Mozambique, and Costa Rica. We also must speak out publicly on issues of concern to engage the broader civil society and leaders across the 

political spectrum, as I have done in many of these countries on television, radio, 

and through an active personal public diplomacy effort. Projecting clearly the values 

and democratic principles which are so important to U.S. foreign policy is in my 

view essential, and something I have consistently done over the course of my Foreign Service career. If confirmed, I intend to continue such practice as Ambassador 

to Ecuador. 

Second, we need to work with Ecuador to develop a broad bilateral agenda based 

on common areas of interest, and in this process establish a relationship based on 

mutual respect and clear communication about our objectives. If confirmed, I will 

work to build such an agenda with Ecuador based on our many areas of shared 

interest. This includes building on our strong people-to-people ties, and especially 

our thriving two-way educational exchange. This also means continuing to expand 

our growing two-way trade and to increase cooperation with Ecuador to counter 

regional threats posed by transnational crime, illicit narcotics, and trafficking in 

persons. 

We will continue to have disagreements with the Government of Ecuador, and we 

have to be firm in our views, but I believe we can make progress by building a broad 

agenda that addresses common interests and facilitates frank discussion. 

If confirmed, I will most certainly address the issues that are holding back greater 

bilateral partnership, which include democratic and human rights concerns and the 

need for a level playing field for investors. With increased partnership and dialogue, 

our common interests can drive the broader U.S.-Ecuador relationship in a constructive direction. 

Question. The 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution acknowledges freedom of speech and 

expression, Correa has consistently attacked journalists and news outlets since his 

election in 2007. 

♦ What is you assessment of the current state of the independent press in 

Ecuador? 

♦ What steps do you plan to take, if any, to show support for a free and open 

press if confirmed as Ambassador? 

Answer. We are concerned about increasing restrictions on freedom of expression 

in Ecuador because a vibrant civil society capable of free expression and association 

is a necessary component of any democracy. We share international concern over the 

Government of Ecuador’s efforts to silence critical voices and restrict its citizens’ 

access to certain information and ideas, and many senior U.S. Government officials 

have expressed such concern both privately and publicly. The U.N., Organization of 

American States (OAS) rapporteurs, and many international human rights organizations have expressed similar concerns. 

We will continue speaking out, as we do all around the world, in support of essential democratic rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I look forward to 

meeting with representatives of the press, civil society, and the government regarding this critical issue. With all interlocutors, both privately and publicly, I will highlight the importance of preserving space for dissenting voices, so vital to the continued development of democratic societies. If confirmed, I will also promote public 

diplomacy activities that demonstrate the power of free expression and association. 

Question. Ecuador’s President, Raphael Correa, says he will not seek a fourth consecutive term in office. A group of congressmen from the ruling party has backed 

a proposed constitutional reform that would abolish all term limits, allowing Correa, 

to consider another Presidential bid in the future. 

♦ Do you believe that the proposed constitutional reform will be passed allowing 

for unlimited terms in office? 

Answer. The Government of Ecuador enacted the proposed constitutional reform 

to allow for unlimited terms in office by a National Assembly vote on December 3. 

With approval by the National Assembly, the constitutional change is final and will 

soon appear in Ecuador’s federal registry. The amendment, which removes term limits for all Ecuadorian elected officials, will take effect only after the February 2017 

presidential and legislative elections. This will make President Correa and roughly 

one-third of the National Assembly ineligible for reelection in 2017. Correa had stated prior to the vote on the amendment that he would not run for the Presidency 

in 2017. Under the newly enacted amendment, he will be eligible to run for President of Ecuador in 2021. 

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We support the democratic transition of power in all countries through free, fair, 

and credible elections and the strengthening of democratic institutions. To this end, 

we will stand up for constitutionally mandated term limits, and speak out against 

manipulation of laws that undermine democracy. 

Question. Ecuador’s lax immigration policies have made it a hub for Cubans either 

looking for temporary work or trying to flee the island permanently. Some Cubans 

have paid smugglers thousands of dollars to help them illegally travel through 

South and Central America to the U.S. border. 

According to U.S. Customs and Border Protection, some 43,159 Cubans have 

arrived in the United States during fiscal year 2015. This is a 78-percent increase 

over those who had arrived the previous fiscal year. Meanwhile, there are at least 

3,000 Cubans stuck at the border between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, another 1,000 

in the border between Panama and Colombia, and the number is growing daily, as 

there are another 17,000 Cubans in the pipeline already in Ecuador willing to start 

the land journey north. 

♦ What is the State Department doing, through our respective Embassies in Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica and Nicaragua, to deal with this current 

exodus? 

♦ What are the current safety and security considerations regarding this latest 

Cuban migration crisis? 

♦ Why do you think the Cuban people are responding to the Obama administration’s new policy by fleeing the island in greater numbers? 

♦ Why do you think the Cuban people prefer to spend thousands of dollars—by 

selling all their belongings or borrowing from their relatives abroad—to flee the 

island rather than to become a ‘‘self-employed’’ licensee? 

Answer. The United States is committed to supporting safe, orderly, and legal 

migration from Cuba through the effective implementation of the 1994–95 U.S.- 

Cuba Migration Accords. According to the terms of these accords, the United States 

ensures that total legal migration to the United States from Cuba is at least 20,000 

Cubans each year, not including immediate relatives of United States citizens. 

Our dialogue on migration with the Cuban Government predates the reestablishment of diplomatic relations. We view it as a critical mechanism for addressing 

shared challenges in migration policy and its implementation. At the November 30 

Migration Talks, the U.S. delegation expressed its concern for the safety of the thousands of Cuban migrants transiting through Central America. This journey illustrates the inherent risks and uncertainties of involvement with smugglers and organized crime in attempts to reach the United States. The U.S. and Cuban delegations 

agreed to expert-level meetings on how both governments will contribute to combating the smuggling organizations that take advantage of Cuban migrants. 

At the Migration Talks, we also discussed three main drivers for Cuban emigration with the Cuban Government: the ‘‘pull’’ of U.S migration policy; the ‘‘push’’ of 

Cuba’s lack of political and economic opportunity; and the perception that the rapprochement between our two governments would eventually lead to an end to 

Cubans’ unique migration benefits under the Cuban Adjustment Act. The Cuban 

Government has stated that it is pursuing economic reform, but the pace has been 

slow. It is incumbent on the Cuban Government to provide economic opportunities 

for its people. Our policies continue to work toward a peaceful, prosperous, and 

democratic Cuba. 

We encourage all countries to respect the human rights of migrants and to ensure 

the humane treatment of individuals seeking asylum or other forms of protection 

under domestic laws in accordance with international law. We also encourage their 

efforts to combat human smuggling. Additionally, we are encouraging regional governments to find solutions to this challenge, including coordinated and comprehensive solutions that focus on preventing loss of life, ensuring the human rights of all 

migrants are respected, and promoting orderly and humane migration policies. 

Question. According to the 2015 TIP report, Ecuador is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to sex trafficking and 

forced labor. 

♦ If confirmed, how do you plan to engage with the Government of Ecuador and 

push them to develop a more robust antitrafficking program in the country? 

Answer. Ecuador recognizes that international cooperation is vital in addressing 

human trafficking, which is a serious problem they are trying to confront and is an 

area where we hope to have increased bilateral cooperation. The Department’s 2015 

Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report classified Ecuador as a Tier 2 country. While 

noting progress made in several areas, the report made nine key recommendations 

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to the Government of Ecuador, focused on improving efforts to prosecute traffickers, 

protect victims, and prevent further trafficking. 

The Department of State uses a variety of programs to support efforts by countries to improve their performance in these areas. In the past, we have provided 

training to Ecuadorian judges, prosecutors, police officials, and officials charged with 

providing assistance to trafficking victims. Mission Ecuador works closely with 

Ecuadorian security agencies on trafficking issues, providing leads and information 

which have resulted in arrests and prosecutions both in Ecuador and the United 

States. We will look for additional opportunities to continue to grow this cooperation 

with the Government of Ecuador in the future. 

I have worked on human trafficking issues in previous assignments—in Costa 

Rica, Bolivia, Mozambique, and Brazil—and, if confirmed, commit to engage personally on this issue to advance our cooperation, whether by highlighting the importance of combating human trafficking associated with a growing tourism industry 

or encouraging greater funding for the protection of victims. Reducing trafficking in 

persons in Ecuador through enhanced partnerships will be a top priority. 

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 2, 2015 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

G. Kathleen Hill, of Colorado, to be Ambassador the Republic of 

Malta 

Eric Seth Rubin, of New York, to be Ambassador the Republic of 

Bulgaria 

Kyle R. Scott, of Arizona, to be Ambassador the Republic of Serbia 

David McKean, of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador to Luxembourg 

Carlos J. Torres, of Virginia, to be Deputy Director of the Peace 

Corps 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:20 p.m. in room SD– 

419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson, presiding. 

Present: Senators Johnson, Risch, Gardner, Shaheen, Murphy, 

and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN 

Senator JOHNSON. This hearing will come to order. 

I want to welcome our witnesses, our nominees. First of all, I 

want to thank you for your past service, and I certainly want to 

thank you for your willingness to serve your Nation again. 

These nomination hearings are always pretty interesting. We 

have a wide range of different organizations and sometimes countries that we are talking about. So we learn an awful lot here. I 

hope you will have a good and enjoyable experience here. 

The position of Ambassador I think is just extremely important. 

I know Senator Gardner was talking ahead of time how important 

it is and how valued it is when we travel overseas. I am sure Senators Risch and Shaheen will agree with this. First of all, the professional Foreign Service people are just extraordinary individuals, 

I mean almost without exception. And the ambassadors are just so 

important at setting those trips up for us and making them so valuable. 

But, obviously, from my standpoint, it is just like a salesperson 

in a business. You, obviously, are representing the company to the 

customer but also the customer back to the company. Same thing 

here. You will be representing the United States of America, a 

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country I think is the greatest in the history of mankind, a phenomenal force for good in the world, and it is your responsibility 

to represent us well, at the same time represent the country that 

you are ambassador to back to Congress, back to the people of the 

United States. It is a serious responsibility, and again I really do 

appreciate the fact you are willing to take that on. 

So without further ado, because I do not have a whole lot of voice 

left, I will turn it over to our ranking member, Senator Shaheen. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I do not have a 

statement but I would just like to echo the thanks to each of you 

for your willingness to take on these very important positions and 

to point out that several of you are really at the center of what has 

focused the world’s attention right now in terms of what is happening in Europe with refugees, what is happening in Europe with 

Putin’s aggression into eastern Europe. And so you will be on the 

front lines of some very challenging issues for your tenure as ambassador. And so thank you very much for your willingness to be 

in these very important positions at this very difficult time. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. 

We do have Senator Markey who would like to introduce Mr. 

David McKean. I would like to ask Senator Markey if you are prepared. 

STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

And it is my honor to introduce again to this committee David 

McKean. David was the staff director. David has dedicated his life 

to this committee and the issues that are central to the well-being 

of our Nation going forward. 

And I know he is here with his wife, Kathleen, and their three 

children, Shaw and Christian and Kay. And I know that everybody 

who knows him is proud to say that they believe that somebody is 

as qualified as a human being can be to have a position like this. 

He is a Massachusetts native. He proves once again that Massachusetts is not just the Bay State, that we are the ‘‘Brain State,’’ 

and if you googled it, David’s picture would come up. He has done 

this kind of work for his entire life. 

He is currently Director of Policy and Planning at the State Department. He joined the State Department in April 2012 as a Senior Advisor to Secretary of State Clinton, and he directed the Policy 

Planning staff to lay the foundation for expanding global development cooperation with China in the areas of food security and nutrition and humanitarian assistance and disaster preparedness. He 

played an instrumental role in shaping the U.S. policy in support 

of a lasting and just peace in Colombia. He was central in focusing 

Secretary Kerry’s focus on nationwide elections in Nigeria, which 

were held in March 2015 and were followed by Nigeria’s first-ever 

peaceful transfer of power from one political party to another. He 

worked to maintain focus on international support for Ukraine as 

it moves along its path of reform, on support for transatlantic sancFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

765 

tions against Russia, and an end of military intervention there, and 

to ensure that we remain steadfast in our commitment to Ukraine’s 

sovereignty and independence. He held the policy planning talks 

with more than 15 other countries, and most notably, he held the 

first-ever U.S.-India policy planning talks with the Indian Ministry 

of External Affairs. His work in the State Department brings him 

full circle from the beginning of his career in 1981 when he taught 

in Swaziland. 

It is just an amazing career. He began his career up here working for John Kerry, and it has moved through all of these years in 

an unbroken path of service to our Nation. He served on just about 

every issue discussion that we have had from A to Z, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe on this committee. He was in the room. He was 

helping to shape the way in which those issues would be shaped. 

And I can tell you that no one will ever a higher endorsement from 

John Kerry to serve in our Foreign Service, to serve the United 

States in such an important position as David will receive from the 

Secretary. 

So I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for giving me the opportunity to 

be able to tout this great American’s history. But rest assured that 

we are well served no matter where he is in the world. And I thank 

you. 

Senator JOHNSON. So you are supporting the nomination. 

[Laughter.] 

By the way—and I think Senator Risch would probably agree 

with me on this, being a former Wisconsinite. We just refer to Wisconsin as God’s country. But we appreciate the fact that you like 

your State as well. 

Senator MARKEY. We think of cheese when we think of Wisconsin. 

Senator JOHNSON. Well, that is a good thing. [Laughter.] 

Well, based on that excellent introduction, we might as well go 

a little out of order here, and we will start with Mr. David 

McKean, who is being nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to 

Luxembourg, with my colleague also pointing out that is a pretty 

nice post. But, Mr. McKean, why do you not start your testimony? 

STATEMENT OF DAVID McKEAN, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LUXEMBOURG 

Mr. MCKEAN. Thanks very much. 

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, 

good afternoon. 

I am honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to Luxembourg. I am 

deeply grateful to the President and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have placed in me with this nomination. 

I would also like to thank Senator Markey for his generous introduction. 

As Senator Markey has noted, I spent many years working as a 

staff member and chief of staff for Senator Kerry, and I am particularly honored to be testifying in front of a committee for which 

I served as staff director. 

My journey to this point would not have been possible without 

the support and guidance of my family, my children, Shaw, ChrisFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

766 

tian, and Kay, who are not here, and most especially my wife of 

27 years, Kathleen, who is here today. 

During my lifetime, I have traveled to over 65 countries, having 

visited more than 30 in my current capacity as Director of Policy 

Planning at the Department of State. The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was the very first country I ever visited in 1972. 

Luxembourg is at the heart of Europe, both geographically and 

politically. If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to devote my time 

and efforts to enhancing the already strong relationship between 

our two countries, one that is based on both historically ties and 

Luxembourgers’ positive views of America. 

Luxembourg citizens are deeply appreciative of the sacrifices 

American troops made during World War II to defeat the Nazis 

and liberate their country. The over 5,000 graves in the Luxembourg American Military Cemetery serve as a reminder of the sacrifice borne by so many for the liberties that Luxembourgers enjoy 

today. One of those graves is that of Gen. George Patton, whose 

wife was from my hometown of Hamilton, MA. The General and 

Mrs. Patton had planned to retire there, but it was not to be. His 

simple grave in Luxembourg is a reflection of his desire to be laid 

to rest alongside the men of the 3rd Army and perhaps serves as 

his final lesson in leadership. 

Leadership is important to me, and over the last 3 years at the 

State Department, I visited many of our embassies around the 

world. I have developed an admiration for the Foreign Service officers and locally employed staff who serve with dedication and determination to advance United States foreign policy goals worldwide. It will be an honor for me to lead them at our mission in 

Luxembourg during a critical time in Europe. 

Luxembourg is concluding its 6-month presidency of the Council 

of the European Union during which the agenda has been dominated by the refugee crisis affecting Europe. The unprecedented 

levels of new arrivals have posed considerable challenges to the 

Union, and Luxembourg has used the council presidency to help 

foster dialogue and forge consensus. 

Luxembourg has also stepped up recently in other areas, especially in the area of humanitarian assistance. Overall, Luxembourg 

commits over 1 percent of its GNP to assistance. 

Commercial ties between Luxembourg and the United States 

have been historically strong. The United States exports over $1.5 

billion worth of goods to Luxembourg, and if confirmed, I will make 

trade promotion and Luxembourg direct investment into the 

United States a priority so that we can increase the market for 

U.S. goods and services and help create jobs and value here at 

home. A major component of that effort will be to advance discussions on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. 

Another issue that we will be addressing in 2016 is Russia’s involvement in Ukraine and the sanctions that are in place against 

Russia. Russia’s violations of Ukrainian sovereignty cannot stand, 

and if confirmed, I will work with the Luxembourg Government to 

ensure their continued support of EU sanctions until the Minsk accords are fully implemented. 

The recent events in Paris have shown that no nation in Europe 

can take its liberties and freedoms for granted. If confirmed, I will 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

767 

do all I can, working with the Government of Luxembourg, to advance our shared vision of a Europe that is whole, free, safe, and 

at peace. 

Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you today, 

and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. McKean follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DAVID MCKEAN

Mister Chairman and distinguished dembers of the committee: Good afternoon. 

I am honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the next Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I am deeply grateful 

to the President and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence and trust they have 

placed in me with this nomination. 

As Senator Markey has noted, I spent many years working as a staff member and 

Chief of Staff for Senator Kerry and I am particularly honored to be testifying in 

front of a committee for which I was staff director in 2009. 

My journey to this point would not have been possible without the support and 

guidance of my family, most especially my wife, Kathleen, who is here today. 

During my lifetime I have travelled to over 65 countries, having visited more than 

30 in my current capacity as Director of Policy Planning at the Department of State. 

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was the very first country I ever visited in 1972. 

Luxembourg is at the heart of Europe, both geographically and politically. If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to devote my time and efforts to enhancing the 

already strong relationship between our two countries that is based on both historical ties and Luxembourgers’ positive views of America. 

Luxembourg citizens are deeply appreciative of the sacrifices American troops 

made during World War II to defeat the Nazi occupation and liberate their country. 

The over 5,000 graves in the Luxembourg American Military Cemetery serve as 

reminders of the sacrifice borne by so many for the liberties that Luxembourgers 

enjoy today. One of those graves is that of Gen. George Patton, whose wife was from 

my hometown of Hamilton, MA. The General and Mrs. Patton had planned to retire 

there, but it was not to be. His simple grave in Luxembourg is a reflection of his 

desire to be laid to rest alongside his men and perhaps serves as his final lesson 

in leadership. 

Leadership is important to me. Great work is done when people are motivated, 

inspired, and empowered. That is the spirit in which I intend to approach the job 

of Chief of Mission, if confirmed. 

Over the last 3 years at the State Department, I have developed an admiration 

for the Foreign Service officers and specialists, and Locally Employed Staff, who 

serve with dedication and determination to advance U.S. foreign policy worldwide. 

It would be an honor for me to lead them at our mission in Luxembourg during a 

critical time in Europe. 

Luxembourg is concluding its 6-month Presidency of the Council of the European 

Union, during which the agenda was dominated by the refugee crisis affecting 

Europe. The unprecedented levels of new arrivals have posed considerable challenges to the Union, and Luxembourg has used the council presidency to help foster 

dialogue and forge consensus. Luxembourg was among the first EU countries to 

receive refugees as part of the EU plan to distribute 160,000 refugees among member states. 

Luxembourg has also stepped up recently in other areas of humanitarian assistance, and overall commits over 1 percent of GNP to assistance. In 2014 alone, Luxembourg made contributions of over $24 million to support refugees, internally displaced persons, and other victims of conflict in Syria, Mali, South Sudan, and the 

Central African Republic. 

United States and Luxembourg commercial ties have been historically strong. The 

United States exports over $1.5 billion worth of goods to Luxembourg. If confirmed 

I will make trade promotion and direct investment from Luxembourg into the 

United States a priority, so that we can increase the market for U.S. goods and 

services and help create jobs and value here at home. A major component of that 

effort will be to advance discussions on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment 

Partnership. If confirmed, I will do everything I can to build public support for a 

comprehensive TTIP agreement that boosts economic growth and creates jobs on 

both sides of the Atlantic. 

Another issue that we will be addressing in 2016 is Russia’s aggression in 

Ukraine, and the sanctions that are in place against Russia. Russia’s violations of 

Ukraine’s sovereignty cannot stand, and if confirmed I will work with the LuxemFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

768 

bourg Government to ensure their continued support of EU sanctions, until Minsk 

is fully implemented. 

Recent events have shown that no nation in Europe can take its liberties and freedoms for granted. If confirmed, I will do all I can, working with Luxembourg, to 

advance our shared vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. 

Thank you again for the privilege of appearing before you today, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. McKean. 

Now we will go back to our previously scheduled order. Our next 

witness will be Ms. Kathleen Hill. Ms. Hill is nominated to be the 

U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Malta. 

Ms. Hill is a career member of the Foreign Service and currently 

serves as Senior Advisor in the Office of the Executive Secretary 

at the Department of State. Previously Ms. Hill has held positions 

within the State Department’s Bureau of European Affairs and the 

Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs and South and Central Asian Affairs. Ms. Hill also has served at multiple overseas posts, including 

Canada, Italy, and Serbia. 

Ms. Hill. 

STATEMENT OF G. KATHLEEN HILL, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA 

Ms. HILL. Thank you, Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, and 

distinguished members of the committee. 

It is an honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador to Malta. 

I look forward to working with Congress and this committee to advance U.S. interests in Malta. 

I am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the 

trust they have placed in me by nominating me for this position, 

especially at a time when we face some of the most daunting security challenges. Our hearts are with all those who have lost loved 

ones in recent weeks in France, Turkey, Lebanon, and over the 

Sinai en route home to Russia. Such events make me even more 

thankful for the support of my family, my mother, Mary Ann, who 

is here today, along with my brother-in-law, Neil, and my niece, 

Maura, as well as my sister, Renea, and other nieces, Grace and 

Colleen, who could not be with us today. As with all Foreign Service families, it is their encouragement that helps sustain us as we 

serve our country in the farthest reaches of the world. 

For two and a half years, I managed Secretary Kerry’s travel, 

visiting more than 60 countries and witnessing the incredible value 

of diplomacy and how every country can be a partner to reach our 

common goals, such as security, prosperity, and promoting democratic values. I hope to incorporate what I have learned in 

strengthening our partnership with Malta in these areas. I have 

served three tours in southern and southeastern Europe, and more 

recently, I led the Arab Spring evacuations of Libya, Tunisia, and 

Egypt, which gave me extensive experience working two of the key 

issues of the Mediterranean countries, regional security, and refugees. In every position I have held, I have encouraged teamwork, 

empowerment, and staff development to achieve success. If confirmed, I plan to implement that same formula for success at our 

mission in Malta. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

769 

Ties between the United States and Malta date back to the early 

19th century when Valletta, one of the finest natural harbors in 

the Mediterranean, was the base for the U.S. Navy’s actions 

against the Barbary pirates. Malta’s location continues to position 

the country as a significant actor in maintaining security in the 

Mediterranean. As a member of the European Union and the 

Schengen Treaty, Malta is responsible for enforcing the Schengen 

zone’s common border and EU customs control. It also sits in the 

middle of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, with over a third of 

the world’s shipping transiting the waters between Malta and 

Italy. 

Malta is a close ally to the United States and supports us on regional issues. During the period of unrest in Libya that began in 

February 2011, I witnessed firsthand the important role Malta 

played supporting the evacuation of more than 20,000 foreign nationals, including 200 American citizens; coordinating humanitarian aid to the people of Libya; and providing assistance to international forces. Shortly thereafter, Embassy Valletta hosted the 

Department’s Libya External Office before it moved to Tunisia, and 

the Government of Malta supported the External Office’s presence 

by accrediting our increased staffing. 

A participant in the NATO Partnership for Peace since 2008, 

Malta remains a steadfast partner in defense. U.S. Navy ships visit 

on a semiregular basis while the Maltese military actively participate in regional exercises on search and rescue, regional maritime 

awareness, and security. 

We also work closely with Malta to address irregular migration. 

The U.S. Coast Guard has trained the Armed Forces of Malta to 

operate and navigate fast response boats and patrol vessels in 

order to provide assistance to refugees and support to law enforcement operations. 

On our bilateral defense cooperation, the United States and 

Malta do not have a status of forces agreement, which limits the 

parameters of further engagement. If confirmed, I will continue to 

highlight the strategic defense and economic benefits of a SOFA 

with senior Maltese political leaders and influential business and 

commercial leaders. A SOFA would facilitate more regular ship visits and further enhance security cooperation between our two countries. 

If confirmed, I will continue the work of my predecessor in supporting and encouraging increased bilateral trade currently valued 

at more than $1 billion. It is estimated that one of every 30 jobs 

in Malta is linked to a U.S. business. Our mission will continue to 

support the SelectUSA initiative to encourage Maltese investment 

in the United States and work to advance and expand the ability 

of U.S. businesses to invest in Malta, a conduit for markets in Europe and North Africa. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to 

thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to representing the best of the United 

States in Malta and working with this valued and historic partner 

to advance U.S. foreign policy. I look forward to answering your 

questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Hill follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

770 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KATHLEEN HILL

Chairman Johnson, Senator Shaheen, and distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to 

serve as the next United States Ambassador to Malta. I look forward to working 

with Congress and this committee to advance U.S. interests in Malta. 

I am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the trust they have 

placed in me by nominating me for this position. As a career Foreign Service officer, 

I am truly humbled by the opportunity to serve my country as Ambassador. I also 

am very thankful for the support of my family, my mother, Mary Ann, my sister, 

Renea and her family, including her husband, Neil, and daughters, Maura and Colleen, who are all here today and my other niece, Grace, in California. As with all 

Foreign Service families, both immediate and extended, it is their encouragement 

that helps sustain us as we serve our country in the farthest reaches of the world. 

For two and half years, I managed Secretary Kerry’s travel, visiting more than 

60 countries and witnessed the incredible value of diplomacy and how every country 

can be a partner to reach our common goals, such as security, prosperity, and promoting democratic values. I hope to incorporate what I have learned in strengthening our partnership with Malta in these areas. During my 20-year career I have 

served three tours in southern and southeastern Europe. More recently, I led the 

Arab Spring evacuations of Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, which gave me extensive 

experience working on the key issues of Mediterranean countries—regional security 

and refugees. In every position I have held, I have encouraged teamwork, empowerment, and staff development to achieve success. If confirmed, I plan to implement 

that same formula for success at our mission in Malta. 

Ties between the United States and Malta date back to the early 19th century 

when Valletta, one of the finest natural harbors in the Mediterranean, was the base 

for the U.S. Navy’s action against the Barbary pirates. Malta’s location continues 

to position the country as a significant actor in maintaining security in the Mediterranean. As a member of the European Union and the Schengen Treaty, Malta 

is responsible for enforcing the Schengen zone’s common border and EU customs 

control. It also sits in the middle of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, with over 

a third of the world’s shipping transiting the waters between Malta and Italy. 

Malta is a close ally to the United States and supports us on regional issues in 

North Africa and Europe. During the period of unrest in Libya that began in February 2011, I witnessed firsthand the important role Malta played in supporting the 

evacuation of more than 20,000 foreign nationals, including 200 American citizens; 

coordinating humanitarian aid to the people of Libya; and providing assistance to 

international forces. Shortly thereafter, Embassy Valletta hosted the State Department’s Libya External Office before it moved to Tunisia; the Government of Malta 

supported the External Office’s presence by accrediting our increased staffing. 

A participant in the NATO Partnership for Peace since 2008, Malta remains a 

steadfast partner in defense. U.S. Navy ships visit on a semiregular basis while the 

Maltese military actively participate in regional exercises on search and rescue, 

regional maritime awareness, and security. 

We also work closely with Malta to address irregular migration. The U.S. Coast 

Guard has trained the Armed Forces of Malta to operate and navigate fast response 

boats and patrol vessels, in order to provide assistance to refugees and support to 

law enforcement operations. 

On our bilateral defense cooperation, the United States and Malta do not have 

a status of forces agreement (SOFA), which limits the parameters of further engagement. If confirmed, I will continue to highlight the strategic defense and economic 

benefits of a SOFA with senior Maltese political leaders, and influential business 

and commercial leaders. A SOFA would facilitate more regular ship visits and further enhance security cooperation between our two countries. 

If confirmed, I will continue the work of my predecessor in supporting and encouraging further bilateral trade, currently valued at more than $1 billion. It is estimated that one out of every 30 jobs in Malta is linked to a U.S. business. Our mission will continue to support the SelectUSA initiative and work to advance and 

expand the ability of U.S. businesses to invest in Malta, a conduit for markets in 

Europe and North Africa. I believe U.S. foreign direct investment should be encouraged in Malta’s thriving service-based industries, as well as its manufacturing and 

transshipment sectors. I also intend to continue raising awareness on the mutual 

benefits of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T–TIP). 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to thank you again 

for this opportunity to appear before you. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to representing the best of the United States in Malta and working with a valued and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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historic partner to advance U.S. foreign policy. I look forward to answering your 

questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Ms. Hill. 

Our next witness is Mr. Eric Rubin. Mr. Rubin is nominated to 

be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria. 

Mr. Rubin is a career member of the Foreign Service and most 

recently served as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs from 2011 until August of 2015. Mr. 

Rubin previously served at the U.S. Embassies in Moscow and 

Ukraine and U.S. consulate in Thailand. 

Mr. Rubin. 

STATEMENT OF ERIC SETH RUBIN, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of the committee. 

It is a privilege to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to be United States Ambassador to Bulgaria. I am humbled and honored by the trust that President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry have placed in me, and I thank you for your time and your 

willingness to consider my nomination. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, for over 30 years, I 

have cherished my association with the United States Foreign 

Service. On four continents, I have done my utmost to advance the 

national interests of our country and the values and priorities that 

we share as Americans. For me, appearing before you to ask you 

to consider my nomination is also a chance to express my gratitude 

for the opportunity I have had to serve our country and to advocate 

for our shared vision of a world based on peace, prosperity, and liberty. 

Before I go further, please allow me to acknowledge some of my 

family members, both those who are here with me today and those 

who are not. I am forever grateful to my parents, who introduced 

me to the wider world and taught me not to accept things as they 

are, but to try to change them for the better. I am deeply grateful 

to my wife, Nicole Simmons, who is here with me today, for her 

love and support over these past 32 years. She has been my constant advisor, best friend, and advocate. Together with our two 

beautiful daughters, Rachel, who is here with me today, and Liana, 

she has also been my constant partner in the work we have done 

to represent the United States and the American people. 

I first visited Bulgaria in 1991 when I went to organize the first 

security dialogue and military-to-military exchanges between our 

two countries at the end of the cold war. Those were heady but difficult days. Bulgarians set a course for the future toward European 

integration and the Atlantic alliance. 

Bulgarians have achieved much in the years since. Bulgaria 

today is a staunch NATO ally that lies in a strategic location at 

the southeastern edge of the European Union. But there is much 

more that we can and should do together. When Secretary Kerry 

visited Bulgaria in January, he recognized the important collaboration between our countries and announced jointly with Bulgaria 

the formation of bilateral working groups on national security and 

defense, energy security, education and people-to-people ties, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

772 

the rule of law. These working groups have been so well received 

that we recently added a counterterrorism working group which 

first met last week. 

Bulgaria is among the newer NATO members and has the second 

lowest GDP per capita in the alliance. Nonetheless, it has been a 

stalwart ally since becoming a member of the alliance. It sent 

troops to and took casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan. It has been 

a tireless participant in training exercises and hosts one of NATO’s 

force integration units on the eastern flank. It is prudently setting 

aside more resources toward modernizing its military and preparing for tomorrow’s missions. 

Our newest bilateral working group, as I mentioned, focuses on 

counterterrorism. Bulgaria takes counterterrorism seriously, and 

the recent attacks in Paris underscore the importance of this work. 

Bulgaria is part of the Counter-ISIL Coalition and plays an important role in helping to stem the flow of foreign terrorist fighters 

due to its critical location at the crossroads between the Near East 

and western Europe. 

Of course, national security is not limited to defense. Bulgaria relies almost entirely on Russia for natural gas and nuclear fuel. We 

are supporting Bulgaria’s efforts to diversify its sources of energy 

in line with European Union goals. Gas from the Caspian Sea could 

be an important part of the solution. 

The rule of law affects almost every line of effort we share with 

Bulgaria. The corruption is still common in Bulgaria. We are encouraged to see positive technical and legislative steps, and if confirmed, I commit myself to working to help Bulgaria tackle these 

difficult challenges and make further progress. 

On a very positive note, our trade relationship has just about 

doubled over the past 6 years. Hewlett-Packard, which already employs more than 6,000 Bulgarians, in April opened Europe’s only 

HP Technology Lab, which will simulate technology and business 

processes and train the company’s experts in Bulgaria. If confirmed, I will continue our embassy’s advocacy for our commercial 

interests and American business. 

Finally, my highest priority, if I am confirmed, will be to ensure 

the safety and security of the men and women working at our Embassy and their family members, as well as the safety and wellbeing of all American citizens in Bulgaria. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if given the opportunity, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues on 

these and other important issues. I hope to be able to welcome you 

back to Sofia to witness the work of our dedicated embassy staff 

on behalf of American taxpayers, cultivating this important bilateral relationship and advancing our national interests. 

I thank you again for your willingness to consider my nomination. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Rubin follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ERIC RUBIN

Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members 

of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

It is a privilege to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to be the 

United States Ambassador to Bulgaria. I am humbled and honored by the trust that 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

773 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me, and I thank you for your 

time and your willingness to consider my nomination. 

Mr. Chairman, for over 30 years I have cherished my association with the U.S. 

Foreign Service. On four continents, I have done my utmost to advance the national 

interests of our country, and the values and priorities that we share as Americans. 

For me, appearing before you to ask you to consider my nomination is also a chance 

to express my gratitude for the opportunity I have had to serve our country and 

to advocate for our shared vision of a world based on peace, prosperity, and liberty. 

Before I go further, allow me to acknowledge some of my family members, both 

those who are here with me today and those unable to attend. I am forever thankful 

to my parents, who introduced me to the wider world and taught me not to accept 

things as they are, but to try to change them for the better. I am deeply grateful 

to my wife, Nicole Simmons, for her love and support over these many decades. She 

has been my constant adviser, best friend and advocate. Together with our two 

beautiful daughters, Rachel and Liana, she has also been my constant partner in 

the work we have done to represent the United States and the American people. 

I first visited Bulgaria in 1991, when I helped to organize the first security dialogue and military-to-military exchanges between our two countries at the end of 

the cold war. Those were heady yet difficult days, but Bulgarians set a course for 

the future, toward European integration and the Atlantic Alliance. Bulgarians have 

achieved much in the years since—Bulgaria today is a staunch NATO ally that lies 

in a strategic location at the southeastern edge of the European Union. But there 

is much more that we can and should do together. When Secretary Kerry visited 

Bulgaria in January, he recognized the important collaboration between our countries, and announced jointly with Bulgaria the formation of bilateral working groups 

on National Security and Defense, Energy Security, Education and People-to-People 

Ties, and the Rule of Law. These working groups have been so well received that 

we recently added a Counterterrorism working group, which first met last week. 

Bulgaria is among the newer NATO members and has the second-lowest GDP per 

capita in the alliance. Nonetheless, it has been a stalwart ally. It sent troops to— 

and took casualties in—Iraq and Afghanistan. It is a tireless participant in training 

exercises and hosts one of the NATO Force Integration Units on NATO’s eastern 

flank. It is prudently setting aside more resources toward modernizing its military 

and preparing for tomorrow’s missions. 

Our newest bilateral working group, as I mentioned, focuses on counterterrorism. 

Bulgaria takes counterterrorism seriously, and the recent attacks in Paris underscore the importance of this work. Bulgaria is a part of the Counter-ISIL Coalition 

and plays an important role in helping stem the flow of foreign terrorist fighters 

due to its location at the crossroads between the Near East and western Europe. 

Of course, national security is not limited to defense. Bulgaria relies almost entirely on Russia for natural gas and nuclear fuel. We are supporting Bulgaria’s efforts to diversify its sources and routes of energy, in line with EU goals. Gas from 

the Caspian Sea could be an important part of the solution. 

Bulgaria’s potential lies in its ability to overcome a past associated with corruption and crime. The state of rule of law affects almost every line of effort we share 

with Bulgaria. Though corruption is still common in Bulgaria, we are encouraged 

to see some positive technical and legislative steps, and, if confirmed, I commit myself to working to help Bulgarians tackle these difficult challenges. 

Our trade relationship has just about doubled over the last 6 years. Hewlett-Packard, which already employs more than 6,000 Bulgarians, in April opened Europe’s 

only HP Technology Lab, which will simulate technology and business processes and 

train the company’s experts in Bulgaria. If confirmed, I would continue the Embassy’s advocacy for our commercial interests, leading to similar success stories. 

Person-to-person exchanges are sometimes the most effective form of diplomacy, 

particularly in light of efforts by some in the region to undermine the strong U.S.- 

Bulgarian relationship. Bulgarians participate in public and private sector exchanges, and the Embassy is expanding its engagement with alumni of these programs. 

We have many agencies represented at Embassy Sofia. Beside the Department of 

State, there are the Departments of Defense, Energy, Commerce, and Agriculture. 

We have law enforcement colleagues from the FBI, Secret Service, and DEA. If confirmed, I would do everything in my power to ensure the Embassy’s efficient operation. 

If given the opportunity, I look forward to working with you and your colleagues 

on these and other important issues. I would welcome you to Sofia to witness the 

good work of our dedicated Embassy staff on behalf of the American taxpayers, cultivating this important bilateral relationship. I thank you again for your willingness 

to consider my nomination. Thank you. 

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Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Rubin. 

Our next nominee is Mr. Kyle Scott. He is the nominee to be the 

Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia. Mr. Scott is a career member of the Foreign Service and currently serves as the Department 

of State’s senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund. 

Previously Mr. Scott served as counsel general at the U.S. consulate in Milan and as Director of the Office of Russian Affairs at 

the State Department. Additionally, Mr. Scott has held positions 

representing the United States to the OSCE and the European 

Union and at embassies in Hungary and Russia. 

Mr. Scott. 

STATEMENT OF KYLE R. SCOTT, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA 

Mr. SCOTT. Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as 

the President’s nominee to be the Ambassador to the Republic of 

Serbia. I hope the committee and the Senate will share the confidence entrusted in me by the President and Secretary Kerry. 

I am accompanied today by my two sons, Mark and Kristian, and 

by my wife, Nena. They have stood by me through more than three 

decades in the Foreign Service, including 16 moves and eight overseas postings. The family members of the Foreign Service often 

bear the brunt of personal sacrifice and hardship. My family are 

a living testimony to public service on behalf of the American people, and I could not be prouder of them than I am today. 

In 35 years as a member of the Foreign Service, I have dedicated 

my career to improving America’s security and our position in the 

world. Much of that time has been focused on transatlantic relations, including multiple assignments in Western, Central, and 

Eastern Europe. During this period, we have made great strides in 

forging a Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace. But that vision is not yet complete. 

Allow me to focus a few key points regarding Serbia’s role in this 

broader vision. 

Serbia is a linchpin for stability and progress in the Western Balkans. In recent years, it has made considerable progress on its path 

toward Euro-Atlantic integration, and now it stands at a critical inflection point, facing difficult decisions that will forge Serbia’s future and shape relations with its neighbors in ways that can contribute to broader peace and stability. It is in the interest of the 

United States that Serbia develops as a modern, prosperous European nation at peace with itself and its neighbors, demonstrating 

full respect for the rule of law and the rights of all its citizens. 

Over the past several years, with our strong support, Serbia has 

taken a strategic decision toward a Euro-Atlantic future rooted in 

EU membership. If confirmed, I would strive to continue this 

progress. This includes enacting legislative, fiscal, and regulatory 

reforms. It means strengthening ties among the countries of the 

western Balkans. And in this regard, sustained progress toward a 

comprehensive normalization of the Serbia-Kosovo relationship is a 

fundamental requirement for the long-term regional stability of the 

western Balkans. 

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Progress also requires reinforcing and defending shared democratic values, supporting human rights and protecting fundamental 

freedoms. 

A key to continued progress is more dynamic economic growth 

and reform, streamlining bureaucracy, improving competitiveness 

and innovation, and combating the corrosive consequences of corruption will all help Serbia become a more attractive destination 

for investment from American companies and a more dynamic market for U.S. exports. 

More recently Serbia is also bearing a major brunt of the recent 

migration crisis afflicting Europe. Serbia’s leaders and its people 

deserve to be commended for their humanitarian approach but can 

also use everyone’s help in managing the added burdens associated 

with this challenge. 

And finally, if confirmed, I am committed to continue to seek resolution of two important challenges to our bilateral relationship. 

Those responsible for the 1999 murder of three American citizens, 

the Bytyqi brothers, have never been brought to justice. The same 

holds true for those who allowed the mob attacks on the U.S. Embassy in 2008. I pledge unwavering efforts, if confirmed, to press 

the Serbian Government to ensure that all who were involved in 

these crimes are brought to justice regardless of their rank or position. This is a challenging agenda. 

I look forward to building on the leadership and dedication 

shown by the current U.S. Ambassador, Michael Kirby, and know 

I can count on the experience of a talented team of Americans and 

locally employed staff at Embassy Belgrade, as well as the support 

from multiple agencies in Washington and the legislative branch. 

If confirmed, I am committed to doing my utmost to promote our 

shared goal, a democratic Serbia providing growth and security for 

its citizens at peace with all its neighbors and firmly set on a path 

of European integration. 

Thank you for granting me this opportunity to appear before the 

committee today, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Scott follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KYLE SCOTT

Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the committee, 

it is an honor and privilege to appear before you today as the President’s nominee 

to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia. I deeply appreciate the confidence 

that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me through this nomination. I hope the committee and the Senate will share that confidence and confirm 

me. 

I am accompanied today by my two sons, Mark and Kristian, and by my wife, 

Nena, who have been my rock and inspiration throughout my career as a U.S. diplomat. They have stood by me through more than three decades in the Foreign Service, including 16 moves and eight overseas postings. The family members of the Foreign Service often bear the brunt of personal sacrifice and hardship. They are living 

testimony to public service on behalf of the American people, and I could not be 

prouder of them than I am today. 

In 35 years as a member of the Foreign Service, I have dedicated my career to 

improving America’s security and our position in the world. Much of that time has 

been focused on transatlantic relations, including seven overseas assignments spanning Western, Central, and Eastern Europe. During this period, we have made great 

strides in forging a Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace, but that vision 

is not yet complete. As Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Mission to the OSCE, 

I witnessed firsthand the struggles of countries seeking to transform their societies 

and the role that outside actors and multilateral organizations can play in helping 

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them better adhere to the values and principles that underpin the transatlantic 

relationship. As Principal Officer in the U.S. consulate in Milan, I have seen the 

invaluable role of our allies in addressing shared challenges in the region. I have 

also seen the immense benefit that investment by American firms contributes to 

reaching our goal in forging a prosperous Europe. My recent position as a senior 

fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the U.S. has offered me an invaluable opportunity to participate in debates on U.S foreign policy in Europe, the crisis in 

Ukraine, the EU’s financial difficulties, and the latest challenges posed by the unprecedented migration crisis. As a former Director of the Office of Russian Affairs, 

I am fully aware of the regional challenges posed by Russian attempts to influence 

its European neighbors and by Russian aggression in Europe, including Russia’s recent actions that have violated Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity and 

sought to destabilize Ukraine. I believe the confluence of these experiences has prepared me well to serve as Chief of Mission in Serbia. 

Euro-Atlantic integration 

Serbia is a linchpin for stability and progress in the Western Balkans. In recent 

years, it has made considerable progress on its path toward Euro-Atlantic integration. Now it stands at a critical inflection point. Political leaders in Belgrade face 

difficult decisions that will indelibly forge Serbia’s domestic development, will help 

shape relations with its neighbors for generations to come, and can contribute to 

broader peace and stability in the region. It is in the interest of the United States 

that Serbia develops as a modern, prosperous European nation at peace with itself 

and its neighbors, demonstrating full respect for the rule of law and the rights of 

all of its citizens. 

Over the past several years, with our strong support, Serbia has made concrete 

steps toward defining its Euro-Atlantic future. Serbian leaders are pursuing a broad 

agenda aimed at acceding to the European Union. This includes enacting legislative, 

fiscal, and regulatory reforms that can stimulate the transformation that we strongly support. Reforms such as cutting public wages and pensions and privatizing 

state-owned businesses are difficult. With U.S. technical assistance, the Government 

of Serbia is pursuing business-enabling environment reforms that should help better 

align Serbia’s fiscal practices with EU and international standards. More important, 

making the right choices, tough as they may be, will place the country on a path 

toward more sustainable growth and development. 

Regional relations 

Mr. Chairman, the challenge of strengthening ties among the countries of the 

Western Balkans remains a significant hurdle in pursuit of our Euro-Atlantic vision. 

Normalization of the Kosovo-Serbia relationship is a fundamental requirement for 

long-term regional stability and progress. In line with its EU accession process, Serbia has made significant progress in the EU-facilitated Dialogue with Kosovo over 

the past year. We have strongly supported the Dialogue and encouraged both parties to fully implement all elements of the April 2013 ‘‘Brussels Agreement’’ on normalization of relations, a landmark diplomatic achievement in the Balkans. This 

August, we saw significant progress on implementing remaining elements of the 

Brussels Agreement—a major step toward opening Serbia’s first chapters of the EU 

acquis. Credit for these successes goes to the political leaders of Serbia and Kosovo, 

who have reaffirmed their commitment to the process, and to the principled mediators of the EU. The U.S. Embassies in Serbia and Kosovo also played an important 

role as behind-the-scenes mediators and impartial advisors on the process. I would 

also like to acknowledge the dedication and hard work Ambassador Michael Kirby 

has shown to facilitating relations between the two countries. If confirmed, I am 

committed to continuing this work in support of the Dialogue. Together with our 

European partners, I will work to help ensure that the parties remain at the table 

in good faith, implement all Dialogue agreements through timely and concrete 

results, and sustain progress toward a comprehensive normalization of relations. 

Serbia’s relations with its other neighbors generally have improved over the past 

3 years, but they, too, require continued focus. This will remain an important aspect 

of our diplomacy in the region. If confirmed, I will work to build strong channels 

of communication between Serbia and its neighbors—including Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia—so that outstanding issues can be resolved and the region as 

a whole can move toward Euro-Atlantic integration. 

Finally, Serbia is bearing a major brunt of the recent migration crisis afflicting 

much of Europe. Serbia deserves to be commended for its humanitarian approach, 

but can also use everyone’s help in managing the added burdens associated with 

this wave of migrants. 

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Democracy and Rule of Law 

An important element in Serbia’s European integration will be strengthening its 

ability to promote and defend shared democratic values, support human rights, and 

protect fundamental freedoms. If I am confirmed for this position, I am committed 

to continuing America’s support for strengthening institutions and procedures that 

support the rights of individuals from minority communities, help combat corruption, and foster a democratic society. A vibrant civil society, free media environment, 

and empowered independent institutions are critical to achieving these goals. 

Strengthening our long-standing support for these components of democracy will be 

a crucial part of my mission. Only by creating an environment underpinned by rule 

of law—one that allows each individual the opportunity to develop to his or her full 

potential—will Serbia succeed in attracting more investment, combat the debilitating outflow of its youngest and brightest, and strengthen the public’s faith in government institutions. The lead in these efforts must come from Serbian political 

leaders and the Serbian people, but our programs to strengthen the administration 

of criminal justice, advance judicial reform, improve investigation and prosecution 

of crimes, and train judges, prosecutors, and police can be an important part of this 

effort. Working closely with U.S. technical experts, civil society, and international 

organizations, the Serbian Government is taking measures to implement serious 

reforms—such as putting the recently passed whistleblower law to the test and 

bringing due process to those accused of corruption through transparent, thorough 

court trials. 

Economic development 

Alongside rule of law measures, more dynamic economic development and reform 

will be vital to Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations. Although there are initial signs 

that Serbia is finally emerging from a decade of anemic economic performance that 

has eroded national confidence, more needs to be done. I am committed to supporting American businesses as part of an effort to help Serbia embark on the road 

toward greater prosperity. Our economic ties continue to grow, with U.S. investment 

since 2002 exceeding $3.6 billion dollars. American companies employ more than 

15,500 people in Serbia. Serbia has enormous economic potential, including an educated and talented workforce and a geography that positions the country in an 

important trading crossroads for Europe. All this makes Serbia an attractive destination for investment from U.S. companies. To make the most of its potential, 

however, much work remains to be done to streamline the process of doing business, 

reduce bureaucratic impediments, improve small and medium-sized enterprise 

(SME) competitiveness and innovation, and combat the corrosive consequences of 

corruption. 

Peacekeeping and military relations 

Last November, Serbia signed an Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) with 

NATO reflecting the country’s increasing aspiration to be a source for stability and 

security not only in the Western Balkans, but in the broader region as well. 

Over the last 5 years, Serbia has become an increasingly important contributor 

to regional and international stability through peacekeeping operations. Serbian soldiers today are deployed as peacekeepers on six U.N. missions on three continents 

and as observers on two EU missions. The once confrontational military-to-military 

relationship between Serbia and the United States has evolved into a full and comprehensive partnership, and, as mentioned before, Serbia has committed to a pragmatic partnership with NATO. Through our Global Peace Operations Initiative 

(GPOI), the United States is supporting the development of South Base, a Serbian 

military facility that offers state-of-the-art training opportunities for units preparing 

to deploy overseas in support of U.N. and EU peacekeeping missions. The Serbian 

military’s partnership program with the Ohio National Guard is among the most 

successful in Europe. Both the civilian leadership and senior ranks of the uniformed 

military have embraced these and other programs as part of a comprehensive program for building skills and promoting interoperability. 

Bilateral concerns 

If confirmed, I will continue to seek resolution of two important challenges to our 

bilateral relationship. Those responsible for the murder of the three American citizen Bytyqi brothers, New York residents executed by Serbian security forces in 

1999, have never been prosecuted. The American people cannot allow the murderers 

of three of our citizens to escape justice. Likewise, those who allowed the mob 

attacks on the U.S. and other Western embassies in February 2008 to take place 

have never been brought to justice. While we welcome the fact that six current and 

former police officials are under investigation for ordering the police to stand aside 

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while our Embassy was under attack, we are dismayed that the rioters who were 

convicted were only given light, suspended sentences. For these cases—the murder 

of the Bytyqi brothers and the attack on our Embassy—I am committed to unwavering efforts to press the Serbian Government to complete thorough investigations and 

ensure that all who were involved in these crimes are brought to justice, regardless 

of their rank or position. 

Closing 

This is a challenging agenda, but it is also achievable. From my experience in the 

Foreign Service, I know I will not have to pursue it alone. Drawing on the experience of the talented team of Americans and locally employed staff at Embassy Belgrade, our partners from multiple agencies in Washington, and continued support 

from the legislative branch, I am committed to doing my utmost to promote our 

shared goal—a democratic Serbia providing growth and security for its citizens, at 

peace with all of its neighbors, and firmly set on a path of European integration. 

Thank you once again for granting me the opportunity to appear before this committee today. I look forward to your questions. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Scott. 

Our final nominee is Mr. Carlos Torres. Mr. Torres is nominated 

to be the Deputy Director of the Peace Corps. Mr. Torres is currently the Associate Director for Global Operations at the Peace 

Corps, a position he has held since 2013. 

Previously Mr. Torres served as Regional Director for the InterAmerica and Pacific Region at the Peace Corps and has served as 

an independent consultant on international projects from 2000 

until 2010. Mr. Torres also founded—is it CARANA? 

Mr. TORRES. CARANA. 

Senator JOHNSON. Corporation in 1984 and served as its president and CEO until the year 2000. 

Mr. Torres. 

STATEMENT OF CARLOS J. TORRES, NOMINATED TO BE 

DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE PEACE CORPS 

Mr. TORRES. Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, 

other members of the subcommittee, thank you for inviting me here 

today to testify before you. It is a privilege to be here as you consider my nomination to serve as the next Deputy Director of the 

Peace Corps. 

I would like to thank President Obama for nominating me. I am 

honored by this opportunity to serve my country in this role. 

I want to thank my family. I am accompanied today by my wife 

of 33 years, Anita Capizzi, and my mother, Anne Roper. Our three 

sons could not be with us today. They are spread out throughout 

the country. 

I would also like to thank Peace Corps Director Carrie HesslerRadelet for her leadership trust and counsel over the past years. 

I am also very proud to have with me today three recently returned Peace Corps Volunteers: Clara Reyes, Daniel Hinkle, and 

Soletia Christie. I have asked them to join us today because they 

are examples of how Volunteers are at the center of my decisionmaking process every day as we work toward a more important 

goal, ensuring that every Volunteer has a safe and productive volunteer experience. 

From the beginning of my career in the private sector, I have 

spent my life’s work in the field of economic development. This is 

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ment. I believe my real-world business experience has positively informed my decision-making process in my current role at Peace 

Corps, and if confirmed as the Deputy Director, I plan to continue 

to draw from this time as an entrepreneur and businessman. 

In December of 2009, several years after having stepped down as 

the chairman and CEO of CARANA Corporation, I was honored 

when Peace Corps asked me to put my management and international economic development skills to work by leading a comprehensive agency assessment team, which took a critical look at 

a wide range of Peace Corps operations and procedures. I am extremely proud of that assessment which focused on how Peace 

Corps could improve its operations, better utilize its resources, and 

increase its impact. The comprehensive agency assessment has 

served as a blueprint for the agency over the past 5 years and has 

guided many of our reforms, leading to vast improvements in the 

way we train and support our Volunteers, how we allocate resources, and overall management and operations within the agency. These reforms, among others, have positioned the Peace Corps 

to make an even greater impact into the future. 

I was sworn in as the regional director for the Inter-America and 

Pacific region in June 2010 and served in that capacity for 3 years. 

In November 2013, I was sworn in as the associate director for the 

Office of Global Operations. In both of these positions, I have been 

able to combine my private sector experience with the knowledge 

gained in carrying out the comprehensive agency assessment. The 

result has always been a sharp focus on improving our operations, 

particularly on how the agency supports its Volunteers in the field. 

I believe that it is moral obligation to provide all of our Volunteers with the best possible experience, one that is both safe and 

productive. I want to ensure the members of this subcommittee 

that these are not just words. Every decision I have made during 

my time at the agency is based on the foundation that as a manager at the Peace Corps, I have an obligation to do everything I can 

so that every Volunteer has that safe and productive experience. 

It has been an honor to shape both the direction and the agency’s 

significant reforms over the past 5 years, and I am committed both 

personally and professionally to seeing them through and continuing to provide world-class support to our Peace Corps Volunteers who are changing the world every day. 

Thank you again for having me here today, and I look forward 

to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Torres follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CARLOS J. TORRES

INTRODUCTION

Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the committee, 

I thank you for inviting me to testify before you today, as you consider my nomination to be the next Deputy Director of the Peace Corps. 

I would like to thank President Obama for nominating me; I am humbled by the 

opportunity to serve my country in this role. I also want to thank my family. I am 

accompanied today by my wife of 33 years—Anita Capizzi; and my mother—Anne 

Roper. I would also like to recognize my sons; Cristian, who is studying at the University of Maryland; Miguel, who is working in Costa Mesa, CA; and Andres, who 

just finished his MBA at Kellogg University in Chicago and is now working in Austin, TX. I would also like to thank Peace Corps Director, Carrie Hessler-Radelet, for 

her leadership, trust, and counsel over the past several years. 

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I am also very proud to have with me today three recently returned Volunteers: 

Clara Reyes, Daniel Hinkle, and Soletia Christie. Clara comes from New Mexico and 

served in El Salvador from 2009 to 2012; Daniel hails from Montana and also served 

in El Salvador from 2010 to 2012; and Soletia comes from California and served in 

Mali from 2010 to 2012. I have asked them to join us today to witness my testimony 

because they are examples of how Volunteers are at the center of Peace Corps’ and 

my decisionmaking process every day. 

Background 

I would like to take a brief moment to talk about my background and experience, 

and how it has prepared me for this opportunity. From the beginning of my professional career as a consultant in the financial industries group at the Arthur D. Little Company in Cambridge, MA, through today, I believe I have developed a strong 

reputation as a manager and as a problem solver. It would be my great honor to 

be able to continue to apply my skills as the Deputy Director of the Peace Corps, 

if confirmed. 

It was during my time at the Arthur D. Little Company that I first began to work 

in the field of economic development, focusing my efforts since then on reducing 

global poverty and income inequality. 

In 1983, I was a personal services contractor in Costa Rica with the United States 

Agency for International Development, which was my first job with the United 

States Government. A year later, I started CARANA Corporation, a consulting company providing private sector-led solutions to problems in economic development. 

Over the next 16 years, I built CARANA Corporation into the company that it is 

today—a Virginia-based company that has a strong presence throughout the developing world with dedicated staff working on a variety of innovative development 

projects. 

It was a natural progression that in early 2009—several years after having 

stepped down as president of CARANA Corporation, and with a strong interest in 

working overseas again—I applied to be a Country Director with the Peace Corps. 

However, as fate would have it, in December 2009, the agency’s leadership asked 

me, instead, to lead a Comprehensive Agency Assessment team that was tasked to 

take a critical look at a wide range of issues concerning Peace Corps’ operations and 

procedures. 

I am extremely proud of the Assessment, which focused on how Peace Corps could 

improve its operations, better utilize its resources, and increase its impact. The 

Comprehensive Agency Assessment has served as a blueprint for the agency over 

the past 4 years, and has guided many of our reforms, leading to marked improvements in the way we train and support our Volunteers, how we allocate resources, 

and overall management and operations within the agency. These reforms, among 

others, have positioned the Peace Corps to make an even greater impact in the 

future. 

The Comprehensive Agency Assessment was delivered to Congress on June 15, 

2010. The next day, I was sworn in as the Regional Director of the Inter-America 

and Pacific region of the Peace Corps, where I served until March 2013. I then 

served as the Acting Associate Director for Global Operations until November 2013, 

when I was sworn into the job. I have been serving as the Associate Director for 

the Office of Global Operations since then. 

As the Regional Director of the Inter-America and Pacific region, I oversaw Peace 

Corps’ operations in 23 countries, which in turn supported approximately 2,800 Volunteers. In this position, I was able to combine my private sector experience with 

the knowledge gained in carrying out the Comprehensive Agency Assessment. The 

result was a sharp focus on improving Volunteer operations, and particularly, on 

how the agency supports Volunteers in the field. 

When I say we are committed to ‘‘a safe and productive Volunteer experience,’’ 

I want to assure the members of this committee that these are not just words. I 

believe very strongly that as an agency, it is Peace Corps’ moral obligation to provide Volunteers with the best possible experience: a safe and productive experience. 

Every decision I have made during my time with the agency is based on the foundation that, as a manager at the Peace Corps, I have an obligation to do everything 

I can so that every Volunteer has a safe and productive experience. 

It was this focus on the Volunteer that in 2010 led me to take a hard look at 

Peace Corps’ operations in the Northern Triangle of Central American and in other 

parts of the region where crime rates against Volunteers were high. We asked ourselves some hard questions regarding our Volunteer operations in these countries 

and focused on how we looked at risk, with a fresh eye on how we could improve 

our overall risk mitigation strategies. The result was a comprehensive package of 

reforms that were implemented in early 2011. The reforms we made resulted in a 

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dramatic decrease in serious crimes against our Volunteers. While these difficult 

decisions were not always popular, I am proud of the results that we have delivered. 

As the Associate Director of the Office of Global Operations, I continued to focus 

my attention on further strengthening Volunteer operations. I work every day to 

implement the vision of our Director, born out of the Comprehensive Agency Assessment, and predicated on our goal that every Volunteer have a safe and productive 

experience. 

During my time at Peace Corps, I have worked with Peace Corps staff to better 

define our core operations and develop a framework that we can use to make better 

decisions. I have worked to ensure that our overseas staff has a greater say in the 

decisionmaking process at the agency, which in turn keeps the agency’s focus on the 

core operations in the field. I have also worked to introduce new budgeting and 

planning methodologies that have resulted in improved funding and staffing for our 

overseas posts, so they can better support our Volunteers. 

In her testimony before this committee in November, 2013, Director HesslerRadelet described her vision for the agency as a dynamic, forward-leaning champion 

for international service. I embrace this vision where the Peace Corps is defined by 

its energy, innovation, and impact, and as the place where Americans who are 

drawn to service abroad can make a real difference in the lives of the world’s poor. 

To implement our Director’s vision, the agency is concentrating its resources in 

three key areas: a bold communications and outreach strategy, a competitive 

recruitment strategy, and continued enhancements to Volunteer support to deliver 

results. At the center of these three elements is the work that we do to recruit and 

support the best staff possible, and to ensure that we are providing the right level 

of resources where they are needed. I am happy to say that we continue to make 

excellent progress in each of these areas. 

Conclusion 

If confirmed as Deputy Director, I hope to be able to continue to implement the 

vision that our Director has articulated so well by focusing on our core operations 

with the Volunteer at the center. 

In my professional career, I have been fortunate to come across many Peace Corps 

Volunteers in the many countries where I have worked. I developed an admiration 

for these dedicated Americans who live in tough conditions, working every day to 

bring new skills, knowledge, and hope to the communities they serve. In many 

cases, these Volunteers are the first Americans that the residents in these communities have ever interacted with, and as a result, today there are millions of people 

around the world with a positive opinion of America and its people, and a greater 

understanding of what we as a country stand for. 

At the beginning of my testimony I introduced three recently returned Volunteers: 

Clara, Soletia, and Daniel. I am blessed to work with them, and all of the other 

returned Peace Corps Volunteers at the agency, every day. These returned Volunteers, as well as all of our currently serving Volunteers, inspire me every day to 

work my hardest so that each and every one of them has a safe and productive Volunteer experience. I welcome the opportunity to serve President Obama, Director 

Hessler-Radelet, my country and our Volunteers in this capacity. 

Thank you again for having me here today, and I look forward to answering any 

questions you may have. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Mr. Torres. Again, I want to welcome all your family and friends that have come here to the hearing. 

A number of you mentioned the refugee crisis, and I guess I 

would kind of like to go right down the line. Either through your 

current experience, previous experience, or your new position, give 

me your latest insight. I would like to be brought up to speed with 

your knowledge of how the refugee crisis—what you are aware of. 

I will start with you, Ms. Hill. 

Ms. HILL. Thank you, Senator Johnson. 

From the perspective that I have been tracking the refugee crisis 

from Malta’s perspective, it has been a bit different this year than 

years past. In years past, the refugee flow has gone straight 

through Malta. It has been a south to north flow coming up from 

North Africa. This year the refugee crisis has changed. It has gone 

to an east to west flow. So this year, Malta has not seen as many 

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refugees entering the country as they have last year. As a matter 

of fact, this year they have had maybe a little bit over 100 refugees 

and that is it. In years past, they have been in the thousands, and 

for a small country, that has been a heavy burden. 

Senator JOHNSON. They just stop in Malta and transit down 

through? 

Ms. HILL. What is going on right now is some have made it to 

the shores, but the Europeans now have Operation Trident going 

on in the Mediterranean, which is intercepting the boats and taking them to larger intake facilities in Italy. So the refugees are 

being shuttled around Malta to the larger intake facilities in Italy. 

But Malta has still been at the forefront of the burden-sharing plan 

the European Union has just put in place. In years past, Malta has 

been a country that has tried to get rid of its refugees. This year, 

they have agreed to take refugees from Turkey and Greece in small 

numbers, but according to the formula that the European Union 

has based on burden-sharing for all the states. So they are taking 

about 180 refugees this year from Turkey and Greece. 

Senator JOHNSON. So with Operation Trident, how quickly are 

refugees picked up? How soon are they intercepted and taken on 

board? Within how many miles approximately? 

Ms. HILL. You know, Senator, I do not have the answers to that 

question specifically. I can get those for you. I think it is fairly 

quickly when they enter international waters if they are discovered. Sometimes the ships make it directly to Italy without even 

going through any interception. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Rubin. 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

At the end of the cold war, Bulgaria had a fully militarized border with Turkey, which was the border between the Warsaw Pact 

and NATO. And at the time of the end of the cold war, those fortifications and fencing and walls and other physical barriers were 

torn down. At the beginning of this refugee crisis, Bulgaria faced 

a situation in which much of its physical border was unprotected, 

undefended, unfenced. And at the beginning of the crisis, Bulgaria 

was faced with a very large inflow of migrants from Turkey crossing areas that were not patrolled, and in the initial phases, about 

90,000 illegal entry attempts and about 30,000 arrests were made. 

Since the beginning of the crisis, Bulgaria, with help from the 

European Union and other partners, including the United States, 

has done much to erect physical controls on the border, which is 

the external border of the European Union now, as well as control 

the areas that are not fenced. And there has been a dramatic improvement in the number of refugees/migrants trying to cross illegally. Bulgaria faces less of a challenge than some of the other EU 

members because it is not yet a member of Schengen, and therefore, entering Bulgaria does not give migrants automatic entry to 

the rest of the EU. So for that reason, it has not been as popular 

a destination. 

That said, these numbers are very significant and we have generally assessed that the Bulgarian Government and the Bulgarian 

border police and other agencies have done a good job both in handling this tremendous influx, but also treating the migrants with 

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full respect for their rights and ensuring that all procedures are 

followed. 

Senator JOHNSON. So you used the figure 90,000; 30,000 were apprehended. Can you just tell me what is the disposition of the 

60,000 that were not apprehended versus the 30,000 who were? 

Mr. RUBIN. Yes. The ones who were apprehended but not taken 

into custody essentially were turned away, and I would not be able 

to tell you what happened after they returned to Turkey, but that 

is obviously a subject that is an important question. 

On the question of those in Bulgaria, there are temporary detention centers. The Bulgarians have complied with all procedures in 

terms of registering the migrants who they detained, ensuring that 

they have full biometrics on them, sharing that with European 

Union agencies and international agencies tracking the flow. And 

we have been very, very pleased with the cooperation we have had 

in following this influx. 

Senator JOHNSON. So you are saying that about 60,000 are being 

detained now within Bulgaria? 

Mr. RUBIN. I do not have exact numbers, Mr. Chairman. It is 

under 30,000 and falling, and I think the peak of the crisis, it 

would appear, for Bulgaria has passed. 

Senator JOHNSON. Now, they are moving around Bulgaria then. 

Mr. RUBIN. Correct. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Scott. 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you very much for the question, Mr. Chairman. 

I think as we have all seen from the news, Serbia is a key transit 

point for many of the flows of the refugees coming out of Turkey 

through Greece, Macedonia, through Serbia on their way toward 

northern Europe. 

To put that in some bit of perspective, in 2014, Serbia had about 

17,000 registered refugees. This year, especially this fall, they are 

registering numbers like that on a weekly basis, some days as 

many as 3,000 and as high as 10,000 per day have been crossing 

their border. 

Serbia’s approach has been very much based upon meeting their 

humanitarian needs. These people are not seeking to stay in Serbia. They are moving onward, and Serbia is taking the approach 

of trying to make sure that their humanitarian needs are met, but 

also frankly to help them on their way northward. So what that 

means in Serbia’s case is ensuring that they have adequate protections at their southern border so that they can process these people 

through in a humanitarian way. That means providing shelter for 

them, medical treatment for those who need it, food, and transit 

aid as well to move further north. 

They have also been very cognizant of the security concerns and 

security needs by trying to channel these refugees into reception 

centers. They are then able to process those who present themselves to the Serbian Government. That means ensuring proper 

documentation, taking biometrics, and then moving them on. 

Senator JOHNSON. My time has expired. 

Senator Shaheen. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

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I would like to begin with Mr. Torres. I am a big supporter of 

the Peace Corps. I think it does amazing work around the world. 

But I am very troubled by the recent report from the Office of the 

Inspector General that found that nearly 1 in 5 American Peace 

Corps Volunteers serving around the world is sexually assaulted at 

some point during their service. And equally troubling was the 

finding in the report that about half of these victims did not report 

their attacks because they felt that it would negatively impact their 

standing as a Peace Corps Volunteer. 

Now, given that you have served for the last couple of years as 

assistant director for Global Operations and that you were a consultant for 10 years before that, can you talk about what is going 

on in the culture of the Peace Corps that allows this to continue 

to happen and that makes Volunteers feel like they cannot report 

or get help for the situation that they have been in when they have 

been sexually assaulted? 

Mr. TORRES. Yes, Senator, I can address that. 

The Peace Corps’s primary concern is the safety and security of 

our Volunteers. We work tirelessly to create that safe and productive Volunteer experience. 

In 2011, after the passage of the Kate Puzey Act, we created 

what we refer to as our sexual assault risk reduction and response 

program. This is a comprehensive program with over 30 components that are designed not only to better train our Volunteers to 

avoid the risks but also to respond in a better way to our Volunteers. It has been advised by an independent council of individuals 

that are both from the public sector, Justice, Defense, as well as 

in the private sector, that are experts in the field of sexual assault. 

I believe that the agency has made tremendous strides in this 

area. We have created, among other things, and specifically to address the issue of nonreporting, a system of restricted reporting. 

The system of restricted reporting is one that allows a Volunteer 

to come forward, receive the services that they require with a limited number of people knowing about it. We know that a lot of victims of sexual assault do not come forward because they do not 

want it to be known or they do not want to file charges or have 

it turn into a criminal case. The system of restricted reporting does 

that. 

We have seen an increase in the reporting. We believe that this 

is not an increase in the number of sexual assaults but rather that 

it is achieving our goal of increased reporting in sexual assaults. 

And as I stated earlier, I do believe that our agency has made significant progress. There is always more that we can do and we continue to work for them. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Can you talk a little bit more about the kind 

of preparation that is provided to Peace Corps Volunteers and the 

training that they get that would help them both in terms of addressing potential dangerous situations as well as how they are instructed if they are sexually assaulted? 

Mr. TORRES. Yes. 

So on the risk reduction side, we carry out trainings on culture, 

hidden messages that translate through culture. We talk to them 

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able to them. A lot of work goes into their site development and 

the site where they are placed. We know that Volunteers are safest 

in their sites. So that would be another area. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Can you explain that a little bit more? When 

you say ‘‘safest in their sites,’’ what do you mean? 

Mr. TORRES. So as you know, Peace Corps places their Volunteers in sites in a community. The whole Peace Corps rationale behind safety and security is that by placing them in a community 

and having them be accepted by that community, they are safest. 

It is the community that protects them. So our work that we do in 

site development really is critical to ensuring the safety of the Volunteer over their 2 years of service, and that is what we focus on. 

In addition, on the training, we also provide them training on 

how they can report, whether it be restricted or a standard report. 

We also inform them as to the role of the Office of the Inspector 

General. They always have the option to go directly to the Inspector General. We supply them with a hotline number, as well as an 

email address. So they are receiving information from a lot of different angles. 

On the response side, they know what their options are. We remind them constantly. Our staff has undergone training in all of 

our posts on how to respond to a standard report or how to respond 

to a restricted report. 

Senator SHAHEEN. And yet, according to the Inspector General, 

the hope for outcome from all of those measures has not improved 

significantly, as I read it. Do you feel like those measures have improved the situation, and if not, what other kinds of efforts do you 

think can be undertaken to address this issue? Because clearly 

when that is on the nightly news, it discourages people who we 

want to come and join the Peace Corps. 

Mr. TORRES. Yes, Senator. 

Right now, the Office of the Inspector General is beginning a 

study, which would be the 5-year study on the implementation of 

the Kate Puzey Act. This study was called for under the legislation, 

and I look forward to that study. I believe that they will be a tough 

critic but I also believe that they will be fair. I believe that this 

report, when it is submitted to Congress, will show that the agency 

has made these significant improvements. 

I mentioned that we have an independent advisory board. This 

is also created under the Kate Puzey Act. They have advised us 

every step of the way. They have just finished their fourth annual 

report, and with your permission, I would just like to read two sentences from it—— 

Senator SHAHEEN. Sure, please. 

Mr. TORRES [continuing]. Which I believe does tell a different 

story. 

The council continues to be impressed with the Peace Corps for 

its dedication to fulfill the mandates of the Kate Puzey Act and for 

the development of a wide range of programs and services for its 

Volunteers. Whether implementing new policies, introducing new 

staff in Volunteer training, or working to monitor and evaluate programs and services, the Peace Corps has demonstrated an ongoing 

commitment to its Volunteers. This is dated October 28. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Our commitment to sexual assault and the risk reduction and response aspects of it really start with our director. You may be 

aware that our director herself was assaulted when she was a 

Peace Corps Volunteer. She is driven to change the culture of 

Peace Corps. We follow her drive. I believe that she has done an 

excellent job, and we continue to improve the Peace Corps every 

day. 

Senator SHAHEEN. My time is up but, Mr. Chairman, if you do 

not mind, let me ask a final question because as the Deputy Director, will this issue be part of your portfolio at the Peace Corps. 

Mr. TORRES. This issue is part of everybody’s portfolio at the 

Peace Corps. We have all received training. We are all a part of 

it. When I travel overseas and I visit a post, I attend the trainings 

that are related to our SARP program. It is everybody’s job at the 

Peace Corps. As the Deputy Director, it will be my job and it is my 

job to make sure that we continue to make the progress that we 

need to make. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you. I very much appreciate that 

and that response. And I look forward to getting reports as part of 

this committee on the progress that is being made on this issue because it is obviously a critical challenge that needs to be overcome 

for the Peace Corps to continue to do the kind of work that has 

made it such an icon for America. 

Mr. TORRES. Thank you, Senator. And I would be happy to offer 

a visit from our experts at the Peace Corps that could meet with 

you or other members of the subcommittee. Then I could brief you 

on everything we are doing and all of the changes that we have 

made. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. We will take you up on that. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. 

Let me go back to refugees with Mr. Scott. So they transit 

through Serbia through where? Hungary has pretty well closed 

their border I believe. So it is through Croatia then? 

Mr. SCOTT. Yes, sir. At the beginning, they were going mainly 

through Hungary, but after Hungary built up its wall, they began 

to transit mainly through Croatia. There was a brief period when 

that border was shut down as well, but now the cooperation between the Croatian Government and the Government of Serbia has 

managed to regularize the flow. 

Senator JOHNSON. I see that Senator Murphy has just arrived. 

So Senator Murphy. 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Welcome to all of you. Congratulations on your nominations. 

Hopefully we will move you quickly through the process. 

Mr. Rubin, I wanted to ask you a broad question that would also 

apply to the other members of the panel that are going to go to visa 

waiver countries, but we are having a debate here about the security of this country and the extent to which we can work with the 

administration to tighten up the visa waiver program to make sure 

we know who is coming into the United States. I know that the administration just announced some reforms to that program. But I 

want to draw on your experience at the Europe and Eurasia desk 

over the course of the last several years, and if there are comments 

from others, I welcome them. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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It strikes me that the backstop to the visa waiver program is the 

no-fly list, is our ability to determine who should and who should 

not be on these flights. Our no-fly list is only as good as the information that we have about people that pose a risk to the United 

States. And our information about how poses a risk to the United 

States is only so good as we have agile and robust lines of communication with European governments that are doing a lot of the law 

enforcement actions. Now, our intelligence services communicate 

regularly, but sometimes, as we know, there are silos between intelligence agencies and law enforcement agencies in the United 

States and in European capitals. 

Talk to me just a little bit about, to the extent that this is in 

your portfolio, ways in which we should be thinking about 

strengthening the visa waiver program. And then what role does 

an ambassador play in a visa waiver country in trying to force the 

host country to get serious about populating these shared databases with all of the information necessary to have a complete list 

of prohibited individuals? 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you very much, Senator Murphy. 

During my time in the European Bureau over the past 4 years, 

this subject was one of our absolute top priorities, and I will say 

I think enormous progress was made directly with the European 

Union and its agencies with all the member states with a few other 

countries that are not European Union members but are in the 

visa waiver program. The issues you cite, Senator, are the absolute 

critical issues, having good information early enough and having 

ample enough information to ensure that we are protecting our borders and ensuring that we are not admitting anyone who should 

not be admitted. We are ongoing. 

Next, if this committee and the whole Senate confirms me, Bulgaria is not yet a member of the visa waiver program. The Bulgarians would very much like to join, but I can say that in the case 

of Bulgaria, the cooperation has been absolutely superb on all the 

various forms of data sharing and information sharing that we 

need to ensure that travelers to the United States are screened 

adequately. We do not have any direct flights from Bulgaria, so we 

do not have to deal with any direct entry problems. But we do have 

the information on travelers coming from Bulgaria and the cooperation between our agencies on the ground, DHS, the State Department’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Bureau, the 

Drug Enforcement Agency, all of our other agencies, the FBI, has 

been superb. It is obviously a regional issue. It is obviously an 

issue that affects all of these countries. I can tell you that if I am 

confirmed, as Bulgaria seeks to join the visa waiver program, this 

will be an absolute top priority ensuring that that is the most important question addressed. 

Senator MURPHY. But given your—and this is more going backward rather than forward in your career. Has State been satisfied 

with the level of input into the databases that we have access to 

that come from our European partners regarding law enforcement 

or national security investigations of suspected terrorists or extremists? 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you, Senator. 

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During my time in the European Bureau, I did not actually oversee any relations with countries that were in the visa waiver program. So I will confess to not having the fullest picture. I can tell 

you, though, as part of my time as Deputy Assistant Secretary, as 

part of the team, it was a very high priority effort from the beginning and I do know in all of our biannual discussions with the EU, 

with the agencies of the member states, a lot was accomplished. I 

would defer to colleagues who were more directly involved in that 

and would also be glad to get you more information on that trajectory as well during that time. 

Senator MURPHY. Mr. Scott, about a year ago, I was in Serbia, 

spent some time with Prime Minister Vucic. I was there at a fascinating moment. I happened to be there the day before Putin arrived with a military parade overflown by MIG jets. And it was 

pretty remarkable that on a day when he was showing off the sort 

of robust potential military and economic commitment that Russia 

was prepared to make to Serbia, our Ambassador was at the time 

begging me to come back to the United States to ask for $20,000 

or $30,000 more to keep open an exchange program that was really, really important. 

And it just struck me as an example of the extreme imbalance 

between the amount of attention that we pay to the Balkans and 

the amount of attention that the Russians pay. A country like Serbia desperately wants—I think Vucic generally wants an alliance 

with Europe and an alliance with the West. But they are getting 

a lot more love and a lot more attention from Moscow than they 

are from Washington today. 

Now, we cannot expect that a country like Serbia is going to 

make a choice. We should not. They have to have good relations 

with Russia. It is deeply engrained in their history. But we have 

got to find some ways, potentially in the absence of major new appropriations for programs like that from the Congress, to create 

some tighter connections. 

This is a long way of asking about what you know about Serbia’s 

orientation between the EU and Russia. What are some things that 

we can do to show them that we are serious about tightening that 

connection between us and them? Because they are going to continue to get offers as they do almost every month from Moscow to 

create security partnerships, to create economic partnerships to 

draw them away. And they are not the only ones. The 

Montenegrins are getting those offers. Certainly the offers are always out there for the Bosnians, and we do not often have satisfactory counters to those offers. 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you very much for your question, and I share 

the basic thrust of your concerns about a more assertive Russian 

presence in the western Balkans and in Serbia in particular. 

I agree with you very much that it should not be American policy 

to try to drive a wedge between the Serbian people and the Russian people. There are centuries’ long historical, cultural, linguistic, 

religious ties between the peoples. 

But the real concern is whether Russian Government policy 

today is influencing Serbia or other countries of the western Balkans in ways that would be detrimental to our interests. And in 

this regard—and I know that you met with Prime Minister Vucic, 

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and I also had the opportunity to hear you speaking of your general impressions at the German Marshall Fund after that trip. You 

know that he and his government have made a commitment, a 

strategic commitment, toward the direction that he would like to 

see his country go, towards the West, toward European Union 

membership. And I think that we should be doing everything possible that we can to encourage them and to help them along that 

path, to strengthen their institutional interweaving with Euro-Atlantic institutions. And that means first and foremost for them at 

this point the European Union. They are not interested in joining 

NATO at this moment. But also in relationships with the United 

States. I think that our embassy can play a big role in that process. 

Part of it is in order to have a counternarrative to the narrative 

which the Russians are trying to put forward, and that means the 

Ambassador and other members of the mission need to be out there 

in the public speaking to the press, speaking to the Serbian population, traveling around the country. We need to use the American 

centers that we have in Serbia as platforms to allow the Serbian 

people to get to better know what Western and in particular American policies are all about because there is a lot of false messages 

that are being presented by the Russians. And we need to help support the basic institutions which can get out alternate messages to 

the one which the Russians are trying to send out. That means 

strengthening an independent press. It means working with civil 

society organizations. It means basic programs that embassies run 

such as English language teaching so that Serbian youth have 

greater access to other sources of information as Russia itself is 

seeking to penetrate through the use of Serbian language radio 

programs providing the Russian message. And it means using our 

exchange programs. It means using our student visa programs to 

make sure that Serbian youth are aware of where America is, the 

values that we stand for, and the policies that we are putting forward. 

Senator MURPHY. Well said. 

One just last piece of commentary, Mr. Chairman. Spending time 

in the Balkans is just an advertisement for how poorly resourced 

we are when it comes to our foreign aid budget. USAID I think has 

already pulled out or in the process of pulling out of Serbia, and 

so we have less tools than ever before to try to counter all of these 

resources and all of this money that Russia is flowing into these 

regions. And as we talk about a strategy to try to rebut their growing influence, it has got to involve giving more tools to our ambassadors in the region to try to do all of the things that you are saying because you are going to get there and you are going to realize 

that for as spot-on as you were about the things you need to do, 

you are just not going to have the resources that you need or that 

you want, and we have got to give it to you. 

Thank you for allowing me a little extra time, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator JOHNSON. We have got to prioritize spending. 

Let us go back to refugees. Mr. McKean, can you add anything 

to what you have already heard from the other nominees? 

Mr. MCKEAN. Thank you, Senator Johnson. 

In Luxembourg, the refugee problem is not as acute as it is with 

its neighbors. It is a small country. It is actually relatively difficult 

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to get there. But I think importantly that Luxembourg recognizes 

what an important issue this is, which is why it has actually contributed $24 million to Iraq and Syria and refugees in the Middle 

East at the source. As you know, we have contributed $4.5 billion, 

but again this is a significant contribution by Luxembourg. 

They have also recently for the least several months been, as I 

mentioned in my opening statement, President of the EU, and they 

have managed to forge a consensus on the resettlement of 160,000 

refugees. I do not have the details on that, but it is a significant 

number. Obviously, it is going to require a lot more. 

Luxembourg itself has committed to taking 550 refugees over the 

next 2 years and, in fact, took the first 30 Syrians or those who 

had landed in Greece and were settled in Luxembourg. 

Senator JOHNSON. What is your sense of the current rate of flow 

of refugees? Increased? Has it tapered off? Is it steady? 

Mr. MCKEAN. Well, I think it clearly increased about a month 

ago and is now steady, but it is significant. It is very significant. 

And of course, it is significant in a number of the countries that 

border Iraq and Syria as well. Turkey has a million, a million and 

a half in Lebanon, a million in Jordan. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Torres, to what extent is the Peace Corps 

involved with this crisis? 

Mr. TORRES. Senator, the Peace Corps does not get involved in 

refugee issues. So we do not do any work in the area of Syrian refugees. 

Senator JOHNSON. Senator Murphy mentioned the visa waiver 

program. We had a hearing in my committee, the Homeland Security and Government Affairs, talking about the Syrian refugee 

issue and the vetting process there. And I think the witnesses—you 

know, determined terrorists—the refugee program is probably not 

the most efficient way to get here, probably a relatively high risk 

of getting caught. But they expressed a fair amount of concern 

about the visa waiver program. 

Can you describe your concern? Does it present vulnerabilities? 

I will start with you, Ms. Hill. 

Ms. HILL. Thank you, Senator. 

As it relates to Malta, Malta is a visa waiver country. They are 

a member of the program. As far as refugees in Malta, because of 

the lengthy time in which it takes to even get declared as an official refugee in Malta, it can take up to a year for the Maltese to 

even declare an irregular migrant a refugee. Even then you only 

get refugee travel documents. That does not convey citizenship. 

Only citizens of visa waiver countries can travel on the visa waiver 

program. So from Malta, I see the threat as not very high at this 

point because it is so hard to get the citizenship, to get the actual 

citizenship passport. But if I am confirmed, I will certainly work 

with the Maltese Government to ensure that we maintain the security of the program and any enhancements that might be decided 

on back here in Washington. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Rubin. 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Bulgaria is trying to join the visa waiver program. At the moment the numbers for visa refusal rates are sufficiently high that 

that is not an immediate prospect. But if confirmed, I would make 

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it a very high priority to ensure that in our discussions with the 

Bulgarians we made clear that we can only consider going forward 

under any circumstances if all of the security criteria were met. 

Bulgaria has done a very good job in information sharing with 

us on biometrics. It is difficult to get Bulgarian citizenship. They 

have done well on passport security and reporting stolen passports 

and false passports to international agencies, including Interpol. So 

I think the track record is good if that were to happen and that 

was something, obviously, I would take very seriously if I am confirmed and we continue to talk to them about this. 

Senator JOHNSON. Mr. Scott, are you aware of any vulnerabilities 

that concern you? 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Serbia is not a member of the visa waiver program, nor do they 

have any direct flights to the United States, although they are 

hopeful to begin direct flights to the United States around the summer of next year. In that sense, all Serbian citizens must receive 

visas. They must go through the standard name checking process 

that the visa process requires, and they also must have their biometrics taken during that process. 

But I think one of the things, should I be confirmed, that I would 

certainly be focusing on is ensuring that Serbia is as active as possible in information-sharing with our services on those people who 

might come to their attention who would be of concern. 

Senator JOHNSON. Again, I am asking based on past experience 

as well. Mr. McKean, are you aware of any vulnerabilities that concern you? 

Mr. MCKEAN. Luxembourg is a member of the visa waiver program. There are no direct passenger flights between Luxembourg 

and the United States, so they must go through a connection hub. 

As Ms. Hill indicated, only citizens of Luxembourg would be appropriate for the visa waiver program, and there is a 7-year residency 

requirement in order to become a citizen of Luxembourg. So it is 

fairly stringent. 

Moreover, the Government of Luxembourg has been a very good 

partner in terms of sharing information. So I again would consider 

the vulnerability to be quite low. But I know that both Congress 

and the White House is looking at the program, and if there are 

any enhancement or changes, I would do everything possible, if 

confirmed, to make sure that the Government of Luxembourg complies with those changes. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you. 

Senator Shaheen. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. 

Mr. Scott, I want to pursue some of the line of questioning that 

Senator Murphy was raising with respect to Serbia. And I share 

his belief that we need to try and be more focused on what is happening in the Balkans. I think we have seen some tremendous 

progress there since Yugoslavia split up into all of the countries in 

the Balkans. And I think we need to do more and think about how 

better we can support them as they continue to look toward the 

West and certainly with Serbia as it is pursuing its entry into the 

EU. And I wonder if you could update me briefly on where they are 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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with that and what concerns they might have before finishing their 

final process for membership in the EU. 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you very much for the question, and I share 

very much your approach to the importance of the Balkans. The 

people of the Balkans have a saying that their own region is a barrel of gunpowder, and they recognize its potential for tensions. 

In the case of Serbia’s ambitions to join the EU, I think that they 

are moving ahead. They are making significant progress, in fact, 

across the board. However, the current European Commission, 

which was brought in, has announced that no countries will be getting in over the next 5 years of this commission. So really, we are 

talking about serious preparatory work, making sure that they 

open chapters and close chapters in the—I believe it is 35 chapters 

that are necessary for admission into the European Union. We are 

very hopeful and, in fact, expect that in less than 2 weeks’ time, 

they will open their first two chapters formally. They need to continue to make progress in opening and closing chapters over the period of the next coming years so that in fact when the European 

Union has reached a point where they are ready for new membership, that Serbia will be as ready as possible for that. 

As to the difficulties involved, clearly there are rule of law issues 

that still need to be addressed, but I think most experts would say 

the most difficult issues are those dealing with their neighbors, regional relations, and in particular their relationship with Kosovo. 

And one of the first two chapters in fact that will be opened on December 14 is chapter 35, which deals with this very issue of relations with our neighbors and how to move forward. And here we 

are committed. I think it is unreasonable to expect that there is 

going to be massive, significant progress in the short term on this 

issue. What we are really talking about is a slow negotiation toward a comprehensive normalization of relations between Serbia 

and Kosovo over time. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Right. And I was very excited when I saw that 

Serbia and Kosovo had reached an initial agreement on how to 

move forward several years ago. How concerned do you think we 

should be about the unrest in Kosovo right now with respect to trying to begin implementation of that agreement? 

Mr. SCOTT. Thank you very much for the question. 

Of course, I will have to defer to Ambassador Delawie in Kosovo 

on the details of that. 

But I think what we have seen over time is the domestic politics 

in all of the countries of the region can have an impact on the pace 

of progress, and we have had other periods in which there have 

been holds as, after elections, countries have tried to put together 

governments and everything. So it is clear I think that having an 

authoritative government ready to move forward is a clear necessity for making significant progress. In that regard, all I can say 

is that in Serbia the Prime Minister and his government seem committed to moving forward on this process, and I look forward, 

should I be confirmed, to working with them to encourage progress 

in that direction. 

Senator SHAHEEN. I appreciate that. 

I was meeting with some officials from the Balkans this summer, 

and they raised concerns about Russian influence whenever there 

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793 

was an opportunity, potential unrest to encourage that unrest in 

subversive kinds of ways. To what extent are we seeing any of that 

kind of influence, or can you speak to that with what is going on 

right now in terms of the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo? 

Mr. SCOTT. I think that I would agree with your general view of 

Russian behavior in an attempt to essentially split allies apart and 

create areas of uncertainty and potential unrest, and we have seen 

that also in the western Balkans without a doubt. In the case of 

Serbia, their dependency on Russia, especially in the area of energy, is significant, and that is why I think it is important that the 

United States and the European Union are moving forward on efforts toward greater diversification of energy resources, toward a 

broader strategic plan for all of Europe to reduce dependencies 

upon Russia or any single source of energy. That is clearly the case 

in Serbia. Serbia imports all of its gas from Russia, and although 

the gas it imports is not all the gas they have, because they have 

their own domestic gas, the company which controls the domestic 

gas is also owned by Russia. But the government is clearly aware 

of that. 

I think working on interconnectors, especially the Bulgarian 

interconnector through the southern route, will be key, steps forward for the future. Also diversification of resources, and here I 

think there great opportunities for American companies in new and 

renewable sources of energy, carbon sequestration, and other issues 

where I think there are opportunities for cooperation with Serbia 

both for their benefit but also for our own. 

Senator SHAHEEN. I have to say before I leave Serbia that I had 

the opportunity to be part of the delegation to the memorial remembrance of the Srbenica massacre this summer, and I very 

much appreciated, despite the incident that happened there, the 

Serbian Prime Minister for going there, for meeting with the Bosnian officials and for paying his respects at that remembrance. And 

I certainly hope they will continue those kinds of symbolic gestures 

because I think they are very important in reducing tensions within the region. 

I am about to run out of time. But I want to go to you, Mr. 

Rubin, on the energy issues because you raised that in your testimony. And it is my understanding that there is a pipeline proposed 

across Greece that would have a spur that would go into Bulgaria, 

which if it were open, would be very positive in terms of providing 

some alternative energy for Bulgaria. It was described to me as a 

minor approval that is remaining for Greece before construction on 

that pipeline can begin. 

As Ambassador to Bulgaria, how do you see your role in trying 

to encourage those kinds of projects to get done so that there is energy diversification? 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. 

If I am confirmed, this will be absolutely one of the top priorities 

for me as Ambassador both because of the necessity of helping Bulgaria achieve diverse energy supplies but also because of the role 

that Bulgaria plays in the region as a potential energy hub. 

The interconnector pipeline that you described with Greece is 

close to agreement. I want to knock on the table when I say that. 

And I would like to believe that if I am confirmed, before I even 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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get to post, it will have already been signed and agreed and work 

can start. They are very close. This has required agreements by 

both governments, as well as the European Union, and with the 

change of governments in Greece and other things, there have 

been, I think, some delays in just getting the agreement finalized, 

but there is an agreement in principal. 

It is not a large length of pipeline. It is actually not a very expensive project as these things go, and it would open up a tremendous new set of possibilities. One would be opening up the flow of 

trans-Caspian gas through Turkey to Bulgaria. The other would be 

the gas coming through Greece both through the connectors with 

western Europe but also through the LNG terminals in Greece. 

So it is a lot of bang for the buck, and they are close. And this 

will be a major priority to see this through and then to follow up 

with all the other priority projects to ensure that there is energy 

diversification for Bulgaria but also for the wider region. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you. I think anything we can do 

to encourage that project and others are very important as we look 

at the long-term stability for the region. 

And that brings me back to Russian influence because, again, 

when I was meeting with eastern European officials—I did not 

meet with anyone from Bulgaria, but I certainly heard from some 

other of our eastern European allies a great concern about Russian 

influence in eastern Europe particularly. And this committee has 

had a hearing about what I would call propaganda that Russia is 

putting into eastern Europe on a daily basis and the amount of 

money that they are spending on that. 

So can you tell me is that something that the Bulgarians are concerned about? Are they seeing that kind of propaganda and the influence that it is bringing into the region? And what can you do 

as Ambassador to help respond to that? 

Mr. RUBIN. Thank you, Senator. 

I think, if I am confirmed, this will be another of my very top 

priorities to personally get out there and aggressively make the 

case to Bulgarians across the country, not just in Sofia, but everywhere in the country in every group, whether it is young people or 

people who may not have traditional connections with the United 

States, who may not have seen American diplomats before, the importance of the shared values and the shared objectives that we 

have as NATO allies that we have as members of the Euro-Atlantic 

community. 

The good news, obviously, for Bulgaria is they have achieved 

membership in both NATO and the EU. That is hugely important, 

and the progress that they have made since 1991 is astounding. So 

there is a lot to celebrate. But there is a constant drumbeat in the 

background saying you will never get there. You are not going to 

be accepted. You ought to give up on this Western project and just 

come back to your natural location. And that is spread through 

local media. That is spread I think through all sorts of groups that 

receive subsidies to do that. So I think recognizing that working 

with our natural friends and allies in Bulgaria, which is a majority 

of Bulgarian society, a majority of the parliament who are strong 

supporters of the alliance, who recognize the value of this choice 

that the country has made, but then obviously as Ambassador, I 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and my team need to follow through and do everything we can to 

make the case ourselves and then to work to get the resources for 

that. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Okay. He is telling me to continue. 

So, Mr. McKean, first of all, let me say how nice it is to see you 

in that position, and having served on this committee when you 

were the committee staff director, we have missed you but you 

have gone on to do very important work. And I appreciate your 

willingness to continue to do that. 

Let me ask you about Luxembourg because there is a sense that 

some multinational corporations have tried to take advantage of 

the tax system in Luxembourg to avoid paying taxes in the United 

States. To what extent is that still the case, and have there been 

regulatory reforms that have made that harder to do? 

Mr. MCKEAN. Thank you, Senator, and it is nice to see you again 

as well. 

Luxembourg I think as you know, is known not only as a tax 

haven but as a bank secrecy haven until fairly recently. And they 

have come into conformity with EU rules and regulations. I think 

those labels are now in the past. They have really abolished bank 

secrecy, and their banking industry has now diversified significantly. 

In terms of the tax issues, there are still outstanding tax issues 

that are focused on American companies operating in Luxembourg. 

The issue was that Luxembourg had very, very low tax rates that 

were unfairly impacting the rest of Europe. Those cases are being 

worked through in Brussels, and so my EU counterpart would be 

the person that would be focused on that. 

But I will say that Luxembourg has signed an agreement to implement the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act which, as I understand it, will go a long way towards rectifying any tax issues 

that might be of note in this country. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Thank you. 

So just a final question for Ms. Hill. I know this is one panel 

where you do not mind not getting questions. [Laughter.] 

Because Chairman Johnson raised the refugee issue—and this is 

something that Malta, because of its geographic location, has been 

dealing with for a very long time, mostly economic migrants who 

are coming from Africa, as you pointed out. Has Malta been involved in the discussions at the EU about how to develop a policy 

to address the current refugee crisis? And do you know what kind 

of recommendations they would have for the current situation? 

Ms. HILL. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. 

Yes, Malta has been very involved in the current refugee crisis 

and the current discussions. Although they are still focused on that 

south to north migration, they did host the EU-African Union Summit on migration earlier in November where they discussed various 

options for dealing with that particular set of irregular migrants 

going back and forth. They have been a heavy advocate of the burden-sharing plan that now is being inputted by the EU. Malta has 

been calling for this burden-sharing plan for years, and it is finally 

being implemented with the current refugee crisis. So Malta has 

been very involved in the discussions and very much looking forFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

796 

ward to a reasonable burden sharing of the migrant issue across 

the EU. 

Senator SHAHEEN. So they have had a very positive voice in the 

current discussions then. 

Ms. HILL. Yes. They have a very positive voice. 

Senator SHAHEEN. And are there other ways in which, as Ambassador representing the United States, that you see that the United 

States can support what Malta is encouraging and where the EU 

is moving with respect to how to deal with the refugee crisis? 

Ms. HILL. Yes, Senator. I think the United States has a lot of lessons learned that we can share with the EU, with Malta specifically. I think that we have been doing that. Our Coast Guard has 

been doing phenomenal work with the Maltese Armed Forces in 

how to deal with these overcrowded boats that are coming through 

the Mediterranean more effectively. We have also done a lot of information sharing and lessons learned sharing with the Maltese 

themselves about processing refugees more effectively and also providing for support services for refugees to better enhance their ability to live as refugees in a foreign country. So as Ambassador, I certainly plan to continue to encourage these programs and develop 

these programs particularly in Malta to help the Maltese deal with 

the refugee crisis. 

Senator SHAHEEN. Well, thank you very much. I would agree. I 

think we have—particularly our Department of Homeland Security 

has learned a lot because of what we experienced last summer on 

our southern border. And so some of those lessons that we have 

learned can be shared with other countries dealing with the current situation. 

So thank you all very much. And, again, thank you for your willingness to serve the country, and I look forward to as quick a confirmation process as we can move things in the Senate. 

Senator JOHNSON. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. I think you realize we are pretty well dedicated to moving along as well. 

By the way, that crisis has not ended at the southern border. It 

is on an uptick again. 

Again, I just want to thank all the family members here for coming to the hearing and for the support of the nominees in their efforts. I want to thank all the nominees, the witnesses, for your 

thoughtful testimony, your answers to our questions. And thank 

you for your service to the Nation and your willingness to serve in 

the future. 

So with that, the hearing record will remain open until December 

4 at 5 p.m. for the submission of statements and questions for the 

record. 

This hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 3:45 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF ERIC RUBIN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LUXEMBOURG, TO

QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE RUBIN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Bulgaria has a large and abusive orphanage and psychiatric system. 

The recent European Court case of Stanev v. Bulgaria found inhumane and degrading treatment in Bulgaria’s institutions and a lack of due process for people 

detained. 

♦ If confirmed, will you advocate for the implementation of the European court’s 

decision? As U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria, will you commit to actively advocating for its implementation? 

Answer. We advocate tirelessly for human rights and the rule of law in Bulgaria. 

If confirmed, I will commit to continuing this work, which is among our top priorities in Bulgaria and anywhere in the world. In April, Ambassador Ries, along with 

Kyustendil Mayor Paunov and Cedar Foundation Director Lindsay Saltzgiver, inaugurated a Social Rehabilitation and Integration Center that supports and helps integrate people with disabilities and other at-risk adults. The U.S. Government 

invested $275,000 in this facility. 

In promoting societies that include and empower persons with disabilities, we oppose discrimination against persons with disabilities everywhere and in all its 

forms. While we are not a party to the European Court of Human Rights, we support the swift implementation of decisions of courts with jurisdiction. This is especially salient when the decision pertains to a vulnerable population. 

The Stanev v. Bulgaria case does not relate to orphanages, but we have followed 

closely Bulgaria’s concerted effort to reform its institutions for children. Bulgaria 

has made much progress moving children out of institutions into family-type settings. This year the government closed 13 institutions for parentless children as 

part of a plan to close all institutions by 2025 and replace them with alternative, 

community-based care. With the support of European Union funds, Bulgaria has 

built smaller centers for children, provided better childcare services by partnering 

with nongovernmental organizations, and stepped up foster care. Bulgaria knows 

more work needs to be done, and we will support it in those efforts. 

Bulgaria ranked third among Hague convention countries in the number of completed adoptions by U.S. families in FY14 (183). I am proud to say that 70 percent 

of children that Americans adopted in Bulgaria had special needs. The adoption procedure in Bulgaria is transparent and includes various safeguards to ensure greater 

security and predictability for all those involved in an intercountry adoption process. 

There is also an expedited procedure for children with special needs so that they 

may be quickly placed with eligible families as part of Bulgaria’s commitment to 

deinstitutionalization. 

We are deeply concerned with any allegations of human rights abuses, and if confirmed, I will share the American values of respecting the judgment of the judiciary 

and treating all members of society with dignity and care. 

Question. There are currently 5,000 developmentally disabled children who are institutionalized throughout Bulgaria. What can the United States do to advocate for 

the reintegration of these children into their communities? 

Answer. We strongly promote human rights in Bulgaria. Our annual Human 

Rights Report tracks the progress Bulgaria makes on this front, and we will continue to support and advocate for the reintegration of children with developmental 

disabilities. Through embassy public diplomacy and exchange programs, we share 

the American experience of providing community-based services to children with 

disabilities, and promoting their transition out of institutions and integration into 

society. 

This year, the Bulgarian Government closed 13 institutions for children with disabilities, as part of a plan to close all institutions by 2025 and replace them with 

alternative, community-based care. 

The majority of the children from those institutions were relocated to family-type 

centers and a smaller number were accommodated in protected housing, reunited 

with their families, or placed in foster care. In the first 6 months of the year, 106 

institutionalized children returned to their families, 326 were adopted, and 2,142 

stayed with foster families. More than 1,600 children resided in the newly established centers (family-type homes, protected homes, and transition homes). The 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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number of institutionalized children declined from over 12,000 when the process of 

deinstitutionalization commenced to 1,632 as of July. 

A comprehensive domestic child welfare system can take decades to develop. We 

encourage countries to develop robust domestic child welfare systems that support 

family reunification, where appropriate, and domestic adoption. We also encourage 

countries to develop practices that are consistent with the Hague Convention on 

Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption (Hague 

Adoption Convention), understanding that a child’s best interests may be served 

both by intercountry adoption and improved child welfare systems. 

RESPONSES OF KYLE SCOTT, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF

SERBIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SCOTT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Serbia is one of the few countries of the region to adopt a no-new-admission policy for placement of children in institutions. As a result, Serbia has one of 

the lowest rates of institutionalization in the world. Despite this, and an impressive 

governmental commitment to reform, community services for children with disabilities are still lacking. 

♦ What could the U.S. Ambassador to Serbia do to share the U.S. experience with 

community integration of people with disabilities? 

Answer. There are several resources the U.S. Ambassador to Serbia could draw 

on to highlight the need for well-funded community services for children with disabilities. Through embassy public diplomacy programs and exchange programs, the 

Embassy can share the American experience of providing community-based services 

to children with disabilities. Visits of American officials and experts, such as the 

recent visit of Special Advisor for International Disability Rights Judith Heumann, 

allows for senior-level engagement to discuss how the Serbian Government can better provide for persons with disabilities in Serbia. Embassy outreach to civil society 

activists and NGOs helps build awareness and public support for disability rights, 

and helps connect them with American activists to enhance their advocacy network. 

Question. Despite the progress in lowering the institutional population, Serbia has 

a legal capacity law that deprives individuals with mental disabilities of their right 

to make legal decisions or access the courts without support of a guardian. 

♦ What can the United States do to ensure access to justice for people with disabilities? 

Answer. American officials can share the importance of providing access to justice 

for persons with disabilities on an equal basis with others. For example, Special 

Advisor for International Disability Rights Judith Heumann stopped in Serbia in 

early October to highlight the 25th anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities 

Act (the ADA), as well as the effective implementation and enforcement of disability 

rights laws, the international independent living movement, and the importance of 

governments and disabled people’s organizations working together to advance the 

rights of persons with disabilities. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SCOTT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR JOHNSON

Question. A 2014 U.S. State Department Report on Human Rights Practices in 

Serbia, and a March 11, 2015, European Parliament resolution highlight the need 

to strengthen the rule of law and judicial independence in Serbia. The State Department found that although the constitution provides for an independent judiciary, the 

courts remained susceptible to corruption and political influence. 

♦ If confirmed, what actions will you take to advance and promote respect for 

judicial independence and rule of law in Serbia? 

Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to continue our efforts to 

address corruption and political influence in the judiciary. Currently, Embassy Belgrade provides significant assistance through USAID to increase both the independence and efficiency of the judiciary. Programming helps the courts learn how to 

assume responsibilities over financial and administrative operations, reduce case 

backlogs and processing times, and improve the enforcement of misdemeanor court 

decisions. Technical assistance through USAID provides substantive training to 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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judges and court personnel on laws, procedures and ethics, and on methods for 

improving efficient case management. In some Misdemeanor Courts, minor renovations at minimal expense have significantly improved efficient use of space, accessibility to court information for the public, and increased safety for the public and 

court personnel. 

Our technical assistance to the High Court Council (HCC), which is charged with 

the administration and oversight of the judicial branch, helps establish the standards and procedures for measuring the performance of judges, prosecutors, and 

courtroom staff. In addition, our program is developing new standards for assigning, 

promoting, and sanctioning judges based on merit rather than on influence or political affiliation. Other areas of U.S. assistance include procurement and budget training that allows the HCC to develop court budgets that are strategic and needsbased. Finally, USAID support to Serbia’s Judicial Academy is helping to ensure 

that judges and prosecutors have the basic skills they need to execute their duties 

and is establishing a regime of continuous learning so that judges and prosecutors 

skills are able to evolve with the changing body of law. 

If confirmed, I will work to continue and expand these areas of support. 

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(801) 

NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Hon. Karen Brevard Stewart, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of the Marshall Islands 

Robert Annan Riley III, of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Federated States of Micronesia 

Swati A. Dandekar, of Iowa, nominated to be United States Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank 

Matthew John Matthews, of Oregon, nominated to be United 

States Senior Official for the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation, APEC, Forum 

Marcela Escobari, of Massachusetts, nominated to be an Assistant 

Administrator of the United States Agency for International 

Development 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:15 a.m. in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Cory Gardner, presiding. 

Present: Senators Gardner [presiding], Cardin, and Murphy. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CORY GARDNER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO 

Senator GARDNER. This hearing will come to order. 

Let me welcome you all to today’s full Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee hearing on nominations. 

I want to thank Senator Cardin for his work and cooperation in 

setting up this hearing today and, of course, the work that this 

committee did yesterday, as I think Senator Cardin mentioned to 

you, the excellent work of the Foreign Relations Committee, resulting in a very strong bipartisan bill addressing our concern with 

North Korea. So we are going to continue that bipartisan effort 

today. 

We have a panel of five very well qualified nominees today, and 

I want to thank each and every one of them and their families for 

your willingness to serve, for your commitment to this country, and 

for being here today. I have had the opportunity to meet and speak 

with most of you and privately as well, and I appreciate your time 

being here today. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

802 

And I would ask the nominees to keep their remarks to no more 

than 5 minutes. We are on a little bit of an abbreviated schedule 

or I guess interrupted schedule today because of the fact that we 

have several votes that are going to be occurring within the next 

15 to 20 minutes. And so you will see members come in and out, 

and I apologize for that as they make the vote. 

And we are also going to be interrupted by the irascible Senator 

from Iowa who is going to be joining us today and making some 

comments on our nominee from Iowa. 

Senator Cardin, I will turn to you as well. 

STATEMENT OF SENATOR BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I really want 

to thank Chairman Gardner for making the arrangements so that 

we could have five nominees here today. We want to be able to act 

in an efficient manner in this committee. We have under Chairman 

Corker and Chairman Gardner, and I thank you very much for accommodating these hearings. 

Just so people understand, a lot of the work on a confirmation 

process is done before the individuals appear before our committee, 

the material they submit to us, their records, et cetera. And this 

is an important part of the nominating process. 

But I just really want to underscore what Chairman Gardner 

said, and that is thank you. Each one of you has had a long, distinguished career in public service, serving our country, serving your 

State, and it is an incredible sacrifice to you personally but also to 

your families. So I saw some young people walking around outside. 

So I think we have some family members here. 

Senator GARDNER. They certainly were not Senators. [Laughter.] 

Senator CARDIN. So we thank the family members for being here 

because we know this truly is a family event. 

Mr. Chairman, what I will do is I will put my entire opening 

statement in the record where I say very glowing things about each 

one of you and your service, which is incredible. You served all over 

the world. You served in the State legislature. You have devoted 

yourself to public service, and many of you are career senior diplomats. And now you are going to be taking on critically important 

positions in East Asia, critically important positions in the economic forum and in our own hemisphere where we have some significant challenges. So thank you for being willing to do that. 

[The prepared statement of Senator Cardin follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SENATOR BENJAMIN L. CARDIN

Let me start by thanking Senator Gardner for arranging this hearing on these 

five important nominations. I know that this week has been a very busy time for 

the Senate Foreign Relations Committee especially with regards to Asia-Pacific 

issues, but one of our primary responsibilities is to timely consider the President’s 

nominees, so I want to thank you for accommodating this hearing, with its sizable 

number of nominees. 

I also want to thank these nominees for their public service and for their willingness to serve their country in these critical posts during a very trying time for this 

country. For several of you before us, you are willing to perform this service to our 

country in places far away from where we sit today. So I also want to thank your 

families, because these postings are truly a family effort, and a family sacrifice. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

803 

First, Ambassador Karen Stewart, has had a distinguished career as a career 

member of the Senior Foreign Service. She served as Ambassador to Laos from 2010 

to 2013, and as Ambassador to Belarus from 2006 to 2008. Most recently she served 

as Political Advisor to the Vice Chairman of the JointChiefs of Staff and to the Supreme Allied Commander Transformation since 2013. I am sure that, if confirmed, 

her broad mix of senior domestic and overseas experience will be a huge asset in 

her position, if confirmed, as Ambassador to the Marshall Islands. 

Second, Mr. Robert Riley is also a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, 

and currently serves as a Management Counselor at our U.S. Embassy in Jakarta. 

Mr. Riley has over 35 years of experience in management and is recognized in the 

Foreign Service as an effective negotiator and team leader. I am sure that his experience as a Peace Corps volunteer will serve him well as Ambassador to Micronesia, 

if confirmed, which has a strong Peace Corps presence. 

Let me just say that while it may not get as much attention as it should, the Pacific Islands including the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia, 

represent a critical part our rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. 

The Pacific Islands help the United States uphold important principles such as 

freedom of navigation and free and unfettered commerce. The United States, as a 

Pacific nation, with a long history when it comes to these islands knows that this 

region is strategically and economically vital and becoming more so. 

Most recently we have looked to the Pacific nations for leadership on some of the 

world’s most complex and urgent issues of our time. 

In Paris, during the international negotiations towards a new global cooperative 

agreement on climate change, delegations from the tiny island nations, especially 

the Marshall Islands, were a strong and constructive force in brokering the final 

deal. Perhaps that’s because these nations, more so than perhaps any other in the 

world, understand the harsh, grim realities of climate change. 

To put it bluntly, these countries are disappearing from the Earth because of sea 

level rise caused by climate change. This is not some far off probability or theoretical outcome—IT IS HAPPENING NOW.Today’s generations of Marshallese, Micronesians, Kiribase (citizens of Kiribati), and Palauans may be the last to inhabit 

their countries. Flooded buildings, as well as saltwater inundation of arable land 

and fresh drinking water sources, are quickly making the low lying islands of these 

atolls uninhabitable. 

Climate change is at the forefront of these country’s concerns. I strongly encourage our nominees, if confirmed, to keep the State Department and the Congress 

aware of the dire circumstances facing these countries. I would urge all members 

of this committee to pay attention to the plight of these nations and contemplate 

what our responsibilities are to the people of the Compact of Free Association nations as they face a very real existential crisis. 

Our next nominees are being considered for positions at the Asian Development 

Bank and the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum. With so much global economic news coming out of that region, these will be important jobs for our international economic diplomacy. 

So I want to welcome Mrs. Swati Dandekar, the nominee for United States Executive Director to the Asian Development Bank. She is a former Iowa state legislator 

and a Democratic member of the Iowa Utilities Board. She was a member of the 

Iowa House of Representatives for the 36th District from 2003 to 2009 and a member of the Iowa Senate for the 18th District from 2009 to 2011. 

Mrs. Dandekar serves as the Chair (formerly President) of the National Foundation for Women Legislators and as a board member of the Iowa Math and Science 

Coalition. She previously served on the Iowa Association of School Boards, and as 

a board member of the Women in Public Policy (Iowa Charter), and the U.S. Center 

for Citizen Diplomacy. 

Also, we have with us Mr. Matthew Matthews, nominee to the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service as United States Senior Official for the APEC 

Forum, a position for which he is well prepared, Mr. Matthews is a career member 

of the Senior Foreign Service. He assumed his position as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands and concurrently as the 

Senior Official for APEC on June 16, 2015. He was Counselor for Economic Affairs 

at the U.S. Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, focusing on trade issues that set 

the stage for Malaysia’s entry to the TPP negotiations, and at the U.S. Embassy 

in Canberra, Australia, where he focused on implementation of our bilateral FTA. 

Prior to that, while serving as the Chief of the Internal Unit in the Economic Section at the U.S. Embassy Beijing (2001-04), Matt led a team which worked extensively on Chinese macroeconomic and financial reform Issues. 

Finally, we have Ms. Marcela Escobarri, who is the Executive Director of the Harvard Center for International Development and our nominee to be the next AssistFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean. Ms. Escobarri’s extensive 

experience on development in the Western hemisphere and around the world will 

be of critical importance to responding to the public health crisis caused by the Zika 

virus, tackling the many challenges in Central America, supporting the implementation of a potential peace deal in Colombia, and addressing the political, social and 

economic difficulties that Haiti continues to face. 

So, Mr. Chairman, we are very fortunate to have before us all of these dedicated 

Americans, who have devoted so much of their professional lives to serving our 

country. I look forward to hearing from each of you on your priorities and interests, 

and if confirmed, how you will work to further U.S. interests and values abroad. 

Senator GARDNER. And thank you, Senator Cardin. 

Turning to our nominees, we will begin with Karen Brevard 

Stewart, our nominee for the Ambassador to the Republic of the 

Marshall Islands. She is a career member of the Senior Foreign 

Service and has been since 2013. I guess she has served as Political 

Advisor since 2013 for the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of 

Staff. She is a two-time Ambassador to Laos from 2010 to 2013 and 

to Belarus from 2006 to 2008. Welcome, Ambassador Stewart. 

I am going to introduce all of you and then we will get to your 

comments. 

Robert Riley is our nominee to the Federated States of Micronesia. He is a career member of the Foreign Service and since 2013 

has served as Management Counselor at the U.S. embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia. Welcome, Mr. Riley. 

Matt Matthews is up for the rank of Ambassador during his tenure of service as the United States Senior Official for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum, and since 2015 has served as 

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of East Asian 

and Pacific Affairs and concurrently as the Senior Official for 

APEC. Welcome, Mr. Matthews. 

Ms. Marcela Escobari is our nominee for Assistant Administrator 

of the United States Agency for International Development. Since 

2007, she has served as Executive Director of the Center for International Development at Harvard University. 

I am missing one here. Swati Dandekar. We will be hearing your 

testimony as well. Senator Grassley is going to introduce you. So 

I am not going to introduce you at all. [Laughter.] 

Senator GARDNER. I thought was making some comments, but he 

has got them all. 

So we will go ahead and start with you, Ms. Stewart. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF HON. KAREN BREVARD STEWART, OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF 

THE MARSHALL ISLANDS 

Ambassador STEWART. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members 

of the committee. I am deeply honored to appear before you today 

as the President’s nominee to be United States Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Marshall Islands. I am grateful to the President 

and the Secretary for their confidence in nominating me for this position, and I am equally grateful to you to receive your consideration. 

With the chairman’s permission, I would like to just briefly introduce some of my family who were able to make it here today: my 

sister-in-law, Kate Stewart; my niece and her husband, Katherine 

and Joe Stallings; a very dear friend, Alice Buckhalter—all of them 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

805 

are from Maryland, Senator—and then several friends from my 

church—— 

Senator CARDIN. That was a good call. [Laughter.] 

Senator CARDIN. I should point out that Mr. Riley was born in 

Baltimore. That was also pointed out in the resume. Any other connections, please bring them up. [Laughter.] 

Ambassador STEWART. As a Foreign Service officer, I have been 

privileged to serve in a varied and fascinating mix of assignments, 

including the honor of serving as U.S. Ambassador to Belarus and 

to Laos. If confirmed, I will draw on the lessons learned in these 

assignments and my many years of regional policy experience to 

advance the United States’ strategic interests in the Pacific. 

The Republic of the Marshall Islands is a key partner in the 

United States’ deepening relationship with the Pacific. Our two nations have a close and special relationship dating back to the end 

of the Second World War and United States’ administration of the 

U.N. Pacific Islands Trust Territory. In 1983, the Marshall Islands 

and the United States concluded the Compact of Free Association, 

which then entered into force in 1986. We thus entered into the 

new phase of our relationship with the RMI. And this compact, 

which was amended in 2003 to extend greater economic assistance, 

now provides the structure for much of our bilateral relationship. 

The mutual security of our nations is a core feature of this special relationship. Under the compact, the United States has committed to defend the RMI and its people from attack or threats as 

the United States and its citizens are defended. The United States 

also enjoys access to Marshallese ports, airports, and airspace, a 

vital asset for our defense and security needs. The RMI hosts the 

U.S. Army’s Ronald Reagan Ballistic Missile Defense Test Site on 

Kwajalein Atoll. This is a major U.S. missile testing and also space 

tracking and operations facility. And under the amended compact, 

the United States has access to Kwajalein through 2066 with the 

option to extend until 2086. 

If confirmed, I will work to maintain the strong relationship between the Kwajalein facility and the Marshall Islands Government 

and to promote its benefits for affiliated Marshallese communities. 

The United States and the Marshall Islands also have an important economic relationship. To help achieve the amended compact 

goal of economic self-sufficiency, the United States, through the Department of the Interior, will provide the Government of the RMI 

with roughly $70 million a year through fiscal year 2023. Approximately $35 million of this is provided in annual grant assistance, 

targeting health, education, public infrastructure, environment, 

public and private sector capacity development. 

Another very important aspect of the amended compact is a jointly managed trust fund that will serve as a source of income for the 

Marshall Islands after the compact’s direct grant assistance ends. 

If confirmed, I will promote outcome-oriented, sustainable economic 

development and strongly advocate for the wise and accountable 

use of our assistance to support Marshallese capacity to build a 

prosperous and healthy future. 

Under the amended compact, most citizens of the RMI can live, 

study, and work in the United States without a visa. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

806 

The RMI Government has an excellent voting record with the 

United States in the United Nations, sharing our positions on 

many important issues, including on human rights and Israel. 

The RMI is also a close ally of the United States in the multilateral climate change negotiations. As one of the nations most vulnerable to the impacts of a rise in sea level, the RMI played a crucial role last December in Paris in furthering our shared goal of ensuring ambitious action by all major greenhouse gas-emitting countries, both developed and developing, in order to reach a historic 

international agreement. If confirmed, I will continue to work collaboratively with the RMI to tackle environmental challenges. 

The RMI is a vibrant democracy that conducted another free and 

fair election just last November and recently installed a new government. In working with this new government, we will continue 

to look to the RMI as a reliable partner that strongly backs U.S. 

engagement in the Pacific and supports U.S. strategic priorities 

around the globe. If confirmed, I will continue the fine work of Ambassador Armbruster by working closely with the Department of 

the Interior, the Department of Defense, and the rest of the interagency community to strengthen a bilateral relationship based on 

partnership and mutual respect between the Marshallese and 

American people. 

Mr. Chairman, in closing, I would like to emphasize that the Republic of the Marshall Islands was part of our trust territory but 

is now our good friend. The people of RMI are woven into the 

American fabric, serving with distinction and honor in our military 

and living and working beside us in the United States. The Marshall Islands remains a dependable partner in bolstering security 

in the Pacific. As the economic center of gravity shifts to the AsiaPacific region, the importance to U.S. interests of a stable, increasingly prosperous, and democratic Marshall Islands continues to 

grow. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in pursuit 

of that goal. 

I appreciate this opportunity to appear before you today and am 

pleased to answer your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Stewart follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KAREN STEWART

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be United States Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Marshall Islands. I am grateful to the President and the Secretary 

for their confidence in nominating me for this position, and am equally grateful to 

receive your consideration. 

As a Foreign Service Officer, I have been privileged to serve in a varied and fascinating mix of assignments, including the honor of serving as U.S. Ambassador to 

the Republic of Belarus and to the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. If confirmed, 

I will draw on the lessons learned in these assignments and my many years of regional policy experience to advance the United States’ strategic interests in the Pacific. 

The Republic of the Marshall Islands is a key partner in the United States’ deepening relationship with the Pacific. It is an isolated, sparsely populated, low-lying 

Pacific island country consisting of approximately 70 square miles of land spread 

out over 750,000 square miles of ocean southwest of Hawaii and just north of the 

equator. These characteristics make it vulnerable to natural disasters and the effects of climate change. Our two nations have a close and special relationship dating 

back to the end of the Second World War, when the United Nations entrusted the 

United States with the administration of the Pacific Islands Trust Territory. In 

1983, the Marshall Islands and the United States concluded the Compact of Free 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

807 

Association, which its people approved in a plebiscite a few months later and which 

entered into force in 1986 upon Congressional approval. We thus entered into a new 

phase of our relationship with the RMI. This Compact, which was amended in 2003 

to extend greater economic assistance, provides the structure for much of our bilateral relationship. Mutual security of our nations is a core feature of the special relationship between the United States and the Marshall Islands. The RMI has no military of its own. Under the Compact, the United States has committed to defend the 

RMI and its people from attack or threats as the United States and its citizens are 

defended. The United States also enjoys access to Marshallese ports, airports and 

airspace, a vital asset for our defense and security needs. The RMI hosts the U.S. 

Army’s Ronald Reagan Ballistic Missile Defense Test Site on Kwajalein Island 

(known as USAG-KA). The base is the country’s second largest employer, second 

only to the RMI government. The test site plays a significant role in the U.S. missile 

defense research, development, and testing network. It is used to monitor foreign 

launches and provide deep-space tracking and is an ideal near-equator launch-site 

for satellites. In February 2015, the U.S. Air Force and Lockheed Martin broke 

ground at the future six-acre site of the new Space Fence next-generation radar system at the base. When it comes online in 2018, Space Fence will enable the Air 

Force to locate and track hundreds of thousands of objects orbiting Earth with more 

precision than ever before, helping reduce the potential for collisions with our critical space-based infrastructure. Under the Amended Compact, the United States has 

access to Kwajalein through 2066, with the option to extend until 2086. 

Continued access is important, but just as important is a good relationship with 

the Marshallese. If confirmed, I will work to maintain the strong relationship between USAG-KA and the Marshall Islands government and to promote USAG-KA’s 

beneficial role for affiliated Marshallese communities. 

The United States and the Marshall Islands also have an important economic relationship. To help achieve the Amended Compact goal of economic self-sufficiency, 

through the Department of the Interior, the United States will provide the Government of the RMI with roughly $70 million a year through FY2023. Approximately 

$35 million is provided in annual grant assistance, targeting health, education, public infrastructure, environment, public sector capacity development, and private sector capacity development. Priority is given to education and healthcare, including 

addressing the high prevalence of diabetes, heart disease and other non-communicable diseases. 

Another very important aspect of the Amended Compact is a jointly-managed 

Trust Fund that will serve as a source of income for the Marshall Islands after annual direct grant assistance ends under the Amended Compact in FY 2023. If confirmed, I will promote outcome-oriented sustainable economic development and 

strongly advocate for the wise and accountable use of our assistance to support 

Marshallese capacity to build a prosperous and healthy future. 

Under the Amended Compact, most citizens of the RMI can live, study, and work 

in the United States without a visa. The Compact obliges the two countries to consult on certain matters of foreign policy. The RMI government has an excellent voting record with the United States in the United Nations, sharing our positions on 

many important issues, including on human rights and Israel. The RMI is also a 

close ally of the United States in the multilateral climate change negotiations. As 

one of the most vulnerable nations to the impacts of climate change, the RMI played 

a crucial role last December in Paris in furthering our shared goal of ensuring ambitious action by all major green-house gas emitting countries, both developed and developing, in order to reach a historic international climate agreement. If confirmed, 

I will continue to work collaboratively with the RMI to tackle climate challenge, and 

also support efforts of the U.S. Mission to further assist the RMI in adapting to the 

impacts of climate change. 

The RMI is a vibrant democracy that conducted another successful, free and fair 

election just last November and recently installed a new government. In working 

with this new government, we will continue to look to the RMI as a reliable partner 

that strongly backs U.S. engagement in the Pacific and supports U.S. strategic priorities around the globe. If confirmed, I will continue the fine work of Ambassador 

Armbruster by working closely with the Department of the Interior, the Department 

of Defense, and the rest of the interagency community to strengthen a bilateral relationship based on partnership and mutual respect between the Marshallese and 

American people. 

Mr. Chairman, in closing, I would like to emphasize that the Republic of the Marshall Islands was part of our trust territory, but is now our ally. The people of RMI 

are woven into the American fabric, serving with distinction and honor in our military and living and working beside us in the United States. The Marshall Islands 

remains a dependable partner in bolstering security in the Pacific. As the economic 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

808 

center of gravity shifts to the Asia-Pacific region, the importance to U.S. interests 

of a stable, increasingly prosperous, and democratic Marshall Islands continues to 

grow. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in pursuit of that goal. 

I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today and am pleased to answer 

your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Ambassador Stewart. Thank you 

very much for your testimony. 

We will turn to Mr. Riley. Mr. Riley, again our nominees to the 

Federated States of Micronesia, please proceed with your testimony. 

STATEMENT OF ROBERT ANNAN RILEY III, OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERATED STATES OF 

MICRONESIA 

Mr. RILEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. 

I am honored to appear before you today and am grateful to 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence in nominating me to be United States Ambassador to the Federated States 

of Micronesia, or FSM. If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to 

work with you, this committee, and other members of Congress to 

advance American interests in the Pacific. I am thrilled to be associated again with our embassy in the FSM, as I supported the operations of Embassy Kolonia while assigned to our embassy in Manila from 2009 to 2013, and I count myself fortunate to be a member of a select group to have worked with our mission in this beautiful but faraway country. 

My sense of service growing up in Annapolis, Maryland was inculcated in me by my late father and namesake, a highly dedicated 

doctor, who devoted himself to his patients and waived his fees for 

the poor, and by my 90-year-old mother Fritzi, who raised her four 

children selflessly while my father worked. She also began her 

bachelor’s degree at age 40, finished her master’s at 55, and then 

worked as a college professor until when was 70. 

My stepfather, John Kenney, is an active and wonderful man, 

who married my mother when he was 88 and she was 85. My dear 

lovely Timmy is here today. She provides loving support and encouragement. One of my two beautiful and talented daughters 

Carol is also present. My other older daughter Susan is a Peace 

Corps volunteer in China. My very good friend, Buddy Shanks, is 

also here. 

The FSM consists of over 600 mountainous islands and low-lying 

coral atolls spread over 1 million squares of the Pacific Ocean. It 

faces inherent challenges to economic development, including susceptibility to natural disasters, remoteness from major markets, 

and limited land resources. The United States and the FSM have 

enjoyed a close and special relationship for over 65 years. In 1947, 

the United Nations designated the United States as the Administrating Authority of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, including what is known today as the FSM. And in 1986, the Compact of Free Association between the FSM and the United States 

entered into force, ushering a new phase in our bilateral relationship. 

The compact, as amended in 2003, provides the framework for 

much of our bilateral relationship. Under the amended compact, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

809 

most citizens of the FSM may live, study, and work in the United 

States without a visa. In addition, the United States is committed 

to providing over $107 million per year in direct economic assistance and trust fund contributions through 2023. After U.S. contributions to the trust fund and direct sectoral assistance under the 

amended compact end in 2023, the FSM will begin to draw distributions from the trust fund. The FSM faces a critical juncture 

as it shifts from direct financial assistance to the use of trust fund 

distributions. If confirmed, I will work constructively with the Government of the FSM, encouraging it to make the structural reforms 

needed to ensure its sustained development beyond 2023. 

While U.S. contributions to the trust fund and direct economic 

assistance under the amended compact will end in 2023, the 

amended compact itself does not expire. Unless otherwise stated, 

the amended compact will remain in effect until terminated according to its terms. If confirmed, I will do my best to reassure the people of the FSM that the United States remains committed to assisting the FSM as it faces the challenges of the coming decades. 

The FSM is an important partner in our Pacific engagement. The 

mutual security of our nations is an underlying element of our special relationship. The FSM has no military of its own. Under the 

amended compact, the United States is committed to defending Micronesia and its people from attack or threats as the United States 

and its citizens are defended. If confirmed, I will work closely with 

the Government of FSM to highlight our strong support for regional security. 

The importance of our strong relationship with the FSM extends 

beyond defense considerations. The FSM is a loyal friend and ally 

in many other ways. For example, the FSM votes with the United 

States at the United Nations over 90 percent of the time. Our people-to-people ties also continue to grow. There are 47 Peace Corps 

volunteers currently serving in the FSM. If confirmed, I will draw 

on my Peace Corps experience to work with the Peace Corps and 

the Government of the FSM to enhance the success of this valuable 

program. 

Finally, the FSM is among the small island nations already impacted by climate change. If confirmed, I will support efforts by the 

Department of the Interior and other Federal agencies to further 

assist the FSM in adapting to the impacts of climate change, including by integrating climate change adaptation considerations 

into long-term planning. 

In closing, I can think of no greater honor or opportunity than 

to lead the U.S. mission in the FSM and work with our valued Micronesian friends on these and other important issues. It is a time 

of renewed focus on our role in the Pacific, and I am excited to be 

part of it. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you, and 

I am happy to answer your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Riley follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ROBERT RILEY

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today and am grateful to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for their confidence 

in nominating me to be United States Ambassador to the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM). If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to work with you, this committee, and other members of Congress to advance American interests in the Pacific. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

810 

I am thrilled to be associated again with our Embassy in the FSM, as I supported 

the operations of Embassy Kolonia while assigned to our Embassy in Manila from 

2009 to 2013, and I count myself fortunate to be a member of a select group to have 

worked with our Mission in this beautiful but faraway country. 

My sense of service was inculcated in me by my late father and namesake, a highly dedicated doctor who devoted himself to his patients and waived his fees for the 

poor, and by my 90-year-old mother, Fritzi, here today, who raised her four children 

selflessly while my father worked, started work on her Bachelor’s degree at age 40, 

finished her Master’s degree at 55, and then worked as a college professor until she 

was 70. 

Also present is my step-father, John Kenny, an active and wonderful man, who 

married my mother when he was 88, and she was 85. My dear wife Timmy was 

unable to make it today; she is keeping the home fires burning at my current post 

in Indonesia. My two beautiful daughters were also unable to be here—Susan is a 

Peace Corps Volunteer in China, and Carol is attending college in California. 

The FSM consists of over 600 mountainous islands and low-lying coral atolls 

spread over one million square miles of the Pacific Ocean. It faces inherent challenges to economic development, including susceptibility to natural disasters, remoteness from major markets, and limited land resources. The United States and 

the FSM have enjoyed a close and special relationship for over 65 years. In 1947, 

the United Nations designated the United States as the Administrating Authoring 

of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, which included the FSM, and, in 1986, 

the Compact of Free Association between the FSM and the United States entered 

into force, ushering in a new phase in our bilateral relationship. 

This Compact, as amended in 2003, provides the framework for much of our bilateral relationship. Under the Amended Compact, most citizens of the FSM may live, 

study, and work in the United States without a visa. In addition, the United States 

is committed to providing over $107 million per year in direct economic assistance 

and Trust Fund contributions through 2023. After U.S. contributions to the Trust 

Fund and direct sectoral assistance under the Amended Compact end in 2023, the 

FSM will begin to draw distributions from the Trust Fund. The FSM faces a critical 

juncture as it shifts from direct financial assistance to the use of Trust Fund distributions. If confirmed, I will work constructively with the government of the FSM, 

encouraging it to make the structural reforms needed to ensure its sustained development beyond 2023. 

While U.S. contributions to the Trust Fund and direct economic assistance under 

the Amended Compact will end in 2023, the Amended Compact itself does not expire. Unless otherwise stated, the Amended Compact will remain in effect until terminated according to its terms. If confirmed, I will do my best to reassure the people 

of the FSM that the United States remains committed to assisting the FSM as it 

faces the challenges of the coming decades. 

The FSM is an important partner in our Pacific engagement. The mutual security 

of our two nations is an underlying element of our special relationship. 

The FSM has no military of its own. Under the Amended Compact, the United 

States is committed to defending Micronesia and its people from attack or threats 

as the United States and its citizens are defended. If confirmed I will work closely 

with the Government of FSM to highlight our strong support for regional security. 

The importance of our strong relationship with the FSM extends beyond defense 

considerations. The FSM is a loyal friend and ally in many other ways. For example, 

the FSM votes with the United States at the United Nations over 90 percent of the 

time. Our people-to-people ties also continue to grow. There are 47 Peace Corps Volunteers currently serving in the FSM. If confirmed, I will draw on my Peace Corps 

experience to work with the Peace Corps and the Government of the FSM to enhance the success of this valuable program. 

Finally, the FSM is among the small island nations already impacted by climate 

change. If confirmed, I will support efforts of the U.S. Mission to further assist the 

FSM in adapting to the impacts of climate change, including by integrating climate 

change adaptation considerations into long-term planning. 

In closing, I can think of no greater honor or opportunity than to lead the U.S. 

Mission in the FSM and work with our valued Micronesian friends on these and 

other important issues. It is a time of renewed focus on our role in the Pacific, and 

I am excited to be part of it. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 

and I am happy to answer your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Riley. 

And I see Senator Grassley has arrived at the hearing. Now, I 

will, Ms. Dandekar, warn you that perhaps the only way to outdo 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

811 

the flattery of the Senator from Maryland is you may or may not 

want to mention ethanol after your remarks. [Laughter.] 

Senator GARDNER. But with that, we will turn to Senator Grassley for the introduction of Ms. Dandekar, our nominee to be United 

States Director of the Asian Development Bank. 

STATEMENT OF HON. CHUCK GRASSLEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM IOWA 

Senator GRASSLEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, 

Ranking Member Cardin. 

My short statement will not give enough credit to her devotion 

to public service. I want to emphasize that, but I still want to say 

these few words anyway. 

Thank you for allowing me to introduce to the committee Ms. 

Swati Dandekar and her husband Arvind Dandekar. Now, I happen to have known her and her husband personally for many years. 

Swati immigrated to the United States from India in 1973, earned 

her bachelor’s degree from Nagpur University and a post-graduate 

diploma from Bombay University, India. 

Swati began her public service as a member of Linn-Mar School 

Board in 1996 and then served there until she was elected to the 

Iowa House of Representatives in 2002. With her election to the 

Iowa House of Representatives, she became the first Indian-born 

American to hold a State legislative position. She served on the Appropriations Committee, Economic Growth and Economic Development Appropriations Subcommittees, as well as the Education and 

Transportation Committees there in the Iowa House. 

She was also appointed to the Vision Iowa Board by then Governor Vilsack, now our Secretary of Agriculture. This board awarded communities across Iowa with grants and funding for community and economic development projects. 

In 2008, Swati was elected to the Iowa Senate where she became 

the first Democratic woman to chair the Senate Commerce Committee. 

In 2011, she was elected President of the National Foundation of 

Women Legislators where her national platform consisted of STEM 

education and increased application of broadband communication 

for economic growth. 

Republican Governor Branstead appointed Swati to the Iowa 

Utilities Board as its Democratic member in 2011, where she 

served until 2013. 

Swati has led numerous trade and education missions to India. 

She was honored as the India Abroad Person of the Year 2002 and 

the Asia-Pacific American Person of the Year 2008. 

I am pleased that Swati has been called by the President to serve 

again as U.S. Executive Director for the Asian Development Bank. 

I am confident that she will represent the United States well in 

that position as she has done very well in all of her other positions 

of public service. 

So I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the courtesy you have given 

me to allow me to introduce Swati to this committee. And I want 

you to know that I fully support her nomination, and I hope the 

committee will see it fit to vote her out for Senate consideration. 

Thank you very much. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

812 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Senator Grassley. Thank you for 

joining the Foreign Relations Committee today and for that gracious introduction. 

Ms. Dandekar, if you would like to proceed with your testimony 

following that introduction, it would be great. 

STATEMENT OF SWATI A. DANDEKAR, OF IOWA, NOMINATED 

TO BE U.S. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you, Senator Grassley, for your kind comments. I am really honored to say that we are family friends. 

Thank you. They are a part of my American family in Iowa. 

Senator CARDIN. Let me also thank Senator Grassley for being 

here. He has incredible responsibilities in the United States Senate 

and is one of our great Members. And his introduction here means 

a great deal, and thank you very much for taking the time. 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you. 

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished 

members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear 

before you today. I am honored to have been nominated by President Obama to be the next United States Executive Director with 

the rank of Ambassador to the Asian Development Bank. 

I came to the United States as an immigrant in 1973 when I 

married my husband of 43 years, Arvind Dandekar, who is here 

today. Arvind is President of Fastek International, a software development company. Arvind has always been supportive of my public service. We have two sons. Our older son Ajai and his wife Allison live in Seattle, Washington. Both Ajai and Allison are medical 

doctors. They have two sons: Evan, 9 years old; and William, 5 

years. Our younger son, Govind and his wife Shaneeda live in Vancouver, Canada. Govind is an economist and computer scientist, 

and Shaneeda is a lawyer. They have two daughters: Ayanna, 2 

years; and Iyla, 1 month. Our sons and their families were not able 

to be here today. 

During my 9 years in the Iowa House and Senate, from 2003 

until 2011, I had the chance to work at the State level. Additionally, during my 2 years as Commissioner of Iowa Utilities Board, 

I gained national-level experience. I am excited by the potential opportunity to work internationally as the U.S. Executive Director of 

the Asian Development Bank. As a legislator, I always worked with 

both sides of the aisle to develop consensus positions that were acceptable to all interested parties. Senator Joni Ernst was my colleague in the Iowa Senate and we became friends. 

I served as the Economic Development Budget chair in the Iowa 

House and Commerce Committee chair in the Iowa Senate. I have 

gained insight into State finances and budgets in these assignments. 

I also have extensive experience serving on a variety of boards 

in Iowa, such as Linn-Mar School Board, Vision Iowa Board, Iowa 

Values Fund, Iowa Power Fund, and Iowa Utilities Board. These 

experiences have provided me with a firsthand look at the transformative power of appropriate use of development funds. 

My extensive background in managing projects and cultivating 

partnerships will help me to carry out the responsibilities of the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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U.S. Executive Director at ADB, which is dedicated to reducing 

poverty in the Asia-Pacific region through sustainable and inclusive 

economic growth, investments in human capital, and good governance. If confirmed, my first priority will be to advance U.S. policy 

interests at the ADB. 

Additionally, I will work to ensure that the U.S. Commerce Department and other entities that publicize opportunities for U.S. 

businesses to compete for business overseas include information on 

how to compete for contracts from the ADB; strengthen outreach 

and engagement with NGO’s, the nongovernmental organizations, 

communities and citizens to establish direct feedback channels for 

information on implementation status of ADB projects; modernize 

the ADB communications, such as the bank’s website, to increase 

transparency and enhance marketability of the ADB; encourage 

ADB’s efforts to create opportunities for women and girls across 

Asia for its own female staff; maintain communications with Congress; and advocate for ADB’s continued application of high social, 

environmental, and fiduciary standards, including promoting their 

adoption by new multilateral institutions in Asia. 

My upbringing in India provides me with an excellent understanding of the Asian culture. In addition to English and Hindi, I 

am fluent in Gujarati and Marathi. I also have working knowledge 

in Urdu, Punjabi, and Bengali languages. My language skills and 

cultural awareness will position me well to address challenges facing the ADB. 

If confirmed, I look forward to representing the United States at 

the ADB and ensuring that our country’s priority initiatives are advanced. It is my distinct honor to appear before you, and I sincerely 

appreciate the opportunity to be here today. I look forward to answering any questions you have. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Dandekar follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SWATI ARVIND DANDEKAR

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin and distinguished members of the 

committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored 

to have been nominated by President Obama to be the next United States Executive 

Director with the rank of Ambassador to the Asian Development Bank. 

I came to the United States as an immigrant in 1973 when I married my husband 

of 43 years, Arvind Dandekar who is here today. Arvind is President of Fastek 

International, a software development company. Arvind has always been supportive 

of my public service. We have two sons. Our older son Ajai and his wife Allison live 

in Seattle, Washington. Both Ajai and Allison are medical doctors. They have two 

sons, Evan (9 years) and William (5 years). Our younger son Govind and his wife 

Shaneeda live in Vancouver, Canada. Govind is an economist and computer scientist, and Shaneeda is a lawyer. They have two daughters, Ayaana (2 years) and 

Iyla (1 month). Our sons and their families were not able to be here today. 

During my nine years in the Iowa House and Senate, from 2003 until 2011, I had 

the chance to work at the state level. Additionally, during my two years as a Commissioner of the Iowa Utilities Board I gained national level experience. I am excited by the potential opportunity to work internationally as the U.S. Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). As a legislator I always worked with 

both sides of the aisle to develop consensus positions that were acceptable to all interested parties. Senator Joni Ernst was my colleague in the Iowa Senate and we 

became friends. I served as the Economic Development Budget chair in the Iowa 

House and Commerce Committee chair in the Iowa Senate. I have gained insight 

in to state finances and budgets in these assignments. I also have extensive experience serving on a variety of boards in Iowa, such as the Linn-Mar School Board, 

Vision Iowa Board, Iowa Values Fund, Iowa Power Fund, and Iowa Utilities Board. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

814 

These experiences have provided me with a firsthand look at the transformative 

power of appropriate use of development funds. 

My extensive background in managing projects and cultivating partnerships will 

help me to carry out the responsibilities of the U.S. Executive Director at the ADB, 

which is dedicated to reducing poverty in the Asia Pacific region through sustainable and inclusive economic growth, investments in human capital, and good governance. If confirmed, my first priority will be to advance U.S. policy interests at the 

ADB. Additionally, I will work to ensure that the U.S. Commerce Department and 

other entities that publicize opportunities for U.S. businesses to compete for business overseas include information on how to compete for contracts from the ADB; 

strengthen outreach to and engagement with Non-Governmental Organizations 

(NGO) communities and citizens to establish direct feedback channels for information on implementation status of ADB projects; modernize the ADB’s communications, such as the Bank’s website, to increase transparency and enhance marketability of the ADB; encourage ADB’s efforts to create opportunities for women and 

girls across Asia and for its own female staff; maintain communication with Congress; and advocate for ADB’s continued application of high social, environmental, 

and fiduciary standards, including promoting their adoption by new multilateral institutions in Asia. 

My upbringing in India provides me with an excellent understanding of the Asian 

culture. In addition to English and Hindi, I am fluent in Gujarati and Marathi. I 

also have working knowledge in Urdu, Punjabi and Bengali languages. My language 

skills and cultural awareness will position me well to address challenges facing the 

ADB and communicate how ADB is fueling positive economic development and stability throughout the region. 

I have led delegations to India as Iowa Legislator, as Iowa Utilities Commissioner 

and as President of the National Foundation of Women Legislators. After leading 

these delegations, I believe empowering women is the key to eradicating poverty 

and to achieving economic growth. If confirmed, I hope to work closely with NGOs 

and other international organizations on women’s issues as it relates to development 

financing. 

If confirmed, I look forward to representing the United States at ADB and ensuring that our country’s priority initiatives are advanced. It is my distinct honor to 

appear before you, and I sincerely appreciate the opportunity to be here today. I 

look forward to answering any questions you may have. 

Thank you. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you very much. 

As you can tell by the bells, we have started a vote. So Senator 

Cardin will be voting, coming back, and then I will be heading to 

the floor as well. We will do that a couple times most likely during 

the hearing. 

We will turn now to—thank you, Ms. Dandekar, for your testimony. We will turn now to Mr. Matthews, Matt Matthews, up for 

the rank of Ambassador during this hearing today. I look forward 

to your testimony. Thank you. 

STATEMENT OF MATTHEW JOHN MATTHEWS, OF OREGON, 

NOMINATED TO BE THE U.S. SENIOR OFFICIAL FOR THE 

ASIA–PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERATION, APEC, FORUM 

Mr. MATTHEWS. Good morning, Mr. Chairman. I am happy to be 

here today with my wife Rachel. My two children, Daniel and 

Kristen, are grown and live and work in Portland, Oregon and 

Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, so they were unable to join me today. 

Too bad Senator Cardin is not here. I could tell him that my son 

graduated from the University of Maryland Dental School. [Laughter.] 

Mr. MATTHEWS. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I 

am honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee 

to serve as the Senior Official for APEC with the rank of Ambassador. I appreciate the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown in me, and if confirmed, I look forward 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

815 

to working with you to advance U.S. economic interests through 

the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum as we strive to foster 

a rules-based economic system in the Asia-Pacific region that supports prosperity abroad and jobs here at home. 

APEC is the premier economic organization in the Asia-Pacific 

region and a key venue for engaging the most economically dynamic region in the world. APEC’s 21 members span both sides of 

the Pacific and account for over half the global economy. They purchase 62 percent of our goods exports and comprise a market of 2.7 

billion consumers. 

Through APEC, the United States works with our partners to 

tackle a wide range of issues critical to long-term prosperity across 

the Pacific Rim. For over 25 years, APEC has steadily advanced a 

vision of growth and integration, within Asia and across the Pacific. 

The United States works within APEC to open markets in the 

Asia-Pacific region and connect them to U.S. exporters. APEC’s 

focus includes eliminating barriers to trade and investment and 

creating better environments for our companies to do business 

overseas. 

APEC has played and will continue to play a central role in enabling agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership and those at 

the World Trade Organization by helping economies envision and 

prepare for a high-standard, rules-based economic system throughout the Asia-Pacific. Agreements like these can deepen America’s 

economic ties to the region and build a more level economic playing 

field that will help Americans to compete successfully. 

The economies of the Asia-Pacific region have benefited greatly 

over the past half century from progressively freer and more open 

trade and investment. The vast majority of the region’s citizens live 

better lives because of the region’s economic integration, but disruptions in the financial markets, natural disasters in the region, 

rising inequality in many regional economies, and raising longterm potential growth are key challenges. 

From our point of view, APEC is a key part of the solution, and 

the United States and other APEC members recognize that just as 

important to ensuring meaningful prosperity is promoting economic 

growth that is sustainable and benefits all of our citizens. 

If confirmed, I will work with Congress, the business community, 

and my colleagues in the executive branch through APEC to expand and sustain economic growth at home and abroad and to promote new opportunities for our exporters overseas. 

If confirmed, I will build on my experience in the Asia-Pacific to 

advance our economic interests. Most recently I served as the Foreign Policy Advisor to the Commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, Admiral Sam Locklear, but I have spent most of my 30-year 

career in the Foreign Service primarily handling trade and economic issues at our embassies and posts overseas. In particular, 

my time working on macroeconomic reform and financial market 

access issues during multiple tours in China and Taiwan and on 

bilateral FTAs in the region has provided me with a good foundation of knowledge of both the region and the issues that the United 

States is working to address through APEC. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

816 

Mr. Chairman, it would be a great privilege to serve my country 

as the U.S. Senior Official to APEC with the rank of Ambassador. 

The Asia-Pacific region represents the future of the global economy, 

and we can play a key role in shaping and sustaining our vision 

for the region through APEC. I look forward to helping the United 

States work through APEC to promote growth and job creation in 

the Asia-Pacific for American businesses and citizens. 

Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Matthews follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MATTHEW J. MATTHEWS

Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 

today as the President’s nominee to serve as the U.S. Senior Official for APEC with 

the rank of Ambassador. I appreciate the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown in me and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with 

you to advance U.S. economic interests through the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum as we strive to foster a rules-based economic system in the AsiaPacific region that supports prosperity abroad and here at home. 

I’m happy to be here with my wife, Rachel. My two children are grown and live 

and work in Portland, Oregon, and Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, so were unable to join 

us today. 

APEC is the premier economic organization in the Asia-Pacific region and a key 

venue for engaging the most economically dynamic region of the world. APEC’s 21 

members span both sides of the Pacific and account for over half of the global economy. They purchase 62% percent of our goods exports, and comprise a market of 

2.7 billion potential consumers. 

Through APEC, the United States works with our partners to tackle a wide range 

of issues critical to long-term prosperity across the Pacific Rim. For over twentyfive 

years, APEC has steadily advanced a vision of growth and integration, within Asia 

and across the Pacific. 

The United States works within APEC to open markets in the Asia-Pacific region 

and connect them to U.S. exporters. APEC’s focus includes eliminating barriers to 

trade and investment and creating better environments for our companies to do 

business overseas. 

APEC has played—and will continue to play—a central role in enabling agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and those at the World Trade Organization (WTO) by helping economies envision and prepare for a high-standard, 

rules-based economic system throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Agreements like 

these can deepen America’s economic ties to the region and build a more level economic playing field that will help Americans to compete successfully. 

The economies of the Asia-Pacific region have benefitted greatly over the past 

half-century from progressively freer and more open trade and investment. The vast 

majority of the region’s citizens live better lives because of the region’s economic integration, but disruptions in the financial markets, natural disasters in the region, 

rising inequality in many regional economies and raising long-term potential growth 

are key challenges. 

APEC is part of the solution, and the United States and other APEC members 

recognize that just as important to ensuring meaningful prosperity is promoting economic growth that is sustainable and benefits all our citizens. 

If confirmed, I will work with Congress, the business community, and my colleagues in the Executive Branch through APEC to expand and sustain economic 

growth at home and abroad, and to promote new opportunities for our exporters 

overseas. 

If confirmed, I will build upon my experience in the Asia-Pacific to advance our 

economic interests in this region. Most recently, I served as Foreign Policy Advisor 

to former U.S. Pacific Command Commander Admiral Sam Locklear in Honolulu, 

but I have spent most of my thirty-year career in the Foreign Service primarily handling trade and economic issues at our Embassies and Posts overseas. In particular, 

my time working on macroeconomic reform and financial market access issues during multiple tours each in China and Taiwan, and on bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in both Australia and Malaysia, has provided me with a good foundation of knowledge of both the region and the issues that the United States is working to address through APEC. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

817 

Mr. Chairman, it would be a great privilege to serve my country as the U.S. Senior Official for APEC with the rank of Ambassador. The Asia-Pacific region represents the future of the global economy, we can play a key role in shaping and sustaining the vision for the region through APEC. I look forward to helping the United 

States work through APEC to promote growth and job-creation in the AsiaPacific 

for American businesses and citizens. 

Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Matthews, for your testimony. 

Ms. Escobari is our nominee for Assistant Administrator to the 

United States Agency for International Development. Welcome and 

please proceed. 

STATEMENT OF MARCELA ESCOBARI, OF MASSACHUSETTS, 

NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE 

UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Chairman Gardner, thank you for considering my 

nomination and for the opportunity to testify before you today. It 

is an honor to be nominated by President Obama to serve as Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the 

Caribbean at USAID. 

I have had a chance to meet with people from USAID and those 

working in this community, and I have been impressed by their 

deep knowledge and commitment. 

My own passion for development comes from growing up in Bolivia, one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere, a daughter of 

two pediatricians who spent most of their life working in public 

hospitals. I mean, they brought home the joys of making a difference one child at a time, but also the frustrations of seeing children dying more from poverty than disease. I recall telling my parents that I wanted to become a doctor like them and them counseling me that I should, instead, focus on the more structural 

issues that keep people in poverty instead of its symptoms. At the 

time, I did not quite understand what they meant, and it, for sure, 

sounded less fun than being a doctor. But I know that my parents, 

who are watching from afar today, are proud to see me here trying 

to do just that. 

I want to thank them, my husband Beran, and our sons, Nico 

and Lucas, and our friends and family, whose unwavering support 

and love are the reason that I can sit before you today. 

Throughout my career, I have had a chance to see international 

development from different perspectives. As an investment banker 

working in Latin America, I saw the win-win opportunities of foreign direct investment and the transfer of knowledge across borders. As a consultant working in Africa and the Americas, I saw 

the importance of partnership across sectors, and most recently as 

Executive Director of the Center for International Development at 

Harvard, I got a chance to work on ideas of how to spur economic 

growth that can be more inclusive and bring evidence to decisionmaking. These experiences have taught me lessons that I hope to 

bring to this job if confirmed. 

First, I believe that there are no silver bullets. Solving poverty 

is probably among the most complex challenges of our time. Making progress requires a long list of ingredients, from access to quality schooling to jobs that provide sustenance and dignity, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

818 

things we cannot touch like a sense of safety and the rule of law. 

The list continues, but we have learned the difficult truth that a 

one-size-fits-all approach will just not work. 

Second, the answers to this complexity must be grounded in evidence. Effective policy requires a relentless, data-driven approach 

to learning. 

And third, I have learned the importance of partnership. I 

worked on a project in Rwanda to help reconstruct the economy 

after the genocide. It focused on moving the coffee sector from 

green, low-value coffee to one that could be sourced by Starbucks. 

Success depended on entrepreneurs willing to venture into export 

markets, on a government that could provide widespread training 

to farmers, and USAID providing a loan guarantee to establish the 

first washing station. This partnership resulted in tripling of incomes of the poorest farmers in Rwanda. And these outcomes 

would not have been possible without multiple actors working together on a unified strategy. 

Finally, I understand that economic growth alone is not enough. 

Development requires strong and transparent institutions that provide basic services and are accountable to its citizens. 

It is an important time for Latin America and the Caribbean. 

There are winds of change that are bringing hope to millions of 

people. Historic elections have taken place in Venezuela and Argentina, and judicial systems are holding the most powerful accountable in countries like Brazil and Guatemala. There is a peace accord on the table in Colombia that might bring an end to a brutal 

50-year-old war. But it is also a time of fragility. Winds of change 

can quickly turn to destructive storms, and so we must continue to 

work skillfully with our partners in the region to ensure that these 

gains are sustained. Our mission is shared in every sense not just 

with the American people as an extension of their will and with the 

burden and privilege of their trust, but also with our neighbors. 

I was born in Bolivia, but circumstances gave me the incredible 

chance to become a citizen of this great country. I fell in love with 

a great man, but I was also drawn to the United States’ core values, its belief in every individual’s intrinsic dignity and our right 

to pursue our own happiness and prosperity in an environment 

where our freedoms are protected and rules apply equally to everyone. I believe that these values are a source of our Nation’s 

strength, and they must be reflected in our foreign policy. 

If confirmed, it would be an honor to give back to a country that 

has given me so much and to advance these values as Assistant 

Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean 

at USAID. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARCELA X. ESCOBARI

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin and members of the committee, 

Thank you for considering my nomination and for the opportunity to testify before 

you today. It is an honor to be nominated by President Obama to serve as Assistant 

Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean at the United 

States Agency for International Development (USAID). I am grateful for the trust 

and confidence placed in me by Administrator Smith and Secretary Kerry at this 

critical time for the region. I also want to recognize the outstanding work being 

done by Beth Hogan, who has been leading the Bureau as acting Assistant Administrator. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

819 

I have had the opportunity to meet the dedicated staff of USAID, as well as those 

working for this committee, and I have been inspired by their knowledge and commitment. I have devoted my career to the practice of international development and 

I remain deeply optimistic about the role that U.S. policy and development assistance can play in improving lives for the poorest communities in Latin America and 

the Caribbean. If confirmed, I will work hard to make good on the Agency’s mission 

to create prosperous, democratic, and resilient societies. 

My passion for development was sparked by growing up in Bolivia, one of the 

poorest countries in the region, as the daughter of two pediatricians who practiced 

in the country’s ill-equipped public hospitals. They brought home the joys of making 

a difference one child at a time, but also the frustration of seeing children die more 

often from poverty than disease. As a teenager, I recall declaring my intent to follow 

in their footsteps and become a doctor, to which they looked at each other with mild 

concern. They counseled me to instead focus on the ‘‘more structural forces’’ that 

keep people in poverty. At the time, I had no idea what they meant; only that it 

sounded much less fun than being a doctor. I soon figured out that they were encouraging me to tackle the root causes—not simply the symptoms—of the deprivation endured by the children they helped on a daily basis. I know that my parents, 

who are watching today from afar, are proud to see me here hoping to do just that. 

I want to thank them, my husband Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and all of 

our friends and family, whose unwavering support and love are the reason I can 

sit before you today. 

Throughout my career, I’ve had the opportunity to observe and work on international development challenges from many different perspectives. An early memory—and one that impacted my career choice—was volunteering in an orphanage 

while in high school. There, I remember caring for a two year old child who could 

barely sit up because the staff had no resources to provide the most basic human 

interactions to foster his development. I knew even then, that his suffering was and 

should be preventable. 

Years later, as an investment banker working in Latin America, I saw the winwin potential of foreign direct investment and the transfer of knowledge across borders. As a management consultant working on development projects in Africa and 

the Americas, I learned how structuring effective partnerships among the private 

sector, governments, and local institutions can help create economic opportunities. 

Most recently, as the executive director of an international development research 

center at Harvard University, I have overseen numerous research projects on how 

to spur economic growth that is inclusive, and build the capacity of governments to 

execute more effectively. Experiencing the practice of development from these different perspectives—some up close as a volunteer and some from afar in the private 

sector and academia—has taught me a number of lessons I plan to bring to this job, 

if confirmed. 

First, I believe that there are no silver bullets. Solving poverty is among the most 

complex challenges of our time. Making progress requires a long list of ingredients— 

ranging from access to quality education and healthcare to reliable roads and functional ports. It requires jobs that provide both sustenance and dignity, and a viable 

transport system that allows people to get to those jobs. We also know that overcoming poverty requires intangibles. It requires effective governance. People must 

feel a basic sense of safety in their neighborhoods, they must believe in a future 

for themselves and their children; they must have faith in the rule of law and an 

impartial justice system. The list of course continues. 

But here’s what we also know: it is possible to prevail. History has shown us that 

progress is attainable. The economies of countries like the U.S. have grown twenty 

times in the last two hundred years, while others have remained stagnant for decades. By studying their experiences, we have learned a lot about what drives 

growth, and we have had to confront the difficult truth that a one-size-fits-all approach will not work. The varying histories, cultures, capacities, government structures and even geographic locations of countries means that the path to prosperity 

for El Salvador will be different from that of Haiti. 

Second, I believe that the answers to the complex challenge of development must 

be grounded in evidence. Effective policy requires a relentless, data-driven approach 

to learning—and learning fast. We must start from the humble position that there 

is a lot that we still don’t know. New technologies have given us the ability to experiment, gather data, and harness new insights at an accelerated pace. If confirmed, 

I will build on ongoing USAID innovations and evaluations efforts to bring this data 

driven approach to bear on initiatives to deliver results. 

Third, I have experienced first-hand the transformative power of partnership for 

development. Growth requires a thriving private sector that creates opportunities 

for its citizens—and one works together with an accountable public sector and viFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

820 

brant civil society. Early in my career I worked on a project in Rwanda to help reconstruct the economy after the genocide. The project helped to transform a coffee 

sector that produced mostly green, low-value coffee into a competitive global exporter of Arabica coffee beans that are of such high quality that they are now 

sourced for Starbucks. Success depended on many factors: on entrepreneurs willing 

to venture into new export markets, on a government that could provide widespread 

technical assistance to farmers, on USAID’s ability to provide a loan guarantee that 

helped establish the first coffee washing station. This 10-year, cross-sector partnership resulted in tripling the incomes of some of Rwanda’s poorest coffee farmers, 

helping them to send their children to school and envision a new future for them. 

These outcomes would not have been possible without multiple actors working together on a unified strategy. 

In the end, nations can only provide opportunities for their people if they have 

competitive firms that produce goods the world wants to buy. While leading the 

Latin American and Caribbean practice for an international consulting firm, I witnessed what happens when local producers became globally competitive. Whether in 

manufacturing, tourism or music, the challenge is harnessing the specific advantages of local industry and effectively connecting them to global markets. These 

linkages provide jobs for the unemployed, increase wages for the poor, and ultimately drive sustainable growth and development—impacts that go well beyond a 

nation’s own borders. I very much support USAID’s focus on leveraging the investments of the private sector, and I believe that it is in the best interest of the American people to help build resilient economies that are integrated into the global marketplace. This is particularly true in our neighboring economies in Latin America 

and the Caribbean. 

Finally, I understand that economic growth alone is not enough. Development requires strong and transparent institutions that provide basic services to people, ensure that rule of law and public safety are maintained, that universal rights are respected, and that governments are accountable to their citizens. If confirmed, I will 

work diligently to advance the U.S. government’s long-standing commitment to promoting democracy, human rights and governance and supporting civil society to advocate for these conditions in Latin America and the Caribbean—from Cuba to Venezuela and beyond. 

It is an important time for Latin America and the Caribbean. There are winds 

of change that are bringing hope to millions of people. Historic elections have taken 

place in Venezuela and Argentina. Judicial systems are holding the most powerful 

accountable in countries like Brazil and Guatemala. There is a peace accord on the 

table in Colombia that may finally bring an end to a brutal 50 year old civil war. 

But it is also a time of fragility. Winds of change can quickly turn to destructive 

storms, and so we must continue to work skillfully with our partners in the region 

to ensure that these gains are sustained. In Venezuela, a humanitarian crisis is 

brewing amidst political turmoil. In Central America, we have seen the spillovers 

of escalating violence, stagnant growth and weak institutions. In Haiti, allegations 

of electoral fraud have brought the country to the brink of an institutional void. And 

while Colombia is on the verge of a milestone peace accord, the country has yet to 

move through the delicate process of disarming and reinserting former fighters into 

society. We need to combine hope with humility, and a hunger for progress with a 

clear-eyed recognition of what it takes to create sustainable progress in this complex 

world. 

The region now faces a new threat—the Zika virus. While there is much we still 

do not know about this disease, I am encouraged by the U.S Government’s response 

and USAID’s plan to focus its efforts on mitigating the outbreak through mosquito 

control strategies, communicating with the public about the virus and how to control 

it, supporting women and families in affected countries, and innovating to enhance 

the response and prevent future outbreaks. 

As we look for solutions and for ways to support the region’s dreams of prosperity 

and stability, we must not only deploy our own capabilities but also the commitment, knowledge and resources of our partners throughout the region. The solution 

to some of Guatemala’s malnutrition challenges may be found in techniques developed in Argentina’s agricultural sector. The answer to the scarcity of employment 

opportunities in Haiti may be found in the economic zones next door in the Dominican Republic. Ideas to address Central America’s insecurity may be found in our 

own cities or in other cities across Latin America. Our mission is a shared one in 

every sense, not just with the American people—as an extension of their will and 

with the burden and privilege of their trust--but also with our neighbors in the region. 

I was born in Bolivia, but circumstances gave me the incredible chance to become 

a citizen of this great country. I fell in love with a wonderful man, but I was also 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

821 

drawn to the United States’ core values, its belief in every individual’s intrinsic dignity, in our right to pursue our own happiness and prosperity in an environment 

where our freedoms are protected and the rules apply equally to everyone. 

I believe that these values are the source of our nation’s strength and that they 

must be reflected in our foreign policy. It would be an honor to give back to a country that has given me so much and advance those values as Assistant Administrator 

for the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean at the United States Agency 

for International Development. Thank you again for considering my nomination and 

I look forward to answering your questions. 

Senator CARDIN [presiding]. Well, once again, thank all five of 

you. 

As you have noticed, Senator Gardner and I have rotated because there is a vote on the floor of the United States Senate, and 

we wanted to keep this hearing going. And I apologize for walking 

out. I have cast my vote. Now he is going over to do his vote, and 

he will be returning shortly. 

But once again, thank you all for your service. 

Let me, if I might, ask questions, first starting with Micronesia 

and with the Marshall Islands. Both are very much subject to the 

direct impact of climate change. They see it. The Marshall Islands 

was very helpful to us in Paris, as you pointed out. Micronesia is 

a great friend with us in the United Nations, as you pointed out. 

In both of those countries, we have issues. The Marshall Islands 

is very important on maritime security issues, which is an area 

that is growing in tension in the region. We have certain commitments. The development assistance programs and the compact tails 

off over a number of years in both of these countries. The conditions for Micronesia complying with the compact has been difficult, 

denying them some infrastructure funds. 

So I would welcome both of your views as to how you see us 

building on our traditional relationships with these two partner 

countries as we deal with international global issues from maritime 

security to climate change, to other issues in the United Nations, 

but also how you see the compact emerging with the United States’ 

assistance during your terms as Ambassadors. Ambassador Stewart, we will start with you. 

Ambassador STEWART. Thank you, Senator. 

You have addressed a broad set of issues that will be the future 

work for myself, if confirmed in the Marshall Islands. 

I think, first of all, I would like to say that in addressing the 

compact and the future of the assistance, it would be my goal, if 

confirmed, to work with the Marshallese for the goal of a more sustainable economic development, in other words, to as much as possible, shift the resources into outcome-oriented programmatic developments that would allow the Marshalls to become ready to become self-sufficient as the grant assistance comes to an end in 

2023. 

At the same time, the Marshalls are fortunate in having a fairly 

strong start on their trust fund, which will provide an alternate 

source of income after the grant assistance ends. 

In the area of climate change, as you have noted, Senator, they 

worked with us very well in Paris, and I imagine we will continue 

to be close partners in the international negotiations. In terms of 

their own challenges, in the compact assistance, we are now moving to include resilience and adaptation measures in all of the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

822 

projects so that what gets built there is prepared for some of the 

effects of climate change. And also, we have continuing programs 

in disaster assistance and preparedness, better even to prepare for 

droughts and other severe weather elements. 

And finally, in maritime security, we already have ship rider 

agreements with the Marshall Islands, but I think we continue to 

work with them on how to best preserve, conserve maritime resources and, if necessary, defend those areas. 

Thank you, sir. 

Senator CARDIN. Mr. Riley, your background in Peace Corps will 

serve you well here in Micronesia. You understand how important 

the economic development and infrastructure development is to the 

country’s future. And yet, they have been very slow in moving forward on the conditions of the compact, which jeopardizes their ability to improve the infrastructure of their country, which is part of 

their economic future. 

How do you see your role in trying to expedite the growth, economic growth, infrastructure growth, in Micronesia and partnership with the United States? 

Mr. RILEY. Mr. Chairman, there are a lot of similarities between 

the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia. 

I think one key difference that you identified is the fact that the 

trust fund is not fully funded in Micronesia as it is in the Marshalls. And there is a lack of economic development in Micronesia. 

So I will be looking very closely at the situation, if confirmed, on 

the ground and see where we might encourage private sector development, which I think is a key area in Micronesia. There is very 

much a lack of private sector development in Micronesia at the 

present time. 

And I am considering looking to U.S. business as partners in 

that effort. I think there are opportunities in tourism, some niche 

tourism in particular. There are opportunities in small business, 

small franchises, Starbucks and so forth, and there is even a possibility of establishing call centers there. They occupy kind of a 

unique place in the globe between the Philippines and the U.S. and 

India, and that might be a possibility. So those are some things I 

am thinking about and will be considering when I arrive in Micronesia, if confirmed. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, I appreciate that answer. The call center 

issue is going to get some of our attention because we think you 

should be talking to someone in this country when you call for 

help. [Laughter.] 

Senator CARDIN. I understand what you are saying. 

Mr. RILEY. These would be American call center companies. 

Senator CARDIN. We will do the best we can there. 

Let me switch because this is a large panel and I want to give 

everybody an opportunity with Ms. Dandekar and Mr. Matthews. 

And both, I want to ask you questions related to China. 

Ms. Dandekar, China has established the Asian Infrastructure 

Investment Bank, and it raises questions as to how it impacts the 

finance institutions in Asia with U.S. participation limited in how 

China is proceeding today. I would welcome your thoughts as to 

how you see the role within the Asian Development Bank in dealFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

823 

ing with the efforts by China to divert from the traditional development banks to one which it has more influence on. 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you for your question, Senator. 

Yes, AIIB is a new bank. And what they have said, that they will 

work with multinational—the MDBs. That is what they have said. 

The requirement for infrastructure in Asia is so vast that AIIB, 

when they work with MDBs, it will be good for us—I mean for the 

Asian Development Bank. 

The reason is AIIB said that they will work with MDBs because 

that is how they are going to work to get the good governance. If 

confirmed, I will encourage ADB to co-finance with AIIB. The reason is that this way we can make sure that there is transparency 

and there is good governance with AIIB. 

Senator CARDIN. I would just caution—look, I do not think any 

of us disagree that the more players in the field, it adds more flexibility for how to deal with economic development. So I do not think 

we per se are concerned about China’s trying to develop a development bank, but I do question whether China always does what it 

says and whether their motives are always as pure as what we are 

trying to do in international development, particularly in our rebalance to Asia. So I think your answer I agree with. We want to engage, but I would just caution that they may, in some instances, 

be trying to undermine the more traditional development opportunities. 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you, Senator, for your comment. And I 

agree that there is a concern, but I think when AIIB will work with 

MDBs, we will be able to make sure that they have high standards, 

good governance, good transparency. By working with them, we 

will raise their standards too. So I completely agree with you regarding the concerns. But when they work with MDBs, it will really help to make sure that they are doing what they say they will 

be doing. 

Senator CARDIN. I appreciate that. When I get to Ms. Escobari, 

I am going to be focusing on the corruption issue and good governance issue, but it is going to affect every one of your portfolios. And 

you are going to be hearing from not only me but this committee 

as to how we are going to assist you in your work on developing 

good governance as a condition to programs that you want us to 

participate with in any other country in the world. So we are going 

to be insisting upon the good governance, anti-corruption issues. 

Mr. Matthews, the fact that China’s economy has cooled down 

considerably—oil prices, of course, are different—how does that affect the work of APEC? 

Mr. MATTHEWS. Thank you, Senator. 

I would say that it raises the general broad problem that we are 

in a period of mediocre economic growth. And in APEC, we are 

looking across the spectrum of how we can operate to improve our 

economic performance and find new sources of growth whether it 

is through the economic architecture in trade—and in APEC this 

year we are initiating work on services trade. It is a great start. 

It will take us some time. But by opening up services trade among 

our APEC members, we will be expanding the potential for growth. 

In structural reform, we look behind the border barriers growth. 

We are trying to remove red tape. We are trying to eliminate unFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

824 

necessary bureaucratic processing to reduce costs for firms and to 

speed up their opportunities to take advantage of international 

trade. 

And the third area where we work in APEC to deal with this 

slower growth environment is improving human capital. You will 

see it in the work that we are doing particularly with regard to 

women. This year we are going to be launching work on STEM 

education for women trying to make sure we reduce the gap and 

get more women and girls involved in science and technological 

education to ensure that they are getting the skills necessary to actively work and participate in our economies and bring greater 

growth potential by just raising overall human capital development. 

I would say those three core areas are ways in which we can engage effectively to help improve the potential for growth of our 

APEC economies. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you for that. 

China, I think, presents opportunities for us. So I am not opposed to China’s growth. I would rather see them also invest in the 

same areas you just talked about. Those of us who have visited 

China recognize that they have held back their own growth by how 

they have denied the full opportunities to their people. And I think 

some of the points that you are referring to will provide a more stable environment for APEC. So I appreciate that answer. 

Ms. Escobari, I want to get to one of my favorite subjects. I recently was in Central America. I strongly support the President’s 

initiatives in Central America, but I do not think it is enough. The 

programs seem to be more geared towards the military security 

front or the police security front rather than dealing with developing safety in communities for the full potential of their population. And impunity issue is horrible. 

So tell me how you are going to make anti-corruption, good governance your top priority in the work that you are going to do and 

how you are going to keep us informed of the progress you are 

making and the obstacles that you confront in the State Department so that we can remove those obstacles. 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Thank you, Senator, for the question. 

Indeed, Central America is a priority and it is a key moment for 

the U.S. Government to invest in that region. I mean, the immigration crisis and the instability, as you said. And I think part of it 

is about, you know, people leave their countries because of fear and 

hope, and part of it is bringing hope closer to home. But both stability and economic development, or our key parts of the alliance 

for progress in the region, are not enough without dealing with 

governance and creating good institutions. 

I think we are all optimistic on the role that CSIG has had in 

the region in combating impunity. This was a pretty small agency 

that had important effects through time. And I know that Honduras also wants to embrace a similar model that we are supporting. 

So I think that the three-pronged approach of you have got to 

create jobs, which is I think important and crucial and you can be 

successful by taking a more regional approach, dealing with the 

safety issues—and the safety issues are very different in every 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

825 

country. There is not a one-size-fits-all approach there—and working at the community level and understanding the root causes of 

each of the problems is key. But as you say, none of that is sustainable without a focus on strengthening these institutions, and I 

think that should be a priority. And I will maintain you are informed and seek your counsel. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

I admire Administrator Shah, Administrator Smith’s initiatives 

at USAID to find ways to leverage a relatively small amount of assistance to bring about significant change. And we have been successful in doing that. I go back, Mr. Chairman, to President Bush’s 

initiative on PEPFAR and that as a consequential change globally 

on our fight against AIDS. We need similar creative thoughts in 

dealing with hunger. And we have an initiative that we are doing 

at USAID with that. We need a consequential effort to deal with 

the gang violence in Central America. 

But we also need to get a clear message out on anti-corruption 

that it is going to be tough love. We are not going to provide funds 

that can fuel corrupt regimes. In Central America, we have democratic regimes, but they have a hard time dealing with the extortion that gangs do in order to carry out their illegal activities. So 

we need you laser-focused as to how U.S. policy can have a more 

effective way of reducing anti-corruption strategies in the countries 

in which we are operating in. And I see that you fully support that. 

[Laughter.] 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Yes, I do support that. 

First, I think those commitments are part of this agreement and 

new funds to the region, that local governments need to be committed to these issues and show progress in them. I also think that 

corruption is extremely corrosive for development. It creates a huge 

tax. And we combat it directly and we also combat—the absence of 

corruption is public services that work. And when we focus on making sure that a system, you know, a health system, works, we are 

making sure that we are combating corruption too. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you very much. I appreciate all of your 

service. 

Senator GARDNER [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

And just a quick question to all of you. We have spent a lot of 

time on this committee talking about the rebalance, talking about 

the pivot, talking about our Asia rebalance. And we have talked 

about how it cannot just be a military rebalance with personnel 

and equipment, but it has to be a diplomatic, it has to be an economic, it has to be all of the above when it comes to making sure 

that we are providing leadership and showing opportunities for the 

rebalance to succeed. 

So I guess I will start with Ms. Dandekar in terms of what you 

see our success with the Asia rebalance, how we are proceeding 

with it, how successful we have been, and what we need to do to 

truly continue making the rebalance effective. 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you, Senator. 

I think it is important for ADB to be part of rebalancing, making 

sure that we have good governance, especially when it comes to 

economic development and infrastructure, also have good commuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

826 

nications with the region like you mentioned. And I did talk about 

those issues in my opening statement. 

One of the things I have found out, it is important for us to have 

good governance, meet with the NGO’s, the nongovernmental organizations. They are the ones who are going to say that what we are 

doing at ADB is the right thing. It also gives us good PR for the 

public to know that we are working on infrastructure, we are working on economic development, we are working on education, and it 

is because of ADB’s partnership those things are happening. 

Senator GARDNER. Ambassador Stewart, on the issue of the rebalancing, where we are and how we can be successful, and where 

we have not lived up to what we should be doing. 

Ambassador STEWART. Thank you, Senator. 

With my many years of serving in Southeast Asia and South 

Asia, a priority given to the Asia-Pacific is of great interest to me. 

I think in the particular area of the Marshall Islands, it demonstrates our relationship there, demonstrates three of the key 

themes of an emphasis and a rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific. 

We have first the very strong defense and mutual security relationship, the access that we have to facilities there, and our responsibilities for defense. 

But we have also the important factor of the economic development and how we will work together to pick up that area more to 

work on the theme of mutual prosperity for the Marshall Islands. 

And I would say that is a broader theme for the Asia-Pacific in 

general. That is what we hope to achieve here. 

And then thirdly, the people-to-people relationship, which I think 

should be emphasized also and which, in the case of the Marshall 

Islands, we have free travel back and forth and we can promote 

that. But I think, again, that would be a theme that I would see 

throughout the Asia-Pacific. 

Thank you, sir. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

Mr. Riley? 

Mr. RILEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

As in all things, there are many similarities between the Marshall Islands and FSM. I would add that the FSM is geopolitically 

very important. It occupies a million square miles in the middle of 

the Pacific between us and China. And I think that PACOM is very 

much aware of its geopolitical importance and is active in a number of areas in FSM, as I think also in the Marshall Islands. The 

Coast Guard is also active there. There are a number of maritime 

initiatives there. 

And the defense provisions in the compact are kind of a readybuilt rebalance, if you will, in that we have the full responsibility 

and authority for all defense matters there, as well as the right of 

strategic denial to any third party military. And I think these are 

very important provisions in the compact that are good for their defense and for ours. 

As far as the economics are concerned, that is something that is 

kind of built into the end of the compact in the FSM. We are going 

to have to do a lot to make sure that the economy is ready for 2023, 

and if confirmed, that will be one of my major priorities. 

Senator GARDNER. Mr. Matthews? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Mr. MATTHEWS. Mr. Chairman, for the Asia rebalance, three core 

areas of course are, on the diplomatic side, sustaining and 

strengthening our traditional alliance relationships while building 

out partnerships with other key players for us like Singapore, New 

Zealand, and Vietnam I think has gone very well over the past few 

years. 

On the military force reposturing, as you know, PACOM has, I 

think, completed a very effective restructuring and they have been 

working assiduously to make sure they have the most efficient 

down-lay of their forces across the Pacific in a way that strengthens our security, and I think they have been successful in that. 

And the third element, of course, is on the economic side where 

I now have some responsibilities. And APEC has been working consistently—and we are redoubling our efforts to do so—to assure 

that we have that open, transparent, rules-based economic system 

that supports our market economies and that sustains new opportunities for our businesses. I would say that the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, which grew out of APEC—of course, it is a separate negotiated undertaking, but shares those same values—is a 

perfect expression of the goals that we seek to ensure are inculcated in the structure of the economic arrangements in the East 

Asia-Pacific. And if we can get it to ratification this year, that will 

be a permanent stamp of American leadership in the region. 

Senator GARDNER. From a resource point of view, your experience as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of East 

Asian and Pacific, are we redirecting resources to an adequate 

point for that bureau? Because I know it had been actually one of 

the lower resourced bureaus. 

Mr. MATTHEWS. I think the East Asian and Pacific Bureau would 

always appreciate more resources. [Laughter.] 

Mr. MATTHEWS. And I could put that vote in for Assistant Secretary Dani Russel. But I do believe that we are making best efforts with the resources that we have got to do all that we can to 

pursue those goals, and I think we are doing them fairly effectively. 

Additional resources for development projects in the Pacific 

would be appreciated. I would say that there are a number areas 

where if we have adequate ESF funding, there are significant 

things we can accomplish in helping develop the capabilities of 

these economies and making sure that they are active and effective 

partakers in an open market economy. 

Senator GARDNER. Ms. Escobari, would you like to address the 

question on the issue of rebalance? 

Ms. ESCOBARI. Well, my area of expertise is around Latin America. 

Senator GARDNER. I understand. I did not expect you to answer 

but I wanted to give you the chance if you wanted to add something to it. 

Ms. Dandekar, the ADB with the AIIB—is there anything that 

ADB should be doing, any policies that it should be pursuing or 

perhaps the Senate needs to be addressing when it comes to the 

experience of the AIIB to make sure that we are competitive, that 

we are providing leadership and not taken off the scene? 

Ms. DANDEKAR. Thank you, Senator. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I have talked about a few things with Senator Cardin before you 

came. 

AIIB is a new bank. As you know, there is so much need, the 

vast need for infrastructure in Asia. And at this moment, AIIB has 

said that I am aware of that they will work with MDBs. And the 

Asian Development Bank will be one of them. 

And one of the reasons we should co-finance with them because 

I think that we can say and MDBs can say that we have to have 

higher standards, good governance, and transparency. 

And going back to my opening statement, I will work with Congress and with Treasury especially to take input from you if you 

have any concerns regarding how we should handle it and what 

should we do. I will keep the communications open, if confirmed as 

an Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank. I would 

really appreciate that. 

Senator GARDNER. Very good. Well, thank you. 

And I want to thank all of the witnesses for appearing today. 

Thank you to Senator Cardin for joining us. Thank you for your 

testimony, your families, travel. Welcome again to the committee 

and thank you for being here. 

For the information of members, the record will remain open 

until the close of business next Monday, February 15th, 2016, including for members to submit questions for the record. 

We ask the witnesses to respond as promptly as possible to those 

questions, and your responses will, of course, be made a part of the 

record. 

With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is now adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 11:18 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OF MS. MARCELA ESCOBARI’S

NOMINATION, SUBMITTED BY SENATOR EDWARD J. MARKEY

It is a pleasure to support the nomination of Marcela Escobari, of Massachusetts, 

to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development. 

If confirmed, Ms. Escobari will bring years of experience and knowledge to the job 

of Assistant Administrator. As Executive Director of Harvard University’s Center for 

International Development, she focused on developing and disseminating breakthrough strategies to create prosperity in developing countries. Over her tenure at 

Harvard, the Center tripled in size, with a diversified set of supporters in the public, philanthropic and private realms. 

Her over two decades of experience in economic development include serving on 

the Executive Committee of the OTF Group, a strategy consulting firm that advised 

private and public sector leaders on how to improve export competitiveness. There, 

she built partnerships between country governments and private enterprise to increase the competitiveness of sectors with strong potential for economic expansion. 

Ms. Escobari has a particular interest on how information and communication 

technology affects economic development which is, I think, the area in which we 

should focus our efforts, as that is the approach that will spur entrepreneurship and 

innovation. Ms. Escobari grew up in Bolivia and worked with indigenous communities there for the World Bank. 

I can’t think of more relevant experience, background and interests than those of 

Ms. Escobari to lead the Western Hemisphere Bureau at USAID. I look forward to 

a speedy confirmation process for her and all her fellow nominees. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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RESPONSES OF SWATI A. DANDEKAR, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE DANDEKAR’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Regional Economic Issues 

We’ve seen in recent months how China’s economic deceleration and increased global economic uncertainty has led to negative spillovers for countries that for decades have been relying on China as a source of demand 

for commodities that the region provides. 

Question. Historically, what have been the key drivers of economic growth for 

ADB borrowing countries and how has the slowdown in China and the region 

harmed those drivers? In light of the changing growth picture in the region, what 

policy reforms are the most pressing for the ADB? Is the ADB adequately equipped 

to address the changing needs of the region? 

Answer. ADB borrowing countries extend from the Caucasus and Central Asia to 

the Pacific Islands, so the drivers of growth are extremely diverse. However, China’s 

economic expansion has been a significant engine for export-led growth in many 

ADB borrower countries. In South Asia, China is a key importer of the region’s agricultural commodities and lower value-added goods such as fabrics and garments. 

China’s slowdown not only reduces demand for those exports, but also has created 

excess industrial capacity that may stunt efforts in South Asia, and in India in particular, to boost labor-intensive manufacturing. Trade between China and Central 

Asian economies has also increased sharply over the last decade, especially among 

energy-exporting economies like Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, where 

exports to China surpassed 10 percent of total exports in 2014. A faster-than-expected slowdown in China would affect global demand and reduce prices in energy 

and commodity markets, further hindering growth in these economies that are already slowing. 

China’s slowdown and weak external demand from other key export markets is 

underscoring the need for many of these borrowers to recalibrate their growth models to bolster domestic demand and develop new engines of growth in areas such 

as services. Continued investment in infrastructure and human capital along with 

other structural reforms are also crucial to enhancing their competitiveness. Additionally, China has become the world’s largest source of tourists, and a precipitous 

slowdown in Chinese growth and a weaker Chinese currency could curtail Chinese 

tourism. Finally, China is also the second-largest source of foreign direct investment 

(FDI) globally (after the United States), and a faster-than-anticipated slowdown in 

Chinese growth could cause some of that FDI to dry up. 

The ADB is well-positioned to support its borrowers as they confront this slowdown. ADB’s emphasis on infrastructure and regional integration can improve competitiveness in non-traditional sectors and open up new export markets for developing Asian economies. The ADB is supporting investments in human capital, including increased attention to tertiary education and vocational training. The ADB’s 

policy advice and technical assistance can also support reforms to improve business 

climates to spur new private investment and help governments do more to mobilize 

domestic resources. ADB’s emphasis on inclusion, including promoting equality for 

women and girls, increases opportunities for a greater number of people to benefit 

from those sources of growth. 

The ADB’s merger of its ordinary capital and concessional lending resources, 

which will significantly expand lending capacity to all ADB borrowers, is an important step for positioning ADB to meet the region’s needs. The next steps are to ensure that ADB enhances its internal capacity to manage this additional lending as 

effectively as possible, including devoting more resources to anti-corruption and integrity due diligence. The ADB should also continue strengthening its framework for 

monitoring and evaluation and incorporating lessons learned on what parts of its 

assistance are most effective and which are not, which will allow ADB to better support inclusive growth and poverty reduction going forward. 

Anti-Corruption 

In your comments about the AIIB, you stated that by working with them 

the ADB could bring higher accountability standard to their operations. In 

that regard, I am particularly interested in the ADB’s Office of 

Anticorruption. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. First, I am concerned that it may not be as effective as it could be in 

dealing with an expanding portfolio. Please provide your view on the effectiveness 

of the current Office of Anticorruption, and what you would do to improve it. Second, please explain the authorities the Office would have in any co-financing project 

with the AIIB. What is the role of the Office in existing co-financing projects? 

Answer. ADB’s Office of Anticorruption and Integrity (OAI) is only one of several 

units devoted to ensuring accountability at ADB (including most prominently the 

ADB’s Accountability Mechanism, for which the United States has been a strong 

and key proponent). OAI’s mandate is underpinned by ADB’s zero tolerance for corruption, and its fundamental role is to ensure that ADB builds and maintains a culture of integrity among the institution’s staff, fairly and transparently reviews procurement processes, and provides advice on integrity due diligence. If confirmed, I 

will aim to set the highest example by my own conduct. There are reforms that 

could strengthen OAI, such as updating the institution’s code of conduct and implementing stronger provisions for disciplinary action. 

Beyond setting a good example and updating ADB’s codes, OAI needs resources 

to perform the expanding set of key accountability tasks that it is charged with carrying out. Due diligence and investigative requests will increase as ADB, with more 

resources after the merger of its lending balance sheets, strives to expand its nonsovereign portfolio and co-financing in accordance with its current strategy. Additional staffing will be needed to ensure that OAI can complete its investigations in 

a timely fashion. Finally, OAI is one of the units at ADB charged with the important mandate of ensuring a respectful workplace for all. To consolidate the good 

work OAI has achieved to date and to bring about necessary improvements, major 

shareholders like the United States will need to lead by impressing upon ADB’s 

Management the importance of fully funding and staffing OAI. 

OAI’s role in projects co-financed with other institutions is the same no matter 

which institution is involved, but this role depends on the type of co-financing arrangement. For joint co-financing, ADB generally administers the funds and the 

project, and ADB’s policies and procedures will always apply, including ADB’s 

Anticorruption Policy. In these cases, OAI operates exactly as it would if the project 

were solely financed by ADB. In some instances, a co-financier will request application of its own anticorruption policy in addition to ADB’s policy, usually to add its 

own bidder debarment list alongside ADB’s. In those cases, if an OAI review determines that the co-financier’s policies and procedures are fundamentally consistent 

with ADB’s, OAI recommends that the Board approve the recognition of the additional sanction list. For parallel co-financed projects, each co-financier independently 

administers its own project in accordance with its respective policies and procedures. My understanding is that under the draft ADB-AIIB co-financing agreement, 

ADB would administer the co-financed funds and thus the full ADB OAI review for 

joint co-financing would apply. 

U.S. Arrears to ADB 

In my opinion, the U.S. should always lead by example and fulfill its commitments to all the international organizations to which it belongs. U.S. arrears to the ADB exceed $300 million. 

Question. What impact, if any, do these arrears have for U.S. participation in the 

ADB? 

Answer. I fully share the view that the United States should lead by example and 

fulfill its commitments to all international organizations in which it is a member, 

including the ADB. I appreciate that the FY 2016 appropriations clear our unmet 

commitments and complete our payments for the ADB’s general capital increase, 

preventing us from forfeiting shares and ensuring that the United States remains 

the joint largest shareholder with Japan. However, the $297 million in unmet commitments that we still have to the Asian Development Fund (AsDF) undermine U.S. 

leadership and influence at the ADB and directly affect the AsDF’s financial capacity for supporting the poorest countries in Asia. U.S. unmet commitments to the 

AsDF reduce our ability to influence policy priorities for both the AsDF and the 

ADB as a whole during AsDF replenishment discussions, including those currently 

taking place. Other donors and ADB Management are less willing to support our 

policy proposals if they do not believe that we will back our ideas with full funding 

of our commitments. 

Beyond the $297 million that the United States has not been able to contribute, 

our actions also impact other donors, who hold back some of their contributions 

until the United States is able to meet its commitments. My understanding is that 

other donors have required that AsDF withhold $138 million of their contributions 

due to U.S. unmet commitments. This financing is critical for supporting countries 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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like Afghanistan, Nepal, and the small island countries of the Pacific (such as Micronesia and the Marshall Islands), even with the expansion of the ADB’s and 

AsDF’s lending capacity that will result from the merger of the ADB’s ordinary capital and AsDF lending resources. 

RESPONSES OF MATTHEW JOHN MATTHEWS, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. SENIOR OFFICIAL

FOR THE ASIA-PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERATION (APEC) FORUM, TO QUESTIONS

FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

NOMINEE MATTHEWS’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Top Priorities 

Mr. Matthews, you would clearly bring a lot of experience and perspective 

to APEC. At the same time, things are changing in the Asia-Pacific region—on the economic front China’s shifting economic policy is challenging 

existing institutions and relationships. 

Question. What do you see as the most important issues facing APEC today? 

Answer. Global economic growth continues to face major challenges and growth 

in the Asia-Pacific region remains moderate and uneven. APEC economies need to 

work together to ensure that the region’s historically robust growth can continue. 

The rise of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region requires closer coordination and cooperation on issues that include trade policy, customs processing, and 

rules making by regulators. 

Question. Is APEC prepared to meet those challenges? 

Answer. APEC is an important part of how we meet these challenges. Its collaborative, non-binding nature allows economies greater freedom to discuss and engage 

with ideas than would otherwise be possible. The organization is also addressing 

new drivers of growth, such as services and digital trade. 

APEC and U.S. Foreign Policy 

The Asia-Pacific region is presenting us with some of the most difficult 

security and diplomatic challenges today. 

Question. What do you see as the proper roles of APEC and the East Asia Summit 

(EAS) in U.S. foreign policy? What are the implications of U.S. membership in the 

EAS for its engagement with APEC? 

Answer. EAS and APEC are complementary. APEC provides an opportunity to advance trade and investment issues in the Asia-Pacific region, which includes important trading partners in the Western Hemisphere. The EAS provides a forum to address political and security issues in the region. 

Question. Some have suggested that APEC consider downgrading its annual meeting to a ministerial meeting rather than a leaders’ meeting with heads of state. How 

do you assess such suggestions? 

Answer. The first APEC Leaders-level meeting took place on Blake Island in Seattle, Washington during the United States’ first hosting of APEC in 1993, four 

years after its founding. Since then, Leaders have met annually to address pressing 

challenges and solidify their common vision for how to achieve regional economic integration and inclusive growth. As the premier economic forum in the region, Leaders-level participation demonstrates the importance we place on the Asia-Pacific 

economy, and our active participation in it as a Pacific power is critical to balancing 

interests from across the region and shaping its agenda. 

APEC Expansion 

With the rise of many dynamic economies in the region, APEC’s membership may no longer reflect the true balance of influence and interests there. 

Question. Do you believe APEC should be expanded to include India? 

Answer. We welcome India’s interest in joining APEC. India has substantial and 

growing economic linkages with the United States and other APEC member economies. Interagency discussions are currently underway regarding India’s interest in 

membership and to better understand how APEC fits into India’s domestic economic 

reform agenda. 

Question. Are there other nations in the Asia-Pacific region that might be potential members for the group? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The following economies have expressed interest in APEC membership: 

Cambodia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, India, Macau 

(China), Mongolia, Pakistan, Panama, and Sri Lanka. There is currently no consensus among APEC members on the parameters of membership expansion or on 

which of the roughly dozen candidates, including India as well as other countries 

in the Americas and South and Southeast Asia, should be considered. 

Question. What are the pros and cons of enlarging APEC? 

Answer. New members could extend APEC’s reach and influence and could be an 

important mechanism to accelerate reform in the economies of new members. However, admitting new members could make the organization unwieldy and slow momentum toward regional integration. APEC serves as an effective forum to advance 

free and open trade and investment, and any expansion would have to be evaluated 

based on its impact on the organization. 

RESPONSES OF MARCELA ESCOBARI, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR

OF THE USAID, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ESCOBARI’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Human Rights 

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Throughout my career in development, my guiding principle has been to 

improve the lives and dignity of the people living in the countries I have sought to 

help. This has meant promoting inclusive growth strategies that help people access 

capital and networks, as well as supporting the development of strong institutions 

and governance to ensure that the benefits of development are widely shared and 

individual rights are respected. 

In my role as Executive Director at the Center for International Development 

(CID) at Harvard University, I have sought to promote a comprehensive approach 

to development that includes improving governance, and promoting human rights 

and democratic principles. The Center is focused principally on exposing students 

of public policy to practitioners in the field and managing research initiatives. Examples of actions that I have pushed forward in this role include facilitating a fellowship at Harvard’s Carr Center for Human Rights for a Venezuelan non-governmental organization (NGO) representing political prisoners and advocating for judicial accountability. This fellowship will enable a research project to analyze how to 

increase the cost to authoritarian governments that bypass judicial systems. When 

completed, this work will be made widely available. I also facilitated the engagement of the Centre for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS) to teach 

a course at Harvard on strategies to combat authoritarian regimes, helping educate 

public policy students from around the world on promoting human rights and democracy most effectively. 

I have also worked on e-government efforts, including writing a paper on the topic 

to show the value of efficiency and transparency in government procurement, services and regulations. Lastly, many of CID’s programs address topics that improve 

the capability and accountability of government. In particular, one of our projects 

in Venezuela seeks to help navigate the transition of the country to a more democratic and prosperous society. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Latin America and 

the Caribbean? What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights and democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The human rights landscape in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) 

has improved over the past several decades, but serious issues remain. In many 

countries, democratically elected populist leaders inhibit political participation and 

curb checks and balances by restricting or co-opting the power of legislative and judicial branches of government. Human rights defenders, labor activists, members of 

the media and other political activists remain at elevated risk of intimidation and 

violence. 

High levels of violence across Latin America and the Caribbean—driven in part 

by high inequality and exacerbated by corruption, impunity, and lack of effective 

law enforcement—continue to threaten public safety and constrain efforts to spur 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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economic growth. Central American migrants to the United States, who often leave 

their countries because of security concerns, are vulnerable to numerous human 

rights violations including human trafficking and threats to life during their journey. Dysfunctional justice and security sectors only worsen the situation. Women 

and girls, as well as LGBTI persons, are especially susceptible to gender-based violence. 

If confirmed, I will commit to employing a human rights-based approach to address these long-standing issues in LAC, from Cuba to Venezuela and beyond. I support USAID’s continued work and consultation with government, civil society, and 

private sector partners to include all citizens in the benefits of development efforts. 

I was pleased to see increased resources for the region and for democracy and governance in the President’s Fiscal Year (FY) 2017 request, and commit to leveraging 

these resources in support of independent civil society organizations that serve as 

a counterweight to the forces of repression, corruption, and disenfranchisement. 

Also, I will support USAID’s work to reduce violence, particularly in Central America, through crime and violence prevention programs, justice sector reform, and government, social services, and civil society strengthening. I understand USAID is developing a new human rights program to improve national human rights protection 

systems that will work to protect vulnerable populations in the Northern Triangle. 

If confirmed as Assistant Administrator, I believe I can play an important role in 

sharpening these efforts and in leveraging our relationships in the region to support 

inclusive growth and protection of human rights. Through these actions, I hope to 

accelerate USAID’s contribution to a safer, more inclusive and prosperous Latin 

America and the Caribbean. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Latin America and the Caribbean in advancing human rights, civil 

society and democracy in general? 

Answer. Having worked on these and other development issues for many years, 

I understand that donors alone cannot bring about these changes. Addressing 

human rights issues requires a commitment by governments in the region to respect 

the fundamental freedoms—including freedom from violence—of their citizens. This 

includes passing and enforcing laws that protect citizens in each country as part of 

a comprehensive rule of law system—a challenge that has long plagued many countries in the region. Public awareness about human rights, including norms and responsibilities, as well as citizen engagement are also crucial to creating a culture 

of respect for human rights. Civil society organizations and the media play an important role in educating citizens about their rights, in monitoring the protection of 

those rights, and in calling for the enforcement of laws designed to protect citizens. 

However, in several of the countries in the region, many of these same groups face 

near constant threats, systemic persecution or intimidation. I understand that many 

of USAID’s programs are designed to squarely address human rights challenges, 

and that the Agency is designing specific human rights protections programs for the 

Central America region. I look forward to advancing this work, if confirmed. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs from Latin America and the Caribbean? 

Answer. Engaging in consultations with human rights, civil society, and non-governmental organizations is fundamental to USAID’s work in Latin America and the 

Caribbean. I If confirmed, I will make this a priority. Indeed, I believe that doing 

so is critical to help inform program design, implementation, and sustainability for 

all of the Agency’s programming, including in the areas of democracy, human rights 

and governance. 

Question. Will you engage with Latin American and Caribbean governments on 

matters of human rights, civil rights and governance as part of your mission? 

Answer. Active engagement with governments in the region on matters regarding 

human rights, civil rights and governance will be vital to addressing the issues previously mentioned. Engagement will also support all of USAID’s programs, including those that seek to improve citizen security and strengthen democracy and governance, so that they foster more sustainable development in LAC. If confirmed, I 

will prioritize engagement with Latin American and Caribbean governments as a 

central part of my role and mission as Assistant Administrator. 

Central America 

I am deeply concerned about the situation in Central America—where 

youth face extreme levels of violence and where weak public institutions 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

834 

struggle to uphold the rule of law and address the corrupting influence of 

illicit trafficking. 

Question. In your opinion, what steps do we need to take to achieve consequential 

change in Central America? What investments will you make in programs that advance democratic governance, strengthen the rule of law, and combat corruption? 

Answer. Social development and economic growth in Central America have been 

stymied in recent years by a dramatic rise in crime and violence-particularly in the 

Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. This insecurity is rooted in deep-seated issues of social and economic inequity, weak criminal 

justice institutions, the failure to expand economic opportunity for vast segments of 

the population, and increases in gang violence and transnational crime. As these 

long-standing challenges in Central America have worsened, we have seen the consequences manifest at our border, where thousands of unaccompanied children left 

their homes in Central America to make the dangerous journey to the United 

States. 

I believe that investing now in advancing democratic governance, strengthening 

the rule of law, countering gangs and combating corruption will have sustained 

long-term benefits for both the region and our own nation. These investments are 

also critical to enable USAID’s other programs to yield benefits for the people of 

these countries. If confirmed, I will support implementation of the U.S. Strategy for 

Engagement in Central America, which directly addresses the root causes of migration by focusing on three interrelated objectives: prosperity, security and governance. By advancing these three objectives in tandem, the Strategy seeks to foster 

a secure, economically integrated Central America that provides opportunities to all 

its citizens, and is governed by more accountable, transparent and effective public 

institutions. 

If confirmed, I will also support investments in Central America that are evidence-based. It is my understanding that USAID is already seeing some tangible results of the Agency’s crime prevention activities in El Salvador. Initial analysis from 

a rigorous impact evaluation points to a 66 percent drop in homicides in the 76 communities where USAID targets its programming, which is in contrast to other communities where homicide rates have climbed sharply over the past year. If confirmed, I will support the Agency’s efforts to have their investments to advance development, democracy and human rights principles grounded in evidence of what is 

working in Central America. 

Colombia 

President Santos recently visited Washington to commemorate 15 years 

of close cooperation between the U.S. and Colombia. Through Plan Colombia, our two countries paved the way for a stronger and more democratic 

nation, and one that stands on the brink of peace. During the visit, President Obama announced a new framework for bilateral cooperation, which 

he called ′′Peace Colombia′′ and has requested more than $450 million in 

support of implementation of a potential peace agreement. 

Question. What is your vision for USAID’s priorities in Colombia as the country 

moves forward in a direction of peace? What do you believe USAID’s strategy should 

be in support of a post-conflict society in Colombia? 

Answer. USAID has maintained a long and deep presence in the most challenging 

and conflict-affected regions of Colombia, and this continued support will be necessary to maintain a sustained peace post-accord. My understanding is that 

USAID’s strategy moving forward will be to focus on post-conflict programming by 

expanding support for the reintegration of ex-combatants, stabilization plans, transitional justice and post-conflict readiness efforts. If confirmed, I will strongly support 

enhanced assistance to the Government of Colombia in implementing its own peace 

accord commitments and establishing a stronger state presence in conflict-affected 

areas of the country. 

Human Rights and Anti-Corruption in the Hemisphere 

Over the past year, from Guatemala to Brazil to Venezuela, Latin American civil society has spoken out more loudly than ever against corruption 

and violations of human rights. 

Question. Given the vital importance of strengthening democratic institutions, 

promoting good governance, and strengthening civil society, what priority will you 

place on these issues and how can we best tailor our assistance programs to address 

these issues? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. Issues related to democratic governance are paramount to the development of safe, prosperous countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. If confirmed, I will prioritize these issues as fundamental components in all of the work 

USAID does in the region. Anti-corruption and transparency issues cannot be fully 

addressed with stand-alone governance programs. It is therefore critical that the 

principles of good governance, especially transparency and anti-corruption, are integrated into all development sectors in which the Agency works. USAID’s health and 

education reform programs, for example, must include mechanisms to deter corruption and to support transparency of governance in their respective sectors. 

I also believe that human rights principles are foundational to a country’s ability 

to achieve sustainable, inclusive economic growth. If confirmed, I will support the 

efforts of the region’s civil society to monitor human rights and corruption, to educate and empower citizens on their rights, and to propose solutions to intractable 

problems. 

Haiti 

Since Haiti’s devastating earthquake in 2010, the U.S. Congress has ap- propriated more than $4 billion in foreign assistance. USAID has been at 

the forefront of our efforts, with critical programs to strengthen Haiti’s 

health sector, food security, economic infrastructure, and the rule of law. 

Repeated GAO studies have suggested that the U.S. has not achieved the 

results that we have hoped for. And, with the president stepping down last 

Sunday to make way for an interim government, many analysts have observed that weak democratic institutions are a hurdle to economic growth 

and stability. 

Question. What will your priorities be for USAID’s programming in Haiti? Should 

more attention be paid to strengthening democratic institutions and promoting good 

governance? 

Answer. Haiti’s political environment continues to be challenging and complex. As 

the poorest country in the region, it has suffered from political instability and low 

productivity for decades. The 2010 earthquake exacerbated that reality. In order to 

have sustainable growth, greater political leadership and good governance are needed, but short-term economic pressures further drive instability and corruption. This 

chicken and egg dilemma is not reason to give up, but rather to take a hard look 

at what is working and what is not, apply lessons learned and speed the Agency’s 

execution and implementation. Despite the challenges in Haiti, my understanding 

is that several of USAID’s projects, specifically in the health and agriculture sectors, 

are bearing fruit and that the Agency has made considerable progress in addressing 

bottlenecks in the obligation of funds. 

To help Haiti achieve results that strengthen democratic institutions, it is my understanding that USAID focuses on key areas of capacity building for the Government of Haiti, which includes promoting political competition and consensus building, improving access to justice and legal assistance, and protecting human rights 

and vulnerable populations. The course of Haiti’s future ultimately depends on Haitians themselves, but if confirmed, I will reinforce USAID’s commitment to providing support to build Haiti’s capacity to provide for its citizens. 

ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE ESCOBARI’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. If confirmed, what will be your main priorities in Latin America and 

the Caribbean region? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on promoting inclusive growth, citizen security, 

and good governance in a manner that benefits all citizens. To achieve these objectives, I will amplify and expand USAID programs that are demonstrating results, 

and work with Congress to institutionalize and build on successful programs in 

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). My current priorities include expanding 

the Agency’s work on democracy, human rights, and governance in LAC, particularly in Central America, Venezuela, and Colombia. I will also work to enhance the 

Agency’s impact in Haiti, promote universal human rights and democratic reforms 

in Cuba, and further the implementation of the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in 

Central America. 

While I will bring to this role a clear focus on results, I am a strong believer that 

no one has a monopoly on good ideas, and I welcome broad input on priorities, ways 

to evaluate program impact, and which programs are most effective in advancing 

the interests of the United States and the people of the region. I will use the manFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

836 

agement skills I have developed throughout my career to provide leadership, guidance, and tools that enable USAID’s staff to deliver results in these priorities. 

Question. What countries are in need of the most USAID programming in that 

region? 

Answer. It is my understanding that USAID programming advances U.S. national 

interests of prosperity and security, and responds directly to U.S. policy priorities. 

Currently, these priorities include maintaining assistance to Central America, with 

a particular focus on the Northern Triangle, Colombia, Haiti, Cuba, and the Caribbean. 

In Venezuela, a humanitarian crisis is brewing amidst political turmoil. In Central America, we have seen the spillovers of escalating violence, stagnant growth 

and weak institutions. And while Colombia is on the edge of a milestone peace accord, the country has yet to move through the delicate process of reinserting the 

guerillas into the economy, disarmament, and strengthening civil society throughout 

the country. These countries will require attention and targeted programing. If confirmed, I look forward to working with USAID staff and the Congress on these priorities. 

Question. On Central America, what specific programs will USAID be implementing in that region as a result of the passage of FY 2016 Omnibus? 

Answer. My understanding is that the fiscal year (FY) 2016 Omnibus provides 

greater resources than previous years to support the U.S. Strategy for Engagement 

in Central America. This increase in funding will allow USAID to expand successful 

crime and violence prevention programs. The increase also facilitates USAID’s execution of new regional and bilateral approaches designed to target assistance to 

those most likely to engage in violence at home or in the community, so as to significantly reduce homicides and other types of violence. In addition, these funds will 

enable the Agency to initiate programs in the areas of prosperity and governance, 

which address the core drivers of migration from Central America. For instance, I 

understand that new programs will support trade and investment facilitation across 

Central America, small and medium business competitiveness in Honduras, and agricultural value chain strengthening in Guatemala. These new efforts aim to provide 

rural households with more opportunities to connect to viable markets, and to diversify and increase their incomes. FY 2016 funding also enables USAID to support 

new civil society and governance programs designed to improve the effectiveness, 

transparency and accountability of public institutions in all three Northern Triangle 

countries. These programs will increase transparency and citizen participation in El 

Salvador, strengthen anti-corruption efforts and reforms in Honduras, and empower 

civil society to advocate more effectively in Guatemala. 

Question. In Haiti, it has been reported that projects have been delayed or have 

failed to meet their desired results. If confirmed, what would you do to achieve better results? Please be specific on the programs. 

Answer. My understanding is that the U.S. Government updated the 2011 ′′PostEarthquake U.S. Government Haiti Strategy: Toward Renewal and Economic 

Opportunity′′ in 2015, specifically to respond to delays in some areas and improve 

cost efficiency and sustainability. The updated strategy is now extended to FY 2018, 

and continues to guide the United States’ overall approach to development assistance to Haiti. The U.S. Government is aligning its programs with the Government 

of Haiti’s priorities and supporting specific activities where the Haitian government 

demonstrates political will and leadership necessary to address needed reforms. 

I believe in using evidence in policy making, and if confirmed, will support USAID 

to continue to monitor progress, scale up those interventions that are bearing fruit 

and terminate programs that are not working. For example, my understanding is 

that program activities that lack political will have ended, such as the reform of the 

state electric utility. With Congressional approval, USAID has reprogrammed funds 

to support programs that better address other key issues in the country. For example, USAID has shifted funds away from infrastructure and energy and is moving 

them into programs to improve the capacity of the Ministry of Health, address key 

human rights challenges such as child labor, to provide nutrition programs for vulnerable populations, and increase workforce development training with private enterprises in agribusiness, construction, and textile value chains. If confirmed, I will 

also work with the Agency to conduct routine analysis of each of the programs within the Haiti portfolio to determine appropriate actions and maintain a good understanding of the role of government capacity in the success of these projects. 

Question. In Colombia, what role will USAID play if a peace agreement between 

the Government of Colombia and the FARC is reached by March 2016? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. USAID strongly supports Colombia’s expected implementation of a peace 

agreement. The United States-Colombia partnership will be critical to U.S. interests 

in a post-accord era. Key USAID program priorities will include political participation and transitional justice, reintegration and rehabilitation of ex-combatants, and 

promoting inclusive economic growth, especially in rural areas of Colombia. USAID’s 

role will be to maintain its deep presence in the most challenging and conflict-affected regions of Colombia, as this continued support will be necessary to maintain 

a sustained peace led by the Government of Colombia. USAID’s strategy will be to 

focus on post-conflict programming by expanding support for the reintegration of excombatants, stabilization plans and post-conflict readiness efforts. If confirmed, I 

will strongly support USAID assistance to the Government of Colombia in implementing its own peace accord commitments and establishing a stronger state presence in conflict-affected areas of the country. 

Question. What is the current status of USAID funding for human rights and democracy in Cuba? 

Answer. USAID’s commitment to democracy in Cuba remains strong, and if confirmed, I will continue to make this a priority. For the past 20 years, USAID has 

promoted democracy in Cuba by providing humanitarian assistance to political prisoners and their families, supporting local civil society actors and groups, and facilitating the free flow of information to, from and within the island. With FY 2015 

resources, it is my understanding that USAID recently put out Requests for Proposals that will focus on new programming in humanitarian assistance for political 

prisoners and their families, and in human rights support for civil society groups. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to continue USAID’s efforts 

to advance human rights and democracy in Cuba. 

Question. What are the current and future USAID initiatives to support civil society and democratic governance initiatives in Venezuela? 

Answer. My understanding is that USAID has provided assistance to support 

open democratic processes in Venezuela since 2002. Over this time, the Venezuelan 

executive has increasingly undermined the autonomy of other branches of government and thereby limited citizen rights. Given the recent parliamentary election in 

December 2015, USAID remains hopeful and committed to supporting initiatives in 

Venezuela, especially in the areas of democracy, human rights and civil society 

strengthening. If confirmed, and as the political landscape in Venezuela develops, 

I look forward to exploring opportunities for further USAID support for governance 

as well as broad economic stability. I believe that greater levels of peace, stability 

and rule-of-law in Venezuela are in the best interests of Venezuelans, the American 

people and the neighboring community in Latin America. 

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(839) 

NOMINATIONS 

THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, DC. 

Christine Ann Elder, of Kentucky, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of Liberia 

R. David Harden, of Maryland, nominated to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development 

Elizabeth Holzhall Richard, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic 

Stephen Michael Schwartz, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia 

Kelly Keiderling-Franz, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Oriental Republic of Uruguay 

Mark Sobel, of Virginia, nominated to be United States Executive 

Director of the International Monetary Fund for a Term of Two 

Years 

Adam H. Sterling, nominated to be Ambassador to the Slovac Republic 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:55 a.m., in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker, chairman of the committee, presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker [presiding], Perdue, Isakson, Barrasso, 

Cardin, Menendez, Shaheen, Murphy, and Kaine. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

Today, the committee will consider seven nominations. 

First on our panel, we have Ms. Christine Elder, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, class of counselor, nominated to 

be Ambassador to Liberia. Ms. Elder is currently director of the Office of Southern African Affairs in the Bureau of African Affairs at 

the Department of State, a position she has held since 2013. Previously, Ms. Elder served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. 

Embassy in Mozambique from 2010 to 2013, and as a strategic 

planning officer in the Bureau of International Programs from 2007 

to 2010. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

840 

Thank you so much for your service. 

We have Mr. David Harden. He is nominee for Assistant Administrator for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance for 

USAID. He is a career member of the Foreign Service, class of minister counselor, and currently serves as mission director at USAID 

Mission in the West Bank and Gaza, a position he has held since 

2013. Prior to this, he was deputy mission director at USAID Mission in Iraq from 2012 to 2013, and senior adviser to the Special 

Envoy for Middle East Peace from 2009 to 2012. Mr. Harden also 

served as senior development adviser in Libya in 2011. 

Thank you so much. 

Next we have Ms. Elizabeth Richard nominated to be Ambassador to Lebanon. Ms. Richard, a career member of the Foreign 

Service, class of minister counselor, is the Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs at the Department of 

State, a position she has held since 2013. Previously, Ms. Richard 

served as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Yemen 

from 2010 to 2013, border coordinator at the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan from 2008 to 2010, and as director of counternarcotics law enforcement and rule of law programs at the U.S. Embassy in Afghanistan from 2006 to 2007. 

Thank you so much. 

Lastly, we have Mr. Stephen Schwartz, a career member of the 

Foreign Service, class of counselor. He currently serves as director 

of the Office of Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific Island Affairs 

at the Department of State, a position he has held since August 

2015. Previously, Mr. Schwartz served as director of the Office of 

Western African Affairs from 2013 to 2015, deputy chief of mission 

at U.S. Embassy in Zambia from 2010 to 2013, and deputy director 

of the Office of Australia, New Zealand, Pacific Islands from 2008 

to 2010. 

You all are very accomplished, and your resumes are very long. 

Thank you so much. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you all for being here. 

I do not know if you want to make an opening comments? 

STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Mr. Chairman, I just wanted to welcome not 

only four nominees but also the second panel of three nominees. 

Thank you. Each one of you has served your Nation in an extraordinary way in a career of public service, and we thank you and 

your families, because we know it is a family sacrifice. And we particularly appreciate your willingness to continue to serve our country in critically important positions. 

I am going to put my full statement in the record, so we can go 

right to the hearing. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I need to point out that Mr. Harden and Mr. 

Schwartz should be given special attention since they are from 

Maryland. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. As with so many of the folks in the State Department, they are from Maryland. 

We welcome you, we certainly do thank all the families, in particular, for being here and for the support. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

841 

Senator FLAKE. Mr. Chairman? 

The CHAIRMAN. Yes? 

Senator FLAKE. May I just say, I have to go to another hearing, 

but I wanted to say how much I appreciated meeting with Ms. 

Elder and Mr. Schwartz in my office earlier. They are going to do 

great in Africa. 

People tend to go to one country and go to another, go to another, 

and they are old Africa hands. And I appreciate their families and 

their sacrifice that they have made as well. I am just glad that 

they are here, and I am glad that we are so well-represented on 

that continent. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. Thank you for your tremendous efforts in the continent of Africa. 

Yes, sir, Senator Isakson? 

Senator ISAKSON. I just want to say I could not have said it better than Senator Flake did. I met with the nominees as well. They 

are outstanding citizens of our country. And to go to the countries 

they are going to and be the face of America where they are, we 

are very lucky to have people willing to sacrifice and do it. 

I commend all of you for your commitment to the country. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

It appears you are not going to have a lot of questions. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. So we thank you, Senator Isakson. 

With that, if we could begin testimony with Ms. Elder. Thank 

you. 

STATEMENT OF CHRISTINE ANN ELDER, OF KENTUCKY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA 

Ms. ELDER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, 

and members of the committee. It is truly an honor to be here 

today as the nominee to represent the United States in Liberia. 

I am grateful for the confidence of the Secretary and the President in this nomination and deeply appreciative of the support, indeed, of my family, my friends, and my colleagues. 

I especially would like to thank my husband, Paul Hughes, who 

was himself a Foreign Service Officer and grew up in the Foreign 

Service. He is here with his sister, Alice Hughes, and her husband, 

Dr. John Sharretts. Not here but very much in our hearts are my 

stepchildren, Ellie and Christopher in Washington State in school, 

my brother in Ohio, and my parents in Kentucky. 

Mr. Chairman, the United States and Liberia do share a deep 

historical bond. If confirmed, I will deepen that partnership as Liberia continues to recover from Ebola, to restructure its security 

sector, strengthen its democracy, and expand economic growth and 

opportunity. 

It was not long ago that Liberia and its neighbors were mired in 

the Ebola crisis. Peace hard-won through daily determination after 

a devastating civil war was threatened. We harnessed the full force 

of the U.S. Government, bringing together Departments of Defense 

and State, USAID, CDC, and others. We sent over 3,000 U.S. 

troops to set up treatment centers and help train new health care 

workers to replace hundreds who had died trying to save others. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

842 

Our assistance was over $500 million, and this was all in support 

of Liberia’s own efforts. 

If confirmed, I will lead our Embassy team working together 

with Liberians on the Global Health Security Agenda to prevent, 

detect, and respond to outbreaks, so that they do not become 

epidemics. The $257 million MCC compact will boost Liberia’s participation 

in Power Africa, where only 2 percent of the population has access 

to electricity. This project will quadruple power generation. 

We remain Liberia’s closest partner on national reconstruction. We have invested more than $2 billion since the end of civil war 

in 2003. Of that, over $350 million went to help rebuild their security sector. The growing capabilities and competence of their forces 

in that sector are reflected in the U.N. Security Council’s authorization for the further reduction of the UNMIL mandate to a residual force as they conclude their peacekeeping mandate this year. 

In recovery, the Liberian Government is rightfully focused on job 

creation. President Sirleaf understands the importance of battling 

corruption and also in advancing reforms to attract foreign investment. 

If confirmed, I will advance U.S. interests to the benefit of both 

of our economies. I will ensure that our assistance is wisely spent, 

and well-coordinated. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, the Liberian people 

want to lift themselves up, and they are deeply grateful for our 

counsel and our support. Thank you very much for the opportunity 

to be here, and I welcome your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Elder follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CHRISTINE ELDER

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, it is a 

great honor to appear before you today as nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador 

to the Republic of Liberia. I am deeply grateful for the trust and confidence that 

the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me with this nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the members of this committee and 

their staffs to promote and protect U.S. interests in Liberia. It has been my privilege in over 25 years of public service to have worked in both the Departments of 

State and Commerce, in both the Civil and the Foreign Service. I have served in 

Mozambique as Deputy Chief of Mission and with other postconflict countries in 

transition, and have worked on African issues for most of the past decade. 

I can think of no higher honor than to represent the American people as Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of Liberia, a country with which the 

United States shares a unique history. I deeply appreciate the love and support of 

my family, friends, and colleagues who have made me the person before you today. 

I would especially like to thank my husband Paul Hughes, who was previously 

a Foreign Service Officer and grew up with Foreign Service parents, and acknowledge my sister-in-law Dr. Alice Hughes, who was born during their parents’ assignment in South Africa, and has also dedicated herself to a life of public service. Unable to join us today but very much in our hearts are my stepchildren Ellie and 

Christopher, in school in Washington State, my brother in Ohio, and my parents 

in Kentucky. 

Mr. Chairman, the United States and Liberia share a special bond rooted in our 

deep historical ties, and preserved through our commitment to democracy, human 

rights, and economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen our bilateral relationship and ensure that the United States remains a steadfast partner as 

Liberia continues to recover from the Ebola epidemic, reform its security sector, 

strengthen its democracy, and expand economic growth and opportunity for all its 

citizens. 

Not long ago, Liberia and its neighbors were mired in crisis, confronting the deadliest and longest-recorded Ebola outbreak in history. As the death toll rose, the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

843 

country began to experience profound second-order effects: schools closed; an already 

fragile healthcare system collapsed; and commerce, industry, and tourism came to 

a standstill. Liberia’s peace and democratic stability, earned through daily, dogged 

determination during the course of Liberia’s post-civil war period, were suddenly 

under grave threat as a result of the epidemic. 

In combatting Ebola, the United States adopted a vigorous, whole-of government 

approach to support Liberia’s own efforts. The State Department, the Department 

of Defense, USAID, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other elements of the Department of Health and Human Services, all played critical roles. 

Our humanitarian assistance, including food aid, totaled more than $509 million. 

The President deployed almost 3,000 troops to build treatment centers and assist 

in training healthcare workers. The Government of Liberia acted with determination to educate the Liberian people as local health care workers risked and—in 

many cases—gave their lives to save and ease the suffering of others. While no one 

can rule out a relapse, today Liberia has been declared Ebola-free, and with continued assistance from the United States, is on its way to recovery. We have confidence 

that if there is another outbreak, the country and its neighbors will be better able 

to control its spread. 

If confirmed, I will lead our embassy’s well-integrated interagency team, which remains deeply engaged in a partnership with Liberia to prevent, detect, and respond 

to future outbreaks before they become epidemics. I will make every effort to ensure 

U.S. assistance is spent wisely, and that synergetic efforts with the Liberian government and other partners support Liberia’s development and post-Ebola recovery 

plan, as well as advance the Global Health Security Agenda. 

Thirteen years after the end of Liberia’s civil war and throughout the Ebola crisis, 

the security situation in Liberia has remained largely stable, and the country has 

made major security strides. The United States remains Liberia’s closest partner in 

the reconstruction effort, investing more than $2 billion in rebuilding the country 

since signing the peace accord in 2003, including over $350 million on security sector reform. Since the signing of the peace accord, the country has successfully held 

two presidential and general elections, as well as Senate midterm elections and several by-elections. The U.N. Security Council lifted targeted sanctions in September 

2015, and the United States lifted targeted individual sanctions in November 2015. 

The U.N. Security Council also authorized reducing UNMIL’s remaining military 

and police components to a residual force by June 30, 2016, as they complete the 

final phase of the peacekeeping mandate. If confirmed, I will continue our bilateral 

efforts to promote the Government of Liberia’s capacity to manage conflict early 

warning and response, to provide for its own security, and to strengthen the frameworks and institutions that underpin the rule of law. 

But more work lies ahead to secure a lasting peace. Civil society is still fragile, 

and the country is challenged by widespread corruption, a lack of resources, and 

poverty. The next test will come in October 2017, when Liberia holds presidential 

elections. If confirmed, I will champion efforts such asUSAID’s five-year, Liberia 

Elections & Political Transitions program to ensure the people of Liberia continue 

on their chosen path of democracy by conducting free, fair, and peaceful elections 

in 2017. 

As the situation in Liberia normalizes and the country continues to rebuild, economic development remains a top priority for the Liberian government. The government is rightly focused on job creation, including revitalization of the mining and 

rubber sectors, but also including diversification beyond commodities. President 

Sirleaf’s government understands that battling corruption and advancing governance and economic reforms through initiatives such as the Partnership on Illicit Finance and accession to the WTO are important means of attracting foreign investment and bolstering the economy. 

Broadening the U.S.-Liberian relationship to increase emphasis on trade and investment will also be one of my priorities, if I am confirmed. I believe Liberia’s 

growth and recovery will depend on inflows of private capital, and there are opportunities for American businesses to benefit from increased trade and investment in 

Liberia’s largely untapped mining, fisheries, agriculture, power, and service sectors. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work to advance U.S. business interests for the 

benefit of both the American and Liberian economies. I will also leverage our robust 

development assistance portfolios, spanning multiple sectors to help fight corruption, promote transparency and good governance, and help the Government of Liberia ensure that all Liberians have access to basic services, rights, and opportunities. 

One key means to advance economic, social, and political development in Liberia 

is the recently signed $257 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact. Liberia’s MCC Compact will enhance Liberia’s engagement in the President’s 

Power Africa initiative, focusing on the development of Liberia’s power and road secFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tors. The local electricity utility currently reaches only two percent of the population. The MCC project will quadruple Liberia’s power generation and significantly 

lower electricity rates for Liberians, which at 52 cents per kilowatt hour, are roughly five times the U.S. average. If confirmed, I will work closely with Liberia’s government to support sustainability in the power and transportation sectors through 

targeted capacity building, and by encouraging robust private sector participation 

and investment in vital infrastructure. 

Mr. Chairman, I thank you for this opportunity to appear before you and the 

other members of the committee, and look forward to your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you very much. I know we have abbreviated our opening comments. As a matter fact, we just did not give 

them, to give you time to be here and us finish this meeting. But 

we thank you all again for being here and your service. 

Mr. Harden? 

STATEMENT OF R. DAVID HARDEN, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE U.S. 

AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 

Mr. HARDEN. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and 

distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear 

before you today as the nominee for the assistant administrator for 

the Bureau of Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance 

at the United States Agency for International Development. We 

call it DCHA. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working alongside the nearly 900 

men and women of DCHA who seek to end extreme poverty and 

to promote resilient democratic societies. 

I particularly want to thank my friend, colleague, and mentor, 

Tom Staal, for his leadership at DCHA over the past 18 months. 

My parents are here today, and my own family is watching this 

hearing from afar. My wife, Sharon, is that the U.S. Embassy in 

Tel Aviv. Tyler, my son, is at a tech startup in San Francisco. Ryan 

is at the U.S. Air Force Academy. And Waverley is at Bowdoin College. 

We are a Foreign Service family. And like thousands of others, 

we have represented America in some of the toughest places on 

Earth. In 1999, Sharon and I packed up our preschoolers and 

moved to Bangladesh, and we have been overseas ever since. 

My family’s experience living in crisis zones has forged my understanding of the complex challenges in the world today and the 

importance of a robust American engagement. I believe USAID’s 

DCHA Bureau represents the best of America. Its offices of U.S. 

Foreign Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace are the first responders in global crises. They feed the hungry, give water to the 

thirsty, comfort the sick, and shelter the displaced. 

DCHA also assists nations with transition, and works to address 

the root causes of instability. The Office of Transition Initiatives 

and Conflict Management and Mitigation seek to improve delivery 

of basic services, give voice to the marginalized, and reduce the 

risk of violence. 

DCHA teams continually analyze risk, whether of famine, mass 

atrocities, communicable disease, or flooding, in order to build the 

resilience in our partner nations. The Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance helps nations build effective institutions and robust civil societies so they can provide secuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

845 

rity and justice, economic opportunity and political freedom for 

their people. 

The Office of American Schools and Hospitals Abroad supports 

world-class global education and health facilities. It also promotes 

American values. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on four 

key areas. First, I will ensure DCHA is at peak operational capacity to be prepared for the crises ahead. Second, I will make certain 

our international food assistance remains cutting-edge, innovative, 

and reaches the most people in need. Third, I will work to expand 

funding for democracy, human rights, and governance, because we 

know these crises are in large part due to failed governance and 

undemocratic institutions. Finally, I look forward to working with 

the interagency and international colleagues to envision our world 

in 2025 and to advance a strategy to address regional instability 

and fragility. 

If confirmed, I will lead with integrity, work for results, and be 

strictly accountable for U.S. taxpayer dollars. 

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you 

today, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Harden follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF R. DAVID HARDEN

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished members of the 

committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the nominee for Assistant 

Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance 

(DCHA) at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). I am 

grateful for the trust and confidence President Obama, Secretary Kerry, and Administrator Smith have in my leadership for a bureau so central to the United States’ 

humanitarian, development, and foreign policy agenda. If confirmed, I will work to 

achieve USAID’s mission of ending extreme poverty and promoting resilient democratic societies. 

I look forward to working alongside the nearly 900 men and women who are leading DCHA programs in approximately 115 countries across five continents. I want 

to thank these colleagues for their unparalleled commitment, passion, and service. 

I also particularly want to acknowledge Tom Staal for his leadership of DCHA for 

the last 14 months. Tom has lived a storied life and career—he has also been a 

friend, mentor, and colleague as we worked together in Beirut, Baghdad, and Washington. USAID is stronger—and the world is better—because of Tom’s service. 

I would also like to thank my mother and father—who are here today. They 

taught me to work hard and follow my dreams and then gave me the opportunities 

to do so. 

My own family is watching this hearing from afar—Sharon from the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv, Tyler at a tech start up incubator in San Francisco, Ryan from 

the U.S. Air Force Academy in Colorado, and Waverly from Bowdoin College in 

Maine. 

We are a Foreign Service family, like thousands of other families who represent 

America in some of the toughest places on earth. In 1999, Sharon and I packed up 

our preschoolers and moved to Dhaka, Bangladesh. We have been overseas since. 

The entire family has represented America for many years—in the hallways of the 

international schools, at gymnastic competitions, and on the streets and in the markets of South Asia, the former Soviet Union, and the Middle East. Street children 

in Dhaka, orphans in Almaty, and the children of war in Israel and Gaza have seen 

a compassionate America, because in the Foreign Service the whole family serves 

as diplomats abroad. 

And yet there are unique challenges. Sharon and I worried about our young family living far from home on 9-11 when America was attacked. We have battled dengue, typhoid salmonella—and the innumerable childhood accidents that become near 

crises in lesser-developed countries. We gave Waverly a gas mask during the early 

days of the Syrian war, and explained to Tyler and Ryan’s school that they should 

still fly back home to our family despite Tel Aviv being rocketed. During the 2014 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

846 

war between Israel and Hamas, our family went to the bomb shelter more times 

in a single month than I did during my 17 months in Iraq. Foreign Service families 

face these types of challenges every day. 

I appear before you today only because my family was willing to make the sacrifice of public service and accept the challenge of living abroad for close to two decades. To Sharon, I am forever grateful for her partnership on this extraordinary 

journey. 

My family’s firsthand experience living in crisis zones has forged my understanding of the complex challenges the world faces today and the importance of U.S. 

engagement abroad. From my perspective, USAID’s DCHA Bureau represents the 

best of America’s enduring leadership and goodwill. DCHA’s Offices of U.S. Foreign 

Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace are the first responders to global crises— 

whether an earthquake in Nepal, typhoon in the Philippines, Ebola in West Africa, 

or war in Syria, South Sudan, or Yemen. They feed the hungry, give water to the 

thirsty, comfort the sick, and shelter the displaced. There is no more powerful and 

iconic symbol of America abroad than when USAID sends a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) into the heart of an emergency. Recall the images in 2014 of 

USAID and U.S. military personnel deploying to stem the Ebola outbreak in West 

Africa and of USAID coordinating with the U.S. military to deliver food and water 

by air to Yazidis trapped by ISIL on Iraq’s Sinjar Mountain. Today, USAID has 

DARTs coordinating the U.S. humanitarian responses alongside State Department 

and other agencies in Syria, Iraq, and South Sudan—all massive complex crises that 

have been going on for years. Just last week, Administrator Smith announced the 

deployment of a DART to Ethiopia to avert a humanitarian crisis arising from an 

El Nino-triggered drought and to protect development gains. 

DCHA also assists nations with the difficult task of post-crisis political and social 

transition and works to address the root causes of instability before conflicts become 

humanitarian emergencies. The Office of Transition Initiatives, for instance, has 

programs in Burma, Lebanon, Libya, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Somalia, where they 

work with national and local leaders to provide basic services and give a voice to 

people in marginalized communities. The Conflict Management and Mitigation office 

assesses the prospects of conflict and works with local and international organizations to reduce the risks of violence by supporting grassroots demands for peace. 

Teams from across DCHA continually analyze risk, whether of famine, mass atrocities, communicable disease, or flooding, to build resilience in our partner nations. 

To fulfill the U.N.’s initiatives on Women, Peace, and Security, DCHA teams also 

provide protection to women and girls in conflict settings and promote the participation of women in peacebuilding. By so doing, they directly mitigate the prospect of 

collapse, instability, and political vacuum—catastrophic events that undermine global development gains and challenge American interests abroad. 

The Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights and Governance helps nations build effective institutions and robust civil societies so they have better potential to provide security and justice, economic opportunity, and political freedom for 

their people. The crises we see today so often reflect a lack of democratic foundations, effective governing institutions, and respect for human rights. The Office of 

American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA) directly supports some of the leading global education and health facilities—facilities that provide world-class services 

and promote American ideas and values. For instance, ASHA supports schools, like 

the Abaarso School of Science and Technology in Somalia, which shape tomorrow’s 

global leaders who share our vision of peace and prosperity. 

DCHA demonstrates extraordinary global reach and impact—it is also often the 

face of a generous America abroad when nations and people are at their most vulnerable. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress, the interagency, 

and the international community on four key areas. 

First, I will ensure that DCHA is at peak operational capacity. As it stands, 

DCHA is a highly functional and effective organization. And yet we know the world 

will see new crises—whether rapid onset natural disasters or greater suffering from 

expanding wars. To achieve peak capacity, we must be prepared for the crises 

ahead—both known and unknown. Working with our Offices of Programs, Policy, 

and Management and Crises Surge Support, we will continue to prioritize staffing 

and facilities alignment, budget flexibility, coordinated analytical functions, and 

cross team integration. Through our Office of Civilian-Military Cooperation, I will 

deepen DCHA’s already strong partnership with the military combatant commands. 

I will also expand its communications capabilities—both at home and abroad. I am 

acutely aware that the integrity and accountability of our assistance is of the highest concern and something I have championed in the West Bank, Gaza, Iraq, and 

Libya. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

847 

Second, I look forward to working with this committee to ensure our international 

food assistance remains cutting-edge and reaches the most people in need. The 

United States has a proud history of feeding the world’s most hungry people. The 

complex emergencies we face today and in the future will require us to continue to 

adapt to meet growing demands and challenges most effectively and cost-efficiently. 

We will continue to harness our analytical tools, technology, and resources to determine the appropriate mix of U.S. commodities, local and regional food purchases, 

and market-based assistance to get the right food to the right people at the right 

time. 

Third, I look forward to working with this committee to expand funding for democracy, human rights, and governance. The crises we face today are in large part 

a result of failed governance and undemocratic institutions. Extreme poverty is increasingly concentrated in fragile states. Sound governing structures must underpin 

everything we do in development. Additionally, strong civil societies help give voice 

to the disenfranchised; champion human rights; fight modern slavery; counter violent extremism; bolster anti-corruption efforts; and promote better responsiveness to 

citizen concerns. I will also tighten the analytical link between our work in democracy, human rights, and governance and its causal impact on political freedom, economic opportunity, and social inclusion. Democracies are more resilient to disasters 

and typically do not go to war with each other. Democracy, human rights, and governance must be at the center of our development agenda if we are to get ahead 

of crises and end extreme poverty. 

Finally, I look forward to working with my State Department and other interagency colleagues and the international community to envision our world in 2025, 

particularly as it relates to regional instability in the Middle East, and fragility and 

resilience in sub-Saharan Africa. We must anticipate and prepare for future crisis 

drivers and consider how to better leverage emerging technology, big data, and the 

private sector into our responses. I have been impressed with the foresight of my 

predecessors—how they deepened our analytical capabilities, strengthened our relationships with the military, and integrated resilience planning. I would like to leave 

the same legacy for the next generation of DCHA leaders—envisioning and preparing for tomorrow’s highly complex and connected world. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, I am honored to be considered as Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, 

Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance. I am also humbled by the challenges and 

responsibility ahead. If confirmed, I will lead with integrity, work tirelessly for results, and be strictly accountable for U.S. taxpayer dollars. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and I look forward to answering your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. 

Ms. Richard? 

STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH HOLZHALL RICHARD, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE LEBANESE 

REPUBLIC 

Ms. RICHARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Ranking Member Cardin. I especially would like to thank the Senator 

from Virginia. Not all of us in the State Department are from 

Maryland. Some of us are from Virginia. 

Thank you for staying, sir. 

I am honored by President Obama’s decision to nominate me to 

be Ambassador to Lebanon. If confirmed, I look forward to working 

with you to achieve the important policy objectives we have there. 

Over my 30 years in the Foreign Service, I have served in a number of challenging posts, as you noted, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and 

Yemen. In those places, I have seen firsthand what a huge difference the United States can make when it leads. 

The effects of the crises now raging across the Middle East make 

our leadership more important than ever. The Middle East is undergoing a period of unprecedented instability, but against this 

backdrop, the resilience of the Lebanese people is remarkable. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Lebanon faces three major challenges: the conflict in Syria; an 

ongoing governance crises; and the activities of Hezbollah, a terrorist organization that puts its own interests and the interests of 

its benefactors and patrons ahead of those of the Lebanese people. 

Our partnership with the country’s legitimate state institutions 

and its people is essential in helping Lebanon address these challenges. 

Mr. Chairman, I am really struck by the incredible generosity of 

Lebanon in welcoming more than 1 million Syrian refugees, and I 

am very, very proud of the generosity of the American people as 

well. Our assistance to Syrian refugees and the communities that 

host them has eased this burden. 

However, extremist groups like ISIL and al-Nusra continue to 

pose a grave threat to Lebanon and to U.S. interests in the region. 

With the generous support of Congress, we are helping Lebanon security institutions in their fight against extremism. 

Effective security must be buttressed by effective political leadership, however. As you know, Lebanon has been without a President 

for almost 2 years now. It is time for the country to elect a President and to restore a functioning cabinet and parliament. 

As for Hezbollah, its ongoing intervention in Syria to prop up the 

Assad regime was undertaken without the consent of the Lebanese 

people. 

The administration strongly supported the Hezbollah International Financing Prevention Act passed by Congress just last December. Our shared goal is to dismantle Hezbollah’s international 

financial network while supporting, at the same time, the legitimate Lebanese banking and other institutions. 

If confirmed, I will do all I can to expand our anti-money-laundering and counterterrorism finance cooperation with Lebanon. 

Most importantly, Mr. Chairman, I want to remember that Lebanon is hallowed ground for U.S. diplomats and for our military 

colleagues as well. The tragic bombings of the Marine barracks and 

the U.S. Embassy in Beirut in 1983 will never be forgotten. 

If confirmed, my highest priority will be the safety and security 

of all Americans in Lebanon. There is really no job more important 

to me than that. So with that, Mr. Chairman, members, thank you 

very much for the opportunity to be here today and I look forward 

to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Richard follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH H. RICHARD

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, thank 

you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored by President 

Obama’s decision to nominate me as U.S. ambassador to Lebanon. If confirmed, I 

look forward to working closely with the members of this committee on achieving 

our policy objectives in Lebanon. 

Over the course of my 30 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have had the privilege of serving in some of our most challenging posts, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, and—most recently—Yemen. In my diplomatic efforts to advance U.S. policy 

objectives, as well as in overseeing security assistance, counter-narcotics, economic 

and governance programs, I have seen firsthand how influential the United States 

can be when it engages. The effects of the crises raging across the Middle East on 

our national interests make U.S. leadership more imperative than ever. 

The Middle East is undergoing a period of unprecedented instability. The roots 

of this instability are deep and systemic: weak political legitimacy, ineffective institutions, fragile economies, and religious sectarianism. Amidst this backdrop of unFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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certainty, the resilience of the Lebanese people stands out. For centuries, Lebanon 

has been a rich tapestry of different religions and ethnicities. Respect for religious 

freedom and confessional tolerance lie at the very core of Lebanese identity. We 

must do all we can to help Lebanon continue to uphold these principles. If confirmed 

as ambassador, I will dedicate myself to further strengthening our partnership with 

Lebanon. 

Lebanon today faces three major challenges: the spillover effects of the conflict in 

Syria, which has brought more than a million refugees to Lebanon; a political crisis 

that has severely hindered the work of government institutions and has deprived 

the Lebanese people of basic services; and—of course—the activities of Hizballah, 

a terrorist organization that puts its own interests and those of its foreign backers 

ahead of the Lebanese people. Our partnership with Lebanon’s legitimate state institutions and our assistance to the Lebanese people are essential in helping Lebanon address all three of these challenges. 

I am struck by the incredible generosity of towns and villages all across Lebanon 

in welcoming more than a million Syrian refugees. And I am very proud of the generosity of the American people as well. Our assistance to Syrian refugees—and the 

Lebanese communities which have graciously hosted them for nearly five years— 

has helped to alleviate the tremendous burden on the country. Just last month in 

London, Secretary Kerry announced over $133 million in new humanitarian aid, 

bringing the U.S. contribution to Lebanon to over $1.1 billion since the start of the 

crisis. The Department is grateful to Congress for supporting this assistance, which 

demonstrates America’s unwavering resolve in addressing one of the most heart 

wrenching situations in the world today. If confirmed, I will work hard to help Lebanon address this enormous humanitarian challenge. 

Extremist groups such as ISIL and the Nusra Front pose a grave threat to Lebanon, and to U.S. interests in the region. Our partnership with Lebanon’s security 

forces has played a critical role in preserving Lebanon’s security against such 

threats. Lebanon is also a member of the Counter-ISIL Coalition we lead. If confirmed, I will do my best to build upon our strong relationships with the Lebanese 

Armed Forces and the Internal Security Forces. The November 12 bombing in Beirut, which killed 41 innocent civilians and injured many more, is a tragic reminder 

of the threat posed by ISIL. I was moved to learn that the U.S. Congress observed 

a moment of silence on the floor soon after the attack. This gesture showed that 

the American people stand shoulder to shoulder with the Lebanese as they battle 

ISIL and other extremists. 

With the generous support of the Congress, we are supporting the Lebanese military with the tools and training it needs to fight ISIL and other extremists. Our 

security assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces, more than $150 million in fiscal 

year 2015, makes a real difference on the ground. The Lebanese military has turned 

the tide against ISIL along the rugged border with Syria, so that northeastern Lebanon is no longer in immediate danger from extremist groups. Lebanese aircraft 

now use U.S.-supplied Hellfire missiles to pinpoint terrorists and take them out. 

Our partnership with the Lebanese Internal Security Forces is no less impressive. 

For example, FBI-trained Internal Security Forces now conduct forensic investigations to help bring justice for the Lebanese people in cases of terrorist attacks and 

serious crimes. 

Effective security needs to be buttressed by effective political leadership. Lebanon 

has been without a president for almost two years—much too long. Now is the time 

for Lebanon to uphold its democratic principles and elect a president according to 

the Lebanese constitution. The Lebanese people deserve a government that can deliver basic services, promote economic prosperity, and address the country’s most 

pressing security challenges. The United States has been clear and consistent: Lebanon needs a president and a fully functioning Cabinet and parliament without 

delay. This is first and foremost a Lebanese responsibility; they are the ones who 

have the greatest stake in their country’s success. Through our leadership in the 

International Support Group for Lebanon, the United States has rallied the international community to speak with a united voice in calling for an end to the presidential vacancy. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to supporting the Lebanese in 

their efforts to seat a functioning government. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with Lebanon’s voices for moderation and 

progress to support Lebanon’s quest for full sovereignty and independence. 

Hizballah’s ongoing intervention in Syria to prop up the Asad regime—undertaken 

without the consent of the Lebanese people—contradicts the 2012 Baabda Declaration, which clearly—and wisely—states Lebanon’s policy of dissociation from foreign 

entanglements. Hizballah’s activities in Syria create serious security challenges for 

Lebanon. If confirmed, my mission will be to do everything I can to support Lebanon 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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to exercise full sovereignty throughout the country and to help build up the Lebanese military, its sole legitimate defender. 

The administration strongly supported the Hizballah International Financing Prevention Act passed by the Congress last December. We have made clear to all that 

our goal is to dismantle Hizballah’s international financial network while supporting Lebanese institutions and the Lebanese people. This will contribute directly 

to promoting Lebanon’s economic prosperity. 

The success of the Lebanese banking sector, a backbone of the country’s economy, 

relies on upholding an already excellent reputation. Both Lebanon and the United 

States have an interest in ensuring Hizballah cannot penetrate the Lebanese financial sector. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to working with the Lebanese financial sector to enhance our anti-money laundering and terrorism finance cooperation. 

Our commitment to Lebanon’s economic prosperity is one of the cornerstones of 

our bilateral relationship. From university scholarships that foster a new generation 

of Lebanese entrepreneurs to water and sanitation projects for rural communities, 

our assistance helps Lebanon deal with the economic fallout of a region in turmoil. 

If confirmed, I hope to expand trade between Lebanon and the United States and 

to promote U.S. exports to Lebanon. Lebanon’s accession to the World Trade Organization would be a positive development and we stand ready to help better connect 

Lebanon to the global economy. 

Most importantly—I want to remember that Lebanon is hallowed ground for 

America’s diplomats and our colleagues in uniform. The tragic bombings of the Marine barracks and the U.S Embassy in Beirut in 1983 will never be forgotten. If confirmed, my highest priority will be the safety and security of all Americans in Lebanon. There is no job more important to me. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to express my sincere 

appreciation for this opportunity to address you. If confirmed, I look forward to seeing you and members of your staff in Beirut. I welcome the opportunity to address 

any questions you might have. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you for your testimony. 

Mr. Schwartz? 

STATEMENT OF STEPHEN MICHAEL SCHWARTZ, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERAL 

REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA 

Mr. SCHWARTZ. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and 

members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today to be considered for the position of United States Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. I am sincerely grateful 

to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they 

have shown in me through this nomination. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to introduce my family. With me 

here today are my wife, Kristy Cook, and our two children, Hannah 

and Jonas. I thank each of them for their support and sacrifice. 

In addition, I would like to pay tribute to my father, Robert, who 

fell ill and was unable to travel here for the hearing, and to my 

late mother, Carole. Their influence continues to shape and motivate me every day. 

Mr. Chairman, the people of Somalia are regaining control of 

their country, and intensified U.S. engagement is vital to their success, and to ours. With measured, but real progress, Somalia is no 

longer a failed state, but a fragile recovering country with promise. 

Somalia’s vibrant diaspora members are making important contributions to this renewal. 

Last May, Secretary Kerry became the first Secretary of State to 

visit Somalia. While there, he announced that planning had begun 

to reestablish U.S. diplomatic premises in Mogadishu. If confirmed, 

fulfilling that commitment will be one of my top priorities, with the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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safety and security of U.S. Government personnel always foremost 

among my considerations. 

Mr. Chairman, we are working with Somalia’s international partners on security, building governance institutions, and providing 

relief and development. For security, our top priority is to degrade 

al-Shabaab, an Al Qaeda affiliate. We are achieving this goal primarily by supporting the African Union Mission in Somalia, also 

known as AMISOM, and building the capacity of the Somalia military and police. 

Security gains have created space for political developments, as 

outlined in Somalia’s Vision 2016. In the coming months, Somalis 

plan to continue developing a new constitution, complete the formation of regional administrations, and agree on the rules governing 

the electoral process. 

To grow the economy and build capacity, the United States supports the New Deal Compact as the basis of a strong Somali-led development partnership. Much more progress is needed, however, if 

Somalis are to enjoy a better future. 

More than 20 years of conflict have uprooted 2 million Somalis 

both in and outside the country. Today, more than 700,000 Somalis 

are estimated to be acutely malnourished—many of them children. 

Mr. Chairman, Somalia has many challenges but it is moving in 

the right direction and can count on the United States as a full 

partner. My nomination reflects our deepening relationship with 

the country and its people, and our faith that better times are 

ahead. 

If confirmed, it will be my honor to lead our mission as the first 

United States Ambassador to Somalia in over 25 years. I thank 

you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Schwartz follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF STEPHEN M. SCHWARTZ

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, it is an 

honor to appear before you today to be considered for the position of United States 

Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. I am sincerely grateful to President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have shown in me through this 

nomination. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me at this time to introduce my family. With me 

today are my wife, Kristy Cook, and our two children, Hannah and Jonas. The Foreign Service offers families unusual opportunities and challenges, and I thank each 

of them for their support and sacrifice. In addition, I would like to pay tribute to 

my father Robert, who is recovering from surgery and was unable to travel; and to 

my late mother, Carole, who died just two months before I began my Foreign Service career. Their influence continues to shape and motivate me every day. 

Mr. Chairman, the people of Somalia are regaining control of their country and 

intensified U.S. engagement is vital to their success, and to ours. With measured 

but real progress over the last few years, Somalia is no longer a ‘‘failed state,’’ but 

a fragile, recovering country with promise. Somalia’s vibrant diaspora members are 

returning to help reconstruct their nation and, in so doing, are renewing and 

strengthening the linkages between the United States and Somalia. 

On a governmental level, we are doing the same. The Somali government reestablished its embassy in Washington, D.C. last November, after a 24-year absence. Two 

years earlier, the United States officially recognized the Federal Government of Somalia for the first time in 21 years. 

Last May, Secretary Kerry became the first Secretary of State ever to visit Somalia. While there, he announced that planning had begun to reestablish U.S. diplomatic premises in Mogadishu. As a first step, in September we established the U.S. 

Mission to Somalia, co-located in Embassy Nairobi. If confirmed, fulfilling the SecFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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retary’s commitment will be one of my top priorities, with the safety and security 

of U.S. government personnel always foremost among my considerations. 

Mr. Chairman, our policy for Somalia is focused on three key areas: security, governance institutions, and relief and development. For security, our top priority is to 

degrade al-Shabaab, an al-Qaida affiliate, so it is no longer a pernicious and destabilizing force. If confirmed, I will help lead our efforts to support and strengthen 

the African Union Mission in Somalia, better known as AMISOM, while we work 

to build the capacity of the Somali military and police so that they can assume responsibility for their own country’s security. 

Security gains have created space for political progress and state formation, as 

outlined in Somalia’s ‘‘Vision 2016.’’ Much more work needs to be done to hold a 

referendum on a permanent national constitution; complete the creation of Federal 

Member States and establish functioning governmental authorities; and to adopt 

rules governing political parties and an electoral process. If confirmed, I will lead 

the United States government’s efforts to help Somalia build these institutions as 

the foundations of durable, accountable, inclusive, and effective governance. 

To grow the economy and build capacity, the United States has supported the 

New Deal Compact as the basis of a strong, Somali-led development partnership. 

If confirmed, I will redouble our efforts to work with Somali authorities, civil society, the private sector, and the international community to improve education, support growth and employment in key economic sectors, and help Somalis realize a 

better future in areas liberated from al Shabaab’s oppressive rule. 

Over two decades of conflict have left over a million Somalis displaced in their 

own country, and almost a million as refugees in neighboring countries. More than 

700,000 Somalis are estimated to be acutely malnourished, many of them children. 

The United States is committed to addressing humanitarian needs in Somalia and 

supports efforts to achieve durable solutions. 

Mr. Chairman, Somalia has many challenges, but it is moving in the right direction. My nomination is a reflection of both our deepening relationship with the country and its people, and our faith that better times are ahead. I can assure you that, 

if confirmed, it will be my honor to lead our mission as the first United States Ambassador to Somalia in over twenty-five years. I will work hard to advance U.S. interests, and strengthen our bilateral relationship. I look forward to the opportunity 

to work with the committee to achieve those goals. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you all. We are very fortunate to have 

people of your caliber in the Foreign Service and do the things that 

you do, and the sacrifice that you have made on behalf of our country for many, many years. 

I am going to defer on oral questions. I will give written questions. I hope that does not disappoint you. I know you all prepped 

for this meeting. I think Senator Cardin may be doing the same 

thing. I will let him speak to his own, but I am going to defer, because of the length of this meeting, and the fact that we have another panel. I am going to do mine in writing. 

But again, your testimony is very good. We are very fortunate to 

have people, again, of your caliber, and we thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I really just want to underscore what the chairman said. The 

nomination process is a very important process in the Senate and 

confirmations we take very, very seriously. A good deal of work is 

done before the hearings in going through the resumes and records 

of those who are nominated by the President. 

We had a relatively easy task with the panel before us and the 

next panel, because your career service to our country is incredible, 

and we thank you very much for everything you have done to help 

America. 

We will be asking questions for the record, I want to make that 

clear, because it gives us a chance also to emphasize areas of major 

concern. 

So I have a quote from Mr. Harden. In his statement, he covered 

an issue that I will be talking to each one of you about in your poFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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sitions, and that is, ‘‘ I look forward to working with this committee 

to expand funding for democracy, human rights, and governance. 

The crises we face today are in large part a result of failed governance and undemocratic institutions. ... I will also tighten the analytical link between our work and democracy and human rights 

and governance and its impact on political freedom, economic opportunities, and social inclusion. Democracies are more resilient to 

disasters and typically do not go to war with each other. Democracies, human rights, and governance must be at the center of our 

development agenda if we are going to get ahead of crises and extreme poverty.’’ 

The questions I am going to be asking all the nominees, including second panel, is what you have done to advance human rights 

in your career and how you intend to use the position, if confirmed, 

to advance our ideals. 

America’s strength is in its values. Although we do have the 

strongest military in the world, there is no question about that, 

and we have very strong commitment to diplomacy and development assistance, it is in promoting these values that give America 

its strength and stability globally. 

We are going to be asking you to make a commitment to work 

with this committee, to advance those good governance issues in 

the countries. And the countries that are represented, the three 

Ambassador nominees here, all are challenged. We need to do a 

more effective job using your diplomatic skills. And in the next 

panel, we have countries also that we can do better. 

So I look forward to your response, but more importantly, I look 

forward to working with you to advance America’s values so we can 

get world stability. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Senator Kaine? 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thanks to the witnesses. I cannot help but notice that four 

of the seven on these two panels are Virginians. You can see, Mr. 

Chair, why I fought so hard to be on this committee. I see more 

Virginians here than if I was down in Richmond strolling around 

my neighborhood. 

But the Virginia connection with the State Department, nine 

Secretaries of State and then so many State Department personnel, 

Foreign Service personnel live in the commonwealth, is something 

that we really cherish. 

It is one of the reasons why Virginians care a lot about these 

issues. These foreign relations issues are not particularly foreign in 

a State where one out of nine Virginians was born in another country, and they care deeply about where they are from, and they care 

deeply about the work that you do. 

I also want to thank Mr. Harden. He schlepped me around the 

West Bank twice. I know in the life of a Foreign Service professional, it is always good to have a codel, but the best day is the 

day that they leave. [Laughter.] 

Senator KAINE. But you are a good sport. 

I want to focus on Lebanon. Ms. Richard, I am so glad you pointed out that the Lebanese Embassy, the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, is 

hallowed ground. Anybody who wonders about the work that we do 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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and how hard it is, or anybody who wonders about the sacrifice 

that people like you all make, the need to go to the U.S. Embassy 

in Beirut. 

Senator King and I serve together on the Armed Services Committee. We were there in February 2014, and we walked out on a 

morning and we went to the memorial there for the victims of the 

two bombings, the Embassy bombing in 1983 and the Embassy 

Annex bombing in 1984, as well as a memorial to the Marines who 

were killed in the barracks bombing, and other State Department 

and U.S. personnel who were killed in the years to follow during 

the war. It is a very, very sobering thing, to see the number of Embassy personnel, both U.S.-born and Lebanese, who were killed. It 

makes the risk so palatable. 

We then went upstairs at that weird hotel that they have on the 

Embassy grounds, and in the middle of a meeting, we were getting 

ready to go downtown to meet with President Suleiman, we heard 

an explosion. We walked out on the balcony and we could look into 

downtown Beirut and see the smoke coming up from a suicide 

bomb that had been detonated in front of an Iranian cultural center. 

Angus and I were sure our meetings were going to get canceled. 

The Embassy personnel there was used to dealing with it. The Lebanese President was used to dealing with it. And just quickly, for 

my colleagues, we went ahead and did the meeting, and when we 

were with President Suleiman, who at that point was 2 months 

from the end of his term, he was taking calls from everybody trying 

to deal with the crisis while he was meeting with us. 

At one point, he just looked up and said, it was not like he was 

looking at us, but he just said, I think this is our fault. And Angus 

and I did not know what he meant. So we said, what do you mean, 

this is your fault? He said, I think it is Christians’ fault. He said, 

we could have played the role of peacemaker and bridge builder but 

instead what we have done is we played the role of trying to be 

with whoever was up at whatever point in time. 

Now a statement that is made like that in the heat of emotion, 

I am a Catholic, I blame myself for everything, too, so I did not 

necessarily take it as a completely accurate description of the reality, but it was a cri de coeur really of despair and a tough circumstance. 

Yet here we are, 2 years later, and there is not a President. We 

have been 2 years without a President. 

We had Lebanese parliamentarians visit us 2 weeks ago. Senator 

Shaheen and I visited with them. They really could not see a particular path forward that they could describe to us. 

I have to believe that in any Nation, much less one that is in the 

midst of a refugee crisis where now one in four of the population 

of the country are refugees from Syria, in any Nation, the lack of 

a President would be a challenging governance question. In this 

Nation, it has to be just devastating. 

So what can we do, mindful of the notion that these nations have 

to figure out their own internal politics themselves? But what can 

we do? We invest a lot in Lebanese Armed Forces through security 

cooperation. They deeply appreciate that. We saw that in action. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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But what can we do to help them move to a chapter where they 

are not going to be gridlocked while they are in the midst of such 

difficulty? 

Ms. RICHARD. Thank you, Senator. Thank you, really, for your interest in Lebanon. It is such an important part of the region. 

At the end of the day, you are exactly right. The Lebanese have 

to solve this problem, but we can do a lot, I think in encouraging 

them and forcing them to face up to the fact that, at the end of 

the day, what will save Lebanon are institutions and not personal 

relationships and individuals. 

The cabinet does meet from time to time, and they met in November to pass a very important anti-money-laundering law. So 

they are able to focus and realize things that are in their national 

interests. 

But you are right. We must do a lot more to encourage them and 

to work with others who have influence in Lebanon—we are not 

the only ones, the Saudis and others—to help focus the Lebanese 

leadership on the need for restoration of the institutions. 

Senator KAINE. The other thing I would like you to comment on, 

the parliamentarians were expressing the concern that they feel 

like they are victims in a big proxy war between Saudi Arabia and 

Iran. 

There is an old-fashioned American phrase, they did not use it, 

but I have heard it before, ‘‘When the elephants fight, the fleas get 

trampled.’’ They kind of feel like there is a proxy war that is going 

on, and they are just kind of like the collateral damage, sometimes. 

How, diplomatically, can we deal with that issue? I know we 

have Saudi Arabia and Iran at the table with respect to the 

ceasefire discussions in Syria. Is there anything we can do with respect to promoting stability in Lebanon that we should be asking 

while they are there at the table on the Syrian issue, which is so 

connected to Lebanon, that we should be asking of them? 

Ms. RICHARD. Yes, Senator. You are absolutely right. We do have 

this opportunity in the context of Syria. 

We have talked about this with the Saudis, with the Iranians, 

and with others in the region, about the need to separate Lebanon 

from the real issues at hand in Syria. 

I know that Secretary Kerry and others continue to make that 

point, the importance of separating Lebanon out. 

At the same time, we are talking with Saudi Arabia even now 

about this issue of withdrawing support of the Lebanese Armed 

Forces and Internal Security Forces. 

Senator KAINE. As I understand it, Saudi Arabia has recently delayed indefinitely about $3 billion worth of military support for the 

Lebanese Armed Forces. 

Ms. RICHARD. Yes, sir. And our point to them is that if the ultimate objective here is to limit the ability of Hezbollah to do what 

it is doing, the solution is to invest in Lebanese institutions and 

not to withdraw support from them at this critical time. 

Senator KAINE. What is your perception on the Lebanese institution side? This will be my final question. What is your perception 

of the degree to which the Lebanese Armed Forces are viewed as 

an inclusive body that is not too slanted toward one of the power 

factions or another? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ms. RICHARD. Both the Lebanese Armed Forces, Senator, and the 

Internal Security Forces, which is the police, are seen to be extremely professional and not very much polluted, let us say, by 

some of the worst parts of the interconfessional fighting. Very professional, very dedicated, and loyal to the government. 

We have high confidence in both institutions. That is why we 

continue to work with them. 

Senator KAINE. Great. Thank you so much. 

And thanks to all the witnesses. I have great respect for the 

service you provide. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

Having been to Lebanon, and certainly with the existing situation that is there and the resilience of these people in light of what 

is occurring, it is amazing. I appreciate your emphasis, not to in 

any way diminish the roles that the other three are going to play. 

We thank you so much for being here. We hope that you will respond to our written questions promptly. I know that you will. 

Again, we thank you for your commitment to our country and to 

what you do on our behalf. 

With that, with no fireworks, you are welcome to leave. You are 

dismissed. Thank you. 

Next we will move to the second panel. We will begin with introductions, and we thank all of you for being here. 

Ms. Kelly Keiderling, a career member of the Foreign Service, 

class of minister counselor, is Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary 

in the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at the Department of State, a position she has held since 2013. Ms. Keiderling 

served as deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Venezuela 

from 2011 to 2013, strategic language issues coordinator in the Bureau of Human Services in 2010, and chief of staff in the Office of 

Iraq Affairs from 2009 to 2010. 

Thank you so much for being here. 

Next, we have Mr. Mark Sobel to be U.S. executive director of 

the International Monetary Fund for a term of 2 years. Mr. Sobel 

is a Deputy Assistant Secretary for international monetary and financial policy at the U.S. Department of Treasury. Mr. Sobel has 

worked for the U.S. Department of Treasury since 1978 in a variety 

of positions, having served in his current position since 2000. 

We welcome you here. 

Lastly, we have Mr. Adam Sterling, a career member of the Foreign Service, class of counselor. He currently serves as deputy chief 

of mission at the U.S. Embassy at The Hague in the Netherlands, 

a position he has held since 2013. He serves concurrently as charge 

at The Hague from 2013 to 2014. Previously, he served as deputy 

chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Azerbaijan from 2010 to 

2013, with service as charge from 2010 to 2011 and during 2012. 

He also served as director for Central and Eastern European affairs on National Security Council staff from 2006 to 2009. 

Again, a very distinguished panel whose service we appreciate 

deeply, and certainly the support of their family members and others that allow them to do what they do so well. 

So with that, Ms. Keiderling, if you would begin, and summarize 

your comments. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Without objection, for both panels, your written testimony will 

certainly be entered into the record. Again, we thank you. And you 

can begin. 

STATEMENT OF KELLY KEIDERLING–FRANZ, OF VIRGINIA, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE ORIENTAL REPUBLIC OF URUGUAY 

Ms. KEIDERLING-FRANZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and to all the 

members of the committee. It is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. I deeply appreciate 

the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have 

placed in me by sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. 

My family accompanies me here today, my husband, David 

Franz, who is also a Foreign Service Officer; my daughter, Katherine; my son, Alex. Yes, we pulled them out of school so that they 

can learn how our government functions. 

Like my kids who have grown up in the Foreign Service, I too 

am a child of the Foreign Service. My father grew up in the New 

Jersey of the Great Depression, and he was forever grateful and 

very proud to represent our country as a Foreign Service Officer. 

He met my Bolivian mother at his first overseas post in 

Cochabamba, Bolivia. 

I grew up in this bicultural, international environment as an outsider. My parents taught me to consider various points of view and 

to search for common ground. So since entering the Foreign Service 

in 1988, I have a carried that essential approach with me, building 

bridges of understanding and of joint endeavor. 

Overseas, I have served three tours in the Western Hemisphere, 

two tours in post-Soviet countries, and three tours in Africa. I believe that the breadth of my career experiences and work on various policy issues would prepare me well to represent the United 

States, should you vote to confirm me. 

The United States and Uruguay cooperate across a broad spectrum of issues. We are partners in making our world more secure. 

We fight against drug traffickers, human smugglers, illicit financial 

flows, cybercriminals, and international terrorism. We cooperate in 

international peacekeeping and the protection of civilians. We seek 

to increase bilateral trade and investment, to create more jobs and 

opportunity at home. 

With Uruguay, we can reassert our hemisphere’s commitment to 

democratic governance, to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, to freedom from arbitrary detention and arrest, and to 

independent judiciaries. 

Both Uruguay and the United States have a common cause in 

the equal treatment of people without regard to their race or gender, sexual orientations, social origins, or religion. We believe 

human rights are universal and intrinsic to each individual. 

The United States and Uruguay share these many interests and 

values. And should you vote to confirm me as U.S. Ambassador to 

Uruguay, my commitment to you and to my fellow Americans is to 

do my best to help build a world that is more secure, more prosperous, and more just. Thank you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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[The prepared statement of Ms. Keiderling-Franz follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KELLY KEIDERLING-FRANZ

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, it is an 

honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the 

United States Ambassador to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. I deeply appreciate 

the confidence that President Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me by 

sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. 

My family accompanies me today: my husband David Franz, who is also a Foreign 

Service Officer, my daughter Katherine and my son Alex. 

Like my kids who have grown up in this business, I, too, am a child of the Foreign 

Service. My father grew up in the New Jersey of the Great Depression. He was forever grateful and proud to represent our country as a Foreign Service Officer. He 

met my Bolivian mother at his first overseas post, in Cochabamba, Bolivia. 

I grew up in this bicultural environment, and was always the foreigner, the outsider. Overseas, my father and mother taught me that the people around me would 

judge the United States based on my own character and actions. I did my best as 

a kid to be worthy of that responsibility, even though I thought back then that it 

was an unfair burden. My parents also taught me to look beyond myself and consider various viewpoints and motivations and then to search for common ground. 

Since entering the Foreign Service in 1988, I’ve carried that essential approach 

with me, building bridges of understanding and of joint, principled endeavor. Overseas, I’ve served three tours in the Western Hemisphere, two tours in post-Soviet 

nations, and three tours in Africa. At State Department headquarters, I’ve worked 

in a variety of assignments, most recently, in the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. I believe that the breadth of my career experiences and work on various policy issues would prepare me well to represent the United States, should you 

vote to confirm me for the position of United States Ambassador to Uruguay. 

The United States and Uruguay cooperate across a broad spectrum of common interests. If confirmed, I would continue and strengthen our joint endeavors. The 

United States and Uruguay are partners in the fight against drug traffickers, illicit 

financial flows, cyber criminals, human smugglers, and international terrorism. 

On the international stage, our countries cooperate in international peacekeeping 

operations and the protection of civilians in conflict areas. Uruguay has a seat on 

the U.N. Security Council for the next two years; we look forward to engaging Uruguay on the issues that arise before the Council. 

Both our countries seek to increase bilateral trade and investment to create more 

jobs and economic opportunity at home. We prepare our young people with 21st century, global skills so that they might be successful and contribute to our societies. 

We seek effective responses to climate change and to building resilient communities. 

The United States and Uruguay have a common commitment to democratic governance and the defense of human rights. If confirmed, I would work with Uruguayan leaders to reassert our hemisphere’s commitment to freedom of expression, 

freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, freedom from arbitrary arrest or detention, to fair and independent judiciaries, and to responsive legislatures. 

Both Uruguay and the United States have a common cause in the equal treatment of people without regard to their race, gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, 

social origin, or religion. We seek to reintegrate victims of human trafficking back 

into our societies. We believe human rights are universal and intrinsic to each individual. 

The United States and Uruguay share these many interests and values. We believe that the law applies equally to all and that our nations are stronger because 

of the rule of law. Both our nations have been proponents of creating—and defending—international norms that make our global systems more secure, that increase 

economic prosperity, and that assert that citizens have a right to determine how 

they are governed. 

Should you confirm me for the position of U.S. Ambassador to Uruguay, my commitment to you, members of the committee, and to my fellow Americans is to do 

my utmost to nurture and strengthen the strong partnership between the United 

States and Uruguay, and to help build a world that is more secure, more prosperous, and more just. 

Senator CARDIN. [Presiding.] Thank you very much. 

Mr. Sobel? 

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STATEMENT OF MARK SOBEL, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO 

BE U.S. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL 

MONETARY FUND 

Mr. SOBEL. Thank you, Chairman Corker. Thank you, Ranking 

Member Cardin. I thank all the members of the committee. I am 

greatly honored to have been nominated to serve as U.S. executive 

director to the IMF. I thank Secretaries Geithner and Lew for their 

support. 

I am delighted to be joined today by my wife, Martha Halperin. 

In the interest of brevity, I will shorten my statement, just for 

the record. Seventy years ago, as our brave soldiers fought in 

World War II to liberate the globe from tyranny and dictatorship, 

our Nation’s financial diplomats took the lead in creating a new vision for international economic cooperation. Their vision shunned 

protectionism and beggar-thy-neighbor currency policies, forces 

that helped catalyze war, and instead trumpeted multilateralism 

and shared prosperity. 

At the center of that vision, they created the IMF. Since its inception, the fund has well-served the world economy and U.S. national security and economic interests, whether it be in helping to 

mitigate economic crises in Latin America in the 1980s, support the 

transition of the ex-Soviet States in the 1990s, combat the Asian 

and emerging-market crises of the latter 1990s, provide 

concessional support and debt relief for poverty alleviation in lowincome countries, or tackle the European crises of the past years. 

Without the IMF, these developments had the potential to rock 

geopolitical stability to a much greater extent, often in countries 

with strategic significance to our national security. Without the 

IMF, these developments also had the potential to spread more 

virulently around the world and seriously harm U.S. growth and 

jobs through decreased export opportunities, lost foreign investment, and financial shocks. 

Throughout my career, I have seen firsthand the IMF’s 

strengths. Its ability to act as the world’s first and rapid crisis responder is an unparalleled global public good, as is its excellence 

in designing and supporting country reform programs. The IMF 

brings together officials from around the world, creating a culture 

of shared understanding. It fosters multilateral rules of the road. 

Its technical assistance helps countries build infrastructure for 

more robust economic policies. The IMF surveillance can help prevent crises. 

But despite the fund’s strengths, the organization, like any other, 

has room for improvement, for example in better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle modest global growth, addressing global 

rebalancing and exchange-rate issues, strengthening its work on 

crisis prevention and debt sustainability, supporting pro-poor 

spending in low-income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. 

I firmly believe in tenaciously defending U.S. interests and in advancing multilateralism, as well as in working pragmatically and 

collegially with analytic rigor in a nonpartisan manner. I also believe in the IMF’s mission and that our Nation’s leadership of the 

fund is critical. Those beliefs have guided my career. 

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If confirmed as U.S. executive director, I will work vigorously to 

continue to strengthen and improve the IMF consistent with those 

beliefs. I will dedicate myself to doing my utmost to work with Congress to help forge a stronger consensus in our country in support 

of the IMF and its critical global role. 

And I thank this committee for its strong backing of the fund in 

securing the recent passage of legislation to implement the 2010 

quota and governance reforms. 

Again, to have been nominated by the President to represent the 

United States in the IMF, the very institution at the center of 

America’s post-World War II global economic and financial vision, 

is a tremendous and humbling honor and a responsibility that I am 

eager to undertake. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sobel follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARK SOBEL

Thank you Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin and members of the committee. I am honored that President Obama nominated me to serve as Executive 

Director of the United States to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and I am 

grateful to Secretary Geithner, Secretary Lew, Under Secretary Nathan Sheets, and 

former Under Secretary Lael Brainard for their strong support throughout my career. I am delighted to be joined today by my wife, Martha Halperin. 

Working with talented Treasury colleagues and senior officials in administrations 

from both parties in a career spanning over three decades in the civil service, I have 

had the rare privilege and honor of holding a front row seat in the making of American financial history. 

Since 2000, I have served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Monetary and Financial Policy. During the transitions in 2001 and 2009, I had the great 

honor of being designated as the Acting head of International Affairs and I also 

served in the past year as the Acting U.S. Executive Director at the IMF. Earlier 

in my career, I served as an Assistant Financial Attache in Bonn, Germany; Director of Treasury’s International Monetary Policy and Transition Economy Offices; 

and a member of the staff of the U.S. IMF Executive Director. 

Over the last decade, I have been particularly proud to play a role in America’s 

leadership in building and establishing the G-20 Finance Ministry and Leaders 

process and reforming the IMF. 

Seventy years ago, as our brave soldiers fought in World War II to liberate the 

globe from 

tyranny and dictatorship, our nation’s financial diplomats took the lead in creating a new vision for international economic cooperation. Their vision shunned protectionism and beggar-thy-neighbor currency policies, forces that helped catalyze the 

war, and instead trumpeted multilateralism and shared prosperity. 

At the center of that vision, they created the IMF. Since its inception, the Fund 

has well served the world economy, and U.S. national security and economic interests—whether it be in helping to mitigate economic crises in Latin America in the 

1980s, support the transition of the ex-Soviet states in the 1990s, combat the Asian 

and emerging market crises of the latter 1990s, provide concessional support and 

debt relief for poverty alleviation in low income countries, or tackle the European 

crisis of the past years. 

Without the IMF, these developments had the potential to rock geopolitical stability to a much greater extent, often in countries with strategic significance to our 

national security. Without the IMF, these developments also had the potential to 

spread more virulently around the world and seriously harm U.S. growth and jobs 

through decreased export opportunities, lost foreign investment, and financial 

shocks. 

Throughout my career, I have seen first-hand the IMF’s strengths. Its ability to 

act as the world’s first and rapid crisis responder is an unparalleled global public 

good, as is its excellence in designing and supporting country reform programs. The 

IMF brings together officials from around the world, creating a culture of shared 

understanding. It fosters multilateral rules of the road. Its technical assistance 

helps countries build the infrastructure for more robust economic policies. The IMF’s 

surveillance can help prevent crises. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

861 

But despite the Fund’s strengths, the organization—like any other—has room for 

improvement, for example, in better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle 

modest global growth, addressing global rebalancing and exchange rate issues, 

strengthening its work on crisis prevention and debt sustainability, supporting propoor spending in low income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. 

I believe firmly in tenaciously defending U.S. interests and in advancing 

multilateralism, as well as in working pragmatically and collegially, with analytic 

rigor, and in a non-partisan manner. I also believe in the IMF’s mission and that 

our nation’s leadership of the IMF is critical. Those beliefs have guided my career. 

If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work vigorously to continue to 

strengthen and improve the IMF, consistent with those beliefs. I will dedicate myself to doing my utmost to work with Congress to help forge a stronger consensus 

in our country in support of the IMF and its critical global role, and I thank this 

committee for its strong backing of the Fund in securing the recent passage of legislation to implement the 2010 quota and governance reforms. 

Again, to have been nominated by the President to represent the United States 

in the IMF—the very institution at the center of America’s post-WWII global economic and financial vision—is a tremendous and humbling honor and a responsibility that I am eager to undertake. 

Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Sterling? 

STATEMENT OF ADAM H. STERLING, OF VIRGINIA, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC 

Mr. STERLING. Ranking Member Cardin, appearing before you as 

President Obama’s nominee to serve as United States Ambassador 

to the Slovak Republic is an honor and privilege. I am grateful to 

the President and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence 

they have placed in me. 

Mr. Ranking Member, I bring 26 years of Foreign Service experience to this position. For more than 20 of those years, my partner 

in all aspects of this global life has been my wife, Veerle Coignez. 

Veerle works to advance global health as an expert consultant to 

the Global Fund to Combat HIV/AIDS, Malaria and TB. Veerle 

broke away from a mission with the Global Fund to fly here yesterday all the way from India. 

Our family diplomatic team includes as well our 17-year-old 

daughter, Elka, and 15-year-old son, Bram. They broke away from 

school in our current home in the Netherlands to fly all the way 

back here from there yesterday. I am exceptionally proud to introduce the three of them to you. 

My experience includes leading two U.S. missions overseas and 

work on the Slovak Republic and its neighbors as director of Central and Eastern European affairs on the National Security Council 

staff. 

Less than a quarter century after the peaceful dissolution of 

Czechoslovakia, the Slovak Republic has emerged as a trusted 

NATO ally and stalwart member of the transatlantic community. 

A democratic and increasingly prosperous Slovakia serves as a 

powerful example and source of stability in its strategically important region. 

The accession of Slovakia and six other countries to the NATO 

alliance in 2004 strengthened our collective security. Slovak soldiers have participated in a variety of NATO operations, including 

today in Afghanistan as part of the Resolute Support mission. 

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Slovakia has also shown a strong willingness to invest in its defense capabilities, committing to ramp up defense spending from 

approximately 1 percent of GDP to 1.6 percent by 2020. Last year’s 

decision to purchase nine U.S.-made Blackhawk helicopters is tangible evidence of progress. If confirmed, I will seek to build upon 

this modernization momentum. 

Slovakia has also provided significant support to the people of 

Ukraine by enabling reverse flows of natural gas to Ukraine. If 

confirmed, I will seek even closer bilateral cooperation on issues affecting Ukraine. 

One of the newer members of the eurozone, Slovakia has one of 

the fastest growing economies in Europe. Our economic partnership 

also continues to grow with some 140 American companies operating in Slovakia, and trade between our two countries exceeding 

$2.5 billion in 2015. 

While economic progress continues, Slovakia still continues faces 

the challenges of fighting corruption and institutionalizing the rule 

of law. If confirmed, I will make promoting opportunities for U.S. 

business and improving Slovakia’s investment climate one of my 

top priorities. 

We will also continue to advocate for the rights of minorities, for 

greater inclusion of Roma, and for the human rights and dignity 

of all refugees and migrants, regardless of background. 

Mr. Ranking Member, Slovakia shares our democratic values as 

well as our goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. If given the 

opportunity, I will do my utmost to advance our shared aims. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Sterling follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ADAM STERLING

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, appearing before you as President Obama’s nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the Slovak Republic is an honor and a privilege. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the trust and confidence they have placed in me. 

Mr. Chairman, I bring 26 years of Foreign Service experience to this position. For 

more than 20 of those years, my partner in all aspects of this global life has been 

my wife, Veerle Coignez, a native of Belgium, whom I am pleased to introduce to 

you. In addition to representing her adopted country abroad with enthusiasm and 

finesse, Veerle works to improve global health as an expert consultant to the Global 

Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. Our family diplomatic team includes as well our 17-year-old daughter, Elka, and 15-year-old son, Bram. I am exceptionally proud to introduce them to you as well. 

My experience includes leading two U.S. missions overseas and advancing U.S. interests across Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East. I am now serving for the 

second time as charge d’affaires in the Netherlands, after serving two periods as 

charge d’affaires in Azerbaijan. My background with the Slovak Republic and the 

rest of Central Europe includes more than two years as Director for Central and 

Eastern European Affairs on the National Security Council staff. 

Less than a quarter century after the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia, I am 

happy to report to you that the Slovak Republic has emerged as a trusted NATO 

ally and stalwart member of the transatlantic community. Located in the heart of 

Central Europe, a democratic and increasingly prosperous Slovakia serves as a powerful example and source of stability in this strategically important region. 

The accession of Slovakia and six other Central and Eastern European countries 

to the NATO Alliance in 2004 strengthened our collective security. Slovak soldiers 

have participated in a variety of NATO operations, including in Iraq and in Afghanistan, where they remain today as part of the Resolute Support Mission. 

Slovakia has also shown a strong willingness to invest in its defense capabilities, 

committing to ramp up defense spending from approximately 1 percent of GDP to 

1.6 percent by 2020. Last year’s decision to purchase nine U.S.-made Black Hawk 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

863 

helicopters through the Foreign Military Sales program is tangible evidence of Slovak progress in this area. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to build upon this 

modernization momentum and support Slovakia’s transition away from legacy military equipment to modern, NATO-interoperable systems needed to bolster their capacity to secure NATO’s eastern flank. 

Beyond its growing role within NATO, Slovakia has provided significant support 

to the people of Ukraine. By enabling reverse flows of natural gas to Ukraine starting in late 2014, Slovakia has helped Ukraine get through the winters and gain negotiating leverage with Russia over future gas supplies. Slovakia also continues to 

draw from its recent history to advise Ukraine on difficult, but needed reforms. If 

confirmed, I will seek even closer bilateral cooperation on issues affecting Ukraine, 

including maintaining unity on sanctions on Russia over its aggression in eastern 

Ukraine and attempted annexation of Crimea, providing support for Ukraine’s 

choice to integrate with Europe, and opposing Russia’s efforts to cut out Ukraine 

as a gas transit country. 

One of the newer members of the EU and the Eurozone, Slovakia has one of the 

fastest growing economies in Europe. It is not surprising that our economic partnership also continues to grow, with some 140 American companies operating in Slovakia and trade between our two countries exceeding $2.5 billion in 2015. While economic progress continues, Slovakia, like many former Warsaw Pact countries, continues to face the challenges of fighting corruption and institutionalizing rule of law. 

If confirmed, I will make promoting opportunities for U.S. business and improving 

Slovakia’s investment climate one of my top priorities. This will include support for 

conclusion in 2016 of a deep and comprehensive trade agreement under the U.S.- 

EU Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. 

If confirmed, I will continue our long-standing support to the government of Slovakia on judicial reform, where notable progress has been made in recent years but 

where significant work remains to be done. We will also continue our vigorous dialogue on human rights and advocate for the rights of minorities, for greater inclusion of Roma, and for the human rights and dignity of all refugees and migrants, 

regardless of background. 

People-to-people ties between our countries have strengthened with Slovakia’s 

greater integration into the transatlantic community. If confirmed, I will look for 

new ways to expand and develop exchange programs that build on ties first created 

by the waves of Slovak immigrants who came to the United States over a century 

ago and helped build our country’s industry and culture. Slovak-Americans remain 

today a vital element in the U.S. relationship with Slovakia. I will, if confirmed, 

pursue a strong partnership with that community. 

We have several agencies represented at Embassy Bratislava. Besides the Department of State, there is the Department of Defense and the Department of Commerce, with others like the Department of Homeland Security making frequent visits from neighboring Vienna. If confirmed, I will manage the Embassy as an efficient, effective and secure operation driven by a commitment to advance America’s 

interests. 

Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the committee, Slovakia shares our 

basic democratic values, as well as our long-term goal of a Europe whole, free and 

at peace. If given the opportunity, I will do my utmost to further strengthen and 

leverage our shared aims. I would welcome you to Bratislava to see first-hand our 

talented Embassy staff, who work tirelessly in pursuit of American interests. I 

thank you again for your willingness to consider my nomination and would welcome 

your questions. 

Senator CARDIN. Once again, I want to thank all three of our 

nominees for being willing to come forward. 

And to your families who are here, and those who could not 

make it here, we thank you. As I said earlier, we know it is a 

shared sacrifice and we very much appreciate that. 

Chairman Corker was called to another meeting where he had to 

vote. The Banking Committee is having a vote on an important position in Treasury dealing with international finance, so that is the 

reason why he is not here. 

As we explained earlier, the seven nominees that are before us 

today have all been well-vetted from the point of view of their background and their previous commitments to public service. There 

will be questions asked for the record. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

864 

We have a minute or two. Let me, if I might, Uruguay has certainly been one of the leaders in our hemisphere working with 

President Obama to advance human rights issues, meeting with 

President Obama, with the Cuban activists. It seems to me there 

is great promise in that country to see stronger leadership in advancing the good governance in our own hemisphere. 

I would be interested in your views as to how we can build on 

that bilateral relationship to help so many countries in our hemisphere that have significant problems with corruption and good 

governance. 

So let me give you a chance, if I might, to respond, in regards 

to your thoughts there. 

Ms. KEIDERLING-FRANZ. Certainly, thank you, Senator Cardin. It 

is very true that Uruguay itself has a long tradition of good governance and respect for human rights, and for building its own society 

that is more equal. 

It has for a very long time asked American administrations to 

improve the relations between the U.S. and Cuba, so you will not 

be surprised when it welcomed, of course, the opening of embassies 

in the two countries. 

This is an opportunity I think for us together with Uruguay now 

to use its strong and credible voice when it comes to issues of 

democratic governance and respect for human rights to make the 

push now in Cuba and in places like Venezuela to speak out for 

those who need their human rights respected in those countries 

and elsewhere, where the equal treatment of people is not as we 

would all hope it to be. 

If confirmed, I would hope to work with Uruguay to make the 

case for improved democratic governance and respect for human 

rights, just like Uruguay has at home, as we try to be ourselves 

across the hemisphere. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. We look forward to working with 

you on that. 

Mr. Sterling, in Slovakia, obviously a close ally of the United 

States, one of our military allies, a lot of things to be celebrant 

about. However, they are not where they should be on fighting corruption. They have had serious challenges. Maybe expect more 

from our allies, to show by example. 

How do you see our mission working with the government to advance better standards to deal with governance issues? 

Mr. STERLING. Senator Cardin, corruption is, indeed, a serious 

problem in Slovakia, as it is in many other countries in the region. 

The United States has been working with Slovakia since it 

achieved independence in 1993 to build institutions that are wellrooted in the rule of law. 

The United States role, as I see it, is twofold. One, it is advocacy 

for good governance, for promoting the message that governance 

matters, both to underlie our bilateral relations and the place of 

Slovakia within the European Union and NATO. And second of all, 

we give technical assistance in a number of areas. For example, 

last year, we provided legal assistance to help promulgate a new 

judicial ethics code. We are now working with prosecutors through 

expert assistance in promulgating a new prosecution ethics code. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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All of these are steps in the right direction. But of course, the 

ultimate proof of success is how they are implemented. We will follow up to make sure that these new standards are met. 

Senator CARDIN. There are certainly institutional changes that 

have to be made. But you are correct. It is whether there really is 

a commitment to change some of the longstanding problems, and 

that takes political leadership. But support from the United States 

can make that more of a reality, so we will be looking forward to 

your assessment as to what we can do to strengthen that encouragement and our bilateral relationship. 

Mr. Sobel, IMF is a critically important tool for international stability, for international development. If it does not put a priority 

on good governance, you can put all of the economic resources into 

a country and it will be wasted. So how are you going to exercise 

leadership to make sure that the principles of integrity and 

anticorruption go into the policies at IMF? 

Mr. SOBEL. Thank you for the question, Senator. It is a good 

question. I fully agree with the thrust of your remarks. 

The IMF has a macroeconomic and economic reform mandate. 

Economic reforms can provide a critical foundation for combating 

corruption. 

I remember early in my career, I worked on the Soviet Union 

when it collapsed. We found there were all types of price controls. 

That meant that goods for siphoned off to a black market. There 

were poor privatizations where, shall we say, business people basically took resources away from the people and state. 

So I think that there is much that can be done. There is much 

that can be done in terms of liberalizing prices. There is much that 

can be done in terms of avoiding export quotas and like that result 

in rent-seeking behavior. 

The fund has emphasized issues such as corporate governance. 

There is a prominent case now where Madam Lagarde recently 

spoke about the need to tackle anticorruption far more forcefully in 

Ukraine, which is a critical program, and was putting elements on 

the table, such as disclosure by officials of assets, improving corporate governance in state-owned enterprises, looking at privatization, strengthening the prosecutor general’s office and the 

anticorruption agency. 

So I think that there is much that the fund can do in this realm 

to help combat corruption and strengthen governance. I promise 

you I will work actively to promote those objectives. 

Senator CARDIN. I thank you. It is critically important we use all 

of our opportunities, particularly on countries that are struggling. 

Ukraine has incredible challenges, and Russia is the culprit for 

its instability today. There is no question about that. It is continued interference in the territorial integrity and its intimidations of 

its political system is pretty clear. But if Ukraine cannot get its 

governance in order, it is not going to be able to make it. 

IMF can play a role, as can the other tools that we have available in our international and bilateral diplomacy toolbox that need 

to be postponed deployed. So I thank you very much for your response. 

As we said earlier, we expect there will be questions for the 

record that will be asked to each of you. We ask that you would 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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respond to those questions as promptly as possible so that we can 

try to take action on these nominations as quickly as possible. 

With that, we will keep the record open until close of business 

on Monday for the purposes of questions to be asked. 

Senator CARDIN. With that, the hearing stands adjourned. Again, 

thank you all very much. 

[Whereupon, at 11:48 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF CHRISTINE ELDER, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF LIBERIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE ELDER’S RESPONSE

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. A theme throughout my career has been working with countries in transition, whether from communism or civil war. Democracy, rule of law, and human 

rights are central to the stability and growth of any civil society, and strengthening 

all three has been at the heart of my 25 year career. While the challenges and opportunities are unique in each country, human rights and democracy are always at 

the center of U.S. values and how we engage with governments and civil society 

overseas. One formative example early in my State Department career was when I worked 

with the University of Dayton to create a lane for civil society engagement after the 

1995 signing of the eponymous Peace Accords. Supporting the efforts of the University-led consortium with high-level, official U.S. participation led to several reunion 

summits in Dayton where Balkan leaders took stock of progress. The impact of this 

joint effort was that lasting ties were created between Balkan and Ohio communities in business, education, culture, health, and local governance, which substantially strengthened the political agreement and persist to this day. 

Another example of my work in this area comes from when I served as Charge 

d’Affaires in Maputo, Mozambique. During street riots where excessive and deadly 

force was used by law enforcement to quell unrest, as Charge d’Affaires I immediately engaged the Foreign Minister to call for restraint, transparency, and public 

and diplomatic communication. I also worked with my diplomatic counterparts to 

strengthen and coordinate our response. The result was a clear understanding that 

the eyes of the world were upon the government, that they owed their citizens better, and they would be judged by their response. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Liberia? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Liberia? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. While the government of Liberia generally respects the human rights of 

its citizens, the country is still confronting serious human rights challenges, including lengthy pre-trial detentions, a weak judiciary, official corruption and impunity, 

widespread gender-based violence, and continued use of child labor in rubber-producing areas of the country. There are also some reports of discrimination against 

those on the margins of society based on religious belief or cultural practice. For 

example, victims of human rights abuses, Ebola survivors, LGBTI individuals, and 

persons with disabilities all face stigma or some form of harassment in Liberia, such 

as discrimination against the LGBTI community.In addressing these issues, I 

would—if confirmed—help Liberia continue to overcome the legacy of 14 years of 

civil war, work closely with the Liberians to push forward the post-war peace and 

reconciliation process which has been stalled since the civil war, rebuild its civil society organizations and government institutions central to the protection of human 

rights, and achieve social and political reconciliation. 

I would continue to ensure the U.S. government, through its words and deeds, encourages the protection and promotion of human rights in Liberia. Currently, our 

programming in Liberia is wide-ranging and collaborative. U.S. Embassy Monrovia 

is working alongside the Government of Liberia as well as local and international 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nongovernmental organizations to improve access to justice, reduce discrimination, 

fight corruption, and provide victims of human rights abuses with the necessary resources to fully recover. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Liberia in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. A lack of government resources, impunity, and corruption pose significant 

hurdles in strengthening rule of law. Although there is the political will in the Government of Liberia to tackle the human rights issues previously mentioned, government funding for its own human rights institutions, such as the Independent National Commission on Human Rights or the National Commission on Disabilities, 

is insufficient. This lack of adequate funding will, unfortunately, continue to be a 

problem since the prospects of Liberia’s economy in the short-term are limited and 

high levels of government corruption persist. Impunity for abuses of authority, including for corrupt practices and for incidents in the security forces, also contributed 

to lack of accountability and weak rule of law. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I would work alongside our many international partners to encourage the Government of Liberia to fight corruption at all levels, which 

should have the added benefit of making more efficient use of scarce government 

funds for other important priorities such as strengthening the public institutions 

critical in the protection of human rights. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Liberia? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I would meet with a wide range of human rights, civil society, and non-governmental organizations, both in the United States and in Liberia, 

that work to promote respect for human rights. 

As Ambassador, I would make certain the Embassy continues to follow the robust 

Leahy vetting process to ensure that U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce respect for human rights. In our ongoing security assistance 

and security cooperation dialogue with the Liberian government, the Embassy consistently emphasizes that this assistance is contingent upon the government, senior 

officers of the Liberian National Police (LNP) and Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL), 

and individuals within the security organizations continuing to uphold applicable 

human rights standards. The government of Liberia is well aware that we are serious about ensuring security assistance and cooperation activities reinforce human 

rights, and has periodically asked the Embassy whether individuals under consideration for senior leadership positions in the security sector would be acceptable under 

Leahy guidelines, or whether their presence would pose an obstacle to cooperation 

because of Leahy. That kind of early and consistent dialogue has been fruitful. As 

Ambassador, I would continue to ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance 

and security cooperation reinforce human rights. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Liberia to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Liberia? 

Answer. The Embassy team has excellent relationships with all levels of the Government of Liberia that enable us to deliver hard messages when warranted, including in the case of a political prisoner.Liberia has a lively, free press demonstrated 

by sometimes strong criticisms of the president, her family, and the government. We 

have seen some cases in which the person levelling that criticism has been arrested 

for breaking a law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I would engage with the Government of Liberia at an appropriate level to highlight the potential impact of any 

heavy-handed government response. I would advocate for speedy consideration of 

court cases or pursuit of alternative dispute resolution measures. In addition, I 

would engage with civil society and the press to underscore our support for, and advocacy of, the exercise of freedom of expression. As Ambassador, I would maintain 

and strengthen the relationships we have at all levels with the Government of Liberia that enable us to have what are sometimes difficult conversations. 

Question. Will you engage with Liberia on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, human rights, good governance, and civil society would be central components of my efforts in Liberia. For example, as Ambassador, I would press for the Government of Liberia to fully implement its Second 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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National Action Plan as a member of the Open Government Partnership (OGP). As 

a global forum where governments work closely with civil society, OGP is a natural 

fit for Liberian officials to develop specific, practical commitments to improve transparency and good governance. If confirmed, I would ensure the U.S. Embassy continues to monitor and promote respect for human rights and support Liberia’s own 

efforts to foster a vibrant, democratic civil society. 

Question. Ms. Elder, if confirmed, you will be going to Liberia at a particularly 

pivotal time. The United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Liberia is scheduled to 

drawdown its presence after 13 years. Liberia is just now beginning to recover from 

the devastating effects of Ebola, and is slated to have general elections next year 

in which longtime President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf is not eligible to run. 

What, if confirmed, will be your major priorities in a nation that stands at such 

a critical crossroad? 

Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, beyond serving and protecting American 

citizens, my top policy priorities would be to promote a secure, stable Liberia with 

enhanced rule of law, foster broad-based economic development, and stabilize the 

country’s human development situation. These priorities will help address the issues 

raised by UNMIL’s drawdown, recovery from Ebola, and a pending presidential election. 

The U.S. Embassy’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) programs seek to build government capacity to manage its civilian security responsibilities professionally while maintaining security throughout the country. They also 

work to strengthen the rule of law by building effective justice sector institutions 

that follow democratic norms to improve citizens’ access to reliable and impartial 

justice and peaceful dispute resolution. USAID’s Access to Justice Activity specifically works to improve overall access in counties outside of Monrovia. If confirmed, 

I intend to continue these programs and ensure that the improved security and stability in Liberia over the last decade continues throughout UNMIL’s transition in 

2016, and the 2017 presidential elections.Liberia’s high levels of poverty and food 

insecurity will also not decline without sustainable, inclusive economic growth. If 

confirmed, I will continue to leverage USAID programs to strengthen health infrastructure, and build Liberia’s capacity to prepare and respond to potential future 

threats. I will also support programming that focuses on preventing and raising 

awareness of other deadly diseases, such as malaria, as well as improving the availability of a qualified healthcare workforce. 

Question. Given the instability that elections can precipitate in fragile and recovering countries are you concerned about the full scale drawdown of the U.N. Mission 

this year? 

Answer. Maintaining security and stability through the 2017 presidential election 

is an important goal of the United States. 

After several years of phased drawdowns, the U.N. peacekeeping mission plans 

to hand over day-to-day security responsibility to Liberian security services by June 

30 of this year. UNMIL will reduce its strength from 3,590 to 1,240 military and 

its authorized police strength from 1,515 to 606 police personnel. UNMIL residual 

forces will remain at least until the U.N. Security Council’s planned review by December 15, 2016, of Liberia’s capacity to ensure security and stability based on conditions on the ground at that time. Only then will a decision be made on the possible withdrawal of UNMIL and the transition to a future United Nations presence. 

In the most recent elections, in December 2014, UNMIL provided some logistical 

support to the Elections Commission, while Liberia’s civilian security agencies maintained order. 

As UNMIL draws down and prepares for a potential transition, the United States 

is continuing bilateral efforts to promote the Government of Liberia’s capability to 

assume full security responsibility, particularly in the lead-up to the upcoming 2017 

presidential elections. We have bilateral police advisors who focus on developing 

senior Liberia National Police (LNP) leadership to take ownership of training, operations, and logistical support as well as the specialized units of the LNP, which handle civil unrest and emergency response. 

If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Embassy team and international partners 

to closely monitor Liberia’s security capacity, especially its ability to maintain security for the elections, and to make appropriate recommendations to ensure that the 

2017 elections are unmarred by security issues. 

Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to help ensure that elections are 

peaceful, credible and reflect the will of the Liberian people? 

Answer. The 2017 general elections will be a critical juncture for Liberia’s fragile 

post-war democracy. It offers the first full, post-war political transition in Liberia, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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the first time one president constitutionally turns over to another president since 

1944. Our partnership with Liberia encourages this continued progress in democratic governance to help Liberia fully turn the page on its long history of suffering. 

If confirmed, I will continue our programming on the ground to provide comprehensive support to the Liberian National Elections Commission (NEC), civil society organizations, and media outlets in promoting a participatory and fair democratic governance environment in the run-up to the 2017 elections. 

We also support the Constitutional Review Committee (CRC) via the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Our support has promoted public input into 

the on-going constitutional reform process, such as the National Constitutional Conference held in 2015, which brought together delegates from all sectors of Liberian 

society to provide input and to debate potential constitutional referendum provisions.As Ambassador, if confirmed, I will also personally engage Liberian political 

leaders, the NEC, civil society and the media in an effort to ensure a fair, transparent, and peaceful election. I will also ensure that after this election, our assistance to strengthen democratic institutions continues apace. 

Question. Corruption is a persistent problem in Liberia. Despite leadership, commitment and actions at the highest levels of government to rooting it out, it remains 

endemic, including in the security sector. According to Transparency International’s 

Global Corruption Barometer, police are viewed as the most corrupt institution in 

the country; 75 percent or more of surveyed Liberian citizens reported paying a 

bribe to police. 

If confirmed, how will you engage the Liberian government on issues of corruption? Do you have adequate funding to help build and support anti-corruption efforts? 

Answer. The fight against corruption in Liberia has taken major steps forward in 

the past years. The United States and other donors are helping the Liberian judicial 

system build its capacity to prosecute cases of corruption, and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has, on several occasions, taken a public stand against corruption. If confirmed, I would continue U.S. government programs to support the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC) and associated Government of Liberia entities in their 

efforts to investigate, prosecute, and convict perpetrators of corruption-related 

crimes while also supporting LACC’s mandate to educate the public regarding the 

fight against corruption. The U.S. Embassy’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) section has a comprehensive law enforcement program that 

is building institutional capacity by mentoring senior Liberian National Police and 

Liberian Drug Enforcement Agency officials, training specialized units like the 

Emergency Response Unit and Police Support Unit, and helping the police to put 

in place appropriate financial management systems and manage their logistics assets. 

INL will continue to incorporate anti-corruption efforts within its law enforcement 

and justice sector programming as well as explore new opportunities to partner 

more closely with civil society to counter corruption. Liberia has also joined the 

United States in the U.S.-Africa Partnership on Illicit Finance, launched during the 

2014 U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit; if confirmed as Ambassador, I would work with 

Liberia to realize this partnership’s full potential to help Liberia stem illicit finance 

from corruption and other illegal activities so that Liberia becomes a more attractive 

investment destination. 

Question. What role is there for the United States in helping address police corruption specifically? 

Answer. Reforming the Liberian justice system and addressing police corruption 

are U.S. priorities. The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs’ (INL) programs are building government capacity to manage its civilian security responsibilities professionally while maintaining security throughout the country. They also work to strengthen the rule of law by building effective justice sector 

institutions that follow democratic norms to improve citizens’ access to reliable and 

impartial justice and peaceful dispute resolution. 

Our bilateral police program specifically helps develop senior Liberian National 

Police (LNP) leadership at multiple levels, so they can take ownership over LNP 

training, operations, and logistical support. U.S. assistance also focuses on broad reform of the police, the criminal justice sector, and the corrections system, while providing complementary and immediate efforts to bolster basic skills and professionalism capacities through training and equipment. These efforts include a bilateral Senior Police Advisor partnering with the LNP’s Professional Standards Division, which is responsible for investigating complaints against police officers. A Police Finance Advisor is also helping the police put in place appropriate financial 

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management systems and controls to improve accountability and transparency. Additional INL programming includes a Logistics Advisor helping the police to improve 

management of its logistics assets. 

Question. UN Security Council Resolution 2116 calls for UNMIL to strengthen the 

Liberia National Police’s capabilities to manage existing personnel, and improve 

training programs to expedite the LNP’s readiness to assume security responsibilities. 

Are any of the U.N.’s activities aimed at countering police corruption? What will 

you do as Ambassador to see that the training addresses this? 

Answer. The U.N. has a robust police mentoring, training, and advisory program, 

which includes efforts to counter corruption and strengthen professionalization. 

After June 30, 2016, the U.N. still plans to have 606 police officers working closely 

with the Government of Liberia on these efforts. Over the past year, the United 

States has shifted its focus from seconding police officers to the U.N. mission to bilateral police support efforts, while continuing close coordination with the U.N. police component of UNMIL. The U.S. Embassy is expanding current anti-corruption 

efforts with police training and mentoring as well as exploring new opportunities 

to partner more closely with civil society to counter corruption. As Ambassador, if 

confirmed, I pledge to continue the current practice of combining diplomatic pressure with technical programmatic assistance. I would also continue the dialogue 

with the U.N. on the centrality of anti-corruption efforts within the international 

community’s efforts to reform and support the Liberian National Police. 

Question. Liberia is a Tier Two trafficking country according to the most recent 

TIP report. There seems to be a discrepancy between the steps the government has 

been willing to take for trafficking of Liberians beyond borders and what they will 

do to address the problem internally. The report indicates that while penalties for 

the sex and labor trafficking of children are appropriate, that the penalties for sex 

and labor trafficking of adults are neither sufficiently stringent, nor commensurate 

with those prescribed for other serious offenses, such as rape. 

What more should the United States do to help Liberia address trafficking in persons domestically? 

Answer. We commend the government for its work in facilitating the repatriation 

of and providing care for 16 Liberian women subjected to forced labor in Lebanon 

last year. However, the Government of Liberia should do more to address trafficking 

within its borders, particularly from rural to urban areas. Internal trafficking is 

more prevalent than transnational trafficking, with the majority of victims of internal trafficking being children. If confirmed, I will encourage the government to ramp 

up efforts to identify and investigate internal trafficking cases and hold perpetrators 

to account. Additionally, I will also encourage the government to increase its funding and resources to the Women and Children Protection Section, which had the 

lead in investigating such crimes. Finally, I will encourage the government to implement its five-year Trafficking in Persons National Action Plan, launched in March 

2014, but which remains only partially implemented. 

It is also important that Liberia’s Trafficking in Persons Task Force, convened by 

the Minister of Labor, meets regularly and receives sufficient funding; it remains 

without an operating budget. The U.S. government and the international donor community continue to provide training to Liberian law enforcement on trafficking and 

support for the protection of victims through shelter care and other means; however, 

the Liberian government should take greater ownership in building the capacity of 

its officials to better identify, investigate, and prosecute trafficking cases, as well 

as increase efforts to provide enhanced protection and services for victims. 

Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to working with Liberian authorities to 

see that legal penalties for trafficking are appropriate? 

Answer. The 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report states that the prescribed penalties for sex and labor trafficking of adults are neither sufficiently stringent nor 

commensurate with those prescribed for other serious offenses, such as rape. If confirmed, I will encourage the government to prescribe increased penalties for the sex 

and labor trafficking of adults. I will work to ensure the Government of Liberia 

works to meet this minimum standard of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, 

among other minimum standards. 

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RESPONSES OF R. DAVID HARDIN, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR

OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE HARDIN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. Since 2010, the USAID Food for Peace office has been relying more and 

more on International Disaster Assistance funds to provide emergency food in interventions that are critical to U.S. national security. Last year, Food for Peace spent 

almost a billion dollars from ‘‘IDA’’ on food, representing almost half of total funds 

spent for emergency food assistance. For example, without IDA, we would not be 

feeding displaced Syrians since U.S. commodities from the Farm Bill simply cannot 

reach them. If confirmed, do you agree to work with me and my colleagues to see 

the Food for Peace program fully reformed to meet today’s challenges? 

Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and your colleagues to ensure that we are able to maximize Food for Peace (FFP) program resources for greatest impact and effectiveness around the globe. The world is facing 

unprecedented levels of humanitarian need, with approximately 60 million people 

displaced by conflict-the largest amount ever recorded. USAID needs to be flexible, 

adaptive, and creative to meet the demands presented by the growing complexity 

and number of humanitarian crises. 

USAID carefully evaluates each specific country context to determine which tool 

to use based on market and security conditions, nutritional impacts, timeliness, etc. 

Resources provided through the International Disaster Account (IDA) account have 

been absolutely critical to USAID’s food assistance response in numerous countries, 

including the response in Syria and neighboring refugee-hosting countries where the 

United States is the largest donor of food assistance thanks to these funds. I also 

understand that there are times, such as right now in Ethiopia, which is currently 

suffering from food shortages due to the impacts of El Nino, where in-kind assistance may be the most appropriate response. 

I believe that the flexibility provided through IDA, along with the important but 

modest changes to the Title II program in the Agricultural Act of 2014 (or the 

‘‘Farm Bill’’), have enabled USAID to make important progress in improving the efficiency and flexibility of its Food for Peace development and humanitarian programs. 

If confirmed, I will build on our past progress and continue to work towards achieving additional flexibility in emergency food assistance as outlined in the administration’s FY 2017 Budget Request. I am committed to ensuring that USAID has the 

most appropriate tool for each circumstance and can best meet the needs of vulnerable populations around the globe. 

ADMINISTRATOR-DESIGNATE HARDEN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Over nearly two decades, I have led efforts to promote democracy, human 

rights and good governance in some of the most fragile states in Central and South 

Asia and the Middle East. I have advised garment workers in Dhaka, Bangladesh; 

I’ve met with victims of sex trafficking in Mumbai, India; and I have negotiated 

with the government of Nepal on how to reduce its trafficking risks. In Central 

Asia, I have stood face-to-face with local police and Ministry of Interior officials who 

were seeking to close down our civil society partners in Almaty, Kazakhstan and 

in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. I have overseen election observation efforts in Bangladesh, 

Iraq and the West Bank. 

For the past decade I have led democracy, human rights, and governance programs in Iraq, Libya and the West Bank-implementing programming with rigorous 

oversight. We have seen particular success in anti-corruption efforts in health financing in the West Bank and expanded access to justice for women and children 

in Iraq. 

I’ve also overseen nearly people-to-people activities under reconciliation grants between Israelis and Palestinians for over a decade. My most searing experiences have 

been negotiating protection space for victims of war in Iraq, Libya, West Bank and 

Gaza, and Israel. 

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For nearly two decades, I have advocated for central components of our humanitarian assistance, development and foreign policy goals and, most importantly, our 

fundamental values as Americans-and fought to change conditions on the ground in 

direct support of democracy, human rights, and good governance. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues today? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in your work at USAID? What do you hope to accomplish through 

these actions? 

Answer. The most pressing human rights issue is closing political space in many 

countries—what Freedom House refers to as the ‘‘democratic recession.’’ Over the 

last several years, the crackdown on civil society and political parties, the passage 

of restrictive NGO and media laws, and the restrictions on foreign funding of democracy and human rights groups pose the greatest threat to the advancement of 

human rights globally. 

If confirmed, I would take several important steps to elevate further USAID’s 

leadership in addressing this phenomenon. We would improve data collection and 

analysis, expand the reach of programs to those who are historically excluded, and 

closely engage public and private sector partners as well as diaspora communities 

in these efforts. If confirmed, I would also advance USAID leadership on President 

Obama’s Stand with Civil Society Initiative and lend my voice to ongoing efforts to 

elevate human rights as part of our broader mission. 

First, I would work to enhance USAID’s ability to anticipate the threat of closing 

space so that the Agency can respond earlier. If confirmed, I’d like to do more to 

combine external analysis and data with our own field resources and analysis to 

identify emerging threats and then rapidly mobilize diplomatic and programmatic 

responses in order to reverse or impede crackdowns and restrictive legislation. 

Second, I would support expanding the reach of our programs to those historically 

excluded from the political system, especially youth, indigenous communities, the 

rural poor and women. Not only do these citizens have the most to gain from inclusion, they represent new constituencies that can be mobilized for broad impact. For 

example, USAID has a robust gender inclusion approach, enshrined in our program 

design and strategic planning process, which has resulted in innovative approaches 

to empowerment of women across development sectors. 

Third, there is an opportunity to seek the support of the private sector, diaspora 

communities and philanthropists for expanding political space. USAID is promoting 

the use of technology for migrants and watchdog NGOs to report on unjust labor 

practices within global supply chains in partnership with private sector innovators. 

Finally, if confirmed, I would prioritize using social media to communicate our 

values and reach out to meet people, especially youth, where they spend time, where 

they get their news, and where they form their opinions. We have seen the incredible influence social media platforms wield, and in order to effectively promote 

human rights and democracy in today’s world, we must have a presence in that 

space. 

If confirmed, I hope to lend my voice to the ongoing effort to elevate human rights 

as part of our broader development mission. This includes bringing greater focus to 

our efforts to end human slavery, to counter the threat of atrocities and crimes 

against humanity, and to help societies achieve all of the rights contained in the 

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general? 

Answer. A significant obstacle to addressing the increasing number of countries 

with closing spaces is our limited ability to fundamentally alter the dynamics driving closing space trends. Much broader issues impact this disturbing trend, such as 

nationalism, counterterrorism policies, questioning of Western power model, and 

clashes between economic interests and civic activism. Amidst these larger factors, 

USAID is supporting a number of programs that support, defend, and sustain civil 

society amid a rising tide of global restrictions, including programs such as Legal 

Enabling Environment Program, Civil Society Innovation Initiative, The Information Safety and Capacity project, Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index. 

Budget constraints, particularly in the Democracy, Rights and Governance (DRG) 

sector, pose additional challenges. For example, in the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance (DCHA), the Center of Excellence on Democracy, 

Human Rights and Governance (DRG) manages the Human Rights Grants Program 

(HRGP), which provides Missions with resources to respond to urgent or unforeseen 

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lion annually to USAID Missions to address urgent human rights challenges. This 

past year, we received requests that totaled more than $40 million, demonstrating 

both an increase in demand for human rights programs and a lack of core democracy, human rights, and governance funding for human rights in the majority of 

Missions. If confirmed, I would commit to expanding such creative funding mechanisms, which have rewarded innovative successes in a competitive environment. 

USAID has prioritized human rights as a fundamental underpinning of our development approach across sectors. USAID’s Mission Statement emphasizes promoting 

‘‘resilient, democratic societies,’’ which entails promoting free, peaceful, and self-reliant societies with effective and legitimate governments. Human rights such as the 

freedom of life, liberty and security of the person, freedom of movement, freedom 

from discrimination, and the right to participate in free elections are fundamental 

to the vision described in the Agency’s Mission Statement. Helping states to respect, 

protect and fulfill their obligations will remain a key priority for me, if confirmed 

as Assistant Administrator. I will also ensure we continue to integrate human rights 

in our work by promoting civil and political rights in our programming, and countering discriminatory practices that hinder countries’ development. 

If confirmed, I will work to better evaluate the impact of our efforts to improve 

human rights and democracy. I look forward to sharing the best practices of our 

evaluation work. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs abroad? 

Answer. You have my personal commitment that, if confirmed, I will engage regularly with civil society and other non-governmental organizations at home and 

abroad. 

Our engagement with civil society is critical for a number of reasons. First, these 

groups are an invaluable source of information and ideas, possessing extensive networks and varied resources that advance our common cause to protect human rights 

and promote democratic governance. Second, we must demonstrate our shared commitment to getting those under threat the support and protection they need. Civil 

society groups are on the front lines of delivering development assistance in dangerous contexts and are constantly identifying new solutions to development challenges. Third, engagement with our stakeholders improves the quality of USAID 

programs and our policies because as a result of our engagement, policies better reflect the reality of those on the front lines. 

As part of President Obama’s Stand with Civil Society agenda, USAID works in 

partnership with other governments, the philanthropic community, and multilateral 

institutions, and will continue to focus on three lines of effort: 

♦ modeling positive engagement between governments and civil society and creating a supportive environment for civil society; 

♦ developing new assistance tools and programs, including the civil society ‘‘hubs’’ 

that the President announced last year; and 

♦ coordinating bilateral and multilateral diplomatic pressure to push back against 

restrictions on civil society. 

If confirmed, I am committed to the core elements of the Stand with Civil Society 

agenda, including the commitment to consult with civil society as a matter of course. 

Question. Will you engage on matters of human rights, civil rights and governance 

as part of your bilateral diplomacy? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work to engage on these issues in my position as Assistant Administrator. It is my experience that USAID programs are most effective 

when our development assistance is closely aligned with our diplomatic efforts. 

Under the President’s Stand with Civil Society Agenda, the U.S. government 

leverages both development assistance and diplomatic engagement to push back 

against the most restrictive political environments. For example, in Cambodia, our 

support for civil society has resulted in an expansion of citizen activism and media 

attention on key land and environmental issues, and increased the accountability 

of the National Assembly through more public hearings. 

If confirmed, I will take every opportunity to support, echo, and enhance key diplomatic messages that respect human rights (including civil and political rights) and 

democratic governance. 

Question. As you know, 2015 was a year of unprecedented humanitarian need. In 

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tarian needs in Syria, South Sudan, and Yemen. And this year we have also had 

to respond to natural disasters in Nepal, Burma, and Micronesia. My understanding 

is that The Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance responded to an astounding 

49 crises in 45 countries. 

♦ Do you think this is a brief period of unprecedented humanitarian need, which 

will ebb, or is this degree of widespread humanitarian need the new global 

norm? 

♦ How should humanitarian needs be prioritized by DCHA when they exceed the 

resources available? 

♦ To what degree are emergency response plans shaped by lessons learned and 

by data on aid effectiveness? Do you believe the current approach is adequate 

and sustainable? 

Answer. While I cannot state conclusively whether the world is experiencing a 

new norm for humanitarian assistance given all the variables that cause and prolong conflicts, it is clear that the current global humanitarian needs will persist in 

the years to come. Today’s conflicts are extraordinarily complex in nature, and it 

will take years before normal government services and development programs can 

take root in some of the hardest hit areas of Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan, and many 

other locations in the throes of war. Humanitarians are being called on to deliver 

these essential, life-saving services; they will have to keep doing so until the situations allow other actors to start their work. 

I believe we should prioritize assistance based fundamentally on need and on the 

basis of saving lives and alleviating human suffering. USAID funding supports the 

current and new humanitarian caseloads characterized by acute humanitarian 

needs and high numbers of vulnerable people. We prioritize our responses based on 

humanitarian need, which is especially critical when these needs exceed USAID’s 

available humanitarian resources. In these instances-when USAID must prioritize 

responses because global funding from others is not filling the gap-funding may be 

reduced for some of our disaster risk reduction programs as well as responses to 

protracted caseloads in countries where USAID has responded for years and lifesaving needs are being met. USAID also uses available data and tools to help inform 

prioritization of need, like the Famine Early Warning Network (FEWS NET) which 

is a critical tool in planning and prioritizing food security crisis. 

The Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance (DCHA) is 

working diligently to address humanitarian needs globally, while also supporting efforts to shrink these needs-especially in natural-disaster-prone countries. The Agency’s strategic outreach to other donors and our support for public-private partnerships helps USAID meet the first objective of expanding the funding base. Our preparedness, disaster risk reduction, and resilience work serves our second objective 

of shrinking needs. 

As the lead federal coordinator for the US government’s international disaster response, the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) also constantly seeks 

opportunities to improve future disaster responses. The After Action Review (AAR) 

is one method by which DCHA/OFDA captures lessons and identifies recommended 

changes for institutional implementation. The AAR process starts with DCHA/ 

OFDA gathering lessons from response staff and intra/interagency partners through 

interviews, surveys, and workshops. During this process, OFDA develops and validates various recommendations for future responses. Through a change control process, recommendations are then incorporated into DCHA/OFDA’s disaster response 

systems, policies, and procedures. AARs have served as the impetus for the development of some of DCHA/OFDA’s core systems, including the Disaster Assistance Response Team and Response Management Team structures, and USAID’s Field Operations Guide. The AAR process continues to serve DCHA/OFDA’s interests as a nimble and adaptive organization that continuously captures and applies real-time organizational learning. 

Finally, humanitarian aid effectiveness is also a core area for DCHA as well as 

the wider international humanitarian system of the United Nations, international 

and national NGOs, and other donor governments. DCHA works closely with think 

tanks and organizations that seek to make humanitarian assistance more effective 

through data-driven studies across the sector, including with the Active Learning 

Network for Accountability and Performance in Humanitarian Action (ALNAP), 

Cash Learning Partnership (CALP), and FEWS NET. These types of engagements 

improve coherence across the broader system, enhance evidence-based decision-making for disaster responses, and allow for any necessary restructuring across the 

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forts like the Good Humanitarian Donorship group, which seeks to improve aid coherence among donors in order to also improve effectiveness. 

Question. At a Syria donors conference in London in February, there appeared to 

be some shift in emphasis from immediate humanitarian needs to support for longer 

term needs such as education and job opportunities. 

Please discuss the current and planned balance of U.S. humanitarian and development aid to Syria. In your view, at what point should the U.S. leadership on the 

Syria response shift from DCHA to other development-focused entities within 

USAID? 

Answer. On February 4, 2016, world leaders from 45 countries pledged over $11 

billion in aid for Syrian refugees and host countries at the ‘‘Supporting Syria and 

the Region 2016’’ conference in London, including $5.9 billion for 2016. Germany, 

the United Kingdom, Kuwait, Norway, and the United Nations (UN) hosted the conference and advocated a new humanitarian approach that combined financial assistance to refugees with the economic development of host countries in an effort to help 

refugees find safe haven closer to home, and identify critical steps to ensure protection of civilians in Syria. Secretary Kerry announced the U.S. pledge of $601 million 

for humanitarian assistance and more than $290 million in education funding. The 

U.S. Government remains the largest single donor of humanitarian assistance to 

Syria and the region, having contributed over $5.1 billion since the beginning of the 

crisis. At the conference, the participants acknowledged the urgency of the refugee 

crisis and discussed ways to ensure parties to the conflict abide by the U.N. Security 

Council Resolutions calling for protection of civilians and increasing humanitarian 

access in Syria. 

The Syrian conflict continues to be the largest and most complex humanitarian 

emergency of our time, driving record levels of displacement. One in five people displaced globally is Syrian. An estimated 13.5 million people in Syria are in need of 

humanitarian assistance. According to the UN, the number of people in need of assistance in Syria has increased, as has the level of need in many categories. To address these needs, the U.N. has requested over $9 billion in humanitarian assistance to Syria and the region in 2016, an increase over the U.N. 2015 request. The 

U.S. Government remains committed to responding to the urgent humanitarian 

needs of the Syrian people and communities hosting them. Given the current insecurity and severe humanitarian needs, the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance 

and the Office of Food for Peace continue to lead in responding to the Syria humanitarian crisis. 

Separate from humanitarian assistance, USAID, through the Office of Transition 

Initiatives and the Middle East Bureau, is supporting moderate opposition communities to ensure they have a role to play in the future of Syria. This includes supporting livelihoods, public services, governance, and other activities to extend the 

relevance and visibility of moderates. To date, USAID has provided more than $160 

million in non-humanitarian assistance programming to Syria. This type of programming could assume a larger role as opportunities to support a transition 

emerge. 

Question. Some analysts have suggested that the location of DRG within DCHA 

puts democracy programs at a disadvantage, because they must constantly compete 

with humanitarian emergencies for attention and resources. 

♦ Do you think DCHA is the appropriate organization for democracy promotion? 

♦ How would you prioritize democracy promotion activities in the context of programs aimed at stabilizing economies and ensuring access to food and basic 

services? 

Answer. As I mentioned in my opening statement, the crises we face today are 

in large part a result of failed governance and undemocratic institutions. The placement of the Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance 

(DRG) within the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance 

(DCHA) ensures that USAID has a single bureau with all the critical capabilities 

required to respond to fragile and failing states—from first response and transition 

assistance to the long-term institutional reforms needed to rebuild societies emerging from conflict. 

Through crisis coordination teams and other internal coordination mechanisms, 

we have been able to ensure that DCHA’s urgent and long-term democracy, human 

rights, and governance investments are coordinated to maximize impact. As humanitarian crises increasingly are driven by state fragility and conflict, we must integrate longer-term democracy and peacebuilding investments with our shorter-term 

humanitarian responses to lay the groundwork for quicker post-conflict recovery. 

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Studies by partners such as Mercy Corps have shown that community-level governance investments can support broader economic development and food security outcomes and enhance post-conflict recovery. 

In complex emergencies, we prioritize humanitarian response, but we also find 

that peace-building and statebuilding are often underway even in moments of crisis. 

In terms of prioritizing democracy promotion in the context of fragile and failed 

states, the Agency was an early and enthusiastic supporter of the New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States where these countries themselves identified five 

peacebuilding and state-building goals: (i) legitimate politics; (ii) economic foundations; (iii) justice; (iv) security; and (v) effective delivery of goods and services. 

Question. Please discuss any lessons learned by DCHA in recent years with respect to democracy promotion, particularly regarding the opportunities created during the ‘‘Arab Spring.’’ 

♦ Are certain types of activities consistently more successful than others? Do the 

challenges of quantifying progress in democracy and good governance make it 

harder to promote these programs in a USAID environment increasingly focused on performance data? 

Answer. DCHA has learned a number of lessons over the years with respect to 

democracy promotion, particularly with regard to the ‘‘Arab Spring.’’ 

♦ Chief among those lessons is the recognition that this is not a short-term effort 

or one without risks and trade-offs. USAID must maintain a long view in recognition that real, long-term stability will not come to the Middle East North 

Africa (MENA) region until there is significant democratic reform, including 

meaningful participation and inclusion for all citizens. 

♦ It is critical that we invest in supporting democratic actors and the voices of 

those with an interest in peaceful transitions and productive reform. That 

means supporting women and youth, who collectively make up 80 percent of the 

population in many MENA countries. 

♦ Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring, is considered its primary success 

story. USAID’s early, critical support for constituent assembly elections paved 

the way for an elected government. We have also begun to see progress in private sector development, which has generated youth employment. 

♦ In other countries, democratic gains have proved elusive, as transitions from authoritarian rule have given way to volatility and unrest, and in some cases civil 

war. These outcomes have necessitated that USAID adjust programs to focus 

on shorter-term outcomes such as conflict mitigation and stabilization. 

♦ We need to also bear in mind the limits of USG programs and influence to sustain transformational democratic change in a society. Even with the support of 

all the world’s leading democratic nations and the international community-- 

real and lasting democratic change needs to take root from within. USAID can 

nurture those opportunities, but the drivers must be indigenous. 

Some democracy promotion activities that have proven to be more successful include: 

♦ Empowering local level/municipal governance structures to improve service delivery, while being more transparent and accessible to their constituents. 

♦ Strengthening civil society, as it often fills an important space in terms of local 

governance and service delivery when central power structures are collapsing 

or weak, particularly in conflict-affected areas. 

♦ In prioritizing activities, USAID has found that it is most effective to focus efforts on two or three core challenges, rather than attempting to address all 

issues individually as they arise. The Agency also cultivates and leverages partnerships with governments, civil society, the private sector, and other international donors, where possible. 

Quantifying results 

♦ USAID’s Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights and Governance 

(DRG) has formulated a comprehensive Learning Agenda that applies a strategic approach to evidence-based research in priority areas. To implement the 

agenda, the DRG Center has strengthened the capacity of officers in headquarters and the field to engage in more rigorous learning. The Center has 

trained hundreds of USAID staff and partners as well as hosted three state-ofthe-art Learning Clinics that incorporate training sessions alongside real-time 

evaluation design. 

♦ While there are nuances to quantifying democracy and good governance, we 

have demonstrated that effective measurement and evaluation can be conducted 

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in the DRG field. In total, the DRG Center has provided technical assistance 

for 22 performance evaluations, five high-quality public opinion surveys to inform project design, 13 research grants to advance knowledge in key areas, and 

26 impact evaluations completed, underway or in design. These impact evaluations range in scope from assessing to what extent different civic education approaches increase student knowledge and participation, to assessing how increased information on parliamentary performance affects legislative output and 

voter behavior. 

♦ Within this agenda, USAID intends to organize and disseminate existing or new 

evidence, and produce conclusions and recommendations through academic research, program evaluations, and multi-method tests of the assumptions and 

theories of change that guide DRG programming. 

♦ We believe that progress in both quantitative and qualitative evaluations in the 

DRG sector supports rather than impedes effective, evidence-based programming. 

Question. The administration’s FY 2017 budget requests $2.72 billion to be allocated to democracy and governance assistance, an 18% increase over FY2016, but 

does not specify which programs or accounts should be expanded. 

♦ If Congress funds an increase, where do you believe the additional funds would 

be best spent within the democracy and governance portfolio? 

Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to work with my colleagues in the regional 

bureaus and the Agency’s budget team to take a closer look at bilateral programs 

based on where assistance is in greatest need, where it can be most effective, and 

where it best serves our foreign policy. The President’s FY 2017 budget request proposes increased funding across all Governing Justly and Democratically program 

areas, with the biggest increases going to programs that strengthen civil society and 

improve good governance. 

The FY 2017 request broadly supports three U.S. Government policy goals: addressing democratic backsliding and closing political spaces by promoting government accountability, citizen participation, and protecting fundamental human 

rights; supporting democratic political transitions where U.S. foreign assistance can 

make an impact; and sustaining our overall aid investments in countries that are 

making progress. 

In terms of allocation within or between DRG programs in a given country, this 

would be driven by the local context, including an analysis of host country priorities, 

capacity and political will, programming from other donors, and U.S. foreign policy 

priorities. In some cases, regional or cross-border programs may be considered as 

a more effective approach if a problem is transnational in nature. 

Question. Last week USAID deployed a Disaster Assistance Response Team 

(DART) to lead the U.S. Government response to the drought in Ethiopia, which includes the provision of emergency food assistance, drought resistant seeds to plant 

new crops, safe drinking water, and nutrition treatments. But USAID’s Feed the 

Future program has been in Ethiopia for years working on long term agricultural 

production and nutrition projects. 

♦ Please discuss the balance between our immediate emergency food aid needs 

with our activities to foster long term agricultural development. Do you think 

we have struck the right balance between the two? 

♦ As you know, investing in long-term stability ultimately reduces the need for 

emergency food aid. If we forget about the balance between the two for a moment-do you think we are channeling sufficient resources towards the development side? 

Answer. Ethiopia is experiencing an extraordinary drought—the worst drought in 

fifty years. Triggered by El Nino, the drought follows successive poor rainy seasons 

and the scale and severity now exceeds many people’s ability to cope. Many of the 

areas affected by this drought are densely populated and not chronically affected by 

drought in average years. Conditions are expected to worsen in the summer months. 

An estimated 10.2 million people are in need of relief food assistance-a number that 

is expected to increase. Another 8 million people are chronically food insecure. 

USAID is working to help address urgent needs, sustain the development progress 

made, and reduce the risk of undermining longer-term food security gains through 

a combination of joint humanitarian and development action. In the immediate 

term, USAID is acting quickly, decisively and at-scale through an integrated response to help mitigate the humanitarian, development and economic impact of the 

drought and speed recovery once drought conditions subside. In the medium-to-long 

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term, staying the course means sustaining our resilience and development investments in Ethiopia to continue to help accelerate the country’s upward development 

trajectory and further enhance ‘the ability of people, households, communities and 

systems to mitigate, adapt to and recovery from shocks and stresses in a manner 

that reduces chronic vulnerability and facilitates inclusive growth’-USAID’s definition of resilience. 

The U.S. Government began responding early to the impacts of the drought in 

mid-2015 through modifying existing development programs and through rapid response programs that were standing at the ready when early warnings, including 

the USAID-supported Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET), projected worsening food security and water situations. When the outlook indicated increased food insecurity, USAID/Food for Peace (USAID/FFP) began shipping more 

than 28,000 metric tons of relief food assistance to Ethiopia valued at nearly $24 

million between July and September 2015. Since October 2015, USAID/FFP provided nearly 447,000 metric tons of relief food assistance in Ethiopia, valued at over 

$267 million, more than double the tonnage provided during all of last fiscal year. 

At the same time, USAID is working with partners to prepare for the upcoming 

rains and summer planting season, which typically feeds 85 percent of Ethiopia’s 

population. By getting seeds into the hands of more than 1.7 million farmers, 

USAID is helping them plant before the rains fall, in hopes of alleviating some of 

the food needs in the future. The USAID seed intervention is an integrated response 

between the humanitarian and development offices that provides emergency seed 

needs in close coordination with the long-term agriculture development programs. 

The balance between emergency assistance and long-term agricultural development is complex, but USAID is making progress toward improving the population’s 

resilience. The development and resilience gains in Ethiopia have saved and sustained lives in a cost-effective manner. The difference between this drought and severe droughts of the past—such as the 1984 drought—is the development investments. Despite drought conditions being worse than 1984, and high population 

growth, the loss of life is drastically lower. With support from USAID, Ethiopia has 

worked to build safety nets for their people, invested in agricultural development, 

and enhanced their resilience to recurrent droughts. This progress is helping Ethiopia respond to emergency needs and protect lives and livelihoods, while safeguarding against the loss of critical development gains from routine shocks. Some 

shocks overwhelm even the most advanced emergency response and safety net systems, and Ethiopia’s current drought is such an example. 

Programs under Feed the Future (FtF), the U.S. Government’s global food security and hunger initiative, have laid a strong resilience foundation for areas chronically affected by drought, in part by utilizing a multi-sectoral approach through climate smart agriculture, livestock production, and natural resource management. 

FtF programs in Ethiopia are helping farmers by promoting ‘‘best agricultural practices’’ that sustainably increase agricultural and livestock productivity as well as 

farmer incomes. FtF has introduced high producing crop varieties that respond better to droughts, flooding, and other stresses; extended improved crop, soil, and water 

management practices; promoted energy-efficient agricultural technologies; and advocated for innovative practices and policies so that smallholder farmers can cope 

with adverse conditions. 

FtF investments in livelihoods have integrated USAID/FFP-supported development food assistance and agricultural productivity activities. For example, USAID/ 

FFP supports the Government of Ethiopia-led Productive Safety Net Program 

(PSNP), which annually addresses the basic food needs of 5-8 million chronically 

food insecure people through the seasonal transfer of food and cash resources in exchange for work on natural resource management projects, like terracing and irrigation systems, that generate economic benefit to the community as a whole. The 

PSNP has lifted 1.5 million people out of poverty, reduced the annual household 

food gap, improved the land productivity, and helped people protect their assets during times of stress. In the drought-affected highlands, USAID/FFP’s investment in 

the PSNP is complemented by FtF investments in the Graduation for Resilience to 

Achieve Sustained Development (GRAD) program aimed at assisting poor, rural 

households currently enrolled in the PSNP to achieve self-sufficiency and ‘graduate’ 

from food assistance. The GRAD program has successfully helped around 200,000 

people graduate to date and increased annual incomes among GRAD beneficiaries 

by approximately $330. 

USAID must continue to strengthen the population’s ability to cope through longterm FtF investments. While the current drought may result in temporary setbacks, 

Ethiopia has experienced robust, agriculture-led growth over the past decade. This 

is exemplified by the 10.3 percent GDP growth rate in 2014. Ethiopia also achieved 

a 33 percent decline in poverty between 2000 and 2011. FtF is helping to accelerate 

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this progress in partnership with the Government of Ethiopia’s Agricultural Growth 

Program and Growth and Transformation Plan. 

This progress is matched by steady improvements in health, nutrition and human 

capital supported and accelerated by FtF and USAID’s Global Health initiatives. 

The prevalence of chronic malnutrition (stunting) was reduced from 57 percent to 

44 percent over the last decade and the under-five mortality more than halved from 

146 to 68 per 1,000 live births during the same period. As capacity is built, USAID 

remains committed to respond to extraordinary events—like the current El Nino-induced drought—to save lives, reduce suffering and to mitigate the economic and social impacts of disaster. 

The climatic irregularities in East Africa are increasing in frequency and our development and resilience investments are making a substantial difference. However, 

effectively responding to these new environmental realities will require sustained 

development investments over time, focused on enhancing the growing population’s 

ability to cope. 

Question. The United States is the largest donor of food assistance. 

♦ Please discuss the role of other donors and the challenges of burden sharing, 

particularly any efforts to include emerging donor contributions. 

Answer. The United States has a proud 60-year history of providing hope and 

help to over three billion people across the globe. Currently, the world is facing unprecedented levels of humanitarian need, with approximately 60 million people displaced by conflict-the largest amount ever recorded. International humanitarian organizations are in dire need of increased support from as many donors as possible. 

If confirmed, I plan to continue USAID efforts to coordinate with other donors on 

large-scale responses to ensure interventions are appropriate, targeted, and well 

supported. 

Over the past five years, in addition to the United States, the United Kingdom, 

Canada, the European Commission and Germany were significant donors to the 

U.N. World Food Program (WFP), the largest multilateral humanitarian agency 

fighting hunger worldwide. It is my understanding that in February, Germany provided an unprecedented contribution of over $600 million to WFP’s emergency operation in Syria—the largest single contribution in WFP’s history. Prior to this the 

United States had contributed more than all other donors combined to this effort 

and so greatly welcomed this increased support from Germany. Emerging donors 

such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait have also increasingly stepped up their efforts, 

with Saudi Arabia providing over $500 million to WFP in 2014 to respond to food 

insecurity among conflict-affected populations in Iraq. 

In light of the number of emergencies currently being faced by the international 

community, including the current challenges associated with El Nino, burden sharing must be a priority in order to ensure we are meeting the needs of our world’s 

most vulnerable populations. The United States cannot meet global humanitarian 

needs alone. If confirmed, I look forward to actively engaging both traditional and 

non-traditional donors to increase their contributions in order to collectively contribute to effective global humanitarian response efforts. 

Question. What is your sense of how well the different offices within DCHA are 

coordinated? Please explain how they coordinate their activities. 

Answer. The Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance 

(DCHA) systematically coordinates its nine offices within the bureau, other USAID 

bureaus, and the interagency. For efforts that require significant coordination across 

the bureau (but do not require an agency-wide task force), DCHA has created crisis 

coordination teams to manage its effectiveness. These teams are called Crisis and 

(Political) Opening Action Coordination Teams (COACTs). COACTs help eliminate 

duplication of efforts, achieve efficient use of resources and ensure strong coordination among DCHA offices and programs—in responding to and addressing crises and 

political openings. COACTs are established for specific crisis or political openings, 

such as in advance of the recent elections in Burma or the outbreak of conflict in 

the Central African Republic. 

COACTs integrate DCHA’s work with regional and other pillar bureaus by including other bureau personnel on the teams. COACT advisors ensure that Bureau and 

Agency leadership are briefed regularly on fast moving developments and are 

equipped to strategically guide resource allocation, programming, and policy decisions. COACTs also ensure effective coordination and information exchange with the 

National Security Council, Department of State, Department of Defense, relevant 

embassies, and other agencies. 

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The COACT does not supersede the authorities of Missions, Response Management Teams, Disaster Assistance Response Teams or offices as outlined in USAID 

agency policies. 

Question. USAID’s Office of American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA) is an 

important component of our foreign assistance and international diplomacy efforts. 

As you noted in your testimony, ASHA supports medical and educational facilities 

that ‘‘provide world-class services and promote American ideas and values.’’ In 

FY15, ASHA awarded 38 grants totaling $23 million to US institutions operating 

in 25 different countries. Awards ranged from $173,000 to $1.2 million and targeted 

institutions in Africa, Asia, Latin and Central America, the Middle East and North 

Africa and Europe and Eurasia. The President’s FY17 budget requests $5 million 

for ASHA. This represents a nearly 81 percent decrease from the FY16 enacted level 

of $26 million and a 78 percent decrease from the FY15 enacted level of $23 million. 

♦ How do you view ASHA’s role within the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and 

Humanitarian Assistance? 

♦ With a proposed 81 percent decrease in funding, please discuss how ASHA will 

continue to promote American ideas and values in a meaningful way. 

♦ How would ASHA prioritize projects and regions with such limited resources? 

Would ASHA be able to maintain its geographical diversity? 

♦ ASHA’s investments have enabled us to sustain long-term public-private partnerships dedicated to advancing U.S. values abroad. What impact would a reduced budget have on ASHA’s ability to protect and sustain past investments? 

Answer. USAID/ASHA is an integral part of the Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance (DCHA) Bureau portfolio and complements the Agency’s humanitarian, transition and resilience work. USAID/ASHA supports educational and medical institutions that expand access to quality education and health services and 

have educated successive generations of global citizens and leaders, deepening their 

understanding of American ideas and practices. The program is strategically positioned to ensure stability in uncertain times; promote American ideas and values 

in meaningful ways by providing critically needed advanced medical and trauma 

care; deliver American style education to the most marginalized populations; and 

ensure talented young people have a constructive track to realize their future aspirations. 

In my current capacity as the Mission Director in the West Bank and Gaza, I 

have witnessed first-hand the valuable impact of ASHA funding to both the Israelis 

and Palestinians. This funding and out relationship to partner institutions make us 

a stronger, better and more efficient Mission. Additionally, these institutions reflect 

American values and serve as drivers of stability, security, and prosperity in the region. 

The funding included in the FY 2017 request, combined with the significant resources appropriated in FY 2016, will help to meet the goals of the USAID/ASHA 

program. The funding request reflects difficult tradeoffs in this constrained fiscal 

environment, but will allow USAID/ASHA to continue to contribute to U.S. foreign 

policy and public diplomacy objectives by fostering strong civil society institutions 

and excellence in higher education and innovation. 

USAID/ASHA partners are legitimate, self-sustaining local organizations with historic linkages to the United States. Projects are chosen through a competitive grant 

process on the basis of program design, potential for impact, and technical merit. 

This criteria enables the Agency to strategically select ASHA partners in a fiscally 

constrained budget environment. ASHA does not select projects based on geographical region and does not anticipate a change in funding criteria that would impact geographic diversity. 

Over the course of 60 years, USAID/ASHA has awarded nearly $1 billion to 300 

institutions in 80 countries. Although the loss of USAID/ASHA grant funds may impact institutions that use ASHA grants for capital inputs to expand and improve 

programs, these organizations are not dependent on ASHA funding for continued operations. 

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RESPONSES OF ELIZABETH RICHARD, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

LEBANESE REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE RICHARD’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Promoting human rights around the world has been an important part 

of all of my assignments over my 30-year career in the Foreign Service. As Deputy 

to the Ambassador for War Crimes Issues, I helped oversee our worldwide efforts 

to hold war criminals accountable for their actions. In setting up the Special Court 

for Sierra Leone, in improving the functioning of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and in advancing U.S. support for justice in 

Darfur, I was part of a team dedicated to the protection of human rights. As the 

director of counter-narcotics, civilian police training and rule of law programs in Afghanistan, I ensured that all our efforts underscored that peace and stability could 

only come through democratic governance and the protection of every citizen’s basic 

human rights. And in Yemen, at the start of the Arab Spring, the determined efforts 

of our entire U.S. Embassy team helped to peacefully end the autocratic reign of 

Ali Abdullah Saleh, support new elections, and ensure that the ensuing National 

Dialogue Conference included representatives of all constituencies: women, youth, 

and minorities. While the country has tragically slipped into armed conflict, a precedent for democratic governance that gives voice to all segments of the population 

has been set. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Lebanon? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Lebanon? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in Lebanon include upholding the 

rights of refugees, improving prison conditions, preserving space for civil society to 

be active, preserving religious freedoms in areas threatened by extremist groups 

such as ISIL, enhancing anti-trafficking efforts, raising the profile of domestic abuse 

(particularly against women) as a human rights issue, and preserving the right of 

organized labor to advocate for wages and better occupational health and safety 

standards. If confirmed, I will make the promotion of human rights in Lebanon one 

of my highest priorities. U.S. leadership on this important issue is key to advancing 

nearly every aspect of our bilateral relationship, including the fight against ISIL 

and other extremist groups. If confirmed, I will work closely with key Lebanese 

leaders, including the heads of the main security services and ministers with oversight responsibilities, in order to highlight alleged human rights abuses and press 

for prompt and transparent government investigations. The State Department’s annual Human Rights Report regularly garners press attention in Lebanon and is 

studied carefully by NGOs and other groups working on human rights issues in Lebanon and remains one of our most effective tools in highlighting human rights 

issues around the world. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Lebanon in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. The lack of a fully functioning government in Beirut is one of the biggest 

obstacles, if not the biggest obstacle, to pressing forward on our human rights agenda in Lebanon. This means key legislation on issues ranging from trafficking to domestic abuse cannot be passed promptly into law. The influence of Hizballah in Lebanon, a terrorist organization, is another major obstacle to promoting human rights 

in every area of Lebanon. If confirmed, promoting human rights throughout Lebanon will be one of my highest priorities. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Lebanon? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support 

the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing my predecessors’ tradition of 

meeting with human rights advocates, civil society and other non-governmental orFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ganizations in the United States and with human rights NGOs in Lebanon. Lebanon 

is home to a large community of very active NGOs devoted to human rights issues. 

Our Embassy in Beirut constantly engages with local NGO leaders to learn about 

alleged human rights abuses and hear their views on how the United States can 

be even more effective in promoting our human rights agenda in Lebanon. If confirmed, I will continue our strong compliance with the Leahy Law, including maintaining robust vetting procedures. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Lebanon to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Lebanon? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Lebanese leaders on cases involving political prisoners and/or other unjustly detained people. 

Question. Will you engage with Lebanon on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will make promoting human and civil rights and governance one of my highest priorities. In addition to promoting human rights for its own 

sake, encouraging Lebanon to uphold its commitments on human rights underpins 

nearly every pillar of our bilateral relationship, from working with the Lebanese 

Armed Forces to combating ISIL and other extremist groups to providing assistance 

to Syrian refugees and the Lebanese communities that host them. 

Question. What are the issues at play preventing Lebanese politicians from agreeing on a President or holding elections? As Ambassador, how will you work with 

the Lebanese officials to address these issues and end the deadlock? 

Answer. We share your concern that Lebanon has been without a president for 

nearly two years. Lebanese parties that are blocking the formation of a parliamentary quorum are undercutting Lebanon’s stability and democratic practices, and 

must be held to account. The country deserves a functioning government that can 

meet the needs of the people. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Lebanese Parliament to convene and hold a vote on the President, in accordance with Lebanon’s 

constitution and National Pact. 

Question. What are the greatest needs facing Syrian refugees in Lebanon now and 

what Lebanese institutions are facing the greatest strain from the influx of refugees? As Ambassador, how will you work with the Lebanese government and NGO 

community to coordinate assistance in a way that best serves both Syrian refugees 

and the Lebanese communities that are hosting them? 

Answer. Lebanon hosts more than one million registered Syrian refugees, making 

it the country with the highest per capita concentration of refugees in the world. 

In addition, there may be up to another 500,000 non-registered Syrians, along with 

large pre-existing Palestinian and Iraqi refugee populations. 

The influx of refugees has presented severe challenges to Lebanon’s already weak 

public infrastructure and services, including overcrowded schools, dilapidated water 

and wastewater systems, and limited health clinics. Refugees live in Lebanese communities across the country, the majority in rented or previously unoccupied accommodations, including sheds, garages and other substandard housing. As the number 

of refugees has grown, social tensions—especially in host communities—have also 

increased. Politicians across the political spectrum have voiced concerns about the 

destabilizing effects and the economic cost of hosting such a large number of refugees. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will advocate for continued U.S. support for the urgent needs of refugees and the communities that host them. Thanks to the generous 

support of Congress, we are providing U.S. humanitarian assistance through U.N. 

agencies and NGOs for urgently needed food, shelter, water, health care, education, 

and protection for refugees. If confirmed, I will continue addressing the extraordinary needs in Lebanese communities by working on private sector job creation, 

education, and water and wastewater services. 

We encourage the Lebanese government to follow through on its commitments to 

expand legal residency for Syrian refugees and allow access to education and work 

opportunities for both Syrian refugees and vulnerable Lebanese, with the support 

of international donors. These commitments were announced at the February 4 London ‘‘Supporting Syria and the Region’’ Conference. Expanding education and work 

opportunities to refugees is also a central goal of the President’s Summit on Refugees that he will host on the margins of the U.N. General Assembly in September. 

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Question. How will you work with both the administration and the Lebanese government to ensure that both the Lebanese Armed Forces and the Internal Security 

Forces have the tools they need to protect Lebanon? 

Answer. Our Embassy in Beirut meets regularly with LAF and ISF partners to 

assess and address their foreign assistance needs. Our support for the Lebanese 

military is critical to combatting ISIL and other extremists that threaten the region, 

and U.S. interests in the region. It is also a key institution of Lebanese statehood 

and essential to extending the Lebanese state’s authority throughout the country’s 

territory. The Lebanese people, across sectarian lines and in numerous polls, regard 

the Lebanese Armed Forces as the one of the most credible and effective institutions 

of the state and want it to assume full responsibility for protection of the state. We 

must also continue our efforts to prepare Lebanon’s national police, the Internal Security Forces (ISF), to fulfill their mandate to help build safe, secure communities 

and extend the rule of law to each of them. Without a strong ISF and LAF, Lebanon’s existence as an independent and democratic state will be jeopardized, increasing the risk of instability in Lebanon and the region. That is a risk we cannot 

afford to take. 

In supporting the ISF, the State Department considers all training and equipment 

requests through the lens of U.S. Department of State policies, priorities, funding 

levels, and the ISF’s needs. The State Department has been responsive to ISF 

needs, while encouraging sustainable programming. We work closely with the ISF 

and other international donors to support the ISF’s strategic planning process, as 

well as to provide training to the ISF and other Government of Lebanon partners 

on long-term planning, end use monitoring, internal inspections, and assessments 

so the ISF can both marshal its own resources and maximize foreign assistance. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE RICHARD’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please briefly describe your vision for taking on a new role as the U.S. 

Ambassador to Lebanon. 

Answer. The Middle East is undergoing a period of unprecedented instability. The 

roots of this instability are deep and systemic: weak political legitimacy, ineffective 

institutions, fragile economies, and religious sectarianism. This volatile landscape 

poses serious threats to U.S. national security and to the security and stability of 

our friends and allies in the region. If confirmed, my role as ambassador will be to 

lead our embassy’s team to advance U.S. interests in Lebanon. Functioning democratic government, strong institutions, including security institutions, and an economic and business environment that is tied to the global economy are all required 

for Lebanon’s stability and success. If confirmed, I will work to improve Lebanon’s 

position in these core areas. 

Additionally, the safety and security all Americans in Lebanon, as well as our Locally Employed Staff, is my highest priority. I will draw from insights I have gained 

during 30 years in the Foreign Service, including service in some our most challenging posts overseas. If confirmed, I intend to outline clear objectives, actively 

seek out alternate points of view, and ensure my team has the right resources to 

accomplish the mission. 

Question. How do you feel your past experience, as well as your current position 

as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs have 

prepared you to take on this new role? 

Answer. I have had the privilege of serving our country in some our most challenging posts overseas, including Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Yemen. Over the 

course of my 30 years in the Foreign Service, I have gained valuable insights into 

how much the world wants and needs U.S. leadership. Throughout my career in 

government, I have adopted a ‘‘whole of mission’’ approach. Advancing U.S. interests 

overseas means benefiting from the talents, resources, and insights of all U.S. government agencies operating overseas. In my current role as the Deputy Assistant 

Secretary of State responsible for coordinating U.S. assistance to the Middle East, 

I oversee a team of 105 people and a budget of several billions of dollars in aid to 

the region. I have worked intensively over the past three years to ensure that U.S. 

priorities are well thought out and clearly enunciated, and that our foreign assistance resources are properly aligned against those priorities. My current job has 

given me experience bringing together multiple agencies and bureaus to accomplish 

shared U.S. objectives across the Middle East. 

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Question. Since legislators have pushed back an already overdue parliamentary 

election to 2017, what prospects do you see for the resolution of the presidential vacuum in the coming year? 

Answer. We share your concern that Lebanon has been without a president for 

nearly two years. Lebanon deserves a functioning government that can meet the 

needs of the people. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Lebanese Parliament 

to convene and hold a vote on the President, in accordance with Lebanon’s constitution and National Pact. Lebanese parties that are blocking the formation of a parliamentary quorum are undercutting Lebanon’s stability and democratic practices, 

and must be held to account. 

Question. Municipal elections are coming up in May of 2016. Do you anticipate 

that these elections will cause local political unrest? If so, what do you recommend 

Lebanon do to mitigate any outbreaks of violence? What, if anything, is the U.S. 

doing to assist Lebanon in this task? 

Answer. Our Charge d’Affaires in Beirut, Ambassador Richard Jones, met with 

Lebanese Interior Minister Machnouk on January 29, 2016, to discuss security for 

the municipal elections, among other important issues. Along with our partners in 

the international community, we have publicly called on Lebanese leaders to hold 

municipal elections on schedule. The municipal elections are an important part of 

Lebanese democracy. 

Question. If confirmed, what role do you intend to play in facilitating dialogue and 

promoting reconciliation among Lebanese factions? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will build on my predecessors’ work to promote dialogue 

among the range of Lebanese leaders and with civil society. The United States must 

stand firmly behind the voices of moderation who share our vision for a Lebanon 

that is sovereign, independent, free from foreign entanglements, and prosperous. 

Question. How do you view Hezbollah’s political role in Lebanon at present? Its 

security role? In your opinion, has the Syrian intervention weakened or strengthened Hezbollah? In what ways? 

Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization with a single, unified chain of command. We do not distinguish between the group’s so-called military and social/political wings. Supporting Lebanon’s legitimate state institutions—as well as the voices 

of moderation that share our interest in a sovereign, independent, and free Lebanon— is the best way to counter Hizballah’s influence. 

On the security front, Hizballah has continued to build up its arms cache in Lebanon with help from Iran, a flagrant violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 

1701 and other international commitments. U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701 

calls upon Lebanon to disarm Lebanon’s militias—a goal we support through our 

training and equipping of the Lebanese military as the sole legitimate defender of 

Lebanon. We are focused on promoting Lebanon’s stability and sovereignty by building up legitimate state institutions and countering extremism. Our support to the 

Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces supports the implementation 

of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1559, 1680, and 1701. Working 

closely with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern 

Lebanon, the Lebanese military has helped contain tensions along the ‘‘Blue Line’’ 

with Israel. 

Hizballah’s intervention in Syria to prop up the Asad regime has weakened the 

organization in some ways, while strengthening it in others. Since entering the 

Syria conflict, Hizballah has expended substantial resources (both financial and 

human resources) in support of Asad’s brutal war against his own people, which is 

in violation of the Lebanese consensus of dissociation from foreign conflicts enshrined in the 2012 Baabda Declaration. While Hizballah fighters have gained battlefield skills, we see evidence this intervention has had a negative impact on the 

group’s standing among its supporters in Lebanon who have suffered tremendous 

human losses on behalf of Hizballah and its foreign backers. 

Hizballah has exploited the threat posed by ISIL, Nusra, and other extremist organizations to Lebanon to falsely justify its intervention in Syria. Such justifications 

represent a deliberate distortion of Hizballah’s involvement in a foreign war against 

the will of the Lebanese people. Lebanon wants to implement a policy of dissociation 

from the Syrian conflict, but Hizballah has engaged in the opposite. And its actions, 

along with those of the Asad regime itself, continue to fuel the growth of violent 

extremism in Syria and have drawn extremist, terrorist threats to Lebanon. 

Hizballah’s intervention undermines Lebanon’s stability. The United States has frequently publicly called out Hizballah for its violation of the Lebanese consensus of 

dissociation from foreign conflicts. In September 2015, then-Counselor of the State 

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Department Thomas Shannon highlighted Hizballah’s intervention in Syria at the 

International Support Group for Lebanon ministerial-level meeting on the margins 

of the U.N. General Assembly in New York. 

Question. The Lebanese government publically opposes support of Bashar al 

Assad. Yet, Hezbollah has intervened on his behalf. What is your assessment of the 

influence Hezbollah exercises over the Lebanese government? Does it rise to the 

level of ‘‘undue’’ influence? What more can the government do to counteract 

Hezbollah’s direct contravention of the Lebanese government’s public policy? Can 

the U.S. help the Lebanese government on this front? If so, how? 

Answer. Hizballah has a minority stake in the current Lebanese government. 

Only 2 of 24 Cabinet Ministers are Hizballah members (the Minister of Industry 

and Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs—neither of which are major posts). 

In the National Assembly Hizballah controls only 12 of 128 seats and is the fourth 

largest party. Hizballah’s influence in the government does not rise to the level of 

undue influence. A (Sunni) prime minister and a variety of other parties represented in the current Cabinet and Parliament prevent Hizballah from having 

undue influence. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage Lebanese leaders to 

speak out against Hizballah’s intervention in Syria to prop up the Asad regime. 

Question. President Obama signed into law the Hizballah International Financing 

Prevention Act of 2015 on December 18, 2015. How do you see this legislation affect 

Lebanon’s economy and financial sector? How might it place new pressure on 

Hezbollah’s finances? 

Answer. We are disrupting Hizballah’s terrorist capabilities by targeting the 

group’s global financial support infrastructure. Our target is Hizballah—not Lebanon or the Lebanese people. The administration strongly supported the Hizballah 

International Financing Prevention Act of 2015 (HIFPA). The Congress has given 

the administration a valuable tool to help dismantle Hizballah’s global financial network. 

We do not hesitate to use our authority under HIFPA and other sanctions measures to target financial institutions knowingly facilitating significant transactions or 

engaged in money-laundering activities on behalf of Hizballah. The State Department and Treasury are constantly looking for solid evidence of such activity. Treasury and State have consistently used our authorities to expose and target 

Hizballah’s financial, commercial, and terrorist activities around the world. 

The threat of secondary sanctions for those who knowingly facilitate transactions 

for Hizballah could lead financial institutions and others to distance themselves 

from Hizballah. While Hizballah does not maintain accounts in its name, supporters 

and financiers do manage money on behalf of the organization. We have, and will 

continue to go after such financiers, and the signing of the bill into law and the subsequent reporting requirements could shine a spotlight on Hizballah, their supporters and financiers, and ties to illicit activities. 

Question. What have been the practical effects of the withdrawal of Saudi financial support for Lebanon’s security forces? What additional costs does this withdrawal create for the United States? How likely is it that Iran will step in to replace 

this financial support? 

Answer. We are currently reviewing the impact of the suspension of the Saudi 

funds to the Lebanese security forces to identify gaps in current procurement programs, including light attack aircraft (A-29 aircraft, Cessna). Additionally, we are 

reviewing how to mitigate the impact on programs the Lebanese Armed Forces had 

planned for and that we agree are priorities, such as close air support helicopters 

and protected mobility capabilities. 

We believe the Lebanese Armed Forces deserves the continued support of the 

international community. We cannot leave the field open to Hizballah and its patrons. Assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces and the other legitimate state institutions is essential to help diminish the role of Hizballah and its foreign patrons. 

Our assistance to the Lebanese military also makes a real difference on the ground 

against ISIL and other extremists. 

So far, we have not seen any immediate effects of the Saudi government’s announcement on February 19 of a suspension of security assistance to Lebanon. The 

Saudi announcement will impact future support for the Lebanese Armed Forces, 

particularly in procurement of U.S. and French equipment. Our assistance to the 

Lebanese Armed Forces will continue. The Lebanese government has in the past rejected Iranian offers to supplant the Saudi role and support the Lebanese Armed 

Forces and we have little reason to believe this will change. 

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Question. What are the prospects for Saudi-Iranian rivalry and animosity to destabilize Lebanon in the near term? What actions or steps might trigger a more 

confrontational approach by actors inside Lebanon? What, if anything, is the U.S. 

doing to counteract any confrontations? In your opinion, what should the U.S. be 

doing? 

Answer. Lebanon has preserved its stability in the midst of tremendous instability 

in the region, but we are fully aware that sectarian tensions could flare up with 

little warning. The Lebanese consensus position of dissociation from foreign conflict 

enshrined in the 2012 Baabda Declaration has in some ways tamped down sectarian 

rhetoric in Lebanon. 

Regional tensions have certainly had an impact on Lebanon. The Iranian Cultural 

Center in Beirut was bombed in February 2014, killing at least five and wounding 

more than 100 people. There have been reports of threats to the Saudi Embassy in 

Beirut as well. In addition, the November 2015 execution of Shia dissident cleric 

Nimr-al Nimr by Saudi Arabia caused heightened tensions between Lebanese 

Sunnis and Shia and some protests at the Saudi Embassy in Beirut. The United 

States continues to encourage moderation and dialogue between all Lebanese factions. We also continue to support the cross-confessional Lebanese Armed Forces in 

its efforts to maintain security in the country. 

Question. How stable is the security balance along the Lebanon-Israel border? 

What effect have Russian military operations in Syria had on Israel’s ability to secure its northern border? 

Answer. Hizballah’s ongoing military presence in southern Lebanon presents a serious threat to the Lebanon-Israel border region, as evidenced by Hizballah’s attack 

on an Israel convoy in January 2016. To help protect Israel against this threat, the 

United States has invested $3 billion in the Iron Dome system and other missile 

defense programs and systems for Israel. Iron Dome batteries and interceptors have 

saved an untold number of Israeli lives, particularly during the Gaza conflict in 

2014. In FY 2016 Israel will receive an additional $487 million in missile defense 

support, including $55 million for Iron Dome. After successful joint tests of David’s 

Sling and Arrow 3 in December 2015, in FY 2016 the United States will fund coproduction of these systems for the first time—further deepening our missile defense 

cooperation with Israel to protect against threats such as Hizballah’s rocket and 

missile arsenal. 

Our support to the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces supports 

the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1559, 1680, and 

1701. Working closely with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), 

the Lebanese Armed Forces’ performance in southern Lebanon has helped contain 

tensions along the Blue Line with Israel. U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701 

calls upon Lebanon to disarm Lebanon’s militias—a goal we support through our 

training and equipping of the Lebanese military as the sole legitimate defender of 

Lebanon. 

We note reports that Israeli officials want to coordinate with Russiaregarding the 

situation in Syria. Like Israel, we do not want to see Hizballah strengthened by its 

intervention in Syria, or by Russia’s actions in Syria. 

Question. Please briefly describe the challenges associated with Lebanon’s growing 

refugee population. How do you intend to engage with the refugee population inside 

Lebanon if confirmed? What outcomes and policies does the administration wish to 

see the Lebanese government adopt with regard to Syrians present in Lebanon? 

Answer. Lebanon hosts more than one million registered Syrian refugees, making 

it the country with the highest per capita concentration of refugees in the world. 

In addition, there may be up to another 500,000 non-registered Syrians, along with 

large pre-existing Palestinian and Iraqi refugee populations. 

The influx of refugees has presented severe challenges to Lebanon’s already weak 

public infrastructure and services, including overcrowded schools, dilapidated water 

and wastewater systems, and limited health clinics. Refugees live in Lebanese communities across the country, the majority in rented or previously unoccupied accommodations, including sheds, garages and other substandard housing. As the number 

of refugees has grown, social tensions—especially in host communities—have also 

increased. Politicians across the political spectrum have voiced concerns about the 

destabilizing effects and the economic cost of hosting such a large number of refugees. 

If confirmed as Ambassador, I will advocate for continued U.S. support for the urgent needs of refugees and the communities that host them. Thanks to the generous 

support of Congress, we are providing U.S. humanitarian assistance through U.N. 

agencies and NGOs for urgently needed food, shelter, water, health care, education, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

887 

and protection for refugees. If confirmed, I will continue addressing the extraordinary needs in Lebanese communities by working on private sector job creation, 

education, and water and wastewater services. 

We encourage the Lebanese government to follow through on its commitments to 

expand legal residency for Syrian refugees and allow access to education and work 

opportunities for both Syrian refugees and vulnerable Lebanese, with the support 

of international donors. These commitments were announced at the February 4 London ‘‘Supporting Syria and the Region’’ Conference. Expanding education and work 

opportunities to refugees is also a central goal of the President’s Summit on Refugees that he will host on the margins of the U.N. General Assembly in September. 

Question. Lebanon is a tier 2 country according to the U.S. Department of State’s 

2015 Trafficking in Persons Report, meaning Lebanon is a ‘‘source and destination 

country for women and children subjected to labor and sex trafficking. . . .’’ How 

do you plan to work with the Lebanese government to combat this issue? How has 

the overarching political paralysis in the country affected the implementation of 

anti-trafficking efforts or legislative initiatives to extend worker protections? 

Answer. If confirmed, one of my strong priorities will be to build on our current 

efforts and improve the Lebanese government’s performance on anti-trafficking 

measures. Lebanon is both a source and destination country for women and children 

subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Lebanon is also a transit country for 

Eastern European women and children subjected to sex trafficking in other Middle 

Eastern countries. The Syrian crisis has compounded the challenge, as Syrian refugees are at risk of sex trafficking and forced labor. 

Our Embassy in Beirut continues to work with and raise TIP awareness among 

prosecutors, judges, and law enforcement officials. We have made some progress on 

this front, but more needs to be done. We have raised the importance of combating 

TIP as a top U.S. foreign policy priority at the highest levels of the Lebanese government. Unfortunately, Lebanon’s ongoing political paralysis prevents the passage 

of crucial legislative measures to combat TIP, including a National Action Plan and 

the National Strategy for Combating Trafficking. 

If confirmed, I will work to increase our collaboration and programs with the government and NGOs to identify, refer, and protect trafficking victims as well as to 

improve investigation techniques and victim protection mechanisms among the judiciary, law enforcement officials, and armed forces. We must also continue U.S. efforts to push the government to enact needed legislation, including the National Action Plan and the National Strategy to Combat Trafficking. 

Question. In your opinion, does U.S. foreign assistance to Lebanon accurately reflect U.S. priorities in the region? Should the U.S. be providing more military aid? 

More humanitarian aid? 

Answer. U.S. assistance to Lebanon reflects our priorities in the region, including 

working to counter ISIL and responding to the refugee crisis, both of which are also 

critical priorities for the Lebanese. For example, with Congress’s continued support, 

the United States is the single largest donor to the Syrian refugee crisis. Given Lebanon’s status as the country with the largest number of refugees per capita in the 

world, the United States has provided nearly $1.1 billion to support the Syrian refugee response in Lebanon since the start of the crisis. In addition to our humanitarian support, we provide significant bilateral economic assistance that advances 

our partnership with the Lebanese people and also bolsters communities that are 

hosting refugees through investments in basic and higher education, water infrastructure, and programs that provide economic opportunity. This support has totaled nearly $400 million since FY 2011. Our robust security assistance allows us 

to partner with the Lebanese Armed Forces and the Internal Security Forces which 

are critical to achieving our policy objectives. Since FY 2011, the United States has 

provided nearly $450 million in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) to Lebanon, while 

Lebanon has also benefited from additional military assistance from the Department 

of Defense. Recognizing that there are critical needs in Lebanon that continue to 

grow, the administration has requested an increase in both economic and security 

assistance for FY 2017. 

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888 

RESPONSES OF STEPHEN MICHAEL SCHWARTZ, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SCHWARTZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. For questions 4-7, please augment with: An accounting of the payments 

to nations per soldier of a U.N. peacekeeper contributing to a PKO mission and any 

associated table if there are varying circumstances or valuations in such payments. 

An accounting of U.S. assistance going to each of the AMISOM troop contributing 

countries at present and in FY2015 in support of their deployments. A list of U.S. 

security assistance to these same countries apart from that associated with their 

AMISOM deployments. 

Answer. With regard to payments to U.N. peacekeepers, by resolution 68/218, the 

U.N. General Assembly decided to establish a single rate of reimbursement to countries contributing contingent personnel to United Nations field operations in the 

amount of $1,332 per person per month as from July 1, 2014, increasing to $1,365 

per person per month as from July 1, 2016, and increasing to $1,410 per person per 

month as from July 1, 2017, in addition to service premiums (e.g., risk and enabling 

premiums). It should be noted that all AMISOM troop stipends are currently paid 

on a voluntary basis by the EU through their Africa Peace Facility, and not the 

U.N. 

Attachment 1 provides an accounting of all voluntary assistance provided to 

AMISOM troop contributing countries (TCCs) in FY 2015 and to date in FY 2016. 

Attachment 2 provides an accounting of all military assistance provided to the 

same TCCs outside of their assistance for AMISOM during the same time period. 

[The material referred to above follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


AMIS1.epsFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

FY 2015 and FY 2016 Assistance to AMISOM Troop Contingents (PKO and 2282) 

Multinational/ 

Usanda Only Burundi Only Djibouti Kenya Ethiopia 

Uganda and Force HQ Training 

Burundi* • and Support None••• Tota

N 2016 2282/CTPF"" $79,340,000.00 $0.00 $0.00 $106,290,000.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $185,

N2016GPOI $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 

N 2015 Somalia OCO $11,119,682.00 $1,650,000.00 $1,136,184.80 $0.00 $0.00 $15,434,461.75 $0.00 $1,357,392.86 $30,

N2015GPOI $2,029,244.00 $0.00 $500,000.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $1,214,393.00 $0.00 $3,

N 2015 2282/CTPF $21,618,000.00 $0.00 $9,089,000.00 $76,770,000.00 $23,067,000.00 $0.00 $0.00 $0.00 $130,

Total since FY 2011 $114,106,926.00 $1,650,000.00 $10,725,184.80 $183,060,000.00 $23,067,000.00 $15,434,461.75 $1,214,393.00 $1,357,392.86 $350,

*Equipment originally procured for Sierra Leone has been transferred to Kenyan troops operating in its former sector . 

.. lnc.ludes advisors working on the ground in Mogadishu and surrounding environs with both UPOF and FON contingents, as well as resuppty flight contract costs servicing the Mogadishu·based conting

•••Program Management and Oversight costs (Somalia, Nairobi, and DC), as well as State Acquisition Office Surcharges. ••••uganda program notified and approved, Kenya program notified, but not yet approved. 
890 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SCHWARTZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy has been a fundamental 

and prominent part of my career. I was responsible for human rights on my first 

tour in Ethiopia, and worked aggressively to understand the situation and advocated for important cases and causes, among them the justification for and the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER


AMIS2.eps
891 

treatment of political prisoners, independence of the labor federation, and an inclusive electoral process. These interventions demonstrated to the Ethiopian public and 

government that the United States cared about and would speak out about human 

rights cases. 

As the sole desk officer for Sudan from 1996-1998, I incorporated growing concerns about religious freedom and slavery into the mainstream of our policy on 

Sudan. In Cuba from 1999-2001, I confronted an authoritarian government by developing a wide range of Cuban contacts. A trip to a provincial city revealed hitherto 

obscure civil society organizations, which provided the United States with new insights into Cuban society as well as vehicles to support civil society. 

I have been very involved in reporting on and promoting United States support 

for credible and peaceful elections in many countries but the two most recent, in 

Zambia in 2011 and Nigeria in 2015, were the most consequential. Opposition candidates won both elections, empowering the public and holding leaders accountable. 

In both cases, the winning and losing candidates publicly credited the United States 

for leveling the playing field to make the race fair and competitive. In Zambia, I 

directed the Embassy’s interagency team, liaised with the leadership of the National 

Democratic Institute, met regularly with the electoral commissioner, and ensured 

regular high quality reporting on the electoral process. On Nigeria, as office director, 

I coordinated the United States government effort from Washington, DC, which included sending a top anti-election violence expert to Nigeria repeatedly, coordinating 

with the United Kingdom, and supporting Secretary Kerry’s key visit to Nigeria before the election. 

If confirmed, I look forward to applying the experience gained throughout my career to the very real human rights and democracy challenges facing Somalia. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Somalia? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Somalia? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. If confirmed, working with the African Union, the Federal Government 

of Somalia, and Somali civil society to improve protection of civilians will be central 

to my engagement. Violence against women and girls, including rape, and forced 

evictions of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), remains a pervasive problem. If 

confirmed, I will work with Somali and international counterparts, including the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and humanitarian and development actors to improve protection efforts, ensuring that women can access the vital services 

they need and perpetrators are held accountable. 

Women continue to be marginalized within political processes and underrepresented at all levels of government. If confirmed, I will promote the Women, Peace, 

and Security agenda in Somalia and will advocate for the participation of women 

in government and in politics. Specifically, I will support the Federal Government 

of Somalia’s proposed 2016 electoral plan mandating 30 percent of the seats in the 

Somali parliament to be allocated to women. 

IDPs continue to constitute the large majority of the food insecure population in 

Somalia, and represent nearly 10 percent of the Somali population. The U.N. Humanitarian Country Team is currently drafting a Somalia IDP durable solutions 

strategy. If confirmed, I will support humanitarian and development planning and 

ensure that humanitarian assistance and longer-term development action is 

sustainably addressing the protection issues impacting IDPs. 

I am also deeply concerned about the situation of media freedom in Somalia. The 

country remains one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist. I will regularly 

discuss protection concerns with Somali journalists themselves, speak out against 

abuses against journalists, and strongly encourage the Somali government to fully 

respect freedom of expression. In addition, I will work with Somalia and the United 

Nations to further implementation of Somalia’s action plan to end the use and recruitment of child soldiers and standardize operating procedures for the reception 

and handover of children separated from armed groups. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Somalia in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. Key challenges to addressing human rights concerns include continued 

insecurity in al-Shabaab-controlled portions of the country. This limits not only U.S. 

government access to much of the country, but also access by international and local 

partners who could provide information that is vital to addressing human rights 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

892 

concerns. Improving civilian protection while conflict continues is extremely challenging, but it will be central to my efforts. 

Somali women and girls experience systematic marginalization, which makes it 

difficult to address gender-based violence and sexual exploitation. Women are reluctant to report abuse due to possible reprisals, and police are reluctant to investigate. 

Improving protection for journalists is challenging due to the continued insecurity 

and presence of al-Shabaab. For example, in the past four years, Al-Shabaab harassed and threatened numerous reporters and killed 23 Somali journalists. The Government of Somalia and regional authorities continue to arrest, detain, and prosecute journalists as well. Additionally, in regard to child soldiers, the government 

has taken additional, though limited steps, to implement its action plan with the 

U.N. In 2015, the federal government reiterated its commitment to eliminating the 

use of child soldiers among the ranks of the Somali National Army (SNA), and Somalia became signatory to the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the 

Child. However, more also needs to be done to improve demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration efforts for children separated from armed groups. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Somalia? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, one of my most important goals will be improving respect 

for human rights in the country, so that all Somalis have the opportunity to exercise 

their fundamental freedoms and live their lives without fear. My efforts will include 

those focused on improving civilian protection, strengthening efforts to address rape, 

building respect for media freedom, and ensuring that children are not used as soldiers. Human rights organizations and other NGOs are critical to this work, and 

I look forward to meeting with them. 

The Leahy laws are based on a basic principle: a government security apparatus’ 

respect for human rights bolsters its legitimacy and trustworthiness in the eyes of 

the people it is supposed to protect, and enhances its ability to protect. Moreover, 

holding violators accountable fortifies the rule of law, which will be key in our efforts to improve governance in Somalia. If confirmed, my staff and I will convey this 

message diligently and consistently to the Somali government at all levels. The Department vets all assistance to Somali security forces in accordance with the Leahy 

Law, without exception. If confirmed, I will ensure that our vetting continues to be 

comprehensive, thorough, and in full compliance with the Leahy laws, and that 

those who violate human rights are restricted from receiving any training or other 

assistance until the responsible actors are brought to justice. Furthermore, I will 

strongly urge the Somali government to hold all violators accountable for their actions. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Somalia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Somalia? 

Answer. The ability of citizens to freely exchange information and their views is 

essential to the development of legitimate, fully functioning democratic governance 

in Somalia. The detention and prosecution by federal and regional government authorities of journalists critical of authorities has been a problem throughout Somalia. Somaliland authorities also have arrested, detained, and denied a fair trial to 

those expressing support or working directly for the Mogadishu-based Federal Government of Somalia for political reasons. If confirmed, my staff and I will consistently raise our concerns about these practices with Somali authorities at all levels 

of government and seek the release of any political prisoners. 

Question. Will you engage with Somalia on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, these issues will be at the forefront of my engagement with 

Somali authorities at all levels of government. Human rights, including civil rights 

and governance, are fundamental to advancing our overarching policy goals in Somalia. Legitimate governance that can provide security and other services to all Somali people, regardless of gender or clan affiliation, is fundamental to achieving 

lasting peace and stability, and a government’s respect for human rights, including 

civil rights, is in turn inextricably linked to its legitimacy in the eyes of its citizens. 

Question. Given the current political environment and the number of obstacles to 

achieving the Vision 2016 objectives, which of these objectives can the international 

community realistically expect the Somalis to achieve this year? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

893 

Answer. Since the United States formally recognized the Federal Government of 

Somalia (FGS) in 2013, Somalia has made significant gains in its political process 

and emerged from state failure. The United States is working closely with the UN, 

AU, and other key partners to enable the Somalis to conduct an on-schedule election 

this year. During the February 23-24 High Level Partnership Forum Ministerial for 

Somalia, the Somali government affirmed its commitment to pursue elections in 

2016, with strong support from the international community. The FGS endorsed an 

election model on January 27, more representative than the 2012 process by holding 

country-wide consultations. 

Additionally, Somalia’s state formation is nearly complete. The reconciliation conference to form the final of four interim administrations for Middle Shabelle and 

Hiraan is underway, and the government has committed to completing this process 

by year’s end. 

Question. If confirmed, upon which objectives will you place the most diplomatic 

effort and U.S. resources? 

Answer. During his historic visit to Mogadishu, Secretary Kerry announced that 

the Department was beginning the planning process to re-establish formal diplomatic premises in Mogadishu. As a first step, the Department of State launched the 

transition of its Somalia Unit to U.S. Mission to Somalia, co-located in Embassy 

Nairobi, on September 8, 2015. 

If confirmed, during my tenure it will be my top priority to establish a safe, secure, and functional embassy platform from which Mission Somalia may operate in 

Mogadishu. The United States has considerable national security interests in Somalia, which necessitates a permanent and fully-functioning diplomatic facility. Somalia’s political process and security sector are fragile. Forging the relationships necessary to support Somalia’s state-building enterprise will require our diplomats to 

have a functioning facility, security, and mobility necessary to engage. 

Question. Are our international partners providing adequate assistance to address 

the significant governance challenges in Somalia? Is there a diplomatic role for you, 

if confirmed, for putting the need for improved governance on the agenda of the Somalis and other donors? 

Answer. Through the New Deal Compact for Somalia, the international community has prioritized good governance as a pillar of Somalia’s political process. As Somalia’s Compact is set to expire this year, the United States is committed to the 

next phase of international engagement in Somalia, based on a shared set of principles and joint partnership, and will work through the Compact’s successor-the 

Federal Government of Somalia’s three-year (2017-2019) National Development 

Plan (NDP)-to continue to prioritize strengthening Somali governance. As Secretary 

Kerry said during his May 2015 visit to Mogadishu, ‘‘we all have a stake in Somalia’s success and the world cannot afford to have places on the map that are essentially ungoverned.’’ The United States has an over-arching interest in helping the 

people of Somalia build a peaceful nation with a stable democratic government that 

can provide security and services for its citizens. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working alongside the international community 

and Somali government in support of the NDP. I will work diligently to promote 

the governance agenda. 

Question. If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that there is a strong focus 

on good governance in our U.S. assistance to Somalia? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will be sure to continue diplomatic support for governance 

programs to help develop institutional capacity and service delivery, improve transparency, and establish the rule-of-law; stabilization assistance to help with community needs; employment initiatives and education programs, particularly aimed at 

youth; and food aid and other life-saving assistance to address immediate humanitarian needs. 

Additionally, strong and transparent public financial management is key for Somalia’s stability and future growth. For this reason, in particular, we are very concerned about allegations of corruption and fiscal mismanagement in Somalia. As the 

government of Somalia takes steps to ensure that public funds are spent responsibly 

and transparently, it will earn the trust and confidence of the Somali people and 

the international community. If confirmed, I will continue our support of the Somali 

government’s efforts to tackle these challenges and to provide significant resources 

for technical assistance on public financial management and financial governance 

initiatives. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

894 

Question. What portion of the funding for either of those programs has been channeled towards ensuring there are proper accountability structures and institutions 

in the police and military to investigate allegations of wrongdoing? 

Answer. With regard to Danab and the broader Somali military, our efforts to ensure accountability start with our defense institution building (DIB) programs. 

Building an effective and professional Ministry of Defense is critical to ensuring that 

there are capable civilian oversight and accountability structures over Danab and 

the rest of the Somali military. The Department of State has already begun putting 

in place programming to build the Ministry of Defense through the Peacekeeping 

Operations (PKO) account to fund technical advisory support. We have obligated 

$1.8 million in FY 2015 PKO OCO funds for this purpose, and are working with 

our colleagues in the Department of Defense to design and put in place additional 

DIB programming for FY 2016. The low absorptive capacity of these institutions has 

forced us to carefully calibrate our programming, and we are also working to ensure 

our programs are fully coordinated with donor partners working in this area, such 

as the EU and UK. Nonetheless, DIB and the creation of effective oversight structures remains a high priority for both DOS and DOD. 

The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) has obligated $8.5 million in FY 2012 and FY 2013 International Narcotics Control and 

Law Enforcement (INCLE) Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) assistance to 

build the capacity of the Criminal Investigative Division (CID) of the Somali Police 

Force (SPF) to investigate serious crimes. INL has obligated approximately $1.1 million in FY 2013 and FY2014 in INCLE-OCO to provide technical assistance to the 

SPF on a variety of issues, such as CID structure, organization and training priorities, through a Senior Law enforcement Advisor based in Mogadishu. At this time, 

there is no functioning internal police accountability structure in Somalia, and allegations of police abuse of power currently fall under the CID to investigate. As such, 

any increase in the capacity of the CID to investigate crimes, will support increased 

accountability for police. INL coordinates closely with other donors who are working 

in the civilian security space, including the EU, UK, UN, and AMISOM. 

Question. What will you do, if confirmed as Ambassador, to ensure that we are 

promoting and supporting accountability for police and military abuses, especially 

with the units we are training? 

Answer. Respect for human rights and protection of civilians is a core component 

of all peacekeeping and military training conducted by the United States for the security forces operating in Somalia. We have engaged the governments of troop contributing countries regarding the allegations of abuse and misconduct by security 

forces serving in AMISOM, and continue to provide training to enhance their professionalism. If confirmed, I will continue this ongoing dialogue with Somali and 

AMISOM government officials to urge greater attention to protection of civilians and 

respect for human rights. In addition, I will continue to advocate for investigations 

into and accountability for actions related to abuse or sexual exploitation. 

Question. Have either the African Union or troop contributing countries adequately investigated and held accountable those accused? If confirmed, what will be 

your role in ensuring accountability for abuses carried out by troops funded and 

supported by the United States? 

Answer. The United States takes allegations of human rights abuses against 

AMISOM extremely seriously, and the Department condemns such acts unequivocally. The United States immediately engaged with the African Union and the Governments of Uganda and Burundi to undertake a credible and transparent investigation into the allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse reported by Human 

Rights Watch in 2014. The United States supported the AU and Troop Contributing 

Countries (TCCs) in conducting a full investigation, and we are aware of at least 

two trials and convictions by the Ugandan Patriotic Defense Force. We were also 

deeply concerned about incidents on July 31, 2015, in which AMISOM forces killed 

civilians in Marka. AMISOM apologized for the deaths and announced the indictment of three soldiers on August 21, 2015. 

If confirmed, working with the African Union, Government of Somalia, and Somali civil society to improve protection of civilians will be central to my engagement. 

I will work to hold the AU accountable to its AMISOM Protection, Human Rights 

and Gender Working Group that is responsible for monitoring TCC investigations, 

and developing training modules. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

895 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SHWARTZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please briefly describe your vision for taking on a new role as the U.S. 

Ambassador to Somalia. What are your goals and priorities? What challenges do you 

foresee? 

Answer. If confirmed to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Federal Republic of 

Somalia, I plan to elevate the level and intensity of U.S. engagement with the Somali government, public, and international community; bring greater coordination 

and direction to U.S. policy and programs; and provide a secure and productive environment for the American and Somali staff working at the U.S. Mission. 

My specific priorities are to help fulfill the Secretary’s pledge to open a U.S. diplomatic premise in Mogadishu; help Somalia with its state formation, constitutional 

development, and national elections; and bring greater security to the Somali people 

by degrading the capability of the terrorist group al-Shabaab while building the capacity of the Somali National Army and the Somali National Police. 

Somalia has made tangible progress recovering from its period as a failed state, 

but this progress is fragile. Efforts by Somali authorities, the United States, and 

international partners are conducted in an unpredictable and sometimes threatening environment due to attacks by Al-Shabaab. The effectiveness of U.S. engagement is reduced by the lack of a facility allowing us to work continually in 

Mogadishu. 

Question. How do you feel your past experience, as well as your current position 

as Director of Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific Island Affairs at the Department 

of State have prepared you to take on this new role? 

Answer. My career has prepared me well for the significant responsibilities and 

challenges attendant serving as the U.S. Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. Prior to joining the Foreign Service, I acquired a grass roots understanding 

of Africa through my service as a Peace Corps Volunteer, followed by three years 

in the Africa Bureau in Washington, DC, of which six months was spent working 

in Mali and Chad, two poor fragile Sahelian countries. I also earned a Master’s degree in African Studies and worked on a conflict resolution project at the Brookings 

Institution. Immediately before joining the Foreign Service, from 1990-1991, I was 

one of the earliest hires at the Citizens Democracy Corps, a non-governmental organization launched by the United States government to facilitate assistance to people 

and governments in the newly liberated Central and Eastern Europe. 

After joining the Foreign Service I spent my first seven years working in or with 

the Greater Horn of Africa region, which includes Somalia. I worked in Ethiopia 

from 1992-1994, during Operation Restore Hope. I understand the politics, history, 

and cultures of East Africa. I have spent six years as a Deputy Chief of Mission, 

two years of which were leading the embassy as Charge d’Affaires. I believe both 

missions under my leadership were characterized by high productivity and high morale, a goal I have set for every office or institution that I lead. In Zambia, the Ambassador and I formed an excellent leadership team and, if confirmed, I will try assiduously to apply the experiences gained in Zambia to my new responsibilities. If 

confirmed, my two most recent assignments in Washington, DC have enabled me 

to work on a wide range of policy issues, which will enable me to engage more successfully with interagency policymakers and Congress while assigned overseas as 

the U.S. Ambassador to Somalia. 

Question. As Ambassador to Somalia, you will be charged with changing the nature of the bilateral relationship. What are your benchmarks for re-establishing a 

U.S. embassy in Mogadishu? What are the challenges under the current system for 

U.S. diplomats and USAID personnel traveling back and forth from Kenya? 

Answer. During his visit to Mogadishu, Secretary Kerry announced that the Department was beginning the planning process to re-establish formal diplomatic 

premises in Mogadishu. As a first step, the Department of State launched the transition of its Somalia Unit to U.S. Mission to Somalia, co-located in Embassy Nairobi, 

on September 8, 2015. Ensuring that a diplomatic facility in Mogadishu is as secure 

and efficient a platform as possible is a high priority for the Department. The planning process is moving forward, and the Department is considering its options for 

facility designations at the Mogadishu International Airport (MIA). 

If confirmed, during my tenure it will be my top priority to establish a safe, secure, and functional embassy platform from which Mission Somalia may operate inside of Somalia. To date, Mission Somalia staff maintains a rotational presence in 

Mogadishu, and travel sporadically to other regional capitals and sites in Somalia, 

when the security situation permits. The United States has considerable national 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

896 

security interests in Somalia, which necessitate a permanent and fully-functioning 

diplomatic facility. Somalia’s political process and security sector are fragile. Forging the relationships necessary to support Somalia’s state-building enterprise will 

require our diplomats to have a functioning facility, security, and mobility necessary 

to engage. 

Question. The FY16 Foreign Operations request includes a substantial increase in 

development assistance for Somalia—what are the priorities for that aid? Would you 

change any of those prioritizations? How do the State Department, USAID, and 

DOD ensure sufficient oversight and direction for that support given security restrictions on U.S. government personnel movement within the country? 

Answer. The primary goal of U.S. assistance to Somalia is to promote security and 

support the development of a unified, peaceful Somalia. The increase in U.S. development resources requested in FY 2016 is commensurate with and complementary 

to security sector and humanitarian investments in Somalia. Somalia’s issues require long-term development initiatives that will address the underlying human development, governance, and economic challenges facing a country emerging from 

more than two decades of conflict. 

Increased U.S. development resources will prioritize community stabilization and 

recovery; consolidation of representative governing institutions and critical statebuilding processes; the establishment of responsive and legitimate local governance; 

and the expansion of the delivery of critical basic services. Additional resources will 

support Somalia’s economic recovery by engaging with the recently revived agro-pastoral sector, the return of a vibrant, entrepreneurial diaspora, and the sustainable 

management of natural resources. I do not see a need for any changes to the FY 

2016 development funding priorities at this time. 

The State Department and USAID have third party monitoring mechanisms to 

conduct consistent, on-the-ground performance monitoring and verification visits, 

and report to technical staff regularly on their findings to enable effective and efficient management of projects in Somalia. The Department of Defense directly implements, monitors, and provides administrative oversight of its training and assistance to AMISOM and Somali forces through U.S. forces on the ground in Somalia, 

supplemented by frequent visits by the U.S. Defense Attache to Somalia. 

Question. What role should the United States play in supporting the Somali electoral process in 2016? How might donors facilitate more transparency to support 

free and fair elections given widespread allegations of bribery in Somali politics? 

Answer. The United States has an over-arching interest in helping the people of 

Somalia to build a peaceful nation with a stable democratic government that can 

provide security and services for its citizens. The holding of an electoral process in 

2016 that is more inclusive and transparent than the 2012 clan elders selection 

process will be a key step toward that broader goal. The FGS endorsed an election 

model on January 27 that offers the prospect of an improved process and a more 

representative government. During the February 23-24 High Level Partnership 

Forum Ministerial for Somalia, the Somali government affirmed its commitment to 

hold elections in 2016 based on this model, with strong support from the international community. We are currently focused on helping the FGS secure the 

Puntland regional government’s support for the model. 

The United States is also working closely with the UN, AU, and other key partners to encourage the Somalis to address as soon as possible the remaining issues 

necessary to implement the January 27 model, including to help ensure that it is 

more transparent and less susceptible to bribery or manipulation than the 2012 clan 

elders process. The formation of electoral colleges that are larger and more inclusive 

than the 2012 process will be particularly important, along with voter education and 

secure ballot procedures. 

Question. What are your expectations for the constitutional review process? If confirmed, how will you engage with groups involved? 

Answer. Somalia’s constitutional review is behind schedule, having missed a 2015 

deadline for holding a referendum on a revised constitution. However, the review 

process is underway and significant progress has been made on technical aspects 

of the constitution. Larger political issues, including the delineation of federal relationships and authorities among levels of government, have yet to be tackled. A 

broad public education campaign and inclusive dialogue process is necessary help 

ensure the referendum’s credibility and legitimacy. The government also needs to 

develop a plan for how voting on the referendum will take place. We and our international partners are encouraging the Somalis to complete the review process and 

conduct a public awareness campaign to enable a referendum in 2017.If confirmed, 

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cluding women’s groups and minorities, to encourage parties to play an active role 

and to promote transparency and dialogue throughout the process. 

Question. Al Shabaab continues to seek recruits in the United States and issue 

public threats against American targets. To what extent does Al Shabaab pose a direct threat to U.S. citizens? To U.S. national security? 

Answer. Al-Shabaab continues to pose a continuing and imminent threat to U.S. 

persons and interests in East Africa. It seeks to delegitimize the Federal Government of Somalia by terrorizing and targeting civilians, Somali government officials, 

African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) forces, and international partners operating in Somalia and elsewhere in the region. Our commitment to assisting the 

Somali government and people makes us and our partners prime targets of alShabaab. We have no credible evidence to suggest that al-Shabaab has the capability to conduct attacks in the United States, but we consider it a threat to U.S. 

national security given its efforts to destabilize the region through brutal, asymmetric attacks and continued targeting of U.S. persons and interests. 

Question. How would you characterize Al Shabaab’s relationship with Al Qaeda 

and affiliates? With the Islamic State? How does the Obama administration assess 

the impact of Ahmed Godane’s death on the organization? 

Answer. Al-Shabaab is an affiliate of al-Qaeda, an organization to which it 

pledged allegiance in 2012 and from which it receives funding, weapons, and other 

resources via al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula based in Yemen. Al-Shabaab senior 

leaders appear to remain loyal to al-Qaeda, which has also been known to train alShabaab operatives and fighters. We are aware of reports that indicate that ISIL 

is openly and actively challenging al-Shabaab’s affiliation with al-Qaeda through 

videos posted on social media. At this time, we are not aware of credible evidence 

to suggest that ISIL has established a branch or affiliate in Somalia. Al-Shabaab 

senior leaders reportedly view the prospect of ISIL’s presence in Somalia as a threat 

to its influence and ideology in East Africa. We are watching these developments 

closely with the understanding that the threat environment in Somalia is dynamic. 

The death of the former emir Godane in September 2014 dealt a significant blow 

to al-Shabaab. Godane was one of the architects of al-Shabaab’s strategy to expand 

its operations to the region and target AMISOM troop contributing countries such 

as Uganda, Kenya, and Djibouti. As in other cases, al-Shabaab chose another emir 

shortly after Godane’s death and continued to conduct attacks within Somalia and 

elsewhere in the region. The new emir appears intent on continuing Godane’s legacy 

of conducting deadly attacks throughout Somalia and Kenya, and apparently has a 

strategy to increase pressure on AMISOM. Godane’s death created a temporary disruption in al-Shabaab’s ability to operate, but the group remains a resilient and potent threat to stability in East Africa. 

Question. What are Al Shabaab’s primary sources of revenue today? To what extent does diversion of humanitarian aid by Al Shabaab continue to be a problem? 

Answer. Since losing control of major seaports such as Kismayo and Baraawe, alShabaab no longer has access to vast amounts of charcoal to generate revenue. We 

are aware of reports indicating that the group continues to benefit indirectly from 

illicit charcoal trade in southern Somalia, but it is far less than previous estimates 

that suggested that al-Shabaab received tens of millions of dollars annually from 

charcoal shipments. Al-Shabaab continues to accumulate revenue from illegal tax 

collection, checkpoints, and extortion from local communities. The group also benefits from smuggling operations that involve sugar, livestock, and other commodities 

throughout the region. 

While there is always a risk of diversion as long as al-Shabaab remains active, 

we do not have evidence of substantial diversion of humanitarian resources. USAID 

and its implementing partners have due diligence procedures in place to carefully 

track and account for their assistance and to ensure it reaches the intended beneficiaries. 

Question. What are your security concerns for your post? How can we be of assistance? 

Answer. (SBU) Mogadishu is a dangerous place, and the Department has taken 

several critical steps needed to enhance our security posture. For example, the facility used for temporarily housing our staff has been erected with enhanced physical 

security features. The Department has put in place regulations meant to safeguard 

our diplomats: while in Mogadishu, we remain within the confines of the Mogadishu 

International Airport (MIA), two Regional Security Officers accompany staff when 

traveling, Chief of Mission personnel only utilize chartered flights into Somalia and 

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are not permitted to transit MIA’s commercial terminal, and staff are issued security tracking technologies to capture real-time whereabouts. 

As MIA is the hub of engagement for the international community in Mogadishu, 

the Department is identifying resources to help strengthen MIA perimeter and operational security. Bolstering security at MIA will enhance the safety and security of 

our staff when they are on the ground in Mogadishu. Additional resources to shoreup security, facility, and airport upgrades would provide the Department with an 

enhanced and more secure platform from which to work at MIA, until conditions 

permit a fully functional long-term diplomatic facility in the future. 

Question. Please describe the respective roles of AFRICOM, State Department security contractors, and AMISOM troop contributing countries in implementing U.S. 

security assistance to the Somali military. 

Answer. Currently, State Department contractors and grantees funded under the 

Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) account are implementing a range of activities, to 

include provision of equipment and supplies, stipends, and training for SNA forces. 

The Danab Advanced Infantry Battalion, which received basic training and equipment through State contract personnel, has been selected to take part in additional 

advanced training implemented by U.S. military personnel, as well as receive more 

advanced equipment. This more advanced assistance is funded under Section 2282 

of the National Defense Authorization Act. U.S. military personnel are also implementing improvements to the training camp for Danab, which is funded through the 

PKO account. We expect DoD to continue to play a significant role in implementation of assistance for the SNA, both through Section 2282 and under the PKO account. State and DoD policy and program staff coordinate closely on all security assistance programming for Somalia, both through weekly video teleconferences and 

bi-monthly in-person synchronization meetings. These meetings are designed to ensure that all parties have full visibility on each other’s projects, and that efforts are 

fully synchronized and complementary. 

Question. How is the United States engaging with other donors on security assistance and how is it coordinated and overseen? 

Answer. The primary mechanism for U.S. engagement on security sector reform 

with key partners has been through the New Deal Compact for Somalia. Mission 

Somalia co-leads the New Deal Working Group on Security (PSG 2), in conjunction 

with the Governments of Turkey and Somalia. PSG 2 largely focuses on coordinating assistance and support to build a cohesive, unified Somali National Army 

(SNA). PSG 2 regularly convenes at the technical level to identify key areas of support for donor assistance. 

A top security sector priority for the United States has been the integration of 

clan militias into a national army structure as the state formation began to formalize. The United States works closely with the UK, AMISOM Troop Contributing 

Countries, Turkey, and recently the UAE, through small group meetings to streamline support to SNA. Additionally, through the Department of Defense’s Military Coordination Cell, the United States maintains a five-person staff at MIA to advise 

and assist AMISOM and SNA; they also engage daily with donor country military 

liaisons. 

During the February 23-24 High Level Partnership Forum-the New Deal’s ministerial-level conference-the international community made a strong plea for the 

FGS to provide an overarching security architecture plan to streamline and coordinate donor assistance to rebuild Somalia security forces. This master plan is a key 

component that will lay the foundation for Somalia’s security services and better coordinate assistance from the international community. 

Question. The President has provided a full waiver for Somalia from sanctions 

under the Child Soldiers Protection Act of 2008. Do you agree with the President’s 

decision? What is the Somali government doing to ensure that its forces do not include child soldiers? 

Answer. I agree with the President’s determination that it is in the national interest to grant a full waiver of CSPA restrictions to Somalia. The full waiver for Somalia is intended to allow the United States to assist counterterrorism efforts and support the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) as it works to build a more stable 

and secure future for Somalis. 

The FGS has taken limited but continued steps towards implementing its UNbacked child soldier action plan, including the establishment of a dedicated Child 

Protection Unit (CPU), which is partially funded by the United States. The CPU is 

operational and conducts training on prevention and participating in screening efforts. If confirmed, I will work with the FGS and the U.N. to urge additional actions 

to prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers and to demobilize, rehabilitate, 

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and reintegrate children identified in the Somali National Army or associated 

groups, or children previously associated with al-Shabaab. 

Question. In 2014, AMISOM soldiers from Uganda and Burundi were accused of 

sexually exploiting and abusing Somali women in Mogadishu. What steps have been 

taken to investigate and discipline those responsible? Has this led to the suspension 

of U.S. assistance to any units under human rights vetting procedures? 

Answer. The United States takes allegations of human rights abuses against 

AMISOM extremely seriously, and the Department condemns such acts unequivocally wherever they take place. The United States immediately engaged with the 

African Union and the Governments of Uganda and Burundi to encourage them to 

undertake a credible and transparent investigation into the allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse. The United States supported the AU and Troop Contributing 

Countries (TCCs) in conducting a full investigation of those implicated. We have not 

suspended U.S. assistance to TCCs based on sexual exploitation or abuse allegations. In cases where we have found credible evidence of sexual exploitation or 

abuse, the units in question had already rotated out of AMISOM and were no longer 

receiving U.S. assistance. 

Question. Human rights groups suggest that civilian casualties due to AMISOM 

operations have increased recently. Does the State Department consider these allegations to be valid? How does the State Department go about validating or invalidating such reports? How is the AU responding? 

Answer. We are deeply concerned regarding reports of civilian casualties. While 

we would be hesitant to support a generalized statement that civilian casualties 

have increased recently, and would prefer to comment on specific alleged incidents 

when discussing validity, there are credible reports of civilian casualties caused by 

AMISOM. We take all such claims very seriously, and seek to validate them to the 

best of our ability. Sources used to establish the validity of such reports include 

NGO reporting, media sources, Somali officials and interlocutors, sensitive internal 

U.S. government reporting, discussions with African Union leadership, and discussions with our AMISOM partners themselves. 

We saw AMISOM take positive steps in regard to accountability in reaction to the 

killing of civilians by AU forces in the town of Merka on July 31, 2015. AMISOM 

engaged in an investigatory process that resulted in the indictment of three Ugandan AMISOM personnel for these killings. We will continue to urge the AU and 

TCCs to investigate all reported civilian deaths, and to hold perpetrators accountable for human rights and international humanitarian law violations. 

RESPONSES OF KELLY KEIDERLING-FRANZ, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

ORIENTAL REPUBLIC OF URUGUAY, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KEIDERLING-FRANZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Throughout my career, I have advocated for democratic institutions, for 

freedom of speech, of opinion, of assembly and of religion, and have defended human 

rights. During my assignment in recently independent Kyrgyzstan, for example, we 

organized exchanges to highlight good governance, the workings of a free press, and 

the relationship between the state and organized religion. In Cuba, we explained 

U.S. elections and specifically the value of free, responsible media work. In Venezuela, my team and I met regularly with pro-democracy activists, independent 

media, and human rights workers to understand and give voice to their concerns, 

and to advocate in favor of the universality of political-civil rights and equal treatment for all people. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Uruguay? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Uruguay? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. Uruguay is one of the most ardent supporters of human rights in the 

Western Hemisphere. In fact, Uruguay is consistently ranked as the top country in 

the region for the protection of LGBT, civil, and political rights. Uruguay has held 

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the top spot in social inclusion for three years running in the Americas Quarterly 

Social Inclusion Index. Impressive as Uruguay’s human rights record is, there is 

still work to be done. Human trafficking in and through Uruguay continues to be 

a concern, as is discrimination against Afro-Uruguayans. 

If confirmed, I would continue to support the Uruguayan government’s efforts to 

combat human trafficking and racial discrimination. I would encourage the Government of Uruguay to vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict human traffickers; 

to pass and enact a comprehensive anti-trafficking law; to increase funding for and 

the provision of protection and specialized services for all victims of trafficking, especially shelters; and to improve data collection on anti-trafficking law enforcement 

efforts. I would engage the Afro-Uruguayan population, seek way to develop civil society structures, and work with the Government of Uruguay to address discrimination. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Uruguay in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy 

in general? 

Answer. I understand there are several obstacles in overcoming human trafficking 

and discrimination in Uruguay. Although upgraded to Tier 2 from Tier 2 Watch List 

in the 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report, Uruguay still faces significant national 

hurdles in curtailing human trafficking and does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. The Uruguayan government is 

making significant efforts to comply with these standards. The lack of accurate data 

on trafficking investigations, prosecutions, and convictions makes it difficult to assess the government’s overall anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts. Government 

funding for victim services, particularly housing, continues to be inadequate. The 

Government of Uruguay could continue to improve its anti-trafficking efforts 

through more accurate data collection and the expansion of government funding for 

and provision of victim services. 

Despite the Government of Uruguay’s efforts to combat racial intolerance, AfroUruguayans continue to face discrimination. Uruguay’s Afro-Uruguayan minority, 

estimated to be eight percent of the population, has historically faced discrimination 

and is underrepresented in government, academia, and in the middle and upper 

echelons of the private sector. If confirmed, I would continue to advance U.S. Embassy Montevideo’s social inclusion programs, including targeted outreach to the 

Afro-Uruguayan community and helping the community gain 21st century skills for 

economic advancement. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the United States and with local human 

rights NGOs in Uruguay? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security 

assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. Creating relationships with leaders in human rights, civil society, and 

NGOs is necessary for any diplomat to be truly effective. If confirmed, I would engage both U.S. and Uruguayan civil society leaders and make the advancement of 

human rights and social justice a pillar of our bilateral relationship. I would also 

commit to applying the Leahy Law to our security assistance and cooperation activities. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Uruguay to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Uruguay? 

Answer. Since return to civilian rule in 1984, Uruguay has accomplished one of 

Latin America’s most successful transitions to democracy. Uruguay ranks high in 

good governance, openness, and the rule of law. Freedom House gave Uruguay a 98 

out of a 100 score in their 2016 Freedom in the World Report. Uruguay does not 

have political prisoners. If confirmed, I would lead the embassy team in working 

with Uruguay on regional human rights issues, including political prisoners. 

Question. Will you engage with Uruguay on matters of human rights, civil rights, 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Uruguay plays a leadership role in regional and international institutions 

and has been a vocal advocate for democratic governance in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I would further engage Uruguay to protect human rights in 

the region and advocate on behalf of democratic governance. 

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Question. President Vazquez and his administration have shown important leadership on issues of human rights and democracy in the region. He joined President 

Obama at the Summit of the Americas in a meeting with Cuban activists. And, his 

administration has expressed its concern about the political, economic, and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. What steps will you take to work with President Vazquez 

and his government on these critically important issues? 

Answer. Uruguay willingly plays a leadership role in regional and international 

institutions and is a vocal advocate for democratic governance in Latin America. 

Uruguay’s former foreign minister, Luis Almagro, is currently Secretary General of 

the OAS and is outspoken in defending the principles of the Inter-American Democratic Charter and universal human rights in OAS member states, most notably 

Venezuela. Acting in its current role as President pro tempore of UNASUR, Uruguay negotiated and implemented the sole electoral ‘‘accompaniment’’ mission sanctioned by the Venezuelan government for its December 6 legislative elections. If confirmed, I would continue to work with the Uruguayan government to address issues 

of human rights and democratic governance throughout the hemisphere. 

Question. Now that Uruguay has a temporary seat on the U.N. Security Council, 

how can the United States better cooperate with Uruguay on these issues? 

Answer. In January 2016, Uruguay assumed a non-permanent, two-year seat on 

the U.N. Security Council for the first time in 50 years. During this term, Uruguay 

represents the Latin America and Caribbean Group. Uruguay simultaneously became Chair of the UNSC for the month of January.Uruguay’s priorities for its 2016- 

2017 term include peacekeeping issues—particularly protection of civilians (PoC)— 

conflict prevention, and issues affecting Uruguay’s geographic region, like supporting Colombia and Haiti. As UNSC chair, Uruguay has hosted open debates on 

the PoC theme and on the Middle East. Uruguay continues to play an outsized leadership role in U.N. peacekeeping as the largest contributor of peacekeeping forces 

in Latin America and host of the regional U.N. peacekeeping conference in May 

2015. These priorities coincide with American values and policies and present an opportunity to work with Uruguay on issues of mutual interest. If confirmed, I would 

work with Uruguay on these and other issues on the global agenda, especially on 

multilateral efforts to prevent and resolve international conflicts and oversee peacekeeping initiatives. 

Question. As you know, Uruguayan contributions to U.N. peacekeeping missions 

such as those in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Haiti have been of tremendous value within the international community. In your view, how else can the 

United States and Uruguay continue to cooperate on foreign policy issues of mutual 

interest? 

Answer. The United States appreciates the significant contribution Uruguay 

makes to global peacekeeping operations. With over 1,400 peacekeepers deployed, 

Uruguay is the second-largest Latin American contributor to peacekeeping operations. Uruguay’s leadership in the region includes joint-deployment agreements 

with other countries and leadership training at its national peacekeeping school. If 

confirmed, I hope to work with the Uruguayan government in facilitating U.N. 

peacekeeping missions.Uruguay also hosted a regional peacekeeping preparatory 

conference in May 2015 and President Vazquez co-hosted with President Obama a 

Leaders’ Summit on Peacekeeping at UNGA in September 2015. If confirmed, I 

would seek opportunities to advance these global conversations, as well as continue 

current U.S. efforts to support the Uruguayan military in peacekeeping operations. 

Question. Since taking office for a second term, President Vazquez has expressed 

his desire to continue forging closer relations with the United States by strengthening and building upon the various bilateral cooperation mechanisms that are currently in place. If confirmed, what do you consider to be key priorities to strengthen 

the bilateral relationship with Uruguay? 

Answer. Our bilateral relations with Uruguay are strong and rooted in common 

values. In recent years, we have made great progress deepening the relationship 

through cooperation on political, economic, and defense issues, as well as through 

educational and cultural exchanges. With its strong democratic processes and respect for fundamental freedoms, Uruguay is a model for the region and the world. 

If confirmed, I would look to strengthen our already robust bilateral relationship 

with Uruguay. 

Peacekeeping operations is one priority of the bilateral relationship. The United 

States appreciates the significant contribution Uruguay makes to global peacekeeping operations. Uruguay is the second-largest Latin American contributor of 

peacekeepers to U.N. missions and co-hosted the U.N. Summit on Peacekeeping in 

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September 2015. If confirmed, I would continue our close cooperation with Uruguay 

on U.N. mission support for peacekeeping and protection-of-civilians issues. 

Bilateral trade with Uruguay is steadily expanding, totaling over $2 billion in 

2014, with U.S. exports to Uruguay reaching $1.6 billion. There are approximately 

130 U.S. companies operating in Uruguay with more than 20,000 employees. The 

United States is the fourth largest investor in Uruguay and U.S. investment increased significantly in the past decade to its current $1.3 billion total. If confirmed, 

I would ensure a level playing field for U.S. corporations conducting business in 

Uruguay. I will also look to identify new opportunities for trade and investment for 

U.S. companies in Uruguay. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KEIDERLING-FRANZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. El Pais newspaper has reported that radical Islam in Uruguay is a 

‘‘growing problem.’’ According to news reports there have been threats to the Israeli 

embassy in Montevideo. There was also a confirmed case of a Jewish individual who 

was stabbed by an Islamic radical. If confirmed, how would you address this growing problem in Uruguay? 

Answer. Uruguayan security services investigated several suspicious packages 

found in the vicinity of the office building in which the Israeli embassy is located 

in Montevideo. Uruguayan authorities are also investigating the recent stabbing of 

a member of Uruguay’s Jewish community, including working to determine whether 

the stabbing was a terrorist attack or a hate crime. These cases are disturbing, 

merit attention, and are contrary to Uruguay’s long-standing tradition of tolerance. 

If confirmed, I will work with the Uruguayan government to address any instances 

of violent extremism and hate crimes, including through law enforcement information-sharing and training. 

Question. Multiple Senators have requested information concerning the six former 

Guantanamo Bay detainees who were transferred to Uruguay. Despite repeated 

briefings the administration has yet to provide the requested information in writing 

on the specific commitments the Government of Uruguay made concerning the monitoring of the former detainees. 

♦ Please provide all requested information on what specific agreements were 

made between the United States Government and Government of Uruguay on 

monitoring the former detainees. 

♦ Also, when will the former Guantanamo Bay detainees be eligible for documents 

that will allow them to travel outside of Uruguay and beyond Mercosur? 

Answer. The Department appreciates Congress’s important oversight responsibilities on these transfers and is committed to providing information to enable the Foreign Relations Committee to perform that function. We would be happy to brief you 

and your staff on any outstanding questions you may have. That said, the Department across two administrations has consistently informed Congress, and represented to U.S. courts, that disclosing these diplomatic assurances would have a 

chilling effect on foreign governments’ willingness to cooperate on detainee transfers. 

Accordingly, these sensitive diplomatic communications, containing foreign government information, are kept to a limited Executive branch dissemination. Indeed, 

foreign governments have noted that disclosure outside of this limited dissemination 

could endanger future cooperation related to detainee transfers, which would harm 

cooperative efforts to mitigate any threat posed by transferred detainees.I understand that the Department and Embassy Montevideo are working closely with the 

Uruguayan government on security and other issues surrounding these detainees. 

If confirmed, I would continue to work with the Government of Uruguay to ensure 

the long-term success of these efforts. I would also work with the Department to 

keep your office informed of developments regarding the detainees. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KEIDERLING-FRANZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please briefly describe your vision for taking on a new role as the U.S. 

Ambassador to Uruguay. What are your priorities and goals? What challenges do 

you foresee? 

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Answer. Our bilateral relations with Uruguay are strong and rooted in common 

values. In recent years, we have made great progress in deepening the relationship 

through cooperation on political, economic, law enforcement, and defense issues, as 

well as through educational and professional exchanges. With its strong democratic 

processes and respect for fundamental freedoms, Uruguay is a good model for the 

region and the world. 

If confirmed, I would increase economic prosperity for U.S. citizens and Uruguayans through trade and investment, the promotion of renewable energy technologies, educational exchanges, and 21st century skills such as entrepreneurship, 

English language, and scientific research to provide opportunities for our youth. 

If confirmed, I would expand global security in partnership with Uruguay, supporting Uruguayan international peacekeeping operations and our joint law enforcement and rule-of-law goals in fighting drug smuggling and human trafficking, countering violent extremism, stopping illicit financial flows, sharing information on 

international criminal networks, and working together on cyber issues. 

In seeking to defend human rights and advance democratic governance, I would 

work together with Uruguay to defend international, democratic norms; advocate for 

universal freedoms; and advance social justice in our hemisphere and globally. 

Question. How do you feel your past experience, as well as your current position 

as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Educational and Cultural 

Affairs have prepared you to take on this new role? 

As a Foreign Service Officer since 1988, with a sub-specialty in public diplomacy, 

I have successfully promoted U.S. interests and values on three continents, helped 

shape decisions and policies in various offices at the State Department, advocated 

U.S. policies to foreign audiences, built and led diverse embassy teams, and, in the 

Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, managed a team of almost 500 people 

and a budget of almost $600 million. I have served as deputy chief of mission twice, 

including as charge d’affaires during a complicated time in Venezuela. With previous service in eight embassies, I have experience on a range of foreign policy 

issues, from defending human rights and explaining the role of the free press, to 

creating a level playing field for U.S. companies and advocating for environmentally 

sustainable economic policies. 

Question. Uruguay was the first Latin American country to offer full resettlement 

to Syrian refugees, and they accepted 42 Syrians in late 2014. However, due to the 

extremely small Muslim population in Uruguay, some say these refugees have 

struggled to successfully integrate despite receiving housing, healthcare, education, 

and financial support. If confirmed, would you engage with the refugee population? 

If so, how? How do you recommend the government improve relations with its refugee population? 

Answer. We appreciate Uruguay’s commitment to accept five Syrian families, 42 

people in total, for resettlement in October 2014. While the Uruguayan government 

has faced challenges meeting the needs of these families, it pledged to provide these 

families two years of housing, health and educational assistance, and Spanish 

courses. Additionally, in 2015, the Embassy supported an International Visitor 

Leadership Program for Uruguayan officials on the topic of refugee resettlement. If 

confirmed, I would look for additional ways to support the integration of the refugees into the Uruguayan population and make the case for assistance to support the 

very large, global population of refugees and displaced persons. 

Question. In its 2015 Trafficking in Persons Report, the U.S. State Department 

rated Uruguay a Tier 2 country, stating that the Uruguayan government ‘‘does not 

fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.’’ Do you 

agree with the State Department’s assessment? How would you recommend engaging with the government to influence change on this front? 

Answer. Uruguay was ranked Tier 2 in the 2015 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, which means that the Government of Uruguay does not fully comply with the 

minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but it is making significant 

efforts to do so. The State Department’s assessment reflects that while the Government of Uruguay has taken important steps to combat human trafficking, including 

identifying and assisting an increased number of potential foreign sex trafficking 

victims and achieving the country’s first reported conviction for labor trafficking, 

much work remains to be done. 

If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of Uruguay to vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers; to pass and enact a comprehensive antitrafficking law; to increase funding for protection and specialized services for all victims of trafficking; and to improve data collection on anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts. 

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I would also carefully oversee the implementation of a new, three-year State Department counter-trafficking project. This project would create three regional 

counter-trafficking committees outside the Uruguayan capital. These committees 

would work to promote political will and boost the commitment to counter trafficking from local governmental authorities—including strengthening the knowledge 

and skills of key stakeholders on how to screen, identify, refer and assist victims 

of trafficking. The project would also establish a network among representatives of 

these committees to coordinate efforts nationally. 

Question. Uruguay suffered serious economic crisis between 1999 and 2002 due 

to spillover economic problems in Argentina and Brazil. Those same nations again 

are facing economic hardship this year. To what extent does the Uruguayan economy remain vulnerable to regional economic instability? What is your assessment 

of the Vasquez administration’s efforts to address Uruguay’s slowing economic 

growth? 

Answer. Since the economic crisis from 1999 until 2002, Uruguay has taken steps 

to diversify its economy. Uruguay avoided a recession in the wake of the global financial crisis. Strong commodity prices played a large role in Uruguay’s economic 

success, but its economy also benefits from transparency and a strong legal framework. 

However, Uruguay remains vulnerable to regional instability as Argentina and 

Brazil remain major investment and trading partners. Following the 2002 crisis, 

Uruguay implemented numerous measures to reduce exposure to its neighbors. It 

greatly improved its debt management, significantly strengthened its banking sector, diversified its exports markets, and expanded its service sector to further diversify the economy. 

Uruguay’s economy has cooled significantly, with estimated growth of about 1 percent for 2015 and 2016. The IMF expects Uruguay to perform better than its neighbors in the coming year. The Vazquez administration has developed a significant 

cushion of international reserves and is pursing policies to boost trade and investment, implementing a major public investment plan and trimming government 

spending. It has also made advancing trade and commercial discussions with Chile, 

Colombia, Peru, and Mexico a priority, with an eye toward integration with the Pacific Alliance and other trade blocs. 

President Vazquez is interested in expanding trade and investment with the 

United States. Uruguay’s strategic geographic location and business-friendly trade 

regimes, including free trade zones, make it a good distribution center for U.S. exports into the region. Within the framework of the National Export Initiative (NEI), 

Uruguay can play an important role in assisting and facilitating U.S. exports to the 

much larger surrounding markets of Argentina and Brazil. Moving forward, Uruguay represents a significant opportunity in diverse areas such as petroleum and 

natural gas, renewable energy, tourism, education, and other services for U.S. companies. 

Question. Do the six men formerly detained at Guantanamo Bay who were granted refugee status by Uruguay pose any threat to the United States or its citizens? 

Are there any mechanisms in place to monitor the former detainees or prevent their 

travel outside of Uruguay? 

Answer. In 2009-2010, a rigorous interagency process reviewed all reasonably 

available information concerning the detainees at Guantanamo Bay and determined 

that some detainees—including the six transferred to Uruguay—should be transferred subject to appropriate security measures. An interagency Task Force assembled large volumes of information from across the government relevant to determining the proper disposition of each detainee. Task Force members examined this 

information critically, giving careful consideration to the threat posed by the detainees, the reliability of the underlying information, and the interests of national security. 

U.S. government officials undertook detailed, specific conversations with Uruguay 

about the potential threat that each detainee under consideration for transfer to 

Uruguay may pose after transfer and the measures that Uruguay would take in 

order to sufficiently mitigate that threat, and to ensure humane treatment. After 

receiving assurances from the Government of Uruguay, representatives from the Departments of State, Defense, Justice, Homeland Security, Joint Chiefs of Staff, and 

the Office of the Director of National Intelligence unanimously concurred in the 

transfer of the six detainees to Uruguay. This decision reflected the best predictive 

judgment of senior government officials that any threat that may be posed by the 

detainee could be sufficiently mitigated through feasible and appropriate security 

measures in Uruguay. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Now that the detainees are in Uruguay, I understand that the Department and 

Embassy Montevideo work closely with the Uruguayan government on a range of 

issues surrounding the detainees, including matters related to the security of the 

United States. If confirmed, I would continue that close cooperation with the Government of Uruguay to ensure the long-term success of these efforts. I would also 

work with the Department to keep Congress informed of developments regarding 

the detainees. As has been the Department’s practice, we would be happy to brief 

you and your staff on any outstanding questions you may have. 

RESPONSES OF MARK SOBEL, NOMINATED TO BE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS, TO QUESTIONS FROM

MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE SOBEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The IMF Executive Board recently approved a rule change that appears 

to allow for exceptional access loans when debt is not sustainable with high probability under the meaning of the original exceptional access program and there is 

no contagion risk, if the Board finds there is re-profiling of a borrower’s debt. The 

new policy further allows, in ‘‘tail event cases,’’ the ability to forgo reprofiling if the 

risk of contagion is high and other official creditors’ terms are sufficiently flexible. 

Presumably, under the new policy, those creditors might not even be required to 

make any concessions. For example, the IMF notes that: 

In these rare cases, the IMF could still provide large-scale financing without a debt operation, but would require that its official partners also provide financing on terms sufficiently favorable to backstop debt sustainability and safeguard IMF resources. This could be done through assurances that the terms of the financing provided by other official creditors 

could be modified in the future if needed. 

While flexibility is important, please explain how the new policy for exceptional 

access lending upholds the intent of the second exceptional access criterion (high 

probability of debt sustainability), particularly in ‘‘tail event’’ cases. What kinds of 

‘‘assurances’’ would be acceptable so as to allow for lending to occur and how would 

those assurances be enforced? 

Answer. In mid-January of this year, the IMF Executive Board adopted Managing 

Director Lagarde’s proposed reforms to the IMF provisions for exceptional access to 

Fund resources. A key aspect of these reforms was the elimination of the ‘‘systemic 

exemption’’ by which exceptional access could be provided when there was a high 

risk of international systemic spillovers despite significant doubts regarding the 

prospects for debt sustainability. Subsequent to the repeal of the systemic exemption, the United States consented to the 2010 IMF quota and governance reforms, 

doubling IMF quota resources and confirming our commitment to the IMF. 

In putting forward the proposal, the Fund was concerned that requiring a debt 

restructuring in the case of a country with debt that was not sustainable with a 

high probability could be highly disruptive to the member and its creditors. In such 

cases, the Fund indicated it could stand ready to provide exceptional access if the 

country secured participation from its creditors on terms that would improve its 

debt sustainability and enhance safeguards for Fund resources through, for example, market borrowing if the country still had market access, debt reprofiling, agreements by creditors to maintain exposures, or the extension of bilateral assistance. 

This is a clear departure from the systemic exemption which did not address debt 

sustainability concerns or provide safeguards for IMF lending. If I am confirmed as 

Executive Director, I will look closely at any such loans to ensure they do not prolong an unsustainable debt situation in a country and ensure the safety of the U.S. 

investment in the IMF. I will also work with Treasury to provide Congress timely 

notification and justification of our position on proposed exceptional access loans 

consistent with legislation. 

As you note, the Management’s policy proposal allows the IMF some flexibility, 

particularly in the case of a tail-risk event. In these rare cases, exceptional access 

loans could be provided by the IMF only if accompanied by financing from other official creditors. Moreover, financing from these other creditors must be provided on 

terms sufficient to backstop debt sustainability and safeguard IMF resources. 

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906 

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE SOBEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. IMF Reform: The United States championed the 2010 IMF quota and 

governance reforms, but Congress didn’t approve them until December of last year. 

Last year we heard from IMF Managing Director Lagarde that the delay was seriously affecting the IMF. 

♦ Has this had any lingering effect on U.S. leadership in the IMF? 

♦ Can you explain how increasing emerging market representation at the IMF 

serves U.S. interests? 

Answer. Emerging markets are playing an increasingly prominent role in the 

global economic and financial landscape. Their weight in the global economy has increased substantially to near or over half (depending on the measure), and they 

have accounted for the bulk of growth in the last decade. 

The IMF provides a multilateral framework for the global economy. Regionalism 

will always exist—the United States trades heavily with Mexico and Canada due 

to their proximity. But it is clearly in the U.S. interest to bind all countries in the 

world into the multilateral framework, of which the IMF is at the center, especially 

as the United States helped to create the Fund and establish its values. In that regard, the Fund has consistently from its inception supported U.S. economic and 

strategic interests. 

We cannot bind countries into the multilateralist framework if the Fund is not 

modernized to reflect the evolution of the world economy. If we are unable to modernize the Fund and accord emerging markets a stronger voice, they will drift away 

from multilateralism and instead emphasize regional solutions which could be detrimental to U.S. interests. While there is no dearth of infrastructure needs in the 

world, we saw such drift to some extent reflected in the creation of the AIIB, Silk 

Road, and the BRICs Bank. 

For the past decade, the United States has consistently supported the emerging 

markets carrying a greater weight in the IMF. The United States spearheaded the 

launch of quota and governance reforms in 2006-2008 under the Bush administration, and the Obama administration continued to do so in 2009 at the G20 Pittsburgh Summit and then in finalizing the 2010 reforms. The United States garnered 

tremendous goodwill in the IMF from the emerging markets for these policies. However, the long delays in implementing the 2010 reforms meant that the United 

States lost much of this goodwill and created doubts about America’s willingness to 

lead the IMF. The United States is working to earn back this trust. On the positive 

side, U.S. financial diplomats no longer have to attend international economic and 

financial meetings with this cloud hanging over their heads, and are able to speak 

more forthrightly about a positive U.S. agenda. However, this goodwill cannot be regained overnight. Earning it back will require strong and consistent cooperation in 

the coming years between the Executive and Legislative branches. 

Question. EU Financial Crisis and IMF Reforms: Since the beginning of the financial crisis in 2009, eleven European countries have entered into financial assistance 

programs with the IMF, with commitments over $150 billion. 

♦ How has this affected the IMF’s resources and capacity to respond to other crises? 

♦ Where is the IMF confronting its most serious challenges among those countries? 

♦ If confirmed, are there any aspects in particular of the IMF’s mandate and/or 

procedures that you believe merit review and possible reform? 

Answer. The Fund’s actions in addressing the key European crisis countries, such 

as Greece, Ireland and Portugal-even as Europe assumed the lion’s share of the financing-were indispensable for restoring stability to the global economic and financial system, including preventing potentially serious contagion from reaching U.S. 

shores. 

The Fund’s actions did put pressure on the IMF’s quota resources, which were 

substantially drawn down. However, given the expansion of the New Arrangements 

to Borrow (NAB) decided at the April 2009 G20 London Economic Summit, the IMF 

was also able to draw down resources from the NAB to readily backstop these commitments. Following Congressional approval of the 2010 IMF quota and governance 

reforms, IMF quota resources have doubled and the NAB has returned to its role 

as a an emergency backstop. 

Countries such as Ireland and Cyprus are now on the road to recovery, and Cyprus is benefitting from IMF technical assistance as the leaders of the two commuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

907 

nities on the island negotiate a potential reunification of the island. Iceland and 

Latvia are notable success stories. Hungary is no longer in need of Fund support, 

as is the case with other Central and Eastern European countries. Spain strengthened its banking system with European funds and IMF technical support. Portugal 

continues to face large debt and slow growth, but has adopted numerous reforms 

and is not facing market stresses. Notably, both Ireland and Portugal have made 

payments ahead of schedule on their exceptional access loans from the Fund. 

Obviously, the situation in Greece remains the most challenging, both for Europe 

and the IMF. Europe and the IMF are seeking to design an economic program for 

Greece that established a road to sustainability and growth, built on Greek reforms, 

appropriate conditionality and necessary debt relief from Europe. Working out the 

scope and magnitude of the policy reforms and debt relief involves trade-offs, which 

are still being discussed. The United States continues to urge Greece to stay on the 

path of reform as well as the Europeans and IMF to work closely together in designing a reform path with strong European debt relief, in order to help restore growth 

and jobs in the Greek economy. 

Throughout my career, I have seen first-hand the IMF’s strengths. Its ability to 

act as the world’s first and rapid crisis responder is an unparalleled global public 

good, as is its excellence in designing and supporting country reform programs. The 

IMF brings together officials from around the world, creating a culture of shared 

understanding. It fosters multilateral rules of the road. Its technical assistance 

helps countries build the infrastructure for more robust economic policies. The IMF’s 

surveillance can help prevent crises. 

But despite the Fund’s strengths, the organization—like any other—has room for 

improvement, for example, in better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle 

modest global growth, addressing global rebalancing and exchange rate issues, 

strengthening its work on crisis prevention and debt sustainability, supporting propoor spending in low income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. In addition, corruption can be extremely corrosive to societies and economies—the Fund should strengthen its engagement, consistent with its mandate, in 

combating corruption. 

Question. China and the IMF: With the yuan set to become part of the SDR basket of currencies, what are the advantages and costs to China of that new status? 

Answer. For inclusion in the SDR basket, China needed to meet the criteria of 

being a large exporter (which it met handily) and a country whose currency was 

widely used and traded in principal global exchange markets. On the financial criteria, the RMB’s international financial role is still very modest, but it is rising off 

of a low base. As part of the process of entry into the SDR basket, China put forward a number of helpful reforms—it joined the IMF’s Special Data Dissemination 

Standard (SDDS), began to provide data on cross-border financial activities to the 

Bank for International Settlements and report the currency breakdown of its reserve holdings to the IMF, started weekly T-bill auctions to establish a market-determined interest rate, opened the onshore market to global central banks, and expanded the hours for RMB trading to allow the RMB to be more widely traded 

worldwide. 

As such, China’s entry into the SDR basket helped spur financial reform in China. 

Its entry is reflective of the broader need for reforms to liberalize the Chinese economic and financial system, and shift resources from a heavily driven investment 

economy, which emphasizes the role of state owned enterprises, to an economy driven by consumers and services. Many of the strongest advocates for economic liberalization in China saw the RMB’s entry into the SDR basket as a means of spurring 

reform. 

The financial reforms China undertook to join the SDR basket, as well as the reforms it is implementing more generally, will help integrate China more closely into 

the global economic and financial system—and its multilateral rules—going forward. 

Further, these reforms will create pressures for more liberalization and reform, as 

well as integration into the global economy. These are positive developments. However, as much as one hopes financial liberalization will proceed seamlessly and 

smoothly, bouts of volatility and spillovers to the rest of the global economy can be 

expected. 

DIRECTOR-DESIGNATE SOBEL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please briefly describe your vision for taking on a new role as the U.S. 

Executive Director to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). 

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Answer. Throughout my career, I have seen first-hand the IMF’s strengths. Its 

ability to act as the world’s first and rapid economic and financial crisis responder 

is an unparalleled global public good, as is its excellence in designing and supporting country economic reform programs. The IMF brings together officials from 

around the world, creating a culture of shared understanding and responsibility. It 

fosters multilateral rules of the road. Its technical assistance helps countries build 

the infrastructure for more robust economic policies. The IMF’s surveillance can 

help prevent crises. 

But despite the Fund’s strengths, the organization—like any other—has room for 

improvement, for example, in better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle 

modest global growth, addressing global rebalancing and exchange rate issues, 

strengthening its work on crisis prevention and debt sustainability, supporting propoor spending in low income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. I also believe that the IMF, consistent with its mandate, should aggressively 

tackle corruption and promote good governance. 

I believe firmly in tenaciously defending U.S. interests and in advancing 

multilateralism, as well as in working pragmatically and collegially, with analytic 

rigor, and in a non-partisan manner. I also believe in the IMF’s mission and that 

our nation’s leadership of the IMF is critical. Those beliefs have guided my career. 

If confirmed as U.S. Executive Director, I will work vigorously to continue to 

strengthen and improve the IMF, consistent with those beliefs. I will dedicate myself to doing my utmost to work with Congress to help forge a stronger consensus 

in our country in support of the IMF and its critical global role. 

Question. How do you feel your current position as Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

the Treasury for International Monetary and Financial Policy has prepared you to 

take on this new role? 

Answer. Throughout my career, I have worked on issues directly or indirectly relating to U.S. participation in the IMF, be it IMF policy and financing issues or 

country programs. I did so earlier in my career as the Director of the Treasury 

International Monetary Policy Office and theTransition Economy Office, and as the 

senior staff member of the U.S. Executive Director’s Office at the IMF. 

As Deputy Assistant Secretary (DAS) for the International Monetary and Financial Policy, I played a pivotal staff role in overseeing U.S. relations with the IMF. 

Further, during the 2001 and 2009 transitions, I was designated to be the Acting 

head of Treasury’s International Affairs Department, and in periods where senior 

officials left government, I also stepped in, frequently representing the United 

States at critical international gatherings, such as those of the G-7 and G20 Deputies. I was also the principal G-20 financial negotiator on communiques for the 

United States, both for the White House and Treasury. 

These experiences gave me a strong background in understanding the technical 

functioning of the IMF and how to be a forceful advocate for the United States and 

effectively advance U.S. interests in the Fund. In all of these capacities, especially 

as DAS, I have worked in a nonpartisan manner with very senior Republican and 

Democratic officials, including Secretaries of Treasury. In particular, I worked closely with Secretaries Summers, O’Neill, Snow, Paulson, Geithner and Lew. 

Question. What is your assessment of the 2010 IMF reforms? Do these changes 

adequately address likely future risks, especially as the IMF may be considering 

large programs from commodity exporters dealing with the decline in oil prices? 

Answer. I believe that the 2010 IMF reforms were not only vital for the health 

and future of the organization, but also reaffirming the U.S. commitment to being 

a leader in the global financial system. The reforms helped put the Fund’s finances 

on a more permanent footing, while also helping to modernize the institution to better reflect the realities of countries’ weights in today’s global economy. These reforms will help sustain the legitimacy of the Fund as they will give dynamic emerging markets, in particular, a greater stake and voice in the Fund, which should bind 

these countries more strongly into the IMF’s multilateral framework, thus reducing 

tendencies to drift into regionalism. 

The global economy faces a number of risks, be it from slow global growth, a slowing Chinese economy, the fall in the price of oil and other commodity prices, financial volatility and stresses, as well as inadequate policy responses. These factors 

may result in added demands for Fund programs and resources in the future. 

The Fund’s financial footing is strong and should allow it to effectively meet likely 

challenges facing the global economy. 

Question. Do you believe these reforms have benefitted the institution? If so, how? 

In your opinion, are other reforms needed? If so, which reforms? Please be specific. 

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Answer. As discussed above in question 3, I do believe that the reforms have benefitted the institution for the reasons put forward. 

The Fund is a dynamic organization. It needs to reflect the realities of the global 

economic and financial system, especially the growing weight of dynamic emerging 

markets in the international monetary and financial systems. As the world economy 

evolves, there will be in time a need for further future evolution in the Fund’s governance structure. In addition, as noted in question #1, there are a number of policy 

areas where I believe the Fund should intensify its focus in order to strengthen its 

performance. These include better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle modest global growth, addressing global rebalancing and exchange rate issues, strengthening its work on crisis prevention and debt sustainability, supporting pro-poor 

spending in low income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. 

I also believe that the IMF, consistent with its mandate, should aggressively tackle 

corruption and promote good governance. 

Question. Some analysts argue that the U.S.’s delayed action on the reform package has damaged U.S. leadership in the institution. Do you agree? How can the U.S. 

maximize its leverage in the IMF? 

Answer. The IMF provides a multilateral framework for the global economy that 

promotes stronger economic policies, supports trade, rejects competitive devaluations, and enhances standards for transparency. Regionalism will always exist— 

the United States trades heavily with Mexico and Canada due to their proximity. 

But it is clearly in the U.S. interest to bind all countries in the world into the multilateral framework, of which the IMF is at the center, especially as the United States 

helped create the Fund and establish its values. In that regard, the Fund has consistently from its inception supported U.S. economic and strategic interests. 

As noted in my response to question 4, we cannot bind countries into the 

multilateralist framework if the Fund is not modernized to reflect the evolution of 

the world economy. Rather, if we are unable to modernize the Fund and accord 

emerging markets a stronger voice, they will drift away from multilateralism and 

instead emphasize regional solutions, with lower standards, which could be detrimental to U.S. interests. While there is no dearth of infrastructure needs in the 

world, we saw such drift to some extent reflected in the creation of the AIIB, Silk 

Road, and the BRICs Bank. 

The United States has for the past decade consistently supported giving emerging 

markets greater weight in the IMF. The United States spearheaded the launch of 

quota and governance reforms in 2006-2008 under the Bush administration, and the 

Obama administration continued to do so in 2009 at the G20 Pittsburgh Summit 

and then in finalizing the 2010 reforms. The United States garnered tremendous 

goodwill in the IMF from the emerging markets for these policies. 

However, the long delays in implementing the 2010 reforms meant that we lost 

much of this goodwill and created doubts about the United States’s willingness to 

lead the IMF. The United States is working to earn back this goodwill. On the positive side, U.S. financial diplomats no longer have to attend international economic 

and financial meetings with this cloud hanging over their heads, and are able to 

speak more forthrightly about a positive U.S. agenda. However, this goodwill cannot 

be regained overnight. Earning it back will require strong and consistent cooperation in the coming years between the Executive and Legislative branches. 

Question. Oil prices have fallen by over 70% since mid-2014, straining the public 

financial sectors of major oil-exporting countries whose budgets depend on oil revenues. In your own words, please describe the IMF’s approach to the drop in global 

oil prices. 

Answer. The Fund can play a critical role in helping countries address financial 

strains through its technical assistance, policy advice (surveillance) and conditional 

lending programs. 

The oil-export countries are not a homogeneous group. For example, some are 

countries with relatively small populations and large financial buffers; others are 

lower-income, more populated and more diverse economies. Obviously, the Fund’s 

analysis and responses will need to be tailored to individual country circumstances. 

That said, the Fund has pursued several paths: 

♦ It has urged oil exporters—especially those countries with sizable buffers that 

have relied heavily on oil revenues—to diversify their economies and to develop 

more robust private sectors, capable of creating jobs for relatively young populations (especially as in the past, much of the demand for job-seekers would 

have been reflected in rising governmental payrolls). 

♦ It is offering its general macroeconomic policy advice—how to manage fiscal, 

monetary, and exchange rate policies given country circumstances. 

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♦ It has strongly urged countries to take advantage of low oil prices and reduce 

energy subsidization, which often places costly strains on budgets, while providing targeted support to the neediest to mitigate the impact of reduced subsidization. 

♦ In all countries, but especially in those cases where countries are drawing down 

heavily on financial buffers (central bank reserves, sovereign wealth funds) to 

finance budget deficits, the Fund is encouraging comprehensive budgetary reviews to find scope for saving and efficiencies, while protecting social safety 

nets. 

♦ For countries needing technical support in managing their economies in light of 

lower oil prices, the IMF is extending its capacity building. 

♦ Of course, if countries need financial support, the Fund stands ready to design 

economic reform programs, backed by the IMF’s resources. 

Question. Some oil-exporters, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Russia, have 

been able to float the market downturn due to sizable buffers in their economies. 

However, other smaller or less stable nations such as Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Venezuela, and Iraq face more immediate and difficult financial decisions. Does the 

IMF’s approach to the global oil market downturn differ for nations in different economic circumstances relating to oil prices? If so, how? If not, should the approach 

differ? 

Answer. Oil exporting country circumstances do indeed vary considerably, and the 

IMF’s approach to oilexporters does take into account the individual circumstances 

of countries, as it should. My response to question 6 addresses these issues. 

Question. Some low-income oil exporters had negative experiences with IMF programs since the 1980’s and 1990’s. Likewise, to date, few oil-exporters have turned 

to the IMF for financial assistance. Are they now hesitant to turn to the IMF, and 

does this pose a threat to economic stability in the global economy? Is it problematic 

if countries like Angola and Nigeria turn to the World Bank for budgetary support, 

as a way to potentially circumvent an IMF program? Or is the World Bank able to 

address these types of circumstances? 

Answer. So far, low-income oil exporting countries have not turned to the IMF. 

The reasons may differ per country, but many have chosen to draw down on buffers, 

implement budgetary measures at home, and/or rely on currency flexibility to act 

as a shock absorber. There may be concerns about ‘‘stigma’’—tapping the IMF—but 

it may also be that countries do not wish to implement the robust reform measures 

that the IMF might seek as part of a financial program. 

The efficacy of budget support depends in part on the health of the macroeconomic 

environment and proper economic incentives. Budget support should not serve to 

delay economic reform, though it can provide breathing space to cushion the impact 

of the adjustment. In these circumstances, strong IMF and World Bank collaboration is essential to ensure that where budget support is being extended, a satisfactory macroeconomic environment is in place. This is an area of core IMF expertise, 

and the IMF clearly assesses the adequacy of a macroeconomic environment for the 

efficacy of World Bank assistance. 

Question. In January 2016, the IMF’s Executive Board removed the ‘‘systemic 

exemption′′, which allowed approval of large scale loans despite debt sustainability 

if there was a high risk that not providing financial assistance would have spillover 

effects. This exemption was effectively replaced by a ‘‘reprofiling’’ of countries’ existing debts in order to keep existing creditors on board by extending debt maturities 

with little loss in market value. Do you feel this is an adequate replacement for addressing global economic emergencies? 

Answer. Europe appropriately provided the lion’s share of the financing to Greece, 

Portugal and Ireland, but the use of the systemic exemption was extremely important in 2010. The situations in those countries could have created far greater and 

more widespread spillover and contagion effects to the global economy, including 

hurting the U.S. economy at the very time it was coming out of the financial crisis. 

Hence, exceptional support to quell possible global market pressures was warranted. 

By 2012, Europe had begun to build up firewalls to support EU members and 

guard against the further spreading of the crisis. The United States supported 

strong debt relief for Greece in 2012, and continues to urge Europe to do so now 

as well. 

Pursuant to the proposal put forward by IMF Management as part of the package 

eliminating the systemic exemption, there was concern that for a country whose 

debt was not sustainable with a high probability, requiring a debt restructuring 

could impose unnecessary costs on the member and its creditors. But the Fund also 

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did not wish to be in a position in which it would carry a disproportionate financial 

burden, especially in the case that the country’s debt sustainability subsequently deteriorated. 

Accordingly, Managing Director Lagarde’s proposal required that in cases where 

debt was not sustainable with a high probability, the country should secure participation from its creditors on terms that would improve its debt sustainability and 

enhance safeguards for Fund resources. The Fund posited that these goals could be 

achieved through a number of means, including market borrowing if the country 

still had market access; debt reprofiling; maintenance of exposure/rollover arrangements; or the extension of official bilateral assistance. 

The proposals represent a significant tightening of the IMF’s overall lending 

framework, aimed at reducing the role of discretion in the provision of exceptional 

access. The United States supported the entirety of the Managing Director’s proposals. 

Question. Are you concerned about recent ‘‘exceptional access’’ at the IMF in 

which countries such as Greece and Ireland were able to receive loans significantly 

in excess of their financial contributions to the IMF? What justifies providing financing programs this large? How would you quantify the credit risk to the IMF 

of these programs? Does Congress adequately consider this risk when approving 

U.S. contributions to the Fund? 

Answer. My response to question 9 addresses the thinking behind exceptional access in 2010. In terms of the IMF and credit risk, it is worth noting that the Fund’s 

balance sheet is rock solid and our claims on the IMF are fully secure. The Fund 

has demonstrated a good track record in designing programs, which safeguard the 

use of the Fund’s resources. The Fund is regarded as the world’s de facto preferred 

creditor. When the IMF draws resources from a creditor country to lend to a borrower, the creditor is not exposed to the borrower, but rather to the Fund’s balance 

sheet. In addition to the above factors, the Fund has a capital cushion of over $20 

billion, and it also has substantial gold holdings. Both Ireland and Portugal successfully completed their programs and have significantly reduced their outstanding obligations to the IMF through payments ahead of schedule. 

Question. As part of the 2010 reforms, the IMF Board of Governors agreed that 

the representation of emerging and developing economies at the IMF did not reflect 

their growing importance in the global economy, and 6% of total quotas and voting 

power will now be shifted to these emerging and developing market economies. Do 

you feel that an additional 6% in quotas is commensurate with the spirit of the reform? Should emerging and developing economies be responsible for a larger share 

of quotas, since they make up a large share of those countries receiving IMF assistance? How does this increase in the representation of emerging markets at the IMF 

serve U.S. interests? 

Answer. As I noted in my responses to questions 3 and 4, I believe that the 2010 

IMF reforms were vital for the health and future of the organization. The reforms 

helped put the Fund’s finances on a more permanent footing, while also helping to 

modernize the institution to better reflect the realities of countries’ weights in the 

global economy. 

These reforms will help sustain the legitimacy of the Fund. They will give dynamic emerging markets, in particular, a greater stake and voice in the Fund, 

which should bind these countries more strongly into the IMF’s multilateral framework, thus reducing tendencies to drift into regionalism. While there is no dearth 

of infrastructure needs in the world, we saw such drift to some extent reflected in 

the creation of the AIIB, Silk Road, and the BRICs Bank. 

Going forward, the Fund needs to remain a dynamic organization. It needs to reflect the realities of the global economic and financial system, especially the growing 

weight of dynamic emerging markets in the international monetary and financial 

systems. As the world economy evolves, there will be in time a need for further future evolution in the Fund’s governance structure. 

Question. The 2010 reforms also changed the means by which countries choose 

IMF Executive Directors, with a new requirement that all Executive Directors be 

elected rather than appointed. This opens up the possibility that European nations 

could choose to consolidate their representation on the Executive Board. In your 

opinion, is this a positive or negative change for Board organization? What would 

the impact of consolidated representation mean for the IMF Executive Board? Might 

this threaten U.S. influence on the Board? Could other countries elect to join the 

United States’ representative on the Executive Board and form a group constituency? 

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Answer. The United States supported the proposal to allow ‘‘elected’’ rather than 

‘‘appointed’’ chairs in the IMF, precisely to create greater scope for consolidation of 

Board chairs—especially in Europe. Virtually all observers agree that Europe is 

overrepresented in the Fund, both in terms of chairs and shares. With regard to 

chairs, Europeans now lead eight of the IMF Board’s 24 seats. 

Greater consolidation of European representation would not threaten U.S. leadership of the organization. The United States remains the Fund’s largest shareholder 

and is able to present its views forcefully in the IMF Board. Europe already plays 

a critical role in the Fund and will continue to do so. 

The United States will retain its single seat. In fact, given the large U.S. share 

in the Fund, Board seating rules preclude the U.S. from having other countries join 

the U.S. chair. 

Question. One of the IMF’s main duties is to monitor the economic and financial 

policies of its member countries. To what extent has the IMF, as it claims, increased 

transparency and accountability to both shareholders and loan-recipients? 

Answer. When I first worked on the staff of the U.S. Executive Director in the 

late 1990s, the IMF was a very opaque organization and virtually no documentation 

was shared outside the IMF. That is no longer the case. 

While publication of the bulk of IMF documents is on a ‘‘voluntary but presumed’’ 

basis, the overwhelming bulk of IMF documents are published. In recent years, 

more than 90 percent of member countries published the Article IV report, including 

a comprehensive summary of the Board discussion. Ninety-six percent of countries 

with an IMF program allowed publication of the program documents, and all exceptional access programs in the last decade have been published. 

The IMF also releases policy papers, typically immediately after a board meeting. 

In 2014, the Executive Board decided to reduce the lag for public access to most 

board meeting minutes from five to three years, while retaining the five-year lag 

only for discussions that involve IMF lending or a Policy Support Instrument. The 

minutes include verbatim transcripts of the board meeting. These trends are discussed in the following IMF report on Transparency, published August 25, 2015— 

http://www.imf.org/external/pp/longres.aspx?id=4981. 

The Fund has also done a better job in recent years in reaching out to the media, 

civil society, and national parliaments. These are positive developments that the 

United States strongly encourages. 

Question. Some analysts assert that IMF surveillance, especially of advanced 

economies, is largely meaningless since the IMF has no means of acting on its analysis when a country is not an IMF borrower. Do you agree with this assertion? If 

so, do you think the IMF should have this power? 

Answer. IMF surveillance is one of the core mandates of the Fund. Pursuant to 

it, the Fund conducts an economic review of each of its members, mainly on an annual basis. 

The Fund’s surveillance can provide useful analysis and insights and highlight 

risks to national policymakers on their domestic situations and policy choices, especially bringing to bear the Fund’s global perspective and cross-country experiences. 

Indeed, often other Fund members have faced similar fiscal, monetary policy, and 

other challenges as the country undergoing a surveillance review, and developed 

policies to tackle such difficulties which might provide useful background for policymakers in the country being reviewed. Similarly, the surveillance reviews allow national policymakers to exchange views with the Fund and explain the reasoning behind various policies. 

While a country undergoing a surveillance review is sovereign and may choose not 

to follow the Fund’s advice for any number of political or economic reasons, the surveillance process is invaluable nevertheless. The Executive Board meeting held to 

discuss the surveillance review provides additional scrutiny and peer pressure on 

member countries. 

Question. How might the IMF make its surveillance more effective in promoting 

better economic policies within member countries? 

Answer. Despite the Fund’s strengths, the IMF has room for improvement. In particular, I believe the Fund’s surveillance can be strengthened in terms of better analyzing and articulating policies to tackle modest global growth, addressing global rebalancing and exchange rate issues, strengthening its work on crisis prevention and 

debt sustainability, supporting pro-poor spending in low income countries, and helping make financial sectors more resilient. I also believe that the IMF can better 

tackle corruption and promote good governance. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. The IMF proceeded with its 2010 bailout of Greece despite major concerns within the Fund over whether this loan would work. The United States supported this program. Does the IMF expect to participate in the third program for 

Greece, spearheaded by the Europeans? 

Answer. Europe and the IMF are now seeking to design and negotiate an economic program for Greece, combining Greek reforms and needed debt relief from 

Europe. Working out the scope and magnitude of the policy reforms and debt relief 

involves trade-offs, which are still being discussed by all parties. These discussions 

are ongoing, and whether and how they will be concluded is not now clear. 

Secretary Lew continues to urge Greece to stay on the path of reform, and the 

Europeans and IMF to work closely together in designing a reform path which both 

could support. The Secretary has further called for Europe to provide the lion’s 

share of the financing and offer strong debt relief for Greece. 

Question. What are your views on China’s Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank? 

How should the U.S. government engage with China and other emerging donors? 

Answer. There is no dearth of infrastructure needs facing the world economy and 

the AIIB can play a positive role in this regard. However, in doing so, it is critical 

that the AIIB meet the high quality multilateral standards that have been established in other multilateral development institutions. 

There are parallels with how China should engage the IMF and vice versa. The 

IMF is the world’s leading multilateral institution, and the United States helped 

create the Fund and establish its values. In this regard, the Fund since its inception 

has supported U.S. economic and strategic interests. 

But for China and other emerging donors to feel as if they are part of the multilateral system, they must feel that the system is recognizing their growing role and 

weight. Otherwise, they may drift toward regionalist solutions, undermining 

multilateralism and the global institutions. This is one of the main reasons why 

Congressional passage of the 2010 reforms was so important and welcome. 

Question. Members of the IMF have committed to refraining from manipulating 

their exchange rates to gain an unfair trade advantage. However, the IMF has 

never publically cited a country for currency manipulation. Some argue this is because the IMF defines currency manipulation inaccurately. Others argue currency 

manipulation should not be the purview of the IMF. Do you think currency manipulation is a problem? What role do you think the IMF should play in addressing currency manipulation? 

Answer. The IMF was created against the backdrop of protectionism and beggarthy-neighbor currency policies in the 1930s to promote growth and international 

monetary cooperation and avoid such disastrous policies. 

The President has clearly and often stated that no country should be allowed to 

grow its exports on the basis of a persistently undervalued currency. Much progress 

has been made through U.S. bilateral diplomacy and through our leadership in multilateral fora such as the G-20 and IMF. 

With respect to the Fund, its technical analysis on exchange markets and global 

imbalances has improved in recent years. For example, its World Economic Outlook 

has increasingly covered the pattern of global payments developments, and the staff 

has developed an annual External Sector Report which delves into and assesses exchange rate valuations and underlying policies. External issues are increasingly covered in annual surveillance reports. These are helpful developments. 

Nonetheless, the IMF offers its staff and Management an important bully pulpit 

to speak out publicly and forcefully for currency flexibility and policies to reduce 

large current account surpluses. The Fund does so, but it could do a far better job 

in rendering crisp judgments on currency policies and using its voice and influence 

with far greater force. 

RESPONSES OF ADAM H. STERLING, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO

THE SLOVAC REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE STERLING’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. During my career, I have consistently and ardently promoted human 

rights and democracy as a pillar of U.S. interests, several times serving in countries 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

914 

where these basic values were under threat or respect for them was going from bad 

to worse. I have also maintained professional contacts over the past two decades 

with representatives of leading international and U.S. human rights organizations, 

as well as with the Helsinki Commission. 

As the Human Rights Officer at one of my first postings, my reporting on a series 

of election-related abuses led to public expressions of concern from Washington that 

likely curbed some further abuses. My work won awards from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor as well as from my Embassy. The attention my work 

drew to election and other human rights abuses also buoyed the morale of, and perhaps gave a measure of protection to, local democracy and human rights advocates, 

some of whom praised my actions as evidence that the United States placed a higher priority on human rights than did any other country. My participation in reviewing draft legislation in this country, the preparation of which was not publicized, 

also enabled international scrutiny of a law that would have curbed religious freedom. My early warning about two such pieces of legislation gave senior officials in 

Washington and OSCE representatives a chance to weigh in against the legislation, 

and ultimately have both draft laws withdrawn before a vote in parliament. I have 

served as an OSCE election observer in two countries and was credited by OSCE 

in one country with having ‘‘saved’’ a hastily organized observer mission by recruiting several dozen observers on short notice. 

As I moved into more senior roles at subsequent postings, I regularly met with 

dissidents and civil society activists, signaling U.S. interest in both their concerns 

and their personal welfare. In one country, I hosted meetings for them with visiting 

senior officials from the Department. I also worked with pro-democracy civil society 

groups and a U.S.-based democracy NGO to help secure their legal status within 

the country and freedom to operate without harassment. More broadly, my meetings 

with activists enriched my human rights and democracy advocacy with host government officials. 

In these and other instances, both overseas and in Washington, I have never forgotten that the promotion of human rights and democracy around the world is an 

unending effort requiring constant attention from every level and branch of our government. It is also one of the singularly most rewarding missions a public servant 

could have the honor to take part in. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Slovakia? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Slovakia? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in Slovakia include corruption; 

a weak judiciary; and discrimination against ethnic, religious, and sexual minorities, 

particularly Roma, refugees, Muslims, and the LGBTI community. If confirmed, I 

will continue our long-standing support to the government of Slovakia on judicial 

reform, where notable progress has been made in recent years but where significant 

work remains to be done. We also will continue our vigorous dialogue on human 

rights and advocate for the rights of all minorities. 

Promoting Rule of Law continues to be a major focus of our efforts in Slovakia. 

Domestic polls show that 90 percent of Slovaks perceive corruption—particularly in 

public procurement and the use of EU funds—as widespread. The media regularly 

report on alleged corruption, but almost no high-level officials have been prosecuted 

since independence. Critics blame political influence over the police and prosecution 

services for blocking or hampering investigations. Rule of law reform is a long-term, 

multifaceted, and challenging process. Slovakia has demonstrated recent commitment to reform by adopting an anti-corruption action plan in consultation with the 

business community’s Rule of Law initiative, a second National Action Plan under 

the Open Government Partnership, and a new judicial ethics code. These measures 

are steps in the right direction, but we continue to stress the need both for their 

full implementation and to hold corrupt actors accountable in a court of law. If confirmed, I will continue to work on strengthening democratic institutions and the 

rule of law, reinforcing the point that accountability and transparency are necessary 

to modern democracy and that corruption is inimical to democratic values and stable 

governments. We also will continue to support efforts to promote these values, including by providing grants to NGOs and individuals working in the field and bringing in experts to offer training and cooperation to Slovak judges, police, prosecutors, 

and other officials. 

Marginalization of the Romani minority remains among the most pressing human 

rights concerns in Slovakia, and promoting the human rights of Roma is a top priority for the U.S government. Reports estimate Slovakia’s Roma minority to be 

seven to eight percent of the population (roughly 450,000 people), and many Roma 

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live in impoverished, isolated settlements where discrimination is high and, in some 

areas, unemployment nears 100 percent. If confirmed, I will continue to urge Slovakia to improve the socio-economic and security situation of its Roma citizens and 

to ensure accountability for discrimination or violence directed at them and other 

minority groups. I will advocate for equal access to education for Romani children 

and work with partners to eradicate segregation in the education sector in any form. 

I also will promote Roma inclusion and ensure our Embassy stands firmly against 

derogatory remarks about the Roma or any other minority in Slovakia. 

Under my leadership, the Embassy will continue to play an active role in promoting Roma rights. The Embassy has been supporting the efforts of a Roma NGO 

to work with school inspectors to develop and implement a new methodology for recognizing illegal segregation in Slovak schools. Additionally, the U.S. government has 

encouraged the political engagement of the Roma community in Slovakia, and the 

Embassy has engaged young Roma leaders, including mayors and municipal officials, and has sent them on study tours to the United States. We will continue our 

support for the community by providing grants to Romani organizations and NGOs 

and raising public awareness about minority rights and the positive contributions 

made by Roma to Slovak society. 

To date, Slovakia has been largely unaffected by the European migration crisis, 

as the main refugee routes do not pass through its territory. Nevertheless, the Slovak government has strongly opposed mandatory refugee quotas under an EU-wide 

refugee distribution system, filing suit against the measure with the European 

Court of Justice in December 2015, and Slovak officials and politicians across the 

political spectrum engaged in anti-refugee and anti-Muslim rhetoric ahead of March 

5 parliamentary elections. If confirmed, I will continue to stress to Slovak officials 

that such statements are inconsistent with the values on which our bilateral relations are based, impede practical approaches to the crisis, and play into the hands 

of far-right extremists who have exploited the crisis to expand their support. I will 

urge the government to continue the positive steps it has taken on refugees, including additional financial contributions to alleviate the migrant crisis and sending Slovak police to support EU border control missions. Slovakia has temporarily accommodated 500 refugees currently applying for asylum in Austria and recently accepted 200 Iraqi Christian refugees for permanent resettlement. 

Slovakia’s religious minorities, particularly the Muslim community, continue to 

face discrimination. Restrictive legal registration procedures for religious 

dominations—which require at least 20,000 adherents for registration—prevent 

smaller religious groups, including the Muslim community, from attaining the legal 

status to perform economic and certain public religious functions. For example, 

Slovakia’s Muslim community, which numbers between two and five thousand individuals, has been unable to legally establish a Mosque in Slovakia, instead relying 

on smaller prayer rooms. Not being able to register has blocked the Muslim community from legally employing imams. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy’s practice of regularly meeting with government officials and registered and unregistered 

religious organizations to discuss religious freedom issues, including the treatment 

of minority religious groups and ways to combat anti-Muslim sentiment. I will also 

share our successful efforts at integrating religious groups in the United States as 

a means of promoting the full inclusion of minority religions. 

LGBTI rights are human rights, which all nations have a responsibility to respect. 

The United States is known in Slovakia as a staunch advocate of LGBTI rights and 

consistently has advocated for the human rights of LGBTI persons. If confirmed, I 

will ensure that this support continues, via grants to NGOs focused on promoting 

greater public awareness of LGBTI rights and our Embassy’s participation in annual Pride activities. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Slovakia in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. Obstacles to promoting human rights in Slovakia include weak institutions susceptible to political influence; social prejudice; the growth of far-right movements; and a lack of resources for civil society, NGOs, and activists. 

Slovakia’s judiciary remains one of its most troubled institutions, hampering anticorruption efforts and discouraging foreign investment. Public trust in the judiciary 

stands at about 25 percent, the second-lowest level in the EU. While Slovakia’s current legal structure—most of which was updated after Slovakia became an independent state in 1993—is adequate, democracies need an independent, impartial, 

and accountable judiciary and broader legal system whose first obligation is to uphold the law. Slovakia’s self-governing judiciary needs to hold all judges accountable 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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to certain standards, and we believe that the new enforceable judicial ethics code 

is a step in the right direction. We also need to see Slovakia hold all corrupt actors, 

including high-level officials, accountable in a court of law to serve as a credible 

public example and deterrent. Ultimately, Slovakia will need political will for reform; strong, effective, well managed institutions free from political influence; fearless public servants, including judges, prosecutors, and police investigators; and enhanced public accountability, in which civil society and the media play an important 

role. Our Embassy will continue to be active in all of these areas if I am confirmed. 

Social prejudices are another challenge to reform. For example, there is little public support for efforts to promote Roma inclusion, with even many educated Slovaks 

claiming, inaccurately, that the government already invests too much money in such 

efforts. As a result, Slovak political leaders and officials have little incentive to 

prioritize minority rights. Despite the difficult environment, if confirmed, I will have 

the Embassy continue its focus on raising public awareness of the universality and 

importance of minority rights and the success of integration efforts in other countries. We will stress the significant long-term economic costs of a lack of educational 

and economic opportunities for Roma versus the economic benefits of policies that 

promote greater inclusion. 

The growth of extremist movements is a problem not limited to Slovakia, but a 

phenomenon we are seeing throughout Europe. Like many in Slovakia, I am concerned by the increasing popularity of far-right extremists in the country. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to provide the Slovak government with training 

on how to monitor and combat the spread of extremism and that our Embassy continues to do all it can to counter extremist rhetoric through public messaging and 

events. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other nongovernmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs 

in Slovakia? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy 

Law and similar efforts and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and 

security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. Our Embassy has well-established relations with human rights activists, 

civil society representatives, and NGOs in both the United States and Slovakia, and 

I will work to expand and deepen these key relationships if confirmed. 

Our Embassy fully complies with the Leahy laws and, if confirmed, I will continue 

to uphold our legislative commitment to ensure that no U.S assistance is provided 

to any unit or individual that has committed a gross violation of human rights. I 

will continue to support this and similar efforts to ensure that provisions of U.S. 

security assistance and security cooperation reinforce human rights and accountability. Additionally, the Embassy has leveraged security and defense cooperation to 

promote human rights, a practice that I will continue if confirmed. For example, in 

cooperation with the FBI and DOJ experts, the Embassy organized tailor-made 

training for Slovak investigators and prosecutors dealing with corruption, and more 

such training is planned for this year. We can also send Slovak police to the International Law Enforcement Academy program in Budapest, where they receive training from U.S. federal law enforcement agencies on topics related to strengthening 

rule of law, including anti-corruption, ethics, and countering trafficking in persons. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Slovakia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Slovakia? 

Answer. As reported in the annual U.S. State Department Human Rights Report 

chapter on Slovakia, there are no political prisoners in Slovakia or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by the government of Slovakia. If confirmed, I will ensure 

full Embassy engagement with the Slovak government on this issue should that situation change. 

Question. Will you engage with Slovakia on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Our Embassy has long has been engaged on human rights and good governance in Slovakia, and, if confirmed, I will ensure these important efforts will continue and be expanded. 

Question. While the Slovak Republic is a member of the EU and NATO and cooperates with the U.S. on a range of security issues, the Slovak Republic is not immune from Russian influence given its status as a transit hub for Russian gas going 

to Europe and the pervasive nature of Russian propaganda in the country. How 

would you characterize Slovakia’s relations with Russia and the extent of Russian 

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influence in the country? As U.S. Ambassador to the Slovak Republic, how would 

you work to counter Russian influence there? 

Answer. Slovakia is a valued NATO Ally and EU partner. Slovakia has stood with 

us in implementing sanctions against Russian aggression in Ukraine, and Slovakia 

supports our efforts to increase Europe’s energy security. I will, if confirmed, work 

to help build its capacity to act forcefully in concert with us in Europe and beyond. 

This commitment includes ensuring Slovakia has the resources needed to be less dependent on Russia. 

During the Cold War, Russia exercised influence over Slovakia, which Russia argued was a natural outgrowth of linguistic and cultural ties and the Soviet Union’s 

role in ending Nazi occupation of Slovak territory in World War II. A significant 

number of Slovaks studied in a school system strongly influenced by the Soviet 

Union or studied in the Soviet Union itself. Today, Russia is Slovakia’s fourth most 

important trade partner, and Slovakia is almost completely dependent on Russia for 

its oil, natural gas, and nuclear fuel supply. 

If confirmed, I will strongly advocate for Slovakia to build a well-resourced military less dependent on Russia. I also will work with my counterparts across the region to reduce Slovakia’s dependence on Russian energy sources. The United States 

is committed to helping advance European energy security through an integrated 

European energy market and diversification—of fuel types, supply source countries, 

and delivery routes. Strengthened Slovak energy security would present opportunities to foster increased energy cooperation across the region. We will continue to encourage Slovakia to work within EU structures to promote greater integration within the EU’s own internal energy market.If confirmed, I will also focus on promoting 

and strengthening growing U.S.-Slovakia cultural and trade ties to counter Russian 

influence. Slovaks tend to hold very positive views of the United States and are 

proud members of NATO and the EU. Great programs like Summer Work and Travel enable thousands of Slovaks (2,700 in calendar year 2015) to visit the United 

States and reinforce Slovakia’s strong commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. The 

Embassy actively works to counter Russian propaganda and disinformation, which 

is one of its Mission goals. Last year, the Embassy sponsored a public panel discussion of conspiracy theories in the media, many of which are spread by Russian 

media outlets. The U.S. government narrative in Slovakia focuses on the strengths 

of America and the transatlantic alliance to inspire confidence in the future, which 

counters the focus of Russian propaganda on instilling fear and uncertainty. 

Question. The Slovak Republic routinely ranks on the bottom of EU countries for 

institutionalization of the rule of law and corruption. In parliamentary elections last 

weekend, far-right and extremist parties made unprecedented gains, bringing instability to the domestic political situation as Prime Minister Fico is now seeking to 

form a coalition government with a larger number of coalition partners. Should the 

U.S. be concerned about the state of democracy in Slovakia? How should the U.S. 

respond to help reinforce democratic institutions in the country? 

Answer. Slovakia’s March 5 parliamentary elections saw eight parties qualify for 

seats in Parliament, including several previously unrepresented parties. The incumbent ruling party, Smer, which had enjoyed an outright majority in Parliament 

since 2012, again garnered the most votes. However, several parties rode a wave 

of anti-establishment sentiment to deny Smer a renewed majority, necessitating a 

coalition government. The election itself was smooth, with an open and fair campaign, good voter turnout, and all parties quickly accepting the results. The process 

for forming the new government has been procedurally smooth, with President 

Kiska dutifully discharging his constitutional responsibilities to guide the process, 

in the first instance by granting Smer until March 18 to form a coalition majority. 

Democratic hallmarks such as independent media and respect for the constitutional 

process have been unchallenged in both the pre- and post-election environment. 

That said, the fact that the far-right extremist party LS-NS won eight percent of 

the popular vote and 14 seats in the new Parliament has caused concern in Slovakia, across Europe, and in the United States. The positions espoused by the party 

and its leadership stand in direct contrast to the values shared by the United States 

and the vast majority of Slovak people. I am heartened that President Kiska did 

not invite LS-NS to join his post-election meeting with all the other parties elected 

to Parliament and that the other parties have expressed unwillingness to consider 

a coalition with LS-NS. LS-NS’s success reflects the wrong-headed rise in 

xenophobic rhetoric expressed or tolerated by mainstream parties as well as voter 

dissatisfaction with corruption and weak public services, which the Slovak government has ignored for too long. 

One on the principal reasons for Smer’s underperformance in the final stages of 

the campaign centered around perceptions of endemic government corruption. While 

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Slovakia has come a long way since independence in terms of strengthening the rule 

of law, more remains to be done. The country has made progress with the recent 

adoption of several anti-corruption measures, but implementation is key and highlevel prosecutions remain rare. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen democratic 

institutions and the rule of law, reinforcing that accountability and transparency 

are necessary to modern democracy and stressing that corruption undermines democratic values and effective, stable government. Our Embassy has been a close partner with government and civil society in encouraging needed reforms, including by 

providing training opportunities for prosecutors and law enforcement. I plan to continue to build upon these efforts if given the opportunity, as I believe the Slovak 

people share our goal to strengthen and deepen the rule of law and democracy within the country, and to cement the progress Slovakia made in its first two decades 

of independence. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE STERLING’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Please briefly describe your vision for taking on a new role as the U.S. 

Ambassador to Slovakia. What are your top priorities? What challenges do you foresee? 

Answer. No U.S. ambassador has a higher priority than the protection of our citizens from ensuring the safety of individual American travelers, to bolstering homeland security through bilateral law enforcement cooperation. 

Slovakia is a valued NATO Ally and EU partner. If confirmed, I will work to build 

Slovakia’s capacity—including a resourced military less dependent on Russia—to act 

in the region and around the globe in concert with the United States and other allies. If confirmed, I will also focus on strengthening bilateral trade and investment, 

including by increasing opportunities for U.S. companies in the Slovak market and 

for Slovak companies that want to invest in the United States. I will also promote 

U.S. exports, fight for transparency and the rule of law as Slovakia improves its 

business environment, advocate for strong intellectual property rights enforcement, 

and press for greater energy diversity and efficiency that will further Slovakia’s, and 

Europe’s, energy security. Finally, if confirmed, I will emphasize with Slovak leaders 

and ordinary citizens that our countries’ partnership is grounded in our shared 

democratic values, which include respect for the human rights and dignity of all 

people, notably including, in the case of Slovakia, its Romani minority and Muslims. 

An immediate challenge I will confront will be forging a strong working relationship with the new Slovak government. Slovakia’s March 5 parliamentary elections 

saw eight parties qualify for seats in Parliament, including several previously unrepresented parties. The incumbent ruling party, Smer, which had enjoyed an outright majority in Parliament since 2012, again garnered the most votes. However, 

several parties rode a wave of anti-establishment sentiment to deny Smer a renewed 

majority, necessitating a coalition government. Whatever the outcome of the ongoing 

coalition negotiations, several key ministry positions will change hands and the new 

coalition’s platform may have different priorities than the current government. 

If confirmed, I will immediately seek to preserve and build on the current momentum in the bilateral relationship with the new government, in part by establishing 

strong ties to existing and new leaders to help facilitate more effective communication and build trust. 

Question. How do you feel your past experience, as well as your current position 

as Deputy Chief of Mission with the U.S. Embassy at The Hague, have prepared 

you to take on this new role? 

Answer. I have more than 25 years of experience in the Foreign Service. I am currently leading the U.S. mission in the Netherlands as Charge d’Affaires for the second time after leading our embassy in Azerbaijan for two long periods as Charge 

d’Affaires. In total, I have served as Charge for over two years of my career. In my 

capacity as Deputy Chief of Mission at both missions, I was responsible for internal 

Embassy operations and mentoring new officers. Beyond prior postings in Europe, 

the Middle East, and Latin America, I have had the privilege to work in Washington, both in the State Department and at the National Security Council, where 

I was the Director responsible for 17 countries in Central and Eastern Europe, including Slovakia. These experiences have given me both the Washington and the 

field perspective for what is necessary in modern diplomacy, and what is expected 

of me by the White House as the President’s personal representative. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. How would you describe the role and contributions of Slovakia as a 

NATO ally? While leaders in Poland and Baltic countries have suggested the establishment of NATO bases in their countries as a deterrent to Russian aggression in 

the region, Slovak Prime Minister Fico has rejected the notion that Slovakia could 

host a NATO base. What is the U.S. view on his position? Do you believe this has 

to do with Slovakia’s sympathies toward Russia? 

Answer. Slovakia is a strong NATO Ally. A member since 2004, Slovakia has 

shown a strong willingness to support NATO missions within Europe and throughout the world, to include operations in the Balkans, as well as U.N. Missions in Africa and the Levant. Slovakia has sent troops to—and taken casualties in—both Iraq 

and Afghanistan. Slovakia currently has 36 troops serving in Afghanistan as part 

of Resolute Support Mission. Slovakia is an active participant in NATO training exercises and has hosted several multinational exercises with its NATO Allies. Slovakia understands burden sharing and has announced its intent to increase defense 

spending from 1 percent to 1.6 percent of GDP by 2020, with 20 percent of that 

dedicated to force modernization. 

Slovakia has committed to host a NATO Force Integration Unit (NFIU). These 

small headquarters are valuable contributions to NATO’s plan to adapt to emerging 

security concerns in and around Europe. NFIUs facilitate the rapid deployment of 

Allied forces to the eastern part of the Alliance, support collective defense planning, 

and assist in coordinating training and exercises. 

Question. How would you characterize Slovakia’s relations with Russia? Why has 

Slovakia been skeptical of EU sanctions against Russia over its aggression in 

Ukraine? How does Slovakia’s perception compare to that of its neighbors? What is 

the extent of Russian influence on the Slovak government? How do the Slovakian 

people view Russia? 

Answer. Slovakia is a valued NATO Ally and EU partner. Slovakia supported the 

EU consensus to impose and subsequently roll over the sanctions, most recently in 

January 2016. Slovakia supports U.S. and EU efforts to strengthen Europe’s energy 

security and has played a critical role in strengthening Ukraine’s energy security 

by enabling the reverse flow of natural gas to Ukraine starting in 2014. This step 

allowed Ukraine to get through the last two winters without any major gas shortages and gain bargaining leverage with Russia over future gas supply and transit 

contracts. 

Russian influence in Slovakia is partly a remnant of the former Czechoslovakia’s 

place in the Warsaw Pact during the Cold War. Russia then exercised influence over 

Slovakia, which Russia argued was a natural outgrowth of linguistic and cultural 

ties and the Soviet Union’s role in ending Nazi occupation of Slovak territory in 

World War II. A significant number of Slovaks studied in a school system strongly 

influenced by the Soviet Union or studied in the Soviet Union itself. Today, Russia 

is Slovakia’s fourth-most-important trade partner, and Slovakia is almost completely 

dependent on Russia for its oil, natural gas, and nuclear fuel supply. 

Question. In your opinion, can the U.S. do anything to mitigate Russian influence 

with the Slovakian government? With the Slovak people? If so, what specifically? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work to help build Slovakia’s capacity to act in concert with us in Europe and beyond. This commitment includes ensuring Slovakia 

has the resources needed to be less dependent on Russia. Specifically, I will strongly 

advocate for Slovakia to build a well-resourced military less dependent on Russia. 

I will also work with my counterparts across the region to reduce Slovakia’s dependence on Russian energy sources. 

Additionally, if confirmed, I will also focus on promoting and strengthening growing U.S.-Slovakia cultural and trade ties to counter Russian influence. Slovaks tend 

to hold very positive views of the United States and are proud members of NATO 

and the EU. Great programs like Summer Work and Travel enable thousands of 

Slovaks (2,700 in calendar year 2015) to visit the United States and reinforce 

Slovakia’s strong commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. The Embassy actively 

works to counter Russian propaganda and disinformation, which is one of its Mission goals. Last year, the Embassy sponsored a public panel discussion of conspiracy 

theories in the media, many of which are spread by Russian media outlets. The U.S. 

government narrative in Slovakia focuses on the strengths of America and the 

transatlantic alliance to inspire confidence in the future, which counters the focus 

of Russian propaganda on instilling fear and uncertainty. 

Question. There are differing assessments of corruption inside Slovakia. In your 

opinion, to what extent is corruption a problem for Slovakia? How does corruption 

affect life in Slovakia? How can the U.S. government help to reduce the influence 

of corruption in the country? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

920 

Answer. Corruption continues to be a significant problem in Slovakia. Public confidence in the judicial system is among the lowest in the EU, an example of how 

corruption affects society. Statistics show that most corruption cases prosecuted in 

Slovakia involve small sums and that high-level prosecutions are rare. Strengthening the rule of law is a long-term, ongoing, and complex challenge. While Slovakia 

has come a long way since independence, more remains to be done. Our Embassy 

has been a close partner in developing Slovak institutions and will continue to work 

hard to strengthen rule of law in Slovakia. 

If confirmed, I will work to strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law, 

reinforcing that accountability and transparency are necessary to modern democracy 

and stressing that corruption undermines democratic values and effective, stable 

government. Our Embassy has been a close partner with government and civil society in encouraging needed reforms, including by providing training opportunities for 

prosecutors and law enforcement. I plan to continue building upon these efforts if 

given the opportunity. The recent Slovak elections clearly showed that the Slovak 

people place a top priority on fighting corruption in their country, which requires 

strengthening and deepening the rule of law and democracy in the country. 

Question. What can the United States do to help strengthen energy security and 

increase supply diversification for Slovakia and its neighbors? 

Answer. The United States and Slovakia are partnering closely on the issue of energy security, as Slovakia is almost completely dependent on Russia for its oil, natural gas, and nuclear fuel supply. Diversification of energy routes and sources is 

particularly important for countries like Slovakia that are heavily reliant on single 

sources of supply. The United States is committed to advancing European energy 

security through an integrated European energy market and diversification—of fuel 

types, supply source countries, and delivery routes. One of our highest priorities is 

maintaining Ukraine, and thus Slovakia, as a gas transit country. 

Enhanced Slovak energy security is also an opportunity to foster increased energy 

cooperation across the region. We continue to encourage Slovakia to work within EU 

structures to promote greater integration within the EU’s own internal energy market. If confirmed, I will work with my counterparts across the region to promote this 

type of regional collaboration. 

Our energy security policy is a pro-Europe policy, not an anti-Russia policy. Russian supplies can and should remain an important source of energy for Europe. But 

suppliers must follow Europe’s rules. We believe comprehensive gas diversification— 

fuel type, supply source country, and transit route—and adherence to EU rules to 

ensure a transparent, liquid and competitive market best guarantee energy security 

for the region’s people. 

Question. How would you promote the expansion of U.S.-Slovakia trade and investment ties? Do you believe the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership 

would benefit Slovakia? Why or why not? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs as well as the U.S. Department of Commerce to ensure the full resources of the U.S. government are used to advocate for U.S. businesses in Slovakia. 

I will also pursue aggressive U.S. investment and export promotion efforts to maximize the many commercial opportunities in the Slovak market. I will work with my 

staff to promote joint ventures and other opportunities for Slovak firms seeking to 

invest in the United States. 

As someone who has served for the past six years on the boards of directors for 

the American Chambers of Commerce (AmCham) in the Netherlands and Azerbaijan, I will continue, if confirmed, as a partner with the AmCham in Slovakia to 

improve Slovakia’s business climate, with a focus on continuing to increase transparency, predictability, stability, and the transfer of best practices from the United 

States. One way Slovakia can enhance its appeal to U.S. businesses is by better institutionalizing rule of law, particularly anti-corruption efforts. A level playing field 

would benefit not only U.S. firms, but Slovakia as a whole. 

As a market-oriented, export-led economy, Slovakia supports T-TIP. If confirmed, 

I will work with the Slovak government to promote the expected benefits that TTIP and increased trade with the United States will bring to Slovakia and the region, particularly during Slovakia’s inaugural presidency of the European Council 

during the second half of this year. 

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NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 8, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Hon. Geeta Pasi, of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to the 

Republic of Chad 

Hon. Mary Beth Leonard, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Representative of the United States of America to the African 

Union 

Anne S. Casper, of Nevada, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Burundi 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:40 p.m. in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake, presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake [presiding] and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

Today the committee will consider the nominations of three experienced career Foreign Service officers to be U.S. Ambassadors to 

Chad, the African Union, and Burundi. I was happy to meet each 

of the nominees in my office earlier. I appreciate their appreciation 

of the challenges ahead and their willingness to undertake this. 

Chad remains an important partner on a number of fronts, especially in the efforts against Boko Haram. Popular protests in the 

run-up to recent elections and economic stress due in part to low 

global oil prices highlight internal problems, and the government 

will need to grapple with these in the months and years to come. 

The African Union plays an important role in promoting peace, 

good governance, and economic development on the continent. As 

Senator Markey mentioned, we were able to visit that body last 

year with President Obama. Managing our relationship with the 

AU will continue to be a vital part of our regional engagement. 

Finally, since last year, Burundi’s escalating violence and instability has made for a complex situation that requires sustained attention, careful handling by our next Ambassador who will face 

many challenges in pursuing U.S. objectives. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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I thank each of you for your time and sharing your experience 

and expertise with us here. I want to pass along our thanks to your 

family. I am sure you will want to introduce family members who 

are here. Particularly with these assignments, I know often it is a 

great sacrifice to yourself and your families for you to be able to 

serve, and it is very much appreciated. 

With that, Senator Markey, do you have comments? 

STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very 

much. 

The three nominees we have here today are highly accomplished 

Foreign Service officers who have dedicated their lives to the service of our country, sometimes in difficult places and away from 

loved ones. They understand that America needs to be out there in 

tough places working for our country and our partners for the mutual benefit of our governments and our people, and for that we are 

very grateful. 

Countries in sub-Saharan Africa have tremendous promise and 

potential. Unfortunately, some of these countries are doing better 

at realizing this potential than others. 

If confirmed, two of three nominees, the nominee for Ambassador 

to Burundi, Ms. Anne Casper, and the nominee for Ambassador to 

Chad, Ambassador Geeta Pasi, will face the difficult task of urging 

the leaders of those countries away from violence, instability, and 

corruption and towards democracy, good governance, and accountability. 

The third is Ambassador Mary Beth Leonard, who I am proud 

to note is a fellow native of Massachusetts and a graduate of 

Doughtery High School in Worcester, Massachusetts. Her task as 

our representative to the African Union will be to lead our efforts 

to help strengthen that organization’s ability to make Africa a more 

peaceful, stable, and prosperous place. Accomplishing those goals 

means working with African governments and regional bodies to 

make sure that there is democratic space that allows for free expression and non-violent dissent. 

You are three wonderful candidates. We welcome you here today. 

I thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Markey. 

We will now turn to the nominees. Ms. Geeta Pasi recently 

served as Director of the Office of Career Development and assignments in the State’s Bureau of Human Resources. Previous positions included ambassadorship to Djibouti, Director of the Office of 

East African Affairs, and postings in Cameroon and Ghana. 

The second nominee, Mary Beth Leonard, career Foreign Service 

member of the Department of State faculty advisors with the U.S. 

Naval War College. Previously she served as U.S. Ambassador to 

Mali, Director of the Office of West African Affairs. She has also 

held positions in South Africa, Cameroon, Namibia, and Togo. [Foreign language spoken.] 

Senator FLAKE. I just said she is the only one here that speaks 

Afrikaans, so we will have this meeting in Afrikaans. [Laughter.] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

923 

Senator FLAKE. Last but not least, Anne Casper, who currently 

serves as Senior Advisor in the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Partnership for the State Department’s Global Engagement 

Center. Previous postings included Saudi Arabia, Rwanda, Albania, 

and Syria. 

A highly accomplished group here. We, again, thank you for your 

willingness to serve. 

Ms. Pasi? 

STATEMENT OF HON. GEETA PASI, OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHAD 

Ambassador PASI. Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman and members 

of the committee. It is an honor for me to appear before you today 

as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Chad. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Kerry for 

the confidence they have placed in me. 

First, Mr. Chairman, please permit me to acknowledge family 

members here today. My sisters, Usha and Rita, and my niece 

Minaka have joined me this afternoon. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to tell you a bit about myself. My 

career has included challenging assignments around the world and 

at home. I have served in Africa three times, as you noted, including as Ambassador to Djibouti. In Washington, I served in numerous positions, including as the Afghanistan Desk Officer where I 

was working on September 11, 2001, and I am proud to be in the 

Bureau of Human Resources. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy 

N’Djamena in advancing U.S. interests with our Foreign and Civil 

Service personnel, military staff, and local employees. Our main interests in Chad are peace and security, good governance, human 

rights, and economic development. Chad shares borders with Libya, 

Sudan, the Central African Republic, Nigeria, Cameroon, and 

Niger. Chad is an important partner in the fight against violent extremist groups, including Boko Haram. The United States aims to 

strengthen the productive partnership we enjoy with Chad. As we 

advance our mutual interests on the security front, we also seek to 

promote democracy and good governance. If confirmed, I will work 

with you to represent the interests and values of the American people to the government and people of Chad at a moment when 

Chad’s partnership with the United States and our allies is on the 

ascendancy. 

Mr. Chairman, regional threats and instability have contributed 

to domestic challenges in Chad, including by threatening key trade 

routes and markets. This has weakened Chad’s economy, which 

has already been impacted by a decline of oil prices globally. International investment in Chad is severely constrained by its geographic isolation, limited infrastructure, human capital challenges, 

high import duties, and corruption. Chad’s human rights record is 

problematic although there has been some improvement. If confirmed, I will continue to press the Government of Chad on democracy and human rights. 

Chad is host to over 380,000 refugees from Sudan, Nigeria, and 

the Central African Republic and approximately 100,000 internally 

displaced persons largely in the Lake Chad region. Ongoing insecuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

924 

rity related to Boko Haram has resulted in decreased food production, reduced market activity, and complicated the delivery of humanitarian assistance. As a result, over 100,000 people are food insecure. Internally displaced persons and refugees lack access to 

food, shelter, and sanitation, and their huge numbers have taxed 

Chad’s limited infrastructure. 

If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will remain focused on using all 

elements of the USG to support Chad in its efforts to counter the 

threat of Boko Haram, including closely monitoring Boko Haram’s 

linkages to ISIL under its new name, ISIL West Africa Province. 

I will encourage the Government of Chad to focus not only on the 

immediate security threat, but also the root causes of violence in 

the region. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my highest priority will be 

the protection of mission personnel, as well as all Americans living 

and traveling in Chad and American business interests. Within the 

next year, the mission will move to a newly constructed embassy 

compound, meaning that all mission personnel will work in the 

safest and most secure facilities available. Maintaining this technologically advanced building in Chad will be a challenge, and I am 

committed to good stewardship of the significant USG investment. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to 

thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. If confirmed, I would welcome the challenge of protecting and advancing 

the interests of the United States in Chad. It is a duty and responsibility I would be honored to accept. Thank you and I would welcome any questions you might have. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Pasi follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GEETA PASI

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor for me to appear 

before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Chad. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the confidence they 

have placed in me. First, Mr. Chairman, please permit me to acknowledge family 

members here today. My sisters, Usha and Rita, my brother Peter, my sister in law 

Hallie Lewis, my brother in law Subir Sachdev, and my nieces who have joined me 

today. 

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to tell you about myself. My career has included 

challenging assignments around the world and at home. I have served in Africa 

three times, including as Ambassador to Djibouti. In Washington, I served in numerous positions, including as the Afghanistan Desk Officer where I was working 

on September 11, 2001. I currently serve in the Bureau of Human Resources. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy N’Djamena in advancing U.S. interests with our team of Foreign and Civil Service personnel, military staff, and local employees. Our main interests in Chad are peace and security, 

good governance, human rights, and economic development. Chad shares borders 

with Libya, Sudan, the Central African Republic, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Niger. 

Chad is an important partner in the fight against violent extremist groups, including Boko Haram. The United States aims to strengthen the productive partnership 

we enjoy with Chad. As we advance our mutual interests on the security front, we 

also seek to promote democracy and good governance. If confirmed, I will work with 

you to represent the interests and values of the American people to the government 

and people of Chad, at a moment when Chad’s partnership with the United States 

and its allies is in the ascendancy. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Chad is committed to regional stability. Chad plays a critical role in the region and is an important partner in combatting violent extremism. 

Mr. Chairman, regional threats and instability have contributed to domestic challenges in Chad, including by threatening key trade routes and markets. This has 

weakened Chad’s economy, which has already been impacted by a decline of oil 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

925 

prices globally. International investment in Chad is severely constrained by its geographic isolation, limited infrastructure, human capital challenges, high import duties, and corruption. Chad’s human rights record is problematic although there has 

been improvement. If confirmed, I will continue to press the Government of Chad 

on democracy and human rights. 

Given its location in a troubled region, Chad is host to over 380,000 refugees— 

from Sudan, Nigeria and the Central African Republic—and approximately 100,000 

internally displaced persons (IDP), largely in the Lake Chad region. Ongoing insecurity related to Boko Haram attacks has led to decreased food production, reduced 

market activity, and complicated the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Over 

100,000 people are food insecure in Boko Haram-affected areas of the country. Boko 

Haram has repeatedly attacked villages, burned homes, killed village leaders, and 

targeted both civilians and security forces. IDPs and refugees lack access to food, 

shelter, sanitation, and hygiene services, and their large numbers have taxed Chad’s 

already limited resources. 

If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will remain focused on using all elements of the 

USG to support Chad in its efforts to counter the threat of Boko Haram, including 

closely monitoring Boko Haram’s linkages to ISIL under its new name—ISIL West 

Africa Province. I will encourage the Government of Chad to focus not only on the 

immediate security threat, but also the root causes of violence in the region. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my highest priority will be the protection of 

all Mission personnel as well as all Americans living and traveling in Chad and 

American business interests. Within the next year, the Mission will move to a newly 

constructed embassy compound, meaning that all Mission personnel will work in the 

safest and most secure facilities available. Maintaining this technologically-advanced building in Chad will be a challenge, and I am committed to good stewardship of this significant USG investment. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to thank you for the 

privilege of appearing before you today. If confirmed, I would welcome the challenge 

of protecting and advancing the interests of the United States in Chad: it is a duty 

and responsibility I would be honored to accept. Thank you and I would welcome 

any questions you might have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you for being here. Your family members 

know more about African sanctions than they wanted to know 

probably. [Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you for being here as well. 

Ms. Leonard? 

STATEMENT OF HON. MARY BETH LEONARD, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE 

AFRICAN UNION 

Ambassador LEONARD. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, 

it is a great honor to appear before you today as the nominee to 

serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and as the U.S. 

Representative to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. 

I joined the Foreign Service 28 years ago nearly to this day in 

the same class as today’s co-panelist, Geeta Pasi, I might add, with 

a newly minted master’s degree in African studies. I remember vividly my excitement that the State Department would agree to send 

me to live and work in Africa. Sitting here today, after six tours 

in Africa and two domestic Africa-related tours, my excitement is 

equally palpable, as I contemplate the prospect that, if confirmed, 

I will marshal those professional experiences in directing U.S. relations with the African Union. These experiences culminated with 

the honor of serving as Ambassador in Mali, where the U.S. mission was at the forefront of a closely coordinated multilateral effort 

to support that country in emerging from multidimensional security and governance crisis. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

926 

I am deeply grateful for the trust and confidence that the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me with this nomination, 

and if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the members of the committee and your staffs to promote and protect U.S. 

interests across Africa by strengthening and expanding our ties 

with the continent’s premier multilateral institution. 

I am pleased to welcome family members who are with me today, 

including my sister, Ann Marie Stoica, and niece, Mary Ann Manning, as well as my cousin, Brian Johnson. 

Nothing I could say today would underscore the importance of 

our relationship with the African Union more than President 

Obama did by his historic visit to Addis Ababa last July. As the 

first U.S. President to visit the AU, President Obama delivered a 

strong message on our commitment to Africa. This is a relationship 

rooted in shared goals, which are reflected in President Obama’s 

2012 policy directive for sub-Saharan Africa and the AU’s Constitutive Act, i.e., their founding document: peace and security; democracy and governance; opportunity and development; and economic 

growth, trade, and investment. If confirmed, I look forward to 

strengthening our close collaboration in all four areas. 

U.S. resource contributions to AU peace and security efforts have 

included both capacity building and operational support. Capacity 

building has assisted with AU peacekeeping and conflict early 

warning work, and operational support has included equipment, 

training, and logistics planning. The AU and its member states 

have made substantial progress in being able to step up to their 

security challenges, but additional work is needed, including in 

counterterrorism and maritime security. 

The realization that international largesse is not without its limits has led to discussions about new partnerships to provide both 

more reliable support and greater financial responsibility from the 

AU and its member states in U.N.-authorized peace operations in 

Africa. If confirmed, I would look forward to next steps as we work 

together with the AU, the U.N., and others in the international 

community to bring new proposals to fruition. 

The United States and the AU share a commitment to democratic principles, including free and fair elections, peaceful transitions of power, and sound governance. More broadly, we look to the 

AU as a respected voice on the continent that builds consensus on 

African issues among member states and stakeholders. I will continue this dialogue if I am confirmed, including frank discussions 

about how to address situations where democracy and governance 

are falling short. As President Obama made clear during his AU 

visit last year, the United States does not believe that governments 

should change their constitutions to benefit the incumbent in 

power. Our diplomatic efforts to resolve or prevent such crises are 

multifaceted and, indeed, multilateral. The African Union has been 

and will continue to be important partners in this regard. 

On the development front, the AU’s Agenda 2063 in the words 

of AU Commission Chairperson Dr. Dlamini Zuma encapsulates 

the aspirations of Africa’s people for themselves and for their continent.’’ From PEPFAR to the President’s Power Africa initiative, 

the United States has been at the forefront of helping Africa and 

Africans realize those aspirations. We need to help Africans build 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

927 

sustainable livelihoods and better opportunities, particularly for 

this continent’s strikingly young population. Congress’ 2015 renewal of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act for another 10 

years will enable more African entrepreneurs and exporters to 

build their businesses via stronger and more open trade relationships with the United States, another area I look forward to supporting, if confirmed. 

Mr. Chairman, baie dankie, and I thank both members for the 

opportunity to appear before you and look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Leonard follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARY BETH LEONARD, 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and members of the committee, it is a 

great honor to appear before you today as the nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and as the U.S. Representative to the United Nations 

Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). I joined the Foreign Service 28 years ago 

nearly to this day—in the same class as today’s co-panelist Geeta Pasi, I might 

add—with a newly minted Master’s Degree in African studies. I remember vividly 

my excitement that the State Department would agree to send me to live and work 

in Africa. Sitting here today, after six tours in Africa and two domestic Africa-related tours, my excitement is equally palpable as I contemplate the prospect that, 

if confirmed, I will marshall those professional experiences in directing U.S. relations with the African Union. These experiences culminated with the honor of serving as Ambassador in Mali, where the U.S. mission was at the forefront of a closely 

coordinated multilateral effort to support that country in emerging from a multidimensional security and governance crisis. I am deeply grateful for the trust and 

confidence that the President and Secretary Kerry have shown in me with this nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the members of this 

committee and your staffs to promote and protect U.S. interests across Africa by 

strengthening and expanding our ties with the continent’s premier multilateral institution. 

I am pleased to welcome family members who are with me today including my 

sister Ann Marie Stoica and niece Mary Ann Manning. 

Nothing I could say today would underscore the importance of our relationship 

with the African Union more than President Obama did by his historic visit to 

Addis Ababa last July. As the first U.S. President to visit the AU, President Obama 

delivered a strong message on our commitment to Africa—to democracy, to opportunity, to prosperity, and to the promotion of and respect for human rights for all 

people. This is a relationship rooted in shared goals, which are reflected in President Obama’s 2012 Policy Directive for sub-Saharan Africa and the AU’s Constitutive Act (the AU’s founding document): Peace and Security; Democracy and Governance; Opportunity and Development; and Economic Growth, Trade, and Investment. 

If confirmed, I look forward to strengthening our close collaboration in all four 

areas. 

U.S. resource contributions to AU peace and security efforts have included both 

capacity building and operational support. Capacity building has assisted with AU 

peacekeeping and conflict early warning work and operational support has included 

equipment, training, and logistics planning. Most recently, U.S. support has enabled 

AU efforts to counter the Lord’s Resistance Army, support the AU Mission in Somalia, and bolster the Lake Chad Basin Commission’s efforts to counter Boko Haram. 

The AU and its member states have made substantial progress in being able to step 

up to their security challenges but additional work is needed, including in counterterrorism and maritime security. The realization that international largesse is not 

without its limits has led to discussions about new partnerships to provide both 

more reliable support and greater financial responsibility from the AU and its member states in UN-authorized peace operations in Africa. We welcomed the AU’s appointment this January of Dr. Donald Kaberuka as the AU High Representative for 

the Peace Fund, highlighting the AU’s commitment to this issue. If confirmed, I 

would look forward to next steps as we work together with the AU, the UN, and 

others in the international community to bring new proposals to fruition. 

The United States and the AU share a commitment to democratic principles, including free and fair elections, peaceful transitions of power, and sound governance. 

More broadly, we look to the AU as a respected voice on the continent that builds 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

928 

consensus on African issues among member states and stakeholders. I will continue 

this dialogue if I am confirmed, including frank discussions about how to address 

situations where democracy and governance are falling short. As President Obama 

made clear during his AU visit last year, the United States does not believe that 

governments should change their constitutions to benefit the incumbent in power. 

Our diplomatic efforts to resolve or prevent such crises are multi-faceted, and indeed multilateral; the African Union, along with sub-regional African organizations 

such as the East African Community, has been and will continue to be important 

partners in this regard. 

On the development front, the AU’s ‘‘Agenda 2063’’ in the words of AU Commission Chairperson Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, ‘‘encapsulates the aspirations of Africa’s people for themselves and for their continent.’’ From PEPFAR to the President’s Power Africa initiative, the United States has been at the forefront of helping 

Africa and Africans realize those aspirations. We need to help Africans build sustainable livelihoods and better opportunities, particularly for this continent’s strikingly young population. Congress’ 2015 renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act for another ten years will enable more African entrepreneurs and exporters to build their businesses via stronger and more open trade relationships with 

the United States, another area I look forward to supporting, if confirmed. 

I cannot close without a word about the global response to the Ebola crisis, where 

our U.S. military and medical personnel worked alongside counterparts from Africa, 

Europe, China, and elsewhere to treat the ill and build institutional resilience in 

the Ebola-affected countries. We could not have succeeded without the critical contributions of the African Union, which deployed medical personnel and helped to coordinate a very effective response. If confirmed, it would be my honor to continue 

to pursue our efforts to support the nascent Africa Centers for Disease Control and 

Prevention, partially modeled on our own CDC, as framed in the April 2015 memorandum of cooperation signed by Secretary Kerry and Chairperson Dlamini Zuma. 

Mr. Chairman, I thank you for this opportunity to appear before you and the 

other members of the committee, and look forward to your questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Casper? 

STATEMENT OF ANNE S. CASPER, OF NEVADA, NOMINATED TO 

BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF BURUNDI 

Ms. CASPER. Chairman Flake, Ranking Member Markey, it is an 

honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to 

be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Burundi. I am extremely 

grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for their confidence 

in me. If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and 

other interested Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in 

Burundi and help Burundians achieve the bright future they deserve. 

Accompanying me here today is my husband, Karl Deringer, who 

has served in U.S. missions overseas as a nurse and in 2012 won 

the Secretary of State’s award for volunteerism in Africa. I would 

also like to mention my mother Ilene Casper who taught me the 

value of education, my brother Larry, an assistant U.S. attorney, 

and my late father, Charles Casper, a self-made man and proud 

veteran who modeled service to our country and a father who 

pushed his daughter to follow her dreams. 

Mr. Chairman, Burundi has been a friend of the United States 

since its founding as a republic in 1962. Roughly the size of New 

Hampshire and located in the heart of Africa, Burundi is home to 

10 million citizens. 

After decades of ethnic conflict, political violence, one-party rule, 

and a civil war that killed over 300,000 people, the signing of the 

Arusha Agreement in 2000 established a framework for peaceful 

political competition and ushered in a decade of hope. However, 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

929 

events over the past year have led Burundi away from the spirit 

and promise of Arusha. 

Since April 2015, when the Burundi Government signaled its intent to disregard term limits in violation of the Arusha Agreement, 

over 400 people have been killed and 260,000 have fled to neighboring countries. Targeted violence, assassinations, sexual and gender-based violence, and retaliatory attacks have continued with impunity, further threatening Burundi’s fragile peace. Mr. Chairman, 

this killing must stop. Ending this crisis and restoring stability to 

Burundi requires leadership and it requires courage. Peace that 

binds all parties is essential for a return to a positive trajectory in 

Burundi. 

The United States remains seized with resolving this crisis 

through direct engagement. We are pressing all sides to stop the 

violence and commit to participating in the East African Community-led dialogue process, which most recently convened last month. 

Additionally, the United States is supporting the deployment and 

important work of U.N. and African Union human rights monitors 

and continues to engage the U.N., AU, and regional partners on 

contingency planning. 

Mr. Chairman, young people make up over half of all Burundian 

citizens, and they are seeking education and jobs in ever greater 

numbers. Given the dearth of opportunity, however, they are particularly vulnerable to recruitment into militias. The U.S. Government runs programs with local partners to develop opportunities 

for young people, strengthen conflict resolution, monitor for hate 

speech, and promote peaceful messaging. If I am confirmed, embassy staff and I will continue to reach out broadly to strengthen 

these efforts and expand opportunities. 

Mr. Chairman, Burundi’s fragile economy continues to deteriorate, increasing Burundians’ health and nutritional challenges. The 

U.S. Government provides $50 million annually in USAID-funded 

assistance programs, primarily to the health sector. We have also 

contributed $86 million in humanitarian assistance for refugees 

and others affected by the current crisis. If confirmed, I will work 

to ensure that this assistance remains effective. 

I also would note that Burundi has made important contributions 

to peacekeeping, particularly countering Al Shabaab in Somalia. 

Finally, our mission in Bujumbura has performed admirably 

under very difficult circumstances over the past year. I look forward, if confirmed, to working with every one of our embassy staff, 

American and locally engaged alike. Ensuring the continued safety 

of American citizens residing in Burundi and the security of our 

staff are my highest priorities. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will bring the collective experiences of my 23 years in the Foreign Service to advance U.S. interests. I will also help Burundi’s people restore their nation and their 

lives so that they export products, not people, and so that when the 

world thinks of Burundi and the center of Africa, we will not dwell 

on their fears but we will share with Burundians the promise of 

their hopes. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Casper follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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PREPARED STATEMENT OF ANNE S. CASPER

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as President Obama’s nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of 

Burundi. I am extremely grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for their 

confidence in me. If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and other 

interested Members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in Burundi and help Burundians achieve the bright future they deserve. 

Accompanying me here today is my husband, Karl Deringer, who has served in 

U.S. missions overseas as a nurse and in 2012 won the Secretary of State’s award 

for volunteerism in Africa. I would not be here today without his support. I would 

also like to mention my mother, Ilene Casper, who taught me the value of education, my brother Larry, an assistant U.S. attorney, and my late father, Charles 

Casper, a self-made man and proud veteran who modeled service to our country and 

a father who pushed his daughter to follow her dreams. 

Mr. Chairman, Burundi has been a friend of the United States since its founding 

as a republic in 1962. Roughly the size of New Hampshire and located in the heart 

of Africa, Burundi is home to over 10 million citizens. 

After decades of ethnic conflict, political violence, one-party rule, and a civil war 

that killed over 300,000 people in Burundi, the signing of the Arusha Agreement 

in 2000 established a framework for peaceful political competition and ushered in 

a decade of hope. However, events over the past year have led Burundi away from 

the spirit and promise of Arusha. 

Since April 2015, when the Burundi government signaled its intent to disregard 

term limits in violation of the Arusha Agreement, over 400 people have been killed 

and 260,000 have fled to neighboring countries. Targeted violence, assassination, 

sexual and gender-based violence and retaliatory attacks have continued with impunity, further threatening Burundi’s fragile peace. Mr. Chairman, this killing must 

stop. Ending this crisis and restoring stability to Burundi requires leadership and 

it requires courage. Peace that binds all parties is essential for a return to a positive 

trajectory in Burundi. 

The United States remains seized with resolving this crisis though direct engagement. We are pressing all sides to stop the violence and commit to participating in 

the East African Community-led dialogue process, which most recently convened 

last month. Additionally, the United States is supporting the deployment and important work of U.N. and African Union (AU) human rights monitors, and continues 

to engage the UN, AU, and regional partners on contingency planning. 

Mr. Chairman, young people make up over half of all Burundian citizens and they 

are seeking education and jobs in ever greater numbers. Given the dearth of opportunity, however, they are particularly vulnerable to recruitment into militias. The 

U.S. government runs programs with local partners to develop opportunities for 

young people, strengthen conflict resolution, monitor for hate speech and promote 

peaceful messaging. If I am confirmed, Embassy staff and I will continue to reach 

out broadly to strengthen these efforts and expand opportunities. Mr. Chairman, 

Burundi’s fragile economy continues to deteriorate, increasing Burundians’ health 

and nutritional challenges. The U.S. government provides $50 million annually in 

USAID-funded assistance programs, primarily to the health sector. We have also 

contributed $86 million in humanitarian assistance for refugees affected by the current crisis. If confirmed, I will work to ensure this assistance remains effective. 

I would also note that Burundi has made important contributions to peacekeeping, particularly countering Al Shabaab in Somalia.Finally, our Mission in 

Bujumbura has performed admirably under very difficult circumstances over the 

past year. I look forward, if confirmed, to working with every one of our Embassy 

staff, American and locally employed alike. 

Ensuring the continued safety of American citizens residing in Burundi and the 

security of our staff are my highest priorities.Here in Washington, just the other 

day, I saw a high-value, single-source coffee for sale, from Burundi. Its quality, and 

pledge that a good price had been paid to the farmer, reminded me of Burundi’s 

promising prospects. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will bring the collective experiences of my 23 years 

in the Foreign Service to advance U.S. interests; I will also help Burundi’s people 

restore their nation and their lives so that they export products, not people, and so 

that when the world thinks of Burundi and the center of Africa, we will not dwell 

on their fears, but share with Burundians the promise of their hopes. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, all of you. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ambassador Pasi, with regard to Chad, you mentioned protecting 

U.S. business interests as a top priority. What U.S. business interests are there in Chad right now? 

Ambassador PASI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

We have U.S. business interest that is limited to the oil investment, the oil sector. Exxon Mobil and some partners are there. 

They run the pipeline from Chad to Cameroon. With the decline in 

oil prices, however, the associated companies in the oil industry 

have largely reduced their holdings or actually left Chad. So the actual American business presence is fairly small. 

Senator FLAKE. And in terms of the future, likely investment 

likely in the oil and gas industry? 

Ambassador PASI. I think the oil and gas sector, obviously, depends on the price of the oil and gas around the world. If it does 

increase, Chad will have more promise in terms of partners. There 

are Canadian firms also in the oil sector, as well as Chinese companies and others. 

There are a few other sectors. Most Chadians are actually engaged in agriculture. They raise cotton. They export vegetables. We 

provide assistance to help them do a better job with that. 

Senator FLAKE. Talk about USAID assistance with regard to development in agriculture. 

Ambassador PASI. Yes. So USAID is engaged in a number of regional projects in Chad. We do not have a USAID presence in 

Chad. We have one representative but not a standard USAID office 

as we do in many other countries. But we have regional programs, 

and one is a seed program to provide more resilient seeds to 

Chadians so that crops are more effective in that drought-affected 

country. Second, there is a cotton collective program for the surrounding countries, those that raise cotton, to promote the sale of 

cotton. So they are mostly regionally based agricultural activities 

from USAID, in addition to the Countering Violent Extremism programs that we have there. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Leonard, the last panel—you heard them talk about sanctions. One of the panelists talked about U.N. sanctions really only 

being effective if they get AU support first. The African countries 

can come together. What do you see as part of your role there in 

this regard. For example, if we want to impose sanctions on the 

DRC, U.N. sanctions, your role in getting African countries through 

the AU to support these kind of actions? 

Ambassador LEONARD. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

I listened to the exchange of the previous panelists with great interest, and I noted not only their interest in the tool of sanctions 

but their generally shared conviction that sanctions as a tool works 

best when it is accompanied by a very broad strategy and shared 

strategy. 

And I think that what is particularly interesting about our relationship with the African Union is the ability to help build regional 

consensus on the founding goals that are so near and dear to our 

own goals in Africa, mainly democracy and governance in the context of the conversation that you just had. And I have quoted the 

President’s words in my statement about his attachment to that 

issue, and whatever the merits of an individual discussion, clearly 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

932 

if a government—it is destabilizing insofar as political opponents 

are being attacked or aspirations are not met. And so, therefore, 

this question of democracy and governance is very much at the 

heart of peace and stability goals that are dear to the African 

Union, as well as democracy and governance. 

So if I am confirmed, I would very much see my role as helping 

to forge that consensus. The places where international efforts have 

been very successful in Africa have been when the United Nations, 

the African Union, and international partners worked closely together to a shared goal. My previous posting in Mali was a very 

good example of that, one which did not include the particular tool 

of sanctions, but I think the larger point remains and I would look 

forward to interacting with the African Union on those issues. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ms. Casper, the government in Burundi has resisted efforts to 

force them or encourage them to engage in peace talks with other 

entities and in regional peace talks as well. What can we do to encourage them to move in that direction? What do you see your role 

being? 

Ms. CASPER. Thank you, Senator. A very important question. 

Having the Burundian Government engage in peace talks, along 

with all parties in the crisis is critical to moving forward Burundi 

in the spirit and fashion that it needs to go. Our Special Envoy 

Perriello succeeded last month in getting a range of actors to the 

table under the leadership of the East African Community and 

former Tanzania President Mkaba, and that is an important step 

that has been taken and one that we will continue to build on. 

If I am confirmed, I will work directly with the government, the 

highest levels of government, to continue to press them to engage, 

as well as all actors that need to come to the table. 

Senator FLAKE. Good. That is obviously important. We do not 

want this conflict to escalate. So you have got an important role 

there. So thank you. 

Senator Markey? 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Ms. Casper, if I can come back to you and just follow up where 

the chairman was going in terms of this Burundi problem state, 

which it really has become. 

Last year, the president decided just to run for reelection, forget 

the constitution, and to ultimately just begin to set a real trend, 

which we are seeing in Congo and my fear is in Kenya and other 

countries in terms of just disregarding the constitution. The United 

States and the EU then imposed sanctions. My question to you is, 

how important was it that the United States and the EU imposed 

sanctions on Burundi from your perspective? 

Ms. CASPER. Thank you, Senator. 

First of all, let me say how important I thought that the discussion we had in the last hour about sanctions was. Sanctions are 

part in Burundi of a broader strategy that is ongoing, and that I 

think is a critical piece of this. So sanctions are one piece, but it 

is really part of a broader package. 

In the Burundi case, in particular, sanctions have made clear 

that we, the U.S. Government, are committed to holding people 

who have engaged in human rights abuses and who are threatFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

933 

ening peace and security in Burundi, that they are accountable. It 

is also important that we have implemented those sanctions impartially so that there are people on all sides of the spectrum who 

have been sanctioned, and it is based purely on the abuses that 

they have committed. 

As I noted, it is part of a broader strategy, including bringing 

people to the table, including the direct outreach that has occurred 

not just by the U.S. Government but also by our regional partners, 

the African Union, the U.N., and others. 

And finally, I would say I think it is important that people know 

generally that our sanctions are targeted against specific people, 

that they do not penalize the population in general, and that the 

United States Government stands for the people of Burundi, not for 

any particular group. And really, our main goal is to bring them 

back, help them come back to the spirit of Arusha, the spirit of 

compromise, and the spirit of peace. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Ms. Leonard, the AU has been very slow to put pressure on 

President Kabila to adhere to the DRC constitution, and the chairman and I and Senator Coons—we were at the AU when President 

Obama spoke very forcefully about the need to have an adherence 

to the constitutions of the countries of Africa with regard to elections. 

The AU has expressed support, very dismayingly, to President 

Kabila’s, quote, national dialogue, which I think is just widely seen 

as just a stall tactic. And so from my perspective, how do you explain the hesitancy of the AU to just cut right through this national dialogue and get right down to the bottom line, which is that 

he is trying to avoid having an election and he wants to perpetuate 

himself in office? So analyze the AU for us and why they are not 

stepping up. 

Ambassador LEONARD. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

I think that anyone who looks at the current events in Africa 

today and who understands the spirit of international coordination 

or regional coordination on peace and security matters as involving 

questions of prevention, as well as solving problems, looks at developments in the Congo and sees that that particular attention is 

very much required there now. 

I think it is often the case that the African Union has several 

subregional organizations within them, and while it is often true 

that your close neighbors are best able to diagnose and deal with 

problems, it also creates certain sensitivities for neighbors as well. 

The idea of dialogue is not something as a diplomat that I am 

going to object to. I do think it would be useful, for example, to expand those discussions very much in the spirit of my previous answer to the question that the world solves the problems best when 

the African Union and, for example, the United Nations are working together to pressure sides in a useful direction, in a positive direction, and one that does not raise the near-term prospect of dealing with later instability. And that would be very much the spirit 

of my interactions with the African Union, if I am confirmed. 

Senator MARKEY. Great. 

Ambassador Pasi, we had a hearing last month where we were 

talking about Africa, and I raised specifically a question about the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

934 

sale of American combat aircraft to Nigeria with arched eyebrows 

almost at the ceiling when I did so. But I could have just as easily 

been talking about our security partnership with Chad, another 

partner in our fight against Boko Haram. 

Can you talk to us a little bit about what you think the appropriate balance is between governments that are just authoritarian, 

such as we see in Chad, and our partnership with them and the 

aid which we provide them which sometimes sends the wrong message to I think the people in their own country and to the rest of 

the region? 

Ambassador PASI. Thank you, Mr. Senator. It is a question I 

have thought a lot about. I was Ambassador to Djibouti where we 

also provided a huge amount of military assistance. We have a base 

there. Chad is, of course, very different. We do not have a military 

base, but we provide security assistance to Chad in order to help 

them combat Boko Haram, a threat to the region and now with 

their affiliation with ISIL, a threat that goes far beyond West Africa and in fact might reach other regions of the world. 

It is a challenging problem. I am very proud that the U.S. Government, when we give assistance, whether it is from DOD, the 

State Department, or whichever agency it comes from, includes 

human rights and other kinds of training for those we are training. 

The human rights training, of course, helps soldiers and others, police, understand the basic requirements if they are going to be 

using U.S. assistance wherever they are going. 

We do need to provide military hardware or Chad will not be 

able to do the job that we have asked them to do, that they need 

to do. And I think we have to be careful about what we are giving, 

the messages that accompany it, and if confirmed, it will be a priority for me to reinforce hopefully with the U.S. military that is 

providing so much assistance in Chad, training and other kinds of 

assistance, that while we are providing for your security, the goal 

is to have a better democracy in Chad and in the region. 

Senator MARKEY. Can you just expand just a little bit? Because 

I think it is important for these words to be heard. Boko Haram 

has changed its name. 

Ambassador PASI. Yes. 

Senator MARKEY. And it has changed its name to—I heard you 

say it—ISIL West Africa Province in your verbal testimony. What 

is the significance of that name change? What does that mean from 

the perspective of regional security and a U.S. perspective of this 

metastasizing ISIL threat in the region? 

Ambassador PASI. Yes. Thank you, Senator. 

I think it is a very significant change. Boko Haram, in fact, just 

attacked a small town, a city, in Niger, and Chad has immediately 

dispatched 2,000 troops. So the name change, I think, shows that 

they want to affiliate themselves with something much bigger, 

much broader, an organization that has a reach into Europe and 

beyond. And I think it goes to show how a group that once was 

thought of as just a threat to one country or a small group has become the deadliest terrorist organization on the planet, killing 

thousands and thousands and thousands with relatively limited 

technology at their behest. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Chad is, of course, very focused on regional security, and Boko 

Haram has tremendously threatened its economy, its trade routes, 

its ability with a limited economy that is very challenged to thrive. 

I think we are very lucky to have partners in Africa like Chad who 

are willing to be at the tip of the spear in dealing with this group, 

but I believe given its location, surrounded by many, many difficult 

countries, including Libya, that Chad will have many challenges to 

come. And we will be working even more closely with them on security as we move forward. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, we appreciate your being here and for having this confirmation hearing. We appreciate the family for being 

here as well. 

The hearing record will remain open until Friday. Again, if you 

get questions from other members who are not here, if you could 

please answer them as quickly as possible, it would be appreciated. 

Thank you again for your willingness to serve and thank you to 

the family members for being here and for enduring the hearing 

before as well. So we appreciate it. Thanks for your service. 

This hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF HON. GRETA PASI, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF CHAD, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PASI’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Promoting human rights and democracy has been a theme throughout 

my career. As a political officer in Ghana in the mid-1990s (1995-1997), I led U.S. 

efforts to promote political dialogue, including hosting political salon meetings that 

allowed political party representatives from dozens of parties to engage in meaningful dialogue in a neutral environment. This ensured that no parties would be 

marginalized in the pre-election period. U.S. engagement with all parties sent a 

powerful signal to the country and the government. 

Then, while serving in Dhaka as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge (2006-2009), 

I led our efforts to convince the Caretaker Government (CTG) to first set and then 

adhere to a schedule for restoring democracy through free, fair and credible elections. At the same time, we advocated forcefully that the CTG should be held to 

high standards in respecting human rights during the state of emergency. The CTG 

implemented changes that benefited society and led to an elected government on the 

timetable agreed upon by the international community. 

Finally, as ambassador to Djibouti from 2011-2014, I collaborated with ambassadors from like-minded countries to engage with the opposition and coordinated on 

messaging to press the Government of Djibouti on democracy and governance concerns. Our collective efforts led to a dialogue with the opposition and their inclusion 

in political discussions. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Chad? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in Chad? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The most significant human rights problems Chad faces are security 

force abuse, poor prison conditions, and discrimination and violence against women 

and children. Other human rights abuses of concern include arbitrary killings by seFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

936 

curity forces and use of torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, and infringement 

on freedoms of expression and assembly. 

If confirmed, the most important steps I will take to promote human rights and 

democracy will be to seek opportunities to bolster the capacity of civil society and 

increase civic space and encourage the Government of Chad (GOC) to protect and 

defend the human rights of all citizens; as well as emphasize building and strengthening institutional capacity. I will press GOC interlocutors on the need for security 

forces to abide by international standards for human rights in its efforts to combat 

Boko Haram, strengthen civilian forces role in providing citizen security, investigate 

allegations of abuse, and hold human rights violators accountable. I will encourage 

the GOC to focus not only on addressing the immediate security threat posed by 

Boko Haram, but also the root causes of violence in the region. I will continue to 

support and push to expand USG programs to provide human rights training for 

Chadian security forces deemed eligible under the Leahy Law, International Criminal Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) to provide Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) and management training for Chad’s prison officials, and 

Anti-Terrorism Training funded programs on rule of law for law enforcement agencies. 

I will also urge passage of the Trafficking in Persons (TIP) legislation, which remains pending, and seek continued anti-trafficking training for judicial sector personnel to increase protection for victims. Finally, I will also seek opportunities to 

engage and support Chadian civil society organizations in order to help guarantee 

increased civic and political space in Chad, including engagement with organizations that promote the protection of women and children, such as the House of the 

Woman which offers skills training to victims of domestic violence. 

In addition to supporting the promotion of human rights and democracy, by supporting these activities I hope to help foster greater transparency in government 

and elevation of citizen awareness and peaceful participation in formulating public 

policy. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Chad in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am prepared to take on an ambitious agenda when it 

comes to human rights, but I am also prepared for obstacles and possible resistance. 

We noted with concern reports of abuse and targeting of opposition supporters following April’s presidential election. It will be necessary to continue impressing upon 

the GOC the importance of upholding freedoms of expression and assembly and inclusion of all citizens in the political process, while simultaneously continuing to 

demonstrate our support for civil society. 

Within the confines of existing U.S. government resources, if confirmed, I will 

press the GOC to improve detention conditions in the prison system to address gross 

overcrowding and physical abuse. I will also ask other donors to collaborate with 

us toward this end. The recent addition of a regional legal advisor in N’Djamena 

will enable the Mission to begin looking at the systematic improvements to the judicial system and to provide an American subject matter expert to engage on these 

issues with the GOC. 

With assistance from UNICEF, Chad is engaged in a program to combat TIP and 

improve protection of women and children. Chad’s current financial difficulties, due 

to low oil prices and reduced livestock and agricultural exports, have reduced governmental ability to sustain programs. We will continue to encourage Chad to carry 

out programs in place and will continue to include training on TIP in security and 

law enforcement training the USG provides. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Chad? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. I am highly committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local NGOs in Chad and will maintain 

an ongoing dialogue with the government, civil society organizations and international organizations in order to increase civic and political space in Chad. Uppermost in my mind will be promoting inclusivity and engaging with groups that traditionally have been marginalized such as the LGBT community. 

Embassy N’Djamena has a Leahy committee which actively coordinates responses 

for Leahy vetting for any Chadian security forces requesting to receive U.S. governFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

937 

ment-funded training. The Government of Chad is proud to include human rights 

training in its security force training programs, and I will urge the Government to 

continue pursuing training for eligible units. 

Question. If confirmed, will you and your embassy team actively engage with 

Chad to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by the Chadian government? 

Answer. If confirmed, my Embassy team and I will continue to actively engage 

with the Government of Chad at all levels to successfully redress cases of any political prisoners or persons unjustly targeted by the Government. 

Question. If confirmed, will you engage with Chad on matters of human rights, 

civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. If confirmed, protecting human rights, supporting the rights of civil 

society, and emphasizing the vital importance of good governance will be high priorities for the entire Mission and be interwoven into all aspects of our efforts in Chad. 

Good Governance 

The countries of the Lake Chad Basin have acknowledged the need for 

a comprehensive plan to defeat Boko Haram, including providing civil administration and economic opportunities to prevent radicalization. While 

Chad does not have the same interreligious tensions as Nigeria, the existence of marginalized and underdeveloped communities could pose a challenge to national stability. 

Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to engage the Chadian government regarding the need for inclusive governance? What programs to support democracy 

and governance do we currently have in Chad? Please specify dollar amounts and 

accounts. What do you see as the greatest opportunity for the U.S. to support improvements in democratic practices and institutions? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Chad to fully permit all political parties and civil society organizations to exercise their rights of assembly and 

free speech as well as its respect of the legal, civil, and human rights of all its citizens, and allow, encourage, and support Chadian citizens who exercise their constitutional rights peacefully. While there was no bilateral democracy and governance funding in Chad in FY 2015, we obligated a total of $426,174 in FY 2014 ESF 

to support regional Trans Saharan Counter Terrorism Partnership (TSCTP) activities in Chad, including, for example, to provide work skills training to students in 

Koranic schools. 

Refugees 

As you referenced in your testimony, Chad is host to more than 380,000 

refugees from Nigeria, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. Many of 

these individuals are living in remote areas in which host populations face 

enormous economic challenges. 

Question. Are sufficient resources available to meet the needs of the Sudanese and 

Central African refugees in Chad? If not, if confirmed, how will you work with 

Chadian and United Nations officials to ensure that they are? 

Answer. The international donor community has been responding on a sustained 

basis to the humanitarian crisis that started when Sudanese refugees began crossing into eastern Chad from Darfur over a decade ago. Humanitarian assistance continues to be required to assist the GOC to respond to recurrent crises while also 

strengthening the long-term capacity of vulnerable populations to cope with these 

events. However, donor fatigue and a record number of needs elsewhere in the world 

have reduced international assistance. 

If confirmed, I will promote programs to increase self-sufficiency of refugee populations. I will support ongoing discussions between the UN, the GOC, and local authorities to further expand refugee access to arable land. Furthermore, I will urge 

donors to fund agricultural extension services to refugees who farm and also urge 

additional funding for education and training programs for refugees. To date in FY 

2016, the Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) has 

provided $21.3 million to international organizations to address humanitarian needs 

in the Lake Chad Basin. 

Regional Coordination 

Coordination mechanisms have proliferated in the Sahel as a result of the 

Boko Haram violence and the subsequent regional humanitarian crisis. The 

U.N. has appointed a regional humanitarian coordinator and the United 

States has a coordinator for counter-Boko Haram operations. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

938 

Question. If confirmed, what do you see as your role within the context of the 

Lake Chad Basin coordination mechanism? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will engage closely with the Lake Chad Basin Commission 

and the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) to help ensure that these organizations are supporting efforts by the Lake Chad Basin countries (Chad, Nigeria, 

Niger and Cameroon) and Benin to work together to defeat Boko Haram. I believe 

the MNJTF, which is headquartered in N’Djamena, has an important, constructive 

role to fill in defeating Boko Haram. Specifically, the MNJTF can provide a venue 

for planning and coordination of security operations against Boko Haram, intelligence sharing, and oversight of security operations to ensure they are conducted 

in accordance with international human rights standards. If confirmed, I will work 

with the U.S. Special Operations Command and Control Element (SOCCE)-Lake 

Chad Basin and the U.S. Department of State Senior Coordinator on Boko Haram 

to promote effective U.S. support to the MNJTF and its member states. 

In addition, if confirmed, I will coordinate counterterrorism (CT) and countering 

violent extremism (CVE) policies and programs through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Specifically, I will ensure all U.S. funded CT and 

CVE programs in and affecting Chad are coordinated through existing TSCTP synchronization processes—closely involving my development and defense colleagues at 

Post, in Germany, in Washington, and in the Sahel and Maghreb regions. These coordination efforts through TSCTP will also help us design and implement CT and 

CVE investments complementary to our French, EU, and other foreign colleagues’ 

related efforts. 

Question. What mechanism exists for international regional coordination on humanitarian and counterterrorism issues across the Sahel and Maghreb? 

Answer. One mechanism for coordination of counterterrorism efforts across the 

Sahel is continued partnership with the French. The French government has placed 

its headquarters for all military operations in the Sahel and Maghreb in N’Djamena. 

This French military effort is named OPERATION BARKHANE. Through the Defense Attache Office and other military components under AFRICOM’s purview, we 

are supporting French operations across the Sahel in shared initiatives to combat 

trans-regional terrorism. Many of these initiatives involve combined intelligence, 

surveillance and reconnaissance efforts, to share more intelligence on nefarious actors, as well as training anti-terrorism units. 

In addition to the security benefits noted above, the MNJTF, in close coordination 

with the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), has been developing a Civil-Military capability to address the humanitarian aspects of the Boko Haram conflict. The 

United States has also been providing assistance to this effort via our representatives to the Center for Coordination and Liaison (CCL). 

The Sahel countries have also developed the G5 Sahel initiative to encourage 

greater coordination on regional issues such as terrorism and humanitarian relief. 

N’Djamena hosted a summit of the G5 Sahel in November 2015 and Chad, as the 

current president, continues to be a key partner in the group. Additionally, given 

the G5’s mandate to coordinate and monitor regional cooperation, it would be an appropriate African forum to assume the responsibility of counterterrorism coordination in the Sahel. 

International regional coordination on humanitarian issues falls to U.N. agencies 

such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance 

(OCHA) and the World Food Program. For example, in response to the crisis in the 

Lake Chad basin, OCHA has issued appeals and provides periodic sitreps on the 

status of assistance programs in that subregion. The U.N. World Food Program 

similarly coordinates food aid to the region and has a regional emergency operation 

for the Lake Chad basin towards which USAID committed $4.0 million in FY 2015 

and $5.1 million in FY 2016. 

Question. What will be your role, if confirmed, in participating in interagency coordination efforts for the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership? 

Answer. If confirmed, my role in participating in interagency efforts for the TransSahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) will be to advocate for an appropriate mix of 3D (diplomacy, defense, and development) resources to respond to the 

specific needs of Chad and to ensure that these resources are programmed to have 

maximum impact. 

U.S. Embassy N’Djamena currently participates in the TSCTP through several offices. The Democracy and Development Office works with TSCTP on development 

projects. Additionally, the Regional Security Office has been extremely active in 

maximizing use of the TSCTP Antiterrorism Assistance (ATA) Program to provide 

training for Chadian police and security forces and the Department of Defense’s OfFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

939 

fice of Security Cooperation has provided, via the TSCTP, vehicles, as well as medical, communications and Personal Protective equipment to Chadian military forces 

engaged in fighting Boko Haram. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will ensure that 

U.S. Embassy N’Djamena continues to maximize the impact of the support provided 

by the TSCTP, that we encourage Chadian participation in TSCTP efforts and that 

we continue to maintain open and continuous dialogue on the impacts of TSCTP efforts in Chad as well as the future direction of the partnership. 

RESPONSES OF MARY BETH LEONARD, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE

UNITED STATES TO THE AFRICAN UNION, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE

COMMITTEE

REPRESENTATIVE-DESIGNATE LEONARD’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have had the privilege of addressing human rights concerns throughout 

my Foreign Service career, from my very first tour following the trial of a 

Cameroonian opposition figure. In Mali, I received the Diplomacy for Human Rights 

prize in 2013, awarded each year to one U.S. ambassador for notable achievement 

in promoting democracy and human rights. My actions there included speaking out 

early and forcefully for a rapid return to elected governance after the 2012 coup; 

forestalling potential violations by engaging leaders from groups with records of violations in previous political eras to make clear both U.S. disapproval and dispel any 

notion that inter-communal violence was consistent with any concept of Malian patriotism; seeking accountability for crimes and excesses by the military junta; and 

calling out mistreatment of journalists. For example, when Mali’s elected government bravely investigated the disappearance, and presumed murder, of 21 Malian 

troops who were loyal to Mali’s deposed president, I encouraged my team to find 

a mechanism to support this investigation by identifying and funding forensic expertise and exhorting the Government of Mali (GOM) to ensure the security of judicial 

authorities involved in the investigatory process and trial. These efforts supported 

Mali’s newly elected government’s decision to arrest and prosecute coup d’etat leader Captain Sanogo and other junta members. 

A free press is another important guarantor of human rights. Once lauded by 

Freedom House as having the most liberal press environment on the continent, Mali 

suffered multiple incidents after the coup in which journalists were intimidated, 

beaten and detained without charge. I became the first to denounce the March 6, 

2013, arrest of local editor Boukary Daou, who was tortured after his newspaper 

printed a letter criticizing coup leader Sanogo. Within hours of his disappearance, 

I spearheaded efforts to coordinate a diplomatic community effort to press the GOM 

to respect human rights, free speech, and freedom of the press, and called out in 

public events for his release. Mr. Daou credits this activism with helping secure his 

freedom, and linked the end of his physical mistreatment in detention to his jailors’ 

acknowledgment of my public expressions of interest and concern. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues on the continent? 

What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote 

human rights and democracy? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. Groups that perpetrate violent extremism are among the most serious 

threats to human rights in Africa. In Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, deadly 

attacks and abductions by Boko Haram continued to terrorize thousands of civilians. 

Nigerian security forces’ heavy-handed tactics and abuses of civilians, including 

extrajudicial killings, contributed to the mutation of Boko Haram into an insurgency. 

Further democratic consolidation in Africa is also dependent on rights-respecting 

security forces that answer to civilian governments and protect, rather than target, 

citizens. This is, unfortunately, a persistent challenge across the continent, and one 

that we raise regularly with our government counterparts as part of our efforts to 

build strong democracies and meaningful security partnerships. In countries where 

security forces have questionable human rights records, citizens require access to 

justice, in order to hold both states and other citizens accountable for breaches of 

the law. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

940 

As part of our promotion of real and inclusive democracy, we remain concerned 

by the threats to freedom of speech and the press, as well as the right to assemble. 

These rights are universal, and they are written into many African constitutions. 

Unfortunately, not all governments regularly abide by what those constitutions say. 

Many of these governments seek to close space for political opposition and civil society, as well as restrict media access, well before election day. These governments 

often control the flow of information through state-owned media, restrict or close 

down access to the internet, and harass and arrest journalists. Impunity and lack 

of investigation by officials when journalists are killed create an environment of intimidation and fear for the media. These same governments also limit freedom of 

assembly and expression—they intimidate civil society activists, and arrest or ‘‘disappear’’ members of the opposition, often under the guise of promoting state security. 

The AU explicitly allows for the right to take up member country issues relating 

to war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. Promoting democracy and 

human rights are the first of four pillars of U.S. policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. 

As Ambassador, I would work with the AU in order to counter violent extremism 

and promote inclusive democratic processes across the continent. We do this by supporting and empowering reformers and institutions of government at all levels to 

promote the rule of law, strengthen checks on executive power, and incorporate responsive governance practices. Accountability, access to justice, and an independent 

media are all necessary conditions for long term stability and development. Ensuring that elections and institutions are as inclusive as possible, including ethnic, religious, and other minorities as well as other disadvantaged groups is a key element 

in our strategy. We also support those leaders who abide by their constitutions to 

step down after their time in office, respecting term limits and allowing for the 

peaceful transition of power. If confirmed, I would continue to pursue these themes 

as they arise, encouraging the AU to build on its record of defending these important principles. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face at the African Union (AU) in advancing human rights, civil society and 

democracy in general? 

Answer. As with all multilateral organizations, the AU can only be as strong and 

effective as its member states allow it to be. Individual countries’ interests will not 

always align with the broader interests of the union as outlined in its Constitutive 

Act, creating potential frictions. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with human rights NGOs in 

the context of your responsibilities at the AU? If confirmed, what steps will you take 

to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure any U.S. security assistance and security cooperation we may provide in support of AU institutions or efforts reinforces human rights? 

Answer. Yes. These organizations and the work that they do are essential to 

strengthening human rights adherence and meeting U.S. objectives in Africa. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAU actively seeks their input and applies their expertise in the development of U.S. security assistance and cooperation. If confirmed, I 

will ensure that all U.S. bilateral assistance in support of African Union institutions 

is in compliance with U.S. law and encourage AU institutions to reinforce human 

rights and rule of law. 

Question. If confirmed, will you and your embassy team actively engage with AU 

leadership to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly 

targeted across the continent? 

Answer. Yes. 

Question. Will you engage with AU leadership on matters of human rights, civil 

rights and governance as part of your multilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. I am pleased that many human rights and non-governmental organizations maintain Addis Ababa—or regionally-based missions, and/or are themselves 

accredited as observers to the AU, helping to contribute to an environment of awareness and activism for these important issues. 

Question. Despite the existence of an AU Convention on Preventing and Combatting Corruption and the initiative of certain leaders to address the issue domestically, corruption remains a key challenge to economic development and good governance in many places across the continent. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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♦ What do you see as the most destabilizing form(s) of corruption on the continent 

[i.e. grand vs petty]? 

Answer. At a fundamental level, all forms of corruption, including petty and grand 

corruption, hamper a society’s ability to achieve stability and prosperity. While the 

impacts of grand corruption result in spectacular amounts of resources being misappropriated, petty corruption robs citizens of funds needed to feed families, pay for 

school and medical fees, and save for the future. To separate petty from grand corruption is to draw an artificial line between activities that have the same effects: 

destabilization, a lack of confidence in public leaders, ineffective institutions and 

robbing countries of precious resources necessary to propel themselves forward economically and protect their citizens. Our fight against corruption must be a wholeproblem approach, and we need to ensure we deliver a strong message of zero tolerance to all corrupt officials regardless of station or duty. 

Question. What is the AU’s role in combatting corruption and how does it compare 

with that of the regional economic communities? What do you see as the main obstacles to the AU fulfilling this role [i.e.: lack of political will, technical capacity, few 

connections to civil society, some combination]? 

Answer. The African Union’s role in combatting corruption is in its powerful 

forum that draws together all African leaders in one place to talk about problems, 

including corruption, that face the continent as a whole. It is a place where the 

countries of Africa can collectively formulate and establish principles and standards 

by which all members can hold each other accountable. 

The ability of the AU to convene all 54 members of the African continent complements the work of the regional economic communities, which also work to collectively address the effects of corruption in their specific communities. The AU provides an opportunity for the whole membership to take ideas borne out of the regionally focused economic communities and find ways to adapt policies to suit the 

needs of the differing members of the AU. 

The AU, much like the African continent, faces a combination of challenges in 

combating corruption. They include a shrinking civil society space, lack of strong 

civil society participation, and lack of political will. Civil society does not have the 

ability to bring cases before the African Court in a majority of the AU member 

states, and in places where corruption exists, ruling parties have a vested interest 

to keep it that way. The African Peer Review Mechanism, a policy group for selfassessment for good governance and reinforcement of best practices, is underutilized 

by its members. There are also some within both the rank and file and leadership 

of the AU who do not want to raise the profile of the fight against corruption. 

Question. If confirmed, how will you use your office to encourage tangible progress 

and further coordination on anti-corruption efforts? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the implementation of the 

standards and principles that the AU has already set forth as a baseline for combating corruption on the African continent which are outlined in AU Convention 

against Corruption, and encouraging AU members who have not joined the AU Convention against Corruption to join. I will engage with the members of the AU who 

have a genuine interest in battling corruption and impunity to break ranks with 

those who are interested in maintaining the status quo, and encourage members to 

enforce standards. 

I will also focus on discrete efforts to mainstream anti-corruption into AU Peace 

and Security Commission activities; especially ensuring adequate safeguards are in 

place to mitigate leakage in AU PKO operations. 

RESPONSES OF ANNE S. CASPER, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC

OF BURUNDI, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE CASPER’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have promoted human rights and democracy throughout my 23-year 

Foreign Service career. For example, as Public Affairs Counselor Bangkok (2006- 

2009) and in coordination with Embassy Rangoon, I led regional efforts to strengthen the Burmese people’s understanding of democratic processes, counter regime cenFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

942 

sorship, and provide global attention to Burma’s plight, contributing to Burma’s recent democratic transition. 

As Deputy Chief of Mission Kigali (2009-2012), during a period I was serving as 

Charge d’affaires, I led our Embassy’s successful efforts to secure the timely release 

of an American arrested by the Rwandan government for his writings on the 1994 

genocide, a case that received global attention from free speech activists. 

As Consul General in Jeddah (2012-14), my commitment to strengthen non-governmental organization capacity, including groups expanding opportunities for 

women and young people, contributed to the development of a nascent civil society 

in Saudi Arabia’s Western province. 

If confirmed as Ambassador to Burundi, I will make human rights and democracy 

one of my top priorities and will ensure that our staff at Post do the same. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Burundi? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Burundi? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. Since the crisis began in April 2015, over 540 people have been killed 

and more than 260,000 have fled to neighboring countries. Reports of human rights 

violations and abuses include extrajudicial and retaliatory killings, arbitrary detentions, disappearances, trafficking in persons, sexual violence against women and 

girls, and torture. Civil society and media representatives have fled the country due 

to harassment and limits on the exercise of freedoms of association and expression. 

I will work, if confirmed, to establish strong relationships at the highest levels of 

Burundi’s government and with influential interlocutors on all sides of the conflict. 

The Embassy will continue to support human rights monitoring and documentation 

by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the 

African Union (AU); it will also continue to monitor for hate speech and support conflict prevention and resolution activities for at-risk youth. The Embassy will also 

continue to promote accountability for perpetrators of unlawful violence, violations, 

and abuse. These activities and engagement are intended to lay the groundwork to 

dissuade violence and impunity and lead to a more peaceful atmosphere in which 

meaningful dialogue among Burundians can ensue. 

Answer. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Burundi in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Potential obstacles include the fact that the government has not yet fulfilled the 

commitments it made to the U.N. Secretary General and AU Heads of State delegation earlier this year regarding the release of detainees, the unfettered ability of 

media and civil society to operate, and the full deployment of AU human rights 

monitors and security experts. 

Additionally, many interlocutors in civil society, the media, and local human 

rights organizations with whom an Ambassador would normally engage have fled. 

Finally, ongoing violence by the government and opposition groups, continuing recruitment of youth into militias, the rapid decline of Burundi’s economy, and significant problems with corruption present challenges related to human rights. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Burundi? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to meeting with individuals and organizations in the United States and Burundi who can play a positive role in advancing 

human rights, peace and security in Burundi. Likewise, under my leadership, Embassy Bujumbura will continue to engage closely with civil society partners, the 

East African Community (EAC), the AU, the UN, and like-minded foreign missions 

in supporting these goals for the benefit of all Burundians. 

Under my leadership, Embassy Bujumbura will continue its role in carefully and 

thoroughly vetting the limited number of Burundian military officers that the 

United States currently trains. This is particularly important given allegations of 

sexual exploitation and abuses against Burundian peacekeepers in Somalia and the 

Central African Republic as well as allegations that Burundi’s security forces committed various human rights violations at home. Should political and security conditions permit a return to broader training, I will act in accordance with our law and 

policy, including the Leahy law, to ensure that future assistance does not go to security force units if we have credible information of gross violations of human rights. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Burundi to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Burundi? 

Answer. Yes. If I am confirmed, Embassy Bujumbura will continue pressing the 

government to respect the rights of political prisoners, as well as members of civil 

society, media, and peaceful opposition who may be unjustly targeted. 

Question. Will you engage with Burundi on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. Promoting human and civil rights as well as good governance will 

continue to be at the core of Embassy Bujumbura’s work. For example, the Embassy’s continued institutional support for the National Independent Human Rights 

Commission in Burundi helps this Commission facilitate citizens’ ability to file complaints about human rights violations. In addition, I will engage directly with the 

Burundian government on issues related to its compliance with its human rights obligations and commitments and help strengthen its democratic institutions. 

Question. The United Nations Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) transferred $2.26 million 

to the African Union Commission just over a month ago to fund 32 AU human 

rights monitors deployed to Burundi since last July. What is the status of the deployment of the full complement of human rights monitors and military experts approved by the African Union? Will you have a role as Ambassador in advocating for 

their deployment? 

Answer. The deployment of the full complement of the AU’s 100 human rights observers and 100 security experts, of which 35 are currently on the ground, has been 

delayed. The Memorandum of Understanding between the AU and the Burundian 

government on these observers and experts has yet to be signed and the government 

has declined, thus far, the entry of additional monitors into Burundi. If confirmed, 

I will raise this issue with the government, in close coordination with the AU. 

Question. Do the monitors have full and unfettered freedom of movement throughout Burundi? What if any will be your role in helping secure agreement for such 

access if confirmed? 

Answer. The AU observers, along with OHCHR observers, have access to some 

prisons and are able to conduct interviews privately with detainees, including at 

centers controlled by the Burundian National Intelligence Service. However, we understand that once on site, observers often confront limitations and obstacles including the sudden removal of prisoners from their cells just before the observers arrive. 

If I am confirmed, our Embassy will continue to press the Burundian government 

for unfettered access for both of these monitoring groups so that they can fulfill 

their critical missions, as intended and mandated. 

Question. How might your experience as a high ranking diplomat in Rwanda affect your dealings with the Nkurunziza government and regional leaders? 

Answer. My previous experience in the Great Lakes region sensitized me to the 

importance of listening to and engaging with a broad array of stakeholders, especially when historical narratives differ. It also convinced me that East African Community member states must continue working cooperatively to advance peace, prosperity, and long-term stability in the region. If confirmed, I will bring to my engagement with Burundi’s government the commitment to understand their perspective 

and to work constructively together to ensure that every Burundian has the opportunity for a productive and secure future. I will also work closely with my U.S. counterparts in neighboring missions to advance these goals. 

Question. What funds are currently available for governing justly and democratically in Burundi? Please specify accounts and levels. If confirmed, what types of 

democracy and governance programs will you be recommending for Burundi given 

its closed political space? 

Answer. There is multi-year funding for USAID programs to support democracy 

and governance in Burundi. Embassy Bujumbura is slated to receive $1.25 million 

in Economic Support Fund (ESF) resources in FY 2016. With this funding, Embassy 

Bujumbura intends to continue strengthening citizens’ active participation in economic, political, governing and other critical processes aimed at creating a more 

peaceful, democratic, and pluralistic society. The Embassy will also continue to support civil society organizations, particularly those focused on youth empowerment, 

in order to increase constructive community participation and build resilience to violence. FY 2016 funding will also support civil society activities to mobilize and engage youth around social cohesion and livelihood initiatives, breaking down socioeconomic barriers and enhancing conflict resolution skills. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

944 

It is critical, particularly in Burundi’s challenging current environment, that the 

United States continues to support Burundi’s independent media and journalists, 

youth leaders from diverse backgrounds, civil society groups and human rights defenders. If confirmed, I will work to ensure continued implementation of programs 

that demonstrate promise, and explore additional ways to strengthen credible local 

actors’ peacebuilding efforts. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(945) 

NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, JUNE 21, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Anne Hall, of Maine, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic 

of Lithuania 

Hon. Marie L. Yovanovitch, of Connecticut, nominated to be Ambassador to Ukraine 

Hon. Geoffrey R. Pyatt, of California, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Hellenic Republic of Greece 

Hon. Douglas Allan Silliman, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq 

Hon. Peter Michael McKinley, Virgina, nominated to be Ambassador to the Federative Republic of Brazil 

Lawrence Robert Silverman, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 

Ambassador to the State of Kuait 

Carol Z. Perez, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Chile 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:34 p.m. in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker, chairman of the committee, presiding. 

Present: Senators Corker, Johnson, Gardner, Cardin, Menendez, 

Murphy, Kaine, and Markey. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE 

The CHAIRMAN. I want to apologize to our outstanding Foreign 

Service people that we are a few minutes late. We had something 

we were all doing together just a moment ago. We had a couple 

folks come in late, by we are thankful that people like you want 

to serve our Nation in the way that you do. 

Today’s hearing is going to be very brief, out of no disrespect. I 

know many of you have prepared extensively, and we apologize. 

You are probably not going to need a lot of the preparation, but we 

thank you so much for your service. We had the opportunity to 

meet with many of you individually and we thank you for that. 

And we look forward to a very successful hearing. 

And with that, I will turn to Senator Cardin. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. And, Mr. Chairman, I met with several of the 

nominees, and I warned them do not be offended if we do not ask 

you a lot of questions today. 

I was commenting to the chairman I do not think we have had 

a more qualified group of nominees come before our committee, 

people who have performed more public service than the seven that 

are appearing here today. And I thank them all for their public 

service. These are career diplomats who have served in some of the 

most difficult places in the world and have served with great distinction. We thank each of you and we thank your families particularly because we know this is a family sacrifice, a family commitment, and we thank you for that. 

I just want to make an observation. If my math is correct, the 

seven nominees here have served in about 25 different important 

positions as ambassadors, DCMs, or deputy secretaries. That is an 

impressive list. But just as impressively, if you are going to have 

to translate this transcript into all the languages they can speak, 

we are going to have to use 11 different translations, including Portuguese, Mandarin, Arabic, and Russian. So this is a group of people who are well accomplished. They have done great things in very 

difficult positions and are now willing to take on some very, very 

key responsibilities, and we look forward to their service. And we 

look forward to this hearing. 

The CHAIRMAN. I know that is widely felt throughout the committee. I have a long opening statement, but we have got something on the back end of this that is pressing us. 

So without doing that, I would say to each of you when you give 

testimony, if you would like to introduce family members, whatever, we would welcome that. We thank them for their commitment 

to our Nation and their support of you, and we appreciate them 

also being here. 

So with that, I guess Durbin and Collins—— 

Senator CARDIN. Senator Collins. 

The CHAIRMAN. We filibustered for just a moment. 

Senator COLLINS. I am so sorry. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for being here. I know you have 

had something else relative to gun control, but we thank you for 

being here. 

STATEMENT OF HON. SUSAN COLLINS, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MAINE 

Senator COLLINS. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Senator 

Cardin, members of the committee. 

First of all, let me express my deep appreciation for your delaying the start of this hearing and my sincere apologies for being 

late. We all have had those kinds of days and this is one of those 

for me. 

It is my pleasure to introduce the President’s nominee to be our 

next Ambassador to Lithuania, Anne Hall, a career member of the 

Foreign Service. She not only has a distinguished career in the Foreign Service with the expertise in the Baltic States, but she also 

has strong ties to the great State of Maine. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

947 

Earlier this month, Anne and I discussed her qualifications for 

this position and the current challenges facing Lithuania, including 

Russian meddling in the Baltic States. I am impressed both by 

Anne’s extensive experience in the region and her clear-eyed view 

of the challenges facing this relatively small but critically important NATO ally. I am certain that Anne would do an excellent job 

representing the United States in Lithuania as she has done 

throughout her career in the Foreign Service. 

Now let me tell you just a bit about Anne’s background. She 

grew up in Orono, Maine and graduated from the University of 

Maine where she studied international relations. She is now officially a resident of Blue Hill, Maine and spends time there between 

her oversea tours in Europe, Asia, and South America. 

Anne’s father was chairman of the geology department and a vice 

president of the University of Maine. His experiences in geological 

mapping in Maine, Antarctica, India, Africa, and Eastern Europe 

inspired Anne to become an exchange student to Chile at age 16 

and later to join the Foreign Service. 

Anne has extensive experience in the Baltics. She served as the 

State Department’s Office of Nordic and Baltic Affairs in that office 

from 2001 to 2003. This was a critical time for the region as the 

U.S. worked to support the Baltic countries’ entry into NATO and 

the European Union, both of which they joined in 2004. 

Then she served as Consul General in Krakow, Poland from 2006 

to 2009, Deputy Chief of Mission in Lithuania from 2010 to 2013, 

and Director of the Office of Central European Affairs from 2013 

to 2014. These experiences have prepared her to lead our mission 

in Lithuania and strengthen our already close partnership with 

this country. 

Mr. Chairman, I am often called upon to introduce nominees, 

and I have to say that I cannot think of someone who has a background that is better tailored to the position for which she has been 

nominated than Anne Hall. And it is a great pleasure to be here 

today before this distinguished committee. 

Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you very much for taking the time 

to be here. As we mentioned before you got here, we are impressed 

with all of our candidates and thank them for their service. 

I know you have other business and you are welcome to go do 

other business is you wish. Thank you. 

So with that, Ms. Hall, why do you not go ahead and begin. I 

know that you are going to summarize in about 3 minutes, and any 

written comments that you would like to be a part of the record, 

without objection—— 

Ms. HALL. I will try to make it less even. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, thank you so much. 

STATEMENT OF ANNE HALL, OF MAINE, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA 

Ms. HALL. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, it is indeed a privilege to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the Ambassador to the Republic 

of Lithuania. I am honored by the trust and confidence President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry have placed in me. If confirmed, I look 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

948 

forward to working with you and your colleagues to build on our 

already close strategic partnership with Lithuania. 

With your permission, I would like to acknowledge my mother 

Rose Anne who is here today from Maine, my father Brad who is 

watching this in Maine. 

The CHAIRMAN. If you all would identify yourselves. Thank you. 

Ms. HALL. I am forever thankful to them for their constant support over the years. 

I am also delighted to have my sister Sue, her husband Scott, 

and my niece Emma who aspires to joining the Foreign Service 

some day, here today from Colorado. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, it would truly be an honor for me 

to return to Lithuania where I served as Deputy Chief of Mission 

until 2013. 

The United States has long enjoyed a close partnership with 

Lithuania, founded on the bedrock of the United States’ refusal to 

recognize the incorporation of Lithuania into the Soviet Union. 

Today we take inspiration from our close cultural ties and shared 

democratic values, and together we promote security and prosperities for our peoples and around the world. 

Lithuania is one of our closest NATO allies. It has warmly welcomed U.S. and NATO reassurance measures, especially the presence of American troops on its soil. Lithuania also has committed 

to spending 2 percent of GDP on defense by 2018, reaching 1.5 percent this year. 

Long a staunch and vocal supporter of Ukraine, Lithuania works 

to maintain a strict sanctions regime on Russia and full implementation of the Minsk agreements. 

Outside of Europe, Lithuania supports development of the Afghan National Security Forces and contributes to the counter-ISIL 

coalition. It has donated humanitarian assistance to Iraqi victims 

of ISIL and is preparing to deploy police trainers to Iraq. 

Over the past few years, Lithuania has reduced its dependence 

on Russian gas from 100 percent to just about 5 percent today, becoming a model for others seeking to enhance their own energy security. 

And Lithuanian policymakers and the private sector welcome 

American trade and investment and support the Transatlantic 

Trade and Investment Partnership, which they see as an opportunity for economic growth, as well as a second anchor in the security partnership. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will seek to deepen our ties across 

the board from people-to-people exchanges and entrepreneurship to 

trade, investment, and innovation, energy security, and promotion 

of our shared democratic values. The success of our efforts in all 

of these areas ultimately rests on the strong friendship between 

Lithuanians and Americans. If confirmed, I will make public outreach throughout the country for myself and my embassy team a 

high priority. 

Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to appear 

before you today, and I look forward to your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Hall follows:] 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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PREPARED STATEMENT OF ANNE HALL

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Lithuania. I am humbled 

and honored by the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee, your 

staffs, and your Congressional colleagues to build on the already deep and productive partnership between the United States and Lithuania. 

Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to acknowledge some family 

members who are here today, as well as some who were unable to attend. I am 

deeply grateful to my mother, Rose Anne, who is here today, and my father, Brad, 

who will watch this later from Maine, for inspiring me to explore the wider world 

and supporting me at every step along the way. I am also delighted that my sister 

Sue, her husband Scott, and my niece, Emma, were able to come from Colorado to 

be here today. 

For 29 years I have cherished the privilege of serving my country as a career diplomat in Europe, Asia, and South America. I believe my experience in our Office 

of Nordic and Baltic Affairs at a critical time as we supported the Baltic states’ 

entry into NATO and the European Union, my service as Consul General in Krakow 

and Deputy Chief of Mission in Lithuania, and more recently as Director of our Office of Central European Affairs, equip me well to lead our mission in Lithuania. 

The United States has long enjoyed a close relationship with Lithuania. It is a 

relationship built on the bedrock of America’s steadfast refusal to recognize the incorporation of Lithuania into the Soviet Union and the partnership of the United 

States with an independent Lithuania in addressing today’s global challenges to democracy and security. 

Since its re-independence in 1990, Lithuania has taken on increasingly prominent 

roles in transatlantic and global institutions to meet these challenges—roles that 

would have been unimaginable just 26 years ago. Since joining NATO and the EU 

in 2004, Lithuania has chaired the Community of Democracies and the Organization 

for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and in 2013 became the first post-Soviet 

state to hold the Presidency of the European Union. In that capacity it championed 

democratic principles in other countries of the former Soviet Union and hosted the 

Eastern Partnership Summit that became an antecedent to the Maidan protests in 

Ukraine. During Lithuania’s 2014-2015 tenure on the U.N. Security Council, it actively partnered with the United States to promote peace, combat terrorism, and advance human rights on a global scale. 

Lithuania has long been a staunch and outspoken supporter of Ukraine. Since 

2014, it has worked with us to maintain a strong sanctions regime on Russia and 

press for full implementation of the Minsk Agreements. Lithuania has provided generous help to Ukraine in the form of advisors, development aid, and military training and supplies as it assists the Ukrainian government on the path of improved 

security, transparency, and rule of law. In addition, Lithuania strongly supports the 

Euro-Atlantic integration of Georgia and Moldova. 

In Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea and aggression in Ukraine, Lithuania 

sees a threat to its own hard-won independence. Lithuania has warmly welcomed 

U.S. and NATO reassurance measures, especially the presence of American troops 

on its soil. Lithuania also has committed to meeting the NATO defense spending 

benchmark of two percent of GDP by 2018, reaching 1.5 percent this year. The government is using these funds to improve Lithuania’s defense capabilities, investing 

in modern equipment and enhancing NATO interoperability. 

A committed ally outside of Europe as well, in Afghanistan Lithuania led a Provincial Reconstruction Team, and its Special Operations Forces served alongside 

ours without caveat until 2015. Lithuania now provides support for the development 

of the Afghan National Security Forces and contributes to the Counter-ISIL Coalition. It has donated humanitarian aid to Iraqi victims of ISIL and is preparing to 

deploy police trainers to Iraq. If confirmed, I will continue our close cooperation in 

addressing global security challenges. 

The strength of any country depends on its economic prosperity as well as its security, and Lithuania’s economy has shown both resilience and growth. After a 15 

percent drop in GDP in 2009, Lithuania’s economy rebounded to become one of the 

fastest growing in the EU. When Lithuania’s primary export market—Russia, contracted last year, Lithuania succeeded in finding alternative markets for its exports. 

Its GDP now is predicted to grow by 2.6 percent this year. Over the past few years, 

Lithuania has made impressive progress in diversifying its energy sources, bolstering its own energy security as well as that of the Baltic region. It launched a 

floating LNG terminal in January, 2015, decreasing its dependence on Russian gas 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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from 100 percent to approximately five percent today. In close cooperation with the 

EU it is building gas and electricity links to its European neighbors; and it is creating a competitive regional energy market. Lithuania is rapidly becoming a regional energy hub and a model for others seeking to enhance their energy security. 

Against this backdrop of growth and development, Lithuanian policymakers and 

the private sector support the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). They see it as an opportunity for economic growth as well as a second anchor 

in the transatlantic security relationship. The United States is Lithuania’s seventh 

largest trading partner, with more than $1.5 billion in total bilateral trade in 2015. 

If confirmed, I will encourage Lithuania’s continued support for T-TIP and work to 

expand our trade and commercial ties, including support for innovation and entrepreneurship. Lithuania has made great strides over the past twenty years in building a vibrant democracy. It has developed strategic plans and passed legislation to 

fight corruption, combat human trafficking, and reduce domestic violence. It is 

working to fully integrate linguistic minorities into Lithuanian society and strengthen respect for religious and ethnic diversity. Our Embassy in Vilnius has vigorously 

supported these efforts, and if confirmed, I will continue this vital support. 

Finally, the success of our efforts in all of the areas I have touched upon today 

ultimately rests on the strong friendship between Lithuanians and Americans. If 

confirmed, I will make public outreach throughout the country a high priority, promoting increased exchanges and business, educational, professional, and cultural 

connections. 

Mr. Chairman, thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you today. 

I look forward to answering your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for your enthusiasm and willingness to do this. 

And with that, the Honorable Marie Yovanovitch, who is on her 

way to Ukraine. 

STATEMENT OF HON. MARIE L. YOVANOVITCH, OF 

CONNECTICUT, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO UKRAINE 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member 

Cardin, members of this committee, it is an honor to appear before 

you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 

this committee and the Congress to continue our strong support for 

the Ukrainian people, Ukraine’s reform agenda, and its sovereignty 

and territorial integrity. These steps are critical to advancing our 

shared goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. 

And with your permission, I would like to introduce my dear 

friend, Jennifer Parmaley, and my wonderful mother who is sitting 

here, Nadia. 

The CHAIRMAN. I understand Nadia is on her way to Ukraine 

also. Is that correct? [Laughter.] 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. And I know that my father is also 

with us in spirit as well. 

Like so many in Europe in the 1940’s, including those in the 

Ukrainian American community, my parents survived poverty, 

war, and displacement. They finally arrived in the United States 

with me in tow in search of freedom, accountability, and opportunity, the very values that Ukrainians demanded in the revolution 

of dignity. 

If confirmed, I look forward to returning to Embassy Kyiv and 

continuing the work of my friend, Ambassador Geoff Pyatt, in helping Ukrainians make the dream they fought for a reality. 

Ukraine has made more progress on reforms in the last 2 years 

than it did in its first 23 years of independence. And I am optiFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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mistic about Ukraine’s reform trajectory, given recent and important achievements such as judicial reform. 

However, Ukraine still has much to do, including IMF conditionality, fighting corruption, reforming key sectors, and breaking the 

hold of the oligarchs. 

I want to thank Congress for its commitment to Ukraine demonstrated by approving over $1.3 billion in assistance since 2014. 

This includes $600 million to help Ukraine reform its security sector, better secure its borders, and defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. 

Ukraine has made good faith efforts to implement the Minsk 

agreements, but the Russians and the separatists continue to fuel 

the conflict. We need sustained security to further unlock the political aspects of Minsk. This means Russia and the separatists must 

stop their attacks. Implementation of the Minsk agreements is the 

best way to resolve the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and we will 

continue to support the efforts of our Normandy format partners 

and the Trilateral Contact Group. 

We have been very clear with Moscow that sanctions will continue until Russia fully implements its Minsk commitments, and I 

would like to thank you for the recent letter to the European Council urging sanctions rollover and we got some goods new on that 

today as well from the Europeans. 

Finally, we do not and we will never recognize Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea. Our Crimea-related sanctions will 

remain in place until the peninsula is returned to Ukraine. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I welcome your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Yovanovitch follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR MASHA YOVANOVITCH

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of this committee. It is a 

privilege and an honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee 

to serve as the United States Ambassador to Ukraine. If confirmed, I look forward 

to working with this committee and Congress to continue our strong support for the 

Ukrainian people, enhance our already deep bilateral relationship, support 

Ukraine’s reform agenda, and protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity. These 

steps will be critical to advancing our shared goal of a Europe whole, free, and at 

peace. 

I’d like to introduce my mother, who is 88 years young, and has been a constant 

source of support and inspiration. I wish my father could have been here today also; 

he would have been so moved. Like so many, including those in the Ukrainian 

American community, my parents’ lives were changed forever by Communist and 

Nazi regimes. They survived poverty, war and displacement, and finally arrived in 

the United States, with me in tow, in search of freedom, opportunity, dignity and 

accountability. The very values that Ukrainians demanded in the 2014 Revolution 

of Dignity. 

If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the work of my friend and colleague 

Ambassador Geoff Pyatt in helping Ukrainians make the dream they fought for a 

reality. I bring 30 years of experience at the State Department and have worked 

throughout the region, including in Russia as a political officer, Ukraine as Deputy 

Chief of Mission, and Kyrgyzstan and Armenia as Ambassador. In addition, I served 

as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, 

where I covered bilateral and multilateral issues affecting our relations with Europe. 

Ukraine has made more important progress on reforms in the last two years than 

it did in its first 23 years of independence. And I am especially optimistic about 

Ukraine’s reform trajectory this year, given several key achievements since the reformation of the coalition and government in April. Ukraine overwhelmingly apFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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proved constitutional amendments to strengthen judicial independence; raised energy tariffs to 100% of market rates ahead of the IMF’s schedule; and replaced a 

Prosecutor General who had lost the trust of civil society with one who has committed to reforming the PGO. Many of you, no doubt, met with the Prime Minister 

and cabinet ministers who were here in Washington last week and received a firsthand account of the progress Ukraine is making. These reform achievements are all 

the more impressive given that they have come in the face of Russian aggression. 

The best defense against Russian aggression is a successful Ukraine. 

But of course, much work remains to be done. Ukraine still has to implement difficult changes such as: taking further steps to root out corruption; advancing energy 

sector reform; recapitalizing and reforming the banking system; working to improve 

the business climate by levelling the playing field; improving accountability and civilian control in the defense sector; reforming the PGO and justice sector; and 

breaking the hold of oligarchs over Ukrainian politics and business. Ukraine must 

also continue to adhere to IMF conditions and ensure that the $17.5 billion program 

continues. 

I want to thank Congress for its commitment and support by providing assistance 

to Ukraine. It has been critical to making real changes in the lives of Ukrainians 

and delivering on the promise of the Maidan. With strong bipartisan support, the 

United States has provided over $1.3 billion in assistance since 2014, including over 

$112 million in humanitarian assistance, as well as three $1 billion loan guarantees, 

the third of which we expect to disburse later this year. We continue to support 

Ukrainian civil society and independent media, which help Ukrainian citizens hold 

their government accountable to its reform pledges. 

Just as we stand firmly behind the Ukrainian people in their efforts to transform 

their nation, we stand with Ukraine as it seeks to reform its military, stop further 

Russian aggression, bring the conflict in the Donbas to a peaceful conclusion via the 

Minsk agreements, and end the occupation of Crimea. 

Thanks to Congress’ support, we have been able to devote over $600 million to 

helping Ukraine undertake needed security reforms, better monitor and secure its 

borders, deploy its forces more safely and effectively, and defend its sovereignty and 

territorial integrity. We have trained over 1,700 Ukrainian conventional forces and 

National Guard personnel and 120 Special Operations Forces (SOF). We have provided counter-artillery and counter-mortar radars, night and thermal vision devices, 

over 3000 secure radios, 130 Humvees, over 100 armored civilian SUVs, and tens 

of thousands of medical kits to help Ukrainian troops successfully resist advances 

and save lives. 

The conflict in the East has exacted a heavy toll on Ukraine, resulting in an estimated 10,000 Ukrainians killed and 2.5 million refugees and internally displaced 

persons. As President Obama has stated, the United States will continue to work 

for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements, until which time sanctions on 

Russia will continue. We are working with the Normandy powers of France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, as well as the OSCE, to make this a reality and restore 

peace to eastern Ukraine. 

Ukraine has lived up to many Minsk commitments already. But Russia and the 

separatists have not. Violence has spiked in the past two months to reach levels we 

have not seen since August 2015. Russia and the separatists must end their attacks—they continue to commit the majority of ceasefire violations—and withdraw 

banned heavy weapons, while providing the OSCE full, unfettered access throughout the conflict zone and guaranteeing monitors’ safety. A sustained improvement 

in security will allow Ukraine to pass a Donbas election law, hold local elections in 

portions of eastern Ukraine, and implement special status and amnesty. These steps 

should lead to Russia’s withdrawal from Ukraine and restoration of Ukrainian control over its side of the international border. 

Finally, as President Obama has stated clearly, we do not and will not recognize 

Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea. We are working with the Government of 

Ukraine as well as our partners and allies to highlight Russian abuses targeting 

Crimean Tatars and others opposed to Russia’s illegal occupation as well as ensure 

that the costs to Russia continue, including through sanctions, until Crimea is returned to Ukraine. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to 

appear before you. I welcome any questions you may have. Thank you. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. And we look forward to 

at some point in the future a report card on how our next witness 

has actually done in Ukraine. Our next panel, the Honorable Geoffrey Pyatt, who has distinguished himself by his service in 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Ukraine, is nominated to be Ambassador to Greece, and we look 

forward to your testimony and thank you for your service. 

STATEMENT OF HON. GEOFFREY R. PYATT, OF CALIFORNIA, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO GREECE 

Ambassador PYATT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to 

begin by thanking you and Ranking Member Cardin for your warm 

remarks about the career Foreign Service in your opening remarks, 

and on that I speak, I think, for all of the members of our service. 

Deeply appreciated. 

I am, of course, honored to appear before you today as nominee 

to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Greece, the birthplace of democracy. 

I would like to begin by acknowledging somebody who is not here 

today. That is my wife Mary who is back in Kyiv finishing up the 

school year. Some of you have met Mary over the course of your 

visits, and I think you can appreciate the key supporting role that 

she has played during a historic period in Ukrainian and European 

history. 

Mary and I have had the pleasure of visiting Greece as tourists, 

and while it is striking to visit sites like the Acropolis, you also get 

a feel for the difficult challenges that Greece has overcome as it 

tackles the most severe economic crisis of its post-war history. 

More recently we have witnessed Greece’s struggles play out on 

the front pages, over a million migrants flowing across Greece’s 

borders, difficult bailout negotiations with European creditors and 

the IMF, but I believe and I know this administration believes that 

what happens in Greece matters not just for Greece but for the region, for NATO, for the European Union, and for the United States. 

Having just secured a deal with European creditors, Greece can 

breathe a small sigh of relief that this summer will not be as tumultuous as the last, but the road ahead is far from easy. My 

friend and colleague, Ambassador Pearce has done great work to 

promote Greece’s entrepreneurial spirit and U.S. investment, and 

if confirmed, I commit myself to continuing and supporting those 

efforts. 

We also benefit from a strong bilateral defense relationship with 

Greece. Particularly noteworthy has been our longstanding military 

presence in Souda Bay, which I should point out is the only place 

between Norfolk and Dubai where an aircraft carrier can up pierside and replenish. Greece has also been a steady NATO ally since 

1952, and in fact, a U.S. ship arrived just last week to contribute 

to the NATO reconnaissance, surveillance, and monitoring activity 

in the Aegean, which brings me to the topic of the migration and 

refugee crisis. 

As millions fled violence and persecution, Greece became a door 

into greater Europe for those seeking peace and a better future. 

Despite their own financial hardships, the Greek people have 

shown tremendous compassion to these migrants and refugees, including over 50,000 who remain in Greece. As a country, we have 

done what we can to support the Greek Government, including 

nearly $44 million in humanitarian aid since the start of the crisis. 

And finally, on energy, as I have seen from my time in Ukraine, 

energy diversification is critical for the future of Europe. Just last 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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month, Prime Minister Tsipras inaugurated the Trans-Adriatic 

Pipeline, and a Greece-Bulgaria interconnector is also in the works. 

These projects will inject millions into the economy, put thousands 

to work, and make Europe more energy secure. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed, I will 

dedicate myself to ensuring we bolster the U.S.-Greek relationship 

and will represent the United States to the best of my ability. I 

welcome you to Athens to continue the vital congressional partnership that I have enjoyed so greatly during my time in Kyiv. 

And in that regard, I am especially grateful to have Senator Durbin here who has been one of the stalwart supporters of my mission. Thank you again. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Pyatt follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GEOFFREY PYATT

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Cardin for the honor of appearing before you. I would like to begin by acknowledging someone who could not be 

here with me today—that is my wife Mary, who is back in Ukraine finishing up the 

school year as a teacher. Many of you have met Mary in the course of your visits 

to Kyiv, and can appreciate the key supporting role she has played during a truly 

historic period in Ukrainian and European history. I would also of course like to 

express my gratitude to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for the confidence 

they have expressed in me through this nomination. 

I am particularly honored to appear before you as the nominee to be the next 

United States Ambassador to Greece—the birthplace of democracy. I have had the 

pleasure of visiting Greece as a tourist, and while it’s striking to visit sites such 

as the Acropolis, where the idea of representative government first came to life, one 

also gets a feel for the difficult challenges Greece has overcome along the way. 

Today, Greece continues along this path even as it tackles the most severe economic 

crisis in its post-war history, and the recent wave of irregular migration puts further strain on Greece’s limited resources. But I believe, and I know this administration believes, that what happens in Greece matters—not just for Greece, but for the 

region, NATO, the European Union, and the United States. Greece’s success will 

support a stronger, brighter future for all of us, and my goal—if confirmed—will be 

to pursue that future. 

One of the things I have learned over the past three years is that events sometimes unfold differently from what one expresses in a confirmation statement, and 

with that in mind I will try to keep this one short and to the point. As Ambassador 

to Ukraine, I have also learned to respect even more the role that this committee 

can play in the expression and implementation of American foreign policy. I am 

deeply grateful for the attention that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has 

devoted to Ukraine over the past three years and the many Congressional visits 

that have helped shine a spotlight on our policy—starting with Senators Murphy 

and McCain’s historic visit in December 2013 at the peak of the Maidan and the 

separate, important visits by Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and Senators Johnson and Shaheen before, during, and after the 2014 presidential elections 

that reaffirmed Ukrainian democracy. It is no exaggeration to say that Ukraine 

would not be where it is today, and would not have been able to resist Russian aggression so effectively, without your consistent Congressional support. With that experience in mind, I assure you that if confirmed as Ambassador to Greece, I will 

continue the pattern of intensive engagement with the Foreign Relations Committee 

that has been so essential to my effectiveness in Kyiv. 

The success of U.S. policy in Greece hinges on the effectiveness of the U.S. partnership with the European Union. We have witnessed Greece’s struggles play out 

on the front pages over the past year -over one million migrants flowing across 

Greece’s borders and a resulting spotlight on border security concerns, continued 

economic hardship, and difficult bailout negotiations with European creditors and 

the IMF. The successful resolution of these issues is critical to the long-term stability of Europe broadly, and Greece’s success in many ways is a linchpin to broader 

European prosperity. For this reason, we depend on the strength of our own partnership with the EU to move forward policy objectives that will support a stronger 

Greece in the long-term. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The economy is the first thing that comes to mind when we talk about Greece. 

Having just secured a deal with its European creditors, Greece can breathe a small 

sigh of relief that this summer will not be as tumultuous as last summer. But the 

road ahead is far from easy, as the country continues to grapple with unemployment 

hovering near 25 percent and youth unemployment twice that. Greece has undergone years of budget cuts and tax hikes and must meet ambitious fiscal targets in 

the months and years to come under its bailout agreement. We need to support 

Greece’s efforts to promote economic growth policies and to attract investment, because fiscal discipline and economic reforms are only part of the puzzle. But there 

are bright spots too—Greece has a tremendously entrepreneurial spirit. My friend 

and colleague Ambassador Pearce and his team have done great work to promote 

start-ups and small businesses, such as this year’s initiative to send nearly 30 

Greek entrepreneurs to pitch their businesses to investors at the South by Southwest festival in Austin, Texas. If confirmed, I commit myself to supporting these efforts and seeking new ways to help stimulate our economic partnership. 

We also benefit from a strong bilateral defense relationship with Greece. Particularly noteworthy has been our long-standing military presence at Naval Support Activity Souda Bay on the island of Crete, from which we conduct around 5,000 flights 

and hundreds of ship visits annually. As the only place between Norfolk and Dubai 

where an aircraft carrier can pull up pier-side and replenish, and with Greece being 

the closest European ally to the seamline between EUCOM, CENTCOM, and 

AFRICOM, Souda Bay’s strategic location has made it an important location for 

these combatant and strategic commands. Greece has been a steady NATO Ally 

since 1952, and has participated in missions in Korea, the Balkans, Kosovo, and Afghanistan. Through NATO we have reinforced our bilateral defense relationship, 

and in fact, a U.S. ship arrived just last week to contribute to the NATO reconnaissance, surveillance, and monitoring activity in the Aegean Sea. NATO ships—including our own—are currently sharing information with the Greek and Turkish 

Coast Guards, as well as the EU’s border agency FRONTEX to prevent illegal migrant crossings from Turkey to Greece. 

This brings me to the topic of the migration and refugee crisis, which has absorbed so many resources in Greece. As millions have fled violence and persecution 

in Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere, Greece became a door into greater Europe for those 

seeking peace and a better future. Despite their own financial hardships, the Greek 

people have shown tremendous compassion. We’ve heard story after story about individual Greeks doing what they can to help people who are vulnerable—providing 

food and shelter when they needed it most. 

Over 50,000 migrants and refugees remain in Greece today. The Greek government is working hard to improve living conditions, more quickly process asylum 

claims, and coordinate with EU partners and Turkey to implement the March 18 

EU-Turkey Migration deal. It hasn’t been perfect, but Greece is doing its best alongside the EU, working with NGOs and international organizations. We would like to 

see even more such cooperation, particularly with UNHCR, which has the experience and expertise to help the Greeks. While Greece’s differences with Turkey will 

not be resolved overnight, Greece has demonstrated effective side-by-side cooperation with Turkey to manage the migration crisis in the Aegean, the front line of the 

crisis. That daily migration flows from Turkey to Greece have dropped from some 

7000 per day in September and October of last year to less than 100 today is a testament to this cooperation. We have also done what we can to support the Greek 

government, including the State Department’s contribution of nearly $44 million in 

humanitarian aid since the start of the crisis. We have worked with our DoD colleagues to provide humanitarian assistance items such as beds, blankets, and sanitary items to equip refugees camps. And our Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are working in close concert with the Greek public health authorities as 

they seek to ensure the public health and that of the migrant population is effectively safeguarded. 

The migration crisis highlighted concerns regarding border security and counterterrorism, but has also given way to opportunities for improving cooperation and coordination on these very important issues. Our bilateral cooperation through agencies like DHS and the FBI is excellent, and we’ve forged strong partnerships that 

allow us to counter security threats as a team. Right now, we are working with the 

Greek government to upgrade its border screening capabilities, and if confirmed, I 

will continue these efforts to strengthen our security partnership. 

Let me conclude with a word on energy. Just last month, Greek Prime Minister 

Tsipras inaugurated the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, or TAP, at a ceremony in northern 

Greece. TAP is the final link in the Southern Gas Corridor, a multi-stage project 

that will bring gas from Azerbaijan to other parts of Europe via Georgia, Turkey, 

Greece, Albania, and Italy. A complementary project, the GreeceBulgaria InterconFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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nector, would help liberate Bulgaria from its total dependence on Russian gas. 

These projects will inject millions of dollars into the economy, put thousands of 

Greeks to work, and make Europe more energy secure. As I have seen from my time 

in Ukraine, energy diversification is critical for the future of Europe, and I am committed to furthering our efforts to support infrastructure projects such as TAP. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, clearly Greece is an important 

partner and strategic ally on a range of diverse issues. If confirmed, I will dedicate 

my time in Athens to ensuring we bolster the Greek-U.S. relationship across the 

board. I will lead our U.S. government team and represent the United States to the 

best of my ability, and as I mentioned at the top, I would welcome you to Athens 

to continue the great Congressional partnership I have enjoyed during my time in 

Kyiv. Thank you for your time, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

The CHAIRMAN. Well, we look forward to you continuing similar 

types of efforts that you have been displaying in Ukraine in Greece. 

I know we have some similar issues there, some that are dissimilar. 

Senator Durbin is a very wise Senator. He wanted to see how 

well you propose before he introduced you. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. And so he is now here to do that. Senator Durbin, thank you for being with us. 

STATEMENT OF HON. DICK DURBIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS 

Senator DURBIN. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much, and Senator Cardin, Senator Menendez. And it is true. I withheld my introduction to see how well he did. 

The CHAIRMAN. He did very well. 

Senator DURBIN. And Ambassador Pyatt did extraordinarily well. 

I will ask that my statement be made a part of the record because I know you have other witnesses prepared to testify. 

Just a few words. Geoffrey Pyatt is not a son of Illinois, but I 

would gladly claim him any day. There was a time in my life when 

I thought I one day wanted to be in the Foreign Service. I got diverted into another business. 

But I will say this. He is my ideal of a person in our diplomatic 

corps who can tackle the most challenging assignments and do 

them with aplomb, with integrity, and effectiveness. He proved it 

in Ukraine. Many of us have been there over and over. Time and 

again, he gave us timely briefings on what was happening in that 

country torn by revolution, as well as invasion by the Russians. I 

cannot think of a person who could have done it better. 

I can recall one particular instance where I asked him as a personal favor if he would give me a call on a Sunday afternoon on 

a speaker phone to a section of Chicago known as Ukrainian Village where 500 people after church on a Sunday had gathered for 

a last-minute briefing on what was happening in their beloved 

homeland of Ukraine. He did it willingly and did it professionally. 

Now we are sending him to a new challenge in Greece, not only 

their internal domestic challenge, but also the external forces 

which are at work with the immigration. He is the man for the job. 

I am honored to endorse his efforts to become the next Ambassador 

to Greece. 

I would ask that my statement be made part of the record and 

apologize for my tardiness. 

The CHAIRMAN. Without objection. 

[The prepared statement of Senator Durbin follows:] 

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STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM SENATOR RICHARD J. DURBIN

Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to introduce one of our nation’s finest diplomats, Geoff Pyatt. I don’t often ask for the opportunity to make such introductions, and Geoff isn’t even from the great state of Illinois. 

But he is exceptional. 

You see, he served the last three years representing the United States during a 

major foreign policy crisis in Europe—one that saw a democratic revolution in 

Ukraine and then Russia break all norms of established international behavior by 

forcibly seizing sovereign territory of one of its neighbors. 

And he did this with distinction and aplomb. 

What also struck me about Geoff was not only his tireless diplomatic skill amid 

these crises, but that he always, and I mean always, had time to talk with us in 

the Senate about what was happening and how we could help. When visiting 

Ukraine on multiple occasions, he always, at all hours and on any day, had time 

to meet with us. 

I think only once in the last three years—and only one time—did Geoff have a 

scheduling conflict—and that was for his son’s graduation from college. 

He clearly made the right decision. 

I think Geoff’s proud State Department career is well known—almost thirty years 

serving with distinction in Asia, Europe and Latin America. 

What I’d like to note instead here today is what he did in recent years in Ukraine. 

He worked tirelessly with a fragile yet determined new Ukrainian government to 

reform its nation while keeping Russia from overrunning the entire nation. 

He built strong trusting relations with his Ukrainian and European counterparts 

that strengthened ties between Ukraine and Europe and that helped maintain EU 

sanctions against Russia. 

And he helped advocate for and direct significant US assistance to help Ukraine 

succeed. 

We of course have many challenges ahead in Ukraine, but I can say without question Ambassador Pyatt’s service there made a critical impact in the many achievements of recent years and helped leave Ukraine in a stronger position to succeed. 

But let me also say something a bit more personal about what kind of diplomat 

we have here with Ambassador Pyatt. 

As some of you may know, Chicago is home to the Ukrainian Village neighborhood. When events were both euphoric around the Maidan and tense with Russia 

threatening the entire nation, residents of this community were understandably concerned. 

Just after the Russian invasion of Crimea, I hosted a town hall in the Ukrainian 

Village and Ambassador Pyatt was gracious enough to join by speakerphone from 

Kiev—on a Sunday no less. I think he thought he might be speaking to a small conference room of interested folks..but it was to hundreds of anxious attendees. 

I cannot tell you have valuable and appreciated that was by the Ukrainian Americans at that event who were hungry for timely and credible information at a time 

of such uncertainty and peril in Ukraine. 

Geoff graciously returned to Chicago last March and spoke further on events in 

Ukraine. 

I was recently in Greece where I joined Senators Shaheen, Warren, and Klobuchar in seeing first hand the refugee crisis on the island of Lesbos. The heartbreaking scenes of families coming across the perilous waters in cheap rubber rafts 

with children’s lifejackets were deeply moving—as was the generosity and humanity 

shown by the Greek people amid their own economic challenges. 

If confirmed, the people of the United States and Greece will without a doubt be 

well served by Ambassador Pyatt. A great American ally such as Greece deserves 

a great diplomat such as Ambassador Pyatt and, as such, I wholeheartedly endorse 

his nomination and hope the committee will do so as well. 

Let me close by saying that at a time when government and public service is often 

cynically undermined and denigrated, Ambassador Pyatt reminds us just how many 

dedicated people are serving around the world advancing America’s key interests 

and trying to improve the lives of others. 

The CHAIRMAN. We just thank you for taking the time to be here 

and speaking so well of someone we respect deeply. 

With that, I am going to defer. Our staff had an opportunity to 

very intensely meet with all of the nominees, and I had a chance 

to meet with many of them individually. So I am going to defer. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

958 

I know Senator Cardin did also, but I am going to defer to you and 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. And once 

again, we underscore the fact that the nominees that are before us 

are all experienced career diplomats that have demonstrated their 

dedication to our country and to foreign service, and we are very 

proud that they are willing to continue in difficult roles. 

And as you know, there are questions that are asked for the 

record, and I will be asking questions and getting your response to 

help you deal with an area that is particularly important to me, 

and that is good governance and anti-corruption and now our committee and the Members of the Senate can help you in your mission to raise attention to these fundamental issues. 

That is going to be particularly important in Ukraine, a country 

that we have invested a great deal. Clearly, the factor of concern 

in Ukraine is Russia and their aggression and what they continue 

to do in their violations of the Minsk agreements, and it goes on 

and on and on. But Ukraine must also deal with its institutional 

issues and its commitment to fight corruption at every level, and 

that is going to be critical to their long-term stability. So we will 

be trying to help in every way we can. 

I want to ask all three of you a similar question. And, Ambassador Pyatt, it is relative to your current assignment more so than 

Greece, and that is Russia’s penetration into Lithuania, penetration into Ukraine and its ability to try to influence through propaganda public opinion to cause problems for the stability of these 

countries. We have seen this in the Baltic countries. We have seen 

it in Ukraine. And I would just like your observations as to what 

our role should be in providing accurate information as to what is 

happening and Russia’s involvement in what is happening in so 

many countries in Europe. 

Ms. Hall, if we can start with you. 

Ms. HALL. Thank you, Ranking Member Cardin, for raising this 

important issue. 

Lithuania, as its Baltic neighbors, has dealt with a degree of 

Russian disinformation and propaganda for a long time. The Russians never really stopped targeting the Baltics, but certainly the 

sophistication and the scale of the disinformation and propaganda 

aimed at the Baltics has increased exponentially since 2014, and 

now Russia has a slick and sophisticated media operation that certainly targets Russian speakers, but it can have an insidiously 

damaging effect to society at large. 

We are working with Lithuanians to train journalists in investigative reporting and fact-based reporting. And our embassy in 

Vilnius is actually overseeing a program for mid-career journalists 

from all over the Baltics. We include Russian language speakers in 

those programs. Lithuania is running Radio Free Europe programming, as well as Radio Liberty programming. And the Lithuanian 

ministry of foreign affairs and ministry of defense operate strategic 

communications teams with which we coordinate. 

Finally, we are at the embassy supporting Lithuanian Government efforts to reach out to their ethnic communities. The ethnic 

Russian speaking community in Lithuania is about 6 percent of the 

population, the Polish community about 7 percent. And I would say 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

959 

in that regard in a country the size of Lithuania, there is nothing 

like the personal touch, and I have given speeches and reached out 

to Lithuanian audiences all over the country in Lithuanian, and if 

confirmed, I would make it a very high priority for myself and my 

team to reach out throughout the country to Lithuanians, as well 

as Russian language speakers and Polish speakers. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Ambassador Yovanovitch? 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. I think our efforts are along three 

lines. One is to make sure that we get our story out, and much like 

the work that is being done today by the embassy in Lithuania, I 

think many of those similar efforts are taking place in Kyiv. 

We also put a premium on identifying and analyzing and countering the stories that Russia sometimes puts out that are false, 

and that is an important line of effort as well. 

And finally—and in some ways this is really the most important 

thing that we can do is building capacity, whether it is in Ukraine 

or other countries that face this threat, building capacity within 

the journalistic community, within civil society so that they themselves can get their own good news out and they themselves can 

counter the Russian propaganda efforts. We have a number of programs, but in the interest of brevity, I will stop here. 

Senator CARDIN. Ambassador Pyatt, what has been our most effective tool that you have found in trying to counter the Russian 

propaganda? 

Ambassador PYATT. The truth. I would just make the point I 

think the one thing I have learned about these issues over 3 years 

is that the Russian effort is really not about winning an argument. 

They have weaponized information and used information as part of 

their military campaign against Ukraine, and you can see that, for 

instance—I remember vividly in the spring of 2014 when these 

GRU and FSB teams first started to move into Ukrainian territory 

in the Donbas. One of the first things they did was pulled down 

all the Ukrainian television content. So I think I have always said 

Ukraine’s strongest counter to that is success at the reform effort 

that you alluded to in your remarks. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. If I could just add to that. We spoke briefly yesterday. I think every one of us has walked down the Maidan and 

witnessed what occurred there. And I think also just the will of the 

people themselves for change is the number one weapon against 

Russia. 

So, anyway, we are glad of your work there. We thank you for 

that and look forward to the same taking place in Greece. 

Senator Menendez? 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

And thank all of you for your service to our country. 

Let me start with you, Ambassador Pyatt. I was there in Ukraine 

when the Russians were invading. I was free to call it an invasion, 

which it was. And I must say if every ambassador was like you, 

I would have the highest of regards for the State Department and 

the Foreign Service. You did an extraordinary job. You were honest 

and forthright in all of your answers, and you did not use the diploFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

960 

matic speak that sometimes I hear. So I really appreciate your incredible service most recently in Ukraine and beyond. 

And I appreciate your opening statement as it relates to Greece 

because I think sometimes there is a view in the Department that 

is a little different. Greece has been an extraordinary ally throughout, one of the handful of countries to be with the United States 

in every 20th century conflict. And the access to Souda Bay is just 

essential for us. So I appreciate those opening statements. 

I want to ask you. We see Greece’s central bank governor has 

publicly called for more debt relief and more realistic budget targets, essentially saying that the agreement Greece has made with 

its creditors is seriously flawed. That seems to be a lot closer to the 

position of IMF Director Lagarde and far from where Germany is. 

Lagarde and the IMF have the best view, I think, on this, which 

is that Greece needs immediate debt relief and more realistic budget targets. 

What role do you see—I mean, this is a European context. I gather that. But with such an important security and other relationship 

with Greece that we have and a NATO ally, what role do you see 

the United States playing and yourself as Ambassador to Greece in 

this regard? 

Ambassador PYATT. Thank you, Senator Menendez, both for your 

comments about my work in Ukraine but also for the important 

question. 

I would make a first point regarding Germany. You know, I have 

learned in the past 3 years in Kyiv how extraordinarily important 

the partnership between the United States and Germany is to a variety of U.S. interests in Europe. I have a very strong German 

counterpart who I consult with as closely as any counterpart in 

Kyiv today. Chancellor Merkel I think deserves a lot of credit for 

the leadership that she has exercised, including on the important 

sanctions role over a decision that happened today. 

That said, we have a difference of perspective with Germany on 

the question of Greece’s long-term financial trajectory. I have spent 

some time with our treasury experts who have been clear in our 

view that over the long term, there needs to be some form of official debt relief in order to put Greece on a sustainable growth trajectory. 

I think it is important also to recognize the very courageous 

steps that Prime Minister Tspiras has taken already to reform that 

economy. Lots of work still to be done. It is important that today 

you have—Juncker is in Athens as I understand. You have a disbursement of over 7 billion euros in additional funding from the 

EU. So this will be at the very top of my list, if confirmed, as I 

get to Athens. And my undertaking will be to work as closely as 

possible with the Greek authorities but also continue the active 

dialogue with German counterparts that I have enjoyed over 3 

years in Kyiv. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you. 

Ambassador Yovanovitch, last time we had the chance to engage, 

I was at the hearing of your former nomination, and you did excellently well except that you were hamstrung by a State Department 

position on the Armenian genocide. So I appreciate the service that 

you had, and today will be a lot easier than that hearing was. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

961 

But I do want to ask you as a follow-on to the good work that 

Ambassador Pyatt did—you know, I read the EU’s High Representative’s Mogherini signaling a broader review of policy later this 

year. She recently told the German newspaper, quote, EU governance should make a substantive political evaluation on the degree 

of implementation of the Minsk Agreement and how the way forward toward solving the conflict in Ukraine looks. 

Now, many believe that is unlikely that the Kremlin or the separatists will implement every aspect of Minsk II, and some believe 

the EU is warning Kyiv more than Moscow about implementation 

of Minsk. 

I am concerned that while we certainly have obligations we want 

to see Kyiv perform in both its transparency and its continuous 

work on corruption and a whole host of other issues, that there is 

also an obligation by the separatists and Russia in this regard. And 

so I am concerned that that is a message of weakening. 

What position will you be taking on behalf of the United States 

upon your confirmation in Kyiv? 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. Well, I absolutely agree with you, 

Senator Menendez. 

Senator MENENDEZ. All right. We can stop the answer there. 

[Laughter.] 

Senator MENENDEZ. I am just kidding. 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. Clearly, you are correct that Russia 

and the separatists have obligations as well. Ukraine does, and 

Ukraine has met many of its Minsk Agreement commitments. The 

Russians and the separatists have not. And I think the first thing 

that has to happen is a ceasefire, a true and enduring ceasefire. 

And we are not seeing that. We are, in fact, seeing a spike in military activity in the region, and that is of great concern. 

With regard to the Minsk agreements, we believe that this is the 

only way at this point to move forward. This is the agreement that 

is on the table that the parties have agreed to. And the Normandy 

Four countries, France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, are meeting periodically, and we are pressing forward with our diplomacy 

to support those efforts. 

Senator MENENDEZ. I now close, Mr. Chairman. I just hope we 

do not get to the point that it is a unilateral obligation that the 

Ukrainians are expected, as we do, to live up to their responsibilities, but the other entities that are involved, the ones who created 

this process in the first place, have to be kept to those standards 

as well. 

And I look forward to supporting all of these nominees. 

The CHAIRMAN. I could not agree more. 35 Ukrainians were 

killed last month. The weaponry that is being utilized against them 

no doubt is Russian weaponry being utilized by Russians with the 

separatists. And I do hope that we will keep the balance that Senator Menendez mentioned. 

I think that in our push to hope that Ukraine will deal appropriately with corruption, sometimes it sounds like we are pushing 

them harder than we are the Russians, but no doubt many people 

are dying in order to keep Ukraine free and they are dying because 

of Russian support against them. And I appreciate very much you 

bringing that point up. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator Murphy? 

Senator MURPHY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Congratulations to all three of you on your nominations. Thank 

you for being here today. 

I want to make three quick points about Ambassador Pyatt’s historic tenure as our Ambassador to Kyiv. I had the honor of joining 

him three different times with Senator McCain, the first of which 

will be hard to ever forget, sitting through a 70-minute soliloquy 

from then President Yanukovych on the eve of his ouster on the 

largest day of the demonstrations. I know you are going to serve 

us just as well in Greece. 

My first point is to commend the chairman on his push to move 

nominations as quickly as possible through this committee to floor. 

If we remember, Ambassador Pyatt was nominated just prior to the 

crisis beginning in Ukraine and had we not then, under Senator 

Menendez’s leadership, moved your nomination quickly to the floor, 

we would have been left without a leader, without the head of our 

delegation. And I think the story would have played out very differently. And so at the time, it did not seem critical that we get 

somebody on the ground in Kyiv, but it turned out that it was very 

important that Senator Menendez moved quickly to get you in 

place. And I think it is another reminder of why our work to get 

ambassadors on the ground, even in places that do not seem mission-critical at the time, is important. 

Second, I just think that they are going to use your tenure to 

teach diplomatic crisis management. I think that the situation on 

the ground in Ukraine would be fundamentally different if it was 

not for the decisions that you made and, agreeing with Senator 

Menendez, your ability to communicate with Congress. We were 

able to pass, again with the leadership of the three men sitting 

next to me, emergency support from this Congress in part because 

we trusted that you were going to tell us the whole story and the 

full story. So I want to make those three quick points. 

And then I just want to ask you, as you head to Greece, about 

the tools at your disposal and at our disposal to help countries like 

Greece who are on the fringes, on the edge of the sanctions conversation to stick with us. We are grateful that we have rolled over 

sanctions once again, but until Russia has left Crimea and eastern 

Ukraine, we cannot relent. And you are going to be going to a country that has some misgivings about automatic renewal. What are 

the tools at our disposal to try to keep not just the Greeks with us 

on course, but others that may be starting to fray? 

Ambassador PYATT. Thank you, Senator Murphy, both for your 

comments and for your strong partnership throughout my tenure. 

I would say on the question you pose, I mean, the most important thing for us to remember is why were these sanctions imposed. These sanctions were imposed first in response to the invasion and illegal annexation of Crimea, and following that, in a brutal violation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity with the movement of 

Russian troops, equipment, and weapons onto sovereign Ukrainian 

territory, which has now produced more than 10,000 casualties. 

Chancellor Merkel has been at the forefront in making the point 

that the only argument for the relaxation of those sanctions is the 

reversal of the violation of Ukrainian territorial integrity that occaFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

963 

sioned the sanctions. And I think we simply have to keep bringing 

the debate back to that topic. It is important. And I am sure Ambassador Yovanovitch will talk about the obligations that Ukraine 

undertook as part of the Minsk Agreement. But the fact is the vast 

majority of steps that have been taken thus far have been on 

Ukraine’s side of the ledger, and it is Russia which has not yet 

changed strategic direction and has not complied with its obligations under Minsk. 

And so the EU took an important decision today with a 6-month 

rollover, and in the event that 6 months from now the situation remains as it is today, I will look forward, if confirmed, to making 

the case to my Greek hosts as to why it is very important for 

Greece to stand by the policy it has followed thus far of upholding 

the EU consensus. 

Senator MURPHY. Ambassador Yovanovitch, let me just drill 

down on the line of questioning from Senator Menendez. I worry 

sometimes that we are asking the Ukrainians to make economic reforms in the middle of an invasion that are simply unrealistic, 

given the very fact that the Russians are occupying territory and 

attacking along the front lines in order to create an economic crisis 

that Ukraine cannot dig itself out from under. I do not doubt that 

we want to press them on these reforms, that we want them to get 

better on anti-corruption reforms. But I sometimes think that it is 

patently ridiculous that we are asking them to do something that 

is impossible in the face of an invasion. 

So how do we pace our press for economic reforms, given the fact 

that so long as the Russians are there, they are essentially making 

it nearly impossible for them to enact many of the things that we 

want them to do? 

Ambassador YOVANOVITCH. Thank you for the question. It is a 

really important question. How do you balance those two issues, security and the overwhelming urgency of defending Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and then the push for economic 

reform, economic growth. 

And the bottom line is that Ukraine has to do both, and it also 

needs to work on strengthening its democratic institutions as well. 

And it is hard to do all three, but the three are actually I think 

mutually reinforcing. So if you work on transparency issues, that 

helps with the economic piece and it helps with regard to the military and some of the practices in the armed forces. It helps with 

regard to attracting investment to Ukraine. So it is mutually reinforcing. It is very difficult. No question about it. And as you pointed out, the steps Ukraine takes need to be paced, but they cannot 

afford basically not to keep on pushing forward. 

And what has amazed me, coming back to this portfolio after a 

number of years—I was DCM in the early 2000s—is how much 

progress Ukraine has actually made in the last 2 years when it was 

under threat, as you point out. And yet, they have been able to do 

things like do judicial reform, macro-stabilization, push out a new 

public procurement program, and other really important reform 

programs. 

So I am sensitive to the question that you are posing, and I do 

not have a super good answer as to exactly what is the road map, 

but I think it is important that Ukraine attack these issues. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator MURPHY. I think there are many of us in this Congress 

who believe that security comes first and worry that pacing out 

those other reforms too quickly ultimately undermines security. 

But I understand the balance. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. 

With that, I know a lot of attention has been paid to Ambassador 

Pyatt because he has been in a country that has been through such 

turmoil and he has risen to the occasion. As a matter of fact, as 

I listened to all the complimentary remarks, I think you ought to 

reconsider going to Greece and maybe think about retiring. [Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Hopefully you will not mess it up in Greece. 

[Laughter.] 

The CHAIRMAN. But I do want to thank all three of you for being 

here, and we hope that the countries you are going to do not generate as much interest. I know Ukraine is, so we will continue with 

you. But we thank you for your willingness to serve. 

We would ask you—there will be questions that will come in before the close of business on Thursday—if you could promptly answer those so we can move you through the process quickly, we 

would appreciate it. 

Thank you again for your service and for the family members 

who are with you. 

And with that, we will move to the second panel. Thank you very 

much. If the second panel would come on up. [Pause.] 

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. We will now move to the second 

panel. First we have the Honorable Douglas Silliman to be the Ambassador to Iraq. Ambassador Silliman has been in a neighboring 

country that we have seen him many times in. He currently serves 

as U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait, has served with distinction. We appreciate his willingness to move to Iraq. 

Also on this panel is the Honorable Michael McKinley who is 

nominated to be Ambassador to Brazil. Ambassador McKinley currently serves as U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan. I want to thank 

him for the impactful meeting that we had with President Ghani 

and Abdullah recently, and I really think it had a huge impact. 

And I want to thank you for your incredible service there. 

Mr. Lawrence Silverman is moving out of the main office to the 

field—I am sure he is thankful about that—to be Ambassador to 

Kuwait. He currently serves as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

State in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs at the State Department. We thank you for your service, sir. 

And lastly, we have Ms. Carol Perez to be Ambassador to Chile. 

Ms. Perez currently serves as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary 

in the Bureau of Human Resources at the State Department. We 

thank you also. 

If you could give your testimony in about 3 minutes, any written 

testimony will be entered into the record, without objection. And 

why do you not just go in the order that you were introduced? 

Again, thank you for being here. 

And I am going to have to step out unfortunately. Senator 

Cardin has graciously agreed to chair the rest of the meeting, and 

I thank him for that. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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STATEMENT OF HON. DOUGLAS ALAN SILLIMAN, OF TEXAS, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member 

Cardin, I am honored to appear before you today as President 

Obama’s nominee to be the next American Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq, and I am grateful to the President and the Secretary 

for the confidence that they have shown in me. 

And, Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I will submit my 

longer testimony for the record. 

I want to begin by thanking my wife Catherine and my two sons 

for having endured the sacrifices of a 30-year career in the Middle 

East. They are in Kuwait and are not able to be with us here 

today, but I know that I could not be here today if it was not for 

their love and support. 

If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, I will continue to work to defeat Da’esh. Backed by U.S. and coalition airstrikes, training and equipment Iraqi forces have recaptured about 

50 percent of the area Da’esh once controlled. We are pleased by 

the Iraqi’s military progress in liberating the City of Fallujah. 

We are also encouraged that with U.S. support, including a new 

$20 million announced today, the Iraqi Government, the United 

Nations, and NGOs are addressing the needs of civilians displaced 

by the fighting. Prime Minister Abadi is taking measures to ensure 

that those who have committed crimes against fleeing civilians are 

brought to justice. 

If confirmed, I will have no higher priority than protecting the 

safety and security of the United States and of Americans in Iraq. 

I will work with Iraqi leaders to promote political reconciliation 

and regional integration. And I will encourage economic reform to 

develop and spread Iraq’s wealth among all of its citizens. 

The Kurdistan regional government remains a key political, economic, and military partner. If confirmed, I will work to expand 

our cooperation with Erbil and strengthen our outstanding relationship. 

If confirmed, I will promote religious freedom, the protection of 

minority communities, and the fight against trafficking in persons. 

And while Iraq has made some progress, I will engage the highest 

levels of the government to seek greater attention on these issues. 

Ranking Member Cardin, as you know from your hearings and 

visits to the region, Iraq is a challenging country. If confirmed, I 

look forward to your continued support and encourage you and 

your staff to come visit us to see the important work of the United 

States in Iraq. 

Thank you for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to your 

questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Silliman follows:] 

Prepared Statement Douglas A. Silliman 

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be the next 

United States Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq. I am grateful to the President 

and Secretary Kerry for their confidence in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with the members of this committee to advance U.S. national security interests 

in Iraq. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

966 

I would like to recognize my wife Catherine and our sons for their steadfast support throughout my career. They are all in Kuwait and could not be here with me 

today, but I certainly would not be here were it not for them. 

I would also like to thank my friend and colleague Ambassador Stuart Jones who 

has very ably led our Embassy in Baghdad for the last two years. The progress we 

have made against Da’esh is in large part because of his leadership and hard work. 

I would also like to express my gratitude to the men and women serving the Unites 

States in Iraq: the staff of Embassy Baghdad, our Consulates in Erbil and Basrah, 

and of course, those men and women serving in uniform who are bravely working 

to help the Iraqis defeat Da’esh. 

If confirmed, I hope to support these great Americans as Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq. 

If confirmed, my goals will be clear, even if sometimes the tasks required to accomplish them will be difficult. I will continue the fight to defeat Da’esh. I will seek 

to enhance the safety and security of the United States and of Americans in Iraq, 

including the staff of the U.S. Mission, deployed military personnel, and private 

American citizens living and working across Iraq. 

I will seek the political reconciliation and regional integration needed for Iraqis 

to live with each other and their neighbors in peace and prosperity. I will encourage 

economic reform and development that can spread the benefits of Iraq’s great 

wealth to all its population, and seek to reduce the corruption and mismanagement 

that bleeds Iraq’s resources from the many to the few. 

I will work to further all of America’s national interests in Iraq and the region, 

including continuing our strong partnership with the Kurdistan Regional Government; fighting Trafficking in Persons; promoting human rights; supporting Iraq’s 

ethnic and religious minority communities and its underserved and displaced populations. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, I am not 

blind to the realities of Iraq, but I believe I can approach these tasks with the 

knowledge and experience built up over my 32 years in the Foreign Service. I have 

already served two years in Iraq, first as Embassy Baghdad’s Minister Counselor 

for Political Affairs, then as Deputy Chief of Mission. I have served nine years in 

countries that border Iraq: four as Political Counselor at Embassy Amman, three 

as Deputy Chief of Mission at Embassy Ankara, and, most recently, two years as 

Ambassador to Kuwait. I have spent most of the rest of my career in the Middle 

East or South Asia, or working on the Middle East in Washington. 

As this committee knows well from your hearings and visits to the region, Iraq 

presents challenges. I do not believe that those challenges are insurmountable, but 

they are certainly hard. But Iraq also offers opportunities—on regional security, economic opportunity and human rights—that I hope to take advantage of as well. 

Please permit me to address each of my key goals in turn. 

If confirmed, my primary responsibility will be to do everything possible to protect 

the United States from threats emanating from Iraq. I will continue to support the 

robust security measures at Embassy Baghdad, Consulate General Erbil and Consulate General Basrah that protect our employees where they live and work. I will 

work to ensure that the best security information and advice available to me is also 

available to military commanders and force protection personnel. And I will seek to 

build the relationships within the Iraqi government to strengthen its commitment 

to protecting all Americans from harm. 

If confirmed, I will continue to help the Iraqi Government combat Da’esh. Under 

the leadership of Prime Minister Abadi, Iraq invited U.S. forces to lead an international coalition to support local security forces in the fight against Da’esh. Since 

the fall of 2014, with our help, the Iraqi Security Forces, including Iraqi Peshmerga 

and Popular Mobilization Forces, have driven Da’esh back. Backed by U.S. and Coalition air strikes, training, and equipment, Iraqi forces have recaptured approximately 50 percent of the area Da’esh had seized, including the Mosul Dam, Tikrit, 

Sinjar, Bayji, Ramadi, Hit, and most recently, Rutbah. These victories prove that 

with U.S. and Coalition support, Iraqi security forces can defeat Da’esh and other 

insurgent groups. The Iraqi government is grateful for our assistance and wants our 

continued engagement. 

Right now, we are supporting the Iraqis as they seek to retake Fallujah and begin 

to pressure Mosul. In Fallujah, our Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance 

assets along with Coalition air strikes are supporting the Iraqi offensive, and the 

Iraqi military, with the support of the Popular Mobilization Forces, has made great 

progress. With our Coalition partners and the United Nations, we are helping the 

Iraqis as they prepare to hold and stabilize the city as well as care for those displaced by the conflict. We are disturbed by allegations of abuse by some of the forces 

trying to liberate Fallujah against civilians fleeing the fighting. We are, however, 

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encouraged that Prime Minister Abadi has formed a committee to investigate these 

allegations, and the investigation has already led to reported arrests of alleged perpetrators. 

If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to focus on executing a successful Mosul campaign that simultaneously respects the rights of those both fleeing and unable to flee the fighting. The Iraqis 

understand how important and how hard this fight will be, and that is why we will 

work closely with the Iraqis to ensure the necessary political and military plans are 

prepared just as we will assist the security forces taking part in the operation. 

Equally critical, we will partner with the Iraqi government to address humanitarian 

and stabilization challenges attendant to the Mosul campaign to ensure gains are 

sustained. We have seen what the Iraqi Security Forces can do with our help in 

Ramadi, Tikrit, and elsewhere. I am confident we will see the same success in 

Mosul. 

If confirmed, I will press for political reconciliation and improved Iraqi relations 

in the region and around the world. Security assistance can only take Iraq so far: 

reconciliation will be needed to heal the country. We believe that the most effective 

approach to reconciliation is to start at the local level, building confidence in local 

security forces and improving access to basic services. When people feel safe in their 

homes and can provide their families with the essentials, trust can develop between 

the people and their government. On security, we have emphasized the importance 

of involving locally-recruited forces in operations to liberate and hold territory freed 

from Da’esh, and we have supported the efforts of the Iraqi government to enroll, 

arm, and train volunteers in Anbar and Ninewa—including tens of thousands of 

Sunnis. These forces have been critical to victories in Ramadi and Hit and will play 

a significant role in the Mosul campaign. We are also working with the Iraqis to 

reconstitute local police forces, so that when hostilities subside, citizens will have 

capable police forces drawn from their communities. 

For all of their troubles and difficulties, Iraqis want a real voice in governance 

and are committed to a democratic process. Power has transitioned peacefully between national and provincial governments following elections since 2003 and elections have been largely open and fair, both remarkable achievements in the Middle 

East. The political upheaval and protests we have seen in Baghdad over the past 

few months are in part the public manifestations of a people hungry for reform, improved government services, and economic growth. There are also spoilers in both 

the political arena and among the protesters. Spoilers who seek to further their selfinterest by disrupting the political process and committing violent acts. We strongly 

support the rights of the people to assemble peacefully and protest, but we must 

also condemn the destructive actions of some protesters in the storming of Parliament on April 30 and a brief second breach of the International Zone on May 20. 

Prime Minister Abadi has shown his willingness to address the people’s demands 

for change, and we support him in these efforts. But we see also self-interested parties undermining the efforts for reform. 

If confirmed, I will urge the restraint, compromise, and unity that are all fundamental to solving Iraq’s many daunting problems. Prime Minister Abadi is a valuable partner and a strong ally. Yet our support for a strong, stable, democratic, and 

unified Iraq is broader than our relationship with any one leader and we seek a 

partnership with the lawfully-chosen government based on mutual respect and 

shared objectives. I will continue the work of my predecessor and keep open lines 

of communication with Iraqis of all political, ideological, and ethnic backgrounds, excluding only those with known links to terrorism. 

Looking outside Iraq’s borders, further integration of Iraq with its neighbors in 

the region and the broader international community will yield political, economic, 

and security dividends. One of the achievements I am most proud of from my time 

in Kuwait—along with Ambassador Jones on the other side of the border—was helping the Iraqis and Kuwaitis expand an already strong bilateral relationship. Kuwait’s economic and humanitarian support for Iraq have been vital, including $4.6 

billion in delayed compensation payments and $210 million pledged and delivered 

humanitarian assistance. Saudi Arabia’s generous $500 million humanitarian contribution in 2014 and the reopening of its embassy in Baghdad in 2015 were important signals of solidarity against Da’esh. UAE and Qatar have both pledged or provided stabilization support and humanitarian assistance. These were welcome steps, 

but there is great need for more. The Government of Iraq has been clear that it 

seeks improved and constructive relations with all its neighbors. If confirmed, one 

of my top priorities will be to encourage the Government of Iraq to expand its engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Organization for Islamic Cooperation, and the broader Arab world. 

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We must also acknowledge the relationship between Iraq and Iran. These countries share a long border, a long history, and a complex relationship, including significant economic ties. We must continue to work within this framework as the fight 

against Da’esh pushes forward, and ensure that Iran respects Iraqi sovereignty and 

does not enflame sectarian tensions. 

If confirmed, I will press economic reform and development, while continuing our 

efforts to ensure Iraq has the resources needed for its fight against Da’esh. The 

global collapse of oil prices has devastated Iraq’s revenue, triggering an acute fiscal 

crisis. Corruption, a bloated public sector, and an over-reliance on oil revenue have 

exacerbated these problems and highlighted the deep need for Iraq to reform, decentralize, and diversify. 

If confirmed, I will seek to enhance our economic and commercial engagement 

with Iraq. Iraq has the fifth largest proven conventional oil reserves in the world 

and the second largest in OPEC. Helping the Iraqis to get these resources to market 

is critical, and Iraqis want the help of American companies. It will also be important 

to help Iraq to diversify its economy, decentralize economic decision-making and put 

in place reforms to encourage the development of a viable private sector. This means 

that decision making must devolve to localities and provinces. While economic reforms are important, a top priority for our mission in Iraq will be to strengthen our 

commercial ties and promote U.S. companies, products, and services. I will work to 

ensure that our companies are competing on an even playing field. I will work tirelessly to promote U.S. exports and ensure that government tenders, such as the recent tender for nearly 100,000 tons of rice awarded to U.S. growers, give our companies full and fair consideration. 

And this may not be as hard as it now appears. The Iraqi economy grew at 7 percent annually before the arrival of Da’esh, and Iraq can regain an upward trajectory 

with wiser management and a real effort to reduce corruption. Here too, we see a 

desire on the part of Iraqis for continued U.S. and international engagement to 

strengthen the private sector in order to spur economic growth for all Iraqis. 

If confirmed, I will promote the other crucial U.S. national interests in Iraq. It 

is important for me to highlight that the Kurdistan Regional Government remains 

a key and trusted political, economic, and military partner. Erbil, like Baghdad, also 

faces a daunting slate of economic issues. The Kurdish Parliament has not met since 

October of last year, and the Kurdistan Regional Government’s fiscal crisis is also 

dire. Like Baghdad, the KRG faces economic strain from low oil prices as well as 

an unprecedented humanitarian emergency. To help alleviate some of these issues, 

the Department of Defense recently announced up to $480 million in stipend and 

logistical support for the Peshmerga, and we were all happy to see the central government in Baghdad commit to share some of its security assistance with the KRG. 

While these measures will provide immediate relief, the KRG needs to take more 

permanent reform measures. Like Baghdad, the KRG also has too many employees 

and too much corruption. Our USAID colleagues are on the ground, providing advisory support as the KRG undertakes structural economic reform and support for the 

private sector. If confirmed, I will work to expand our cooperation with Erbil and 

protect the outstanding relationship we have developed over years of close cooperation. 

I want to stress that while Mosul Dam remains a top concern, Iraq has come a 

long way in taking responsibility for the issue. Our goal is to prevent a catastrophe 

from taking place, but if it does occur, we have plans in place to evacuate our people 

and deal with the humanitarian crisis likely to be caused by the massive flooding. 

We continue to engage the international community on this issue because a dam 

breach would literally and figuratively change the landscape of Iraq during our fight 

against Da’esh. 

It will also be a priority to uphold our long-standing commitment to the promotion 

and protection of religious freedom and ethnic minorities. We are focused on the dire 

situation of all Iraqi communities, including Christians, Shabak, Yezidis, Kaka’i, 

Sabean-Mandeans, Turkmen, Shia, Sunni, and members of other groups, who have 

suffered at the hands of Da’esh. We see the first priority in this effort as assisting 

Iraqi Security Forces, including Peshmerga, in defeating Da’esh. This is essential to 

the protection of human rights and religious diversity in the region. The U.S. response to Da’esh atrocities, however, involves more than military action. We will be 

supporting efforts to collect, document, preserve, and analyze the evidence of atrocities, including through forensic evidence in mass graves, and we will do all we can 

to see that the perpetrators are held accountable. On April 8, Secretary Kerry announced an additional $155 million in humanitarian assistance to help vulnerable 

Iraqis inside Iraq and across the region. That brings the total to $778 million since 

FY 2014. We continue to work with the Government of Iraq to make sure its instituFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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tions are more representative and inclusive, and to promote security and freedom 

for religious minorities in Iraq, including areas liberated from Da’esh. 

Once security is established, we will continue to support Iraqi-led local efforts to 

establish the conditions that will allow for the safe and voluntary return of displaced citizens. Working with the U.N. Development Program, the United States 

and 18 international partners have funded a stabilization mechanism that emphasizes quick projects that help restore basic services like water and electricity, reopen 

schools and health clinics, and provide grants to businesses trying to reopen. Our 

support has helped contribute to stabilization efforts that have allowed nearly 

700,000 displaced Iraqis—including 95 percent of the families from the Sunni city 

of Tikrit—return to their homes, and we are seeing the same effort underway in 

Ramadi. To make the stabilization efforts more sustainable, we have provided technical assistance to the effort, championed by the Prime Minister, to decentralize federal authority over many government services. Empowering local governments with 

responsibility over these services gives communities a greater stake in their governance and has the potential to improve service delivery. The implications of decentralization go far beyond liberated areas—greater local authority will improve governance throughout Iraq. 

Finally, I will press forward the Department’s efforts to combat Trafficking in Persons (TIP), which has been a longstanding personal commitment. Iraq has taken notable steps to fight trafficking, despite the fact that its abilities to do so were severely hindered by extreme security challenges and budget constraints. 

The Government of Iraq as targeted both labor and sex traffickers. It sharply increased its investigation and prosecution of trafficking cases, resulting in 119 prosecutions in 2015 compared to 39 in 2014. The GOI assigned more police officers to 

TIP enforcement in every province. The government’s inter-ministerial anti-TIP 

committee met throughout the year, provided anti-TIP and shelter management 

training, and lobbied to pass bylaws to improve implementation of the anti-TIP law. 

The government also provided training to military officers on child soldier issues. 

Nevertheless, there is room for improvement and, if confirmed, I will engage with 

Iraqis at the highest levels to press for greater attention and effort to this issue. 

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, if confirmed, I look forward to your continued support and invite you to come see the good 

work that American civilian and military personnel are doing to further U.S. interests in Iraq. I thank you for the opportunity to testify, and look forward to answering your questions. 

Senator CARDIN [presiding]. Thank you for your testimony. 

Ambassador Mckinley? 

STATEMENT OF HON. PETER MICHAEL McKINLEY, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL 

Ambassador MCKINLEY. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 

Cardin, and members of the committee, it is my distinct honor to 

appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve as 

the next United States Ambassador to Brazil. I deeply appreciate 

the confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown 

in nominating me for consideration by the Senate. 

I am also profoundly thankful for the support across my career 

of my wife Fatima and our three children, Claire, Peter, and Sarah 

who could not be with us today. 

Having spent part of my youth in Brazil and having served as 

U.S. Ambassador to Peru and Colombia, I am well aware of Brazil’s 

importance to the United States and to the region. If I am confirmed, I pledge to work with you and your Senate colleagues to 

continue developing our vibrant relationship with Brazil. 

Brazil and the United States have a rich history of collaboration. 

Our engagement is firmly rooted in shared democratic values. We 

are collaborating to facilitate trade, encourage investment, create 

jobs. We are deepening our defense and security cooperation. We 

are standing together in defense of human rights. 

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If I am confirmed, I will do my utmost to continue advancing on 

all these fronts. Job number one will remain to ensure the continued safety and security of U.S. citizens in Brazil. Our mission to 

Brazil is currently working to support the Brazilian Government’s 

efforts to stage a safe and successful 2016 Summer Olympics and 

Paralympics, which more than 100,000 Americans are expected to 

attend. 

Another key focus would be to continue developing our commercial ties with Brazil. Annual two-way trade and investment between our countries reached $100 billion in recent years, but we 

can increase it even more. And if confirmed, I will dedicate my efforts to advancing our leaders’ vision of doubling trade within 10 

years. 

If confirmed, I would also seek opportunities for our two countries to continue to partner in exchanging information about our 

experiences promoting transparency and accountability and confidence in the rule of law. 

Finally, if confirmed, I would work to secure support for our regional, global, and multilateral priorities. Whether we are seeking 

to promote respect for democracy in the hemisphere, defend freedom of expression, build global peacekeeping capacity, combat global health threats like zika, or confront climate change, we can accomplish more when we work together with Brazil than we can on 

our own. 

Ranking Member, thank you once again for your consideration of 

my nomination. And it is a pleasure to have the opportunity to 

have spoken earlier today, and I remain open to and welcome any 

questions you may have. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador McKinley follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF P. MICHAEL MCKINLEY

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, it is my 

distinct honor to appear before you today as President Obama’s nominee to serve 

as the next United States Ambassador to Brazil. I deeply appreciate the confidence 

President Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown in me by sending my name to 

the Senate for consideration. I am also profoundly thankful for the support of my 

family, particularly my wife Fatima and my children Claire, Peter, and Sarah. 

Having spent part of my youth in Brazil, and having had the good fortune to serve 

as U.S. Ambassador first to Peru and then to Colombia, I am well aware of Brazil’s 

importance to the United States and to the region. If I am confirmed, I pledge to 

work with you and your Senate colleagues to continue developing our vibrant relationship with Brazil. 

Brazil and the United States have a rich history of collaboration. The United 

States was the first nation to recognize Brazil’s independence in 1822, and our 

troops fought side-by-side as part of the Allied effort during the Second World War. 

Today, the United States and Brazil are pursuing a comprehensive agenda with 

a breadth and depth that befits the size of our countries and the diversity of our 

peoples. 

Our engagement is firmly rooted in our shared democratic values and determination to promote peace and prosperity for all our citizens. We are collaborating to facilitate trade, encourage investment, and create jobs. We are deepening our defense 

and security cooperation to promote peace and stability in the region and across the 

globe. We are standing together in defense of human rights. Our citizens are traveling between our two countries in impressive numbers, and our extensive peopleto-people contacts are producing advancements in science, technology, and innovation. 

If I am confirmed, I will do my utmost to continue advancing on all these fronts. 

Job number one would be to ensure the continued safety and security of U.S. citizens in Brazil. Our Mission to Brazil has established an excellent foundation by 

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working to support the Brazilian government’s efforts to stage a safe and successful 

2016 Summer Olympics and Paralympics, which more than 100,000 Americans are 

expected to attend. If I am confirmed, I will build upon this foundation so that U.S. 

citizens who choose to travel, work, and live in Brazil in the future may do so safely 

and securely. 

Another key focus of mine would be to continue developing our commercial ties 

with Brazil. Annual two-way trade in goods and services between our countries is 

already considerable, having reached $100 billion in recent years, but we can increase it even more. If confirmed, I will dedicate my efforts to advancing our leaders’ 

vision of doubling trade within ten years. The United States is already the number 

one source for foreign direct investment (FDI) in Brazil, with over $70 billion in FDI 

stock, and Brazilian direct investment in the United States already supports over 

70,000 jobs in the United States, but again, we can do even more.If confirmed, I 

will work with Brazil to lower trade barriers and spur additional growth in our 

trade and investment relationship. 

If confirmed, I will also support Brazil’s ongoing efforts to promote transparency 

and confidence in the rule of law. As Secretary Kerry has made clear, rooting out 

corruption, reducing impunity, and promoting good governance need to be among 

our top priorities in the hemisphere, and Brazil shares that view. Strong, transparent, and independent Brazilian institutions benefit us all. For this reason, I 

would seek opportunities for our two countries to continue to partner in by exchanging information about our experiences promoting transparency and accountability. 

In addition, if confirmed, I would work to secure Brazil’s support for our regional, 

global, and multilateral priorities. Whether we are seeking to promote respect for 

democracy in the hemisphere, defend freedom of expression, build global peacekeeping capacity, combat global health threats like Zika, or confront climate change, 

we can accomplish more when we work together with Brazil than we can on our 

own. 

In conclusion, and if confirmed, I will faithfully execute my duties as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil and dedicate all my energies to deepening the robust partnership 

between the two largest democracies and economies in the Americas. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you once for your consideration 

of my nomination. It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to speak with you today. 

I welcome your questions. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you for your testimony. 

Mr. Silverman? 

STATEMENT OF LAWRENCE ROBERT SILVERMAN, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE STATE 

OF KUWAIT 

Mr. SILVERMAN. Ranking Member Cardin, I am honored to appear before you today and gratified by the trust that President 

Obama and Secretary Kerry have shown by nominating me to 

serve as U.S. Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. 

I would like to thank my family for their support. My wife Vicki, 

a former Foreign Service officer herself, my daughter Lina and my 

son David are here with me today. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and others 

in Congress to enhance a close, mutually beneficial bilateral relationship that helps us cope with regional conflicts, combat terrorism, promote commerce, and human trafficking, on which we are 

making some progress in Kuwait. And I would have no higher priority than protecting the safety and security of all Americans in 

Kuwait. 

In my office, I keep a reminder of Saddam Hussein’s occupation 

of Kuwait over 25 years ago, a license plate he issued to pretend 

that Kuwait was a province of Iraq. It is also a reminder to me of 

our soldiers’ bravery in ending that occupation. 

Today, Kuwait is a key member of our counter-Da’esh coalition. 

It hosts the headquarters of the combined joint task force and is 

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a world leader in aid to the Syrian refugees. Kuwait has also provided invaluable help to stabilize Iraq economically and is hosting 

the Yemen negotiations. 

Da’esh’s June 2015 bombing of the Imam Sadiq Mosque in Kuwait City increased Kuwaiti resolve to combat terrorism and stop 

terrorist financing. We believe more can be done, and we are helping build Kuwait’s capacity in this regard. 

Kuwaitis are major investors in the United States economy, creating jobs for Americans. There are opportunities for American 

business and technical assistance in oil, petrochemical, and renewable energy technology, and Kuwait’s investment in power generation, health care, and other areas present enormous opportunities 

for American business. 

In the region, Kuwait stands out for its relatively open political 

environment. There is a relatively free press and the elected parliament is independent. But there is room for improvement. 

Five generations of Kuwaitis have studied in the United States. 

If confirmed, I will prioritize our engagement with these generations. 

Ranking Member Cardin, I believe my experience working on regional conflicts and counterterrorism and promoting commerce and 

American values would help me advance U.S. interests in Kuwait. 

If confirmed, I would look forward to welcoming you in Kuwait to 

enhance our valuable relationship. 

Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Silverman follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF LAWRENCE R. SILVERMAN

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you, and gratified by the trust President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry have shown by nominating me to serve as U.S. ambassador to the State of 

Kuwait. If you will permit me, I would also like to thank my family for their support 

throughout my career. My wife Vicki, a former Foreign Service Officer herself, my 

daughter, Lina, and my son, David, are here with me today. 

I would also like to acknowledge the exemplary service of my colleague, Doug 

Silliman, as the U.S. ambassador to Kuwait. Some of our best and brightest in the 

Foreign Service have served as Ambassador to Kuwait. I have learned from them 

and hope to build upon the strong U.S.-Kuwait bonds they have forged. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and others in the Congress 

to sustain and enhance our close, productive and mutually beneficial relationship 

with Kuwait. For the past 25 years, Kuwait has prospered under the security and 

stability afforded by our relationship, and the United States has been able to work 

closely with Kuwait and other Gulf Cooperation Council partners in addressing 

threats to our interests because of that same relationship. Today, our partnership 

serves as a cornerstone of U.S. national security interests in the region and helps 

us find solutions to destabilizing regional conflicts, combat extremism and terrorism, 

promote commerce, advance cooperation on global issues such as eliminating human 

trafficking—on which we are making some progress in Kuwait. Moreover, we are 

working to further strengthen the investment and education ties between our countries. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will have no higher priority than protecting the 

safety and security of all Americans in Kuwait—those in our Mission, deployed military personnel and the large number of private Americans. 

From the beginning of the campaign to defeat Da’esh, Kuwait has been a key 

member of the coalition we have led. It has provided strategic access and logistical 

support to coalition forces deployed in support of Operation Inherent Resolve, and 

is a member of the Coalition’s Small Group, in recognition of its significant role 

across several lines of effort in this campaign. Indeed, Kuwait has been a leader 

amongst the GCC countries in providing humanitarian assistance to the millions of 

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individuals displaced by conflicts across the region, and we look forward to Kuwait 

continuing this vital support. 

Almost exactly one year ago, Kuwait was a direct victim of Da’esh’s terrorism. The 

June 2015 bombing of the Imam Sadiq Mosque resulted in 27 deaths and 227 injured. None of us can reverse what happened that day or in other terrorist acts and 

bring back the lives lost, but we can redouble our efforts to prevent further attacks. 

Kuwait has drawn exactly that lesson from the tragedy at the mosque, increasing 

its resolve to combat terrorism, including steps to stop money laundering and terrorist financing. With our help, it is building its capacity for such efforts and has 

successfully prosecuted several Kuwaiti nationals and expatriate residents on terrorist financing charges. We look forward to further cooperation to stop terrorist financing, especially as there is more than we believe Kuwait can do in this regard. 

Since its liberation by a U.S.-led coalition in 1991, Kuwait has been a uniquely 

close defense partner, generously hosting a major U.S. military presence, including 

the regional headquarters of U.S. Army Central (ARCENT) and the headquarters 

of the Combined Joint Task Force for operations in Iraq and Syria. Kuwait is committed to advancing cooperative defense efforts. If confirmed, I promise to lead my 

team in doing all we can not only to maintain this unique and strategically important defense relationship, but also to help it further evolve so as to meet present 

day challenges. I will also do all I can to support our men and women in uniform 

serving there. 

I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the sacrifice of U.S. soldiers who 

helped liberate Kuwait in Operation Desert Storm in 1991. I arrived at my first 

posting in the Foreign Service, Amman, Jordan, one week after Saddam Hussein invaded and occupied Kuwait, and met people fleeing that invasion near the JordanIraq border. In my office, I keep on the wall a reminder of that occupation—a license 

plate the Saddam regime issued to pretend that Kuwait was a province of Iraq— 

and of the bravery of our soldiers in ending that occupation. While U.S.-Kuwait 

bonds were forged in war now over a quarter century ago, we are working every 

day to forge further bonds in peacetime. Even more significantly, under the leadership of Amir Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah Kuwait has prioritized improved 

ties with the Iraqi people, supporting their efforts to defeat Daesh. Kuwait has provided practical help to stabilize Iraq, previously postponing billions of required reparations payments by Iraq for the occupation of Kuwait and , pledging an additional 

$200 million in assistance to help Iraqis internally displaced by violence in their 

own country. We welcome this support, which reflects the important strategic recognition that the security of Kuwait and our GCC partners is linked, in part, to 

Iraq’s success in defeating Daesh. 

Our relationship with Kuwait is much broader than security, and so are the mutual benefits. This will be reflected in the inaugural U.S.-Kuwait Strategic Dialogue, 

which we look forward to hosting in July. Kuwaitis are major investors in every sector of the American economy, from real estate to IPOs, and we want to see our economic ties grow. Separately, Kuwait has committed to participate in a a new ministerial-level economic dialogue that the President and GCC leaders announced at 

the U.S.-GCC Summit in April. It will focus on U steps Kuwait and other GCC partners can take to diversify their economies, increase economic cooperation, and also 

support reforms that could make available additional resources for Kuwait to help 

meet the economic and social aspirations of their young people and all of their citizens. 

And regionally, Kuwait has been a staunch supporter of our mutual interests. It 

has been at the forefront of supporting Iraq and its government, and of welcoming 

the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, while remaining concerned about 

Iran’s activities destabilizing the region. 

Today, Kuwait is hosting the UN-mediated Yemen negotiations. The Amir has 

personally urged the parties to reach a peaceful solution to the conflict. The Kuwaitis have also been a world leader in humanitarian assistance for the Syrian crisis, 

pledging $1.4 billion through the United Nations, hosting three pledging conferences, and co-hosting a fourth this past February. As Secretary Kerry has said, 

′′We appreciate the strong partnership in trying to deal with the troubles of the region.′′ 

In the all-important energy field, Kuwait is the world’s eighth largest oil producer, 

the fourth largest in OPEC. Our Mission in Kuwait is promoting U.S. technical assistance to the oil and petrochemical industry. There are commercial opportunities 

for American renewable energy technology leaders, as Kuwait seeks to generate 15 

percent of electricity production from renewable energy by 2030. 

Commercial ties between our countries expanded by over 42 percent between 2009 

and 2015—to $7.5 billion. U.S. exports to Kuwait grew by 29 percent, making Kuwait our fifth largest export market in the Middle East-North Africa region. KuFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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wait’s multi-billion dollar investment in major power generation, transportation, oil 

and gas, and health care infrastructure projects presents American contracting 

firms and vendors with enormous business opportunities. As one example, our Embassy in Kuwait just hosted the largest U.S. trade delegation ever to Kuwait, focused on health care. 

Within the region, Kuwait stands out for its relatively open political environment, 

vibrant civil society, and tradition of constitutional participatory governance. There 

is a relatively free press, and the parliament is freely-elected and independent. 

Women are represented in the Cabinet; their participation in the public sector 

reached 54 percent in 2015. There is, however, room for improvement, and we will 

continue to encourage democratic, economic and social development. 

The U.S.-Kuwaiti relationship is between peoples as well as governments. We 

want to continue investing in those ties. Five generations of Kuwaitis have studied 

in the U.S., and the number of those studying here has grown to 9,000. With a quarter of the population under the age of 25, our educational opportunities are a vital 

part of sharing American principles. If confirmed, I will prioritize our engagement 

with this new generation to ensure that our bilateral ties continue to remain strong 

into the future. 

For me, if confirmed, this assignment would represent coming full circle since my 

first tour in Jordan, where I saw the effects of the occupation of Kuwait. I believe 

my experience working on regional conflicts and counter-terrorism, and the promotion of commercial relations of American values, would help me to effectively protect and advance U.S. interests as Chief of Mission in Kuwait. I have made a concerted effort to offer advice to and encourage the development of the skills of those 

with whom I have had the privilege of serving. I have also been fortunate to have 

mentors who emphasized that each Mission—including all the agencies represented—must function as a team for us to succeed in advancing U.S. interests. 

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee, if confirmed I look forward to the opportunity to welcome you and your staff in Kuwait 

to continue building our important relationship. Thank you very much again for this 

opportunity to appear before you. I look forward to responding to your questions. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you for your testimony. 

Ms. Perez? 

STATEMENT OF CAROL Z. PEREZ, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED 

TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF CHILE 

Ms. PEREZ. Thank you, Ranking Member Cardin. It is an honor 

and a privilege to appear today to seek your confirmation as Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of Chile. 

I am humbled by the trust and confidence President Obama and 

Secretary Kerry have shown in putting forward my nomination. 

I would like to take a moment to recognize the members of my 

family: my mom and dad, Irene and John Zelis, who are at home 

in Chicago; and my husband Al; son Michael; daughter Caroline 

and her husband Jacob; and my daughter Marisa, who are here 

with me today. They stood by my side as I proudly represented the 

United States overseas and in Washington. 

I would be proud to lead our U.S. mission in Santiago, which has 

representatives from more than a dozen Federal agencies and terrific locally employed staff, many of whom are U.S. citizens. 

Chile is one of our closest hemispheric allies. Shared values and 

mutual interests anchor our bilateral and regional cooperation in 

almost every sector. It is a nation that supports free markets, 

human rights, rule of law, and respect for the environment. It is 

a contributor to global peacekeeping missions and supports shared 

priorities in security and military cooperation. 

Our bilateral trade has quadrupled to almost $28 billion per year 

since our Free Trade Agreement went into effect in 2004. Supporting U.S. businesses in Chile and Chilean businesses investing 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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in the United States will increase economic opportunity and prosperity for both countries. 

Our cooperation in the sciences and on the environment is second 

to none. U.S. and Chilean scientists collaborate to uncover the mysteries of outer space, conserve our oceans, and advance scientific 

research in seismology and clean energy. 

Our people-to-people relationships are robust and wide-ranging. 

50,000 Americans live in Chile, and in 2015, a record 220,000 

Americans visited there. 

Our shared focus on education, entrepreneurship, opportunities 

for women and children, and collaborative research projects make 

the United States and Chile natural allies, able to take on global 

challenges together. 

Ranking Member Cardin, if confirmed, I will work with you, your 

colleagues, and all U.S. stakeholders to advance the interests of the 

United States and to deepen the bonds between our two countries. 

I would work every day to ensure the safety and security of our 

embassy staff and all American citizens. This will always be my 

number one priority. 

Thank you, and I would be pleased to answer your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Perez follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF CAROL PEREZ

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished members 

of the committee. It is an honor and a privilege to appear today to seek your confirmation as the next Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of Chile. I 

am humbled by the trust and confidence President Obama and Secretary Kerry 

have shown in putting forward my nomination for this position. 

I would like to take a moment to recognize the members of my family—my mom 

and dad, Irene and John Zelis, who are at home in Chicago, and my husband Al, 

my son Michael, daughter Caroline and her husband Jacob, and my daughter 

Marisa, who are here with me today. They stood by my side as I proudly represented the United States overseas and in Washington. 

For over 28 years, I have had the privilege to advance U.S. interests and values 

by leading interagency colleagues committed to serving our country. I advocated on 

behalf of U.S. businesses interested in entering Europe’s energy markets, led efforts 

to counter violent extremism, and supported business, cultural and educational exchanges during my tenure as Consul General in Milan and in Barcelona. 

I worked to advance the rule of law and combat corruption in Haiti, Ukraine and 

the South China Sea during my tenure as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for 

the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. In my current 

position as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human Resources, I have led 

efforts to ensure our diverse 73,000 plus workforce is prepared to meet global challenges and advance U.S. foreign policy interests. 

I am prepared to take the next step and serve as Ambassador—and would be very 

proud to lead our U.S. Mission in Santiago, which has representatives from more 

than a dozen federal agencies, and terrific locally employed staff, many of whom are 

U.S. citizens. 

Chile is one of our closest hemispheric allies. Shared values and mutual interests 

anchor our bilateral and regional cooperation in almost every sector. Chile stands 

as a testament to the transformational possibilities of democratic governance and 

inclusive economic policies. It is a nation that supports free markets, human rights, 

rule of law and respect for the environment. It is a contributor to global peacekeeping missions and supports shared priorities in security and military cooperation. 

Chile is a valued trading partner. Our bilateral trade has quadrupled to almost 

$28 billion per year since our Free Trade Agreement went into effect. Supporting 

U.S. businesses in Chile and Chilean businesses investing in the United States will 

increase economic opportunity and prosperity for both countries. This economic cooperation is a win-win. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

976 

Our cooperation in the sciences and on the environment is second to none. Indeed, 

U.S. and Chilean scientists are collaborating to uncover the mysteries of outerspace, conserve our oceans, and advance scientific research in seismology, and clean 

energy. 

Our people to people relationships are robust and wide-ranging. 50,000 Americans 

live in Chile, and in 2015, a record 220,000 Americans visited there. The number 

of Chileans studying in the United States has grown by 40 percent in the last five 

years to over 2,500. And Chile has one of the largest Fulbright programs in the 

Hemisphere. 

Our shared focus on education, entrepreneurship, opportunities for women and 

girls, and collaborative research projects makes the United States and Chile natural 

allies able to take on global challenges together 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work with you, your colleagues, and all U.S. 

stakeholders to advance the interests of the United States and to deepen the bonds 

between our two countries. I would work every day to ensure the safety and security 

of our embassy staff and all American citizens. This will always be my number one 

priority. 

Thank you and I would be pleased to answer your questions. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, once again, we do thank all four of you for 

being here today and your willingness to continue in public service. 

As I said earlier, we also thank your families. 

As I mentioned a little bit earlier, I will be asking questions for 

the record in regards to human rights and your commitment to 

keep this committee informed on the challenges that you face in 

each of your countries and where we could be helpful in advancing 

international human rights values. 

Mr. Silverman, I would like to get your input here. Kuwait is a 

very important strategic country for the United States, and at 

times, the State Department can put the strategic importance of 

the relationship ahead of advancement on human rights. Kuwait 

has been designated by the State Department Trafficking in Persons report for 2015 tier 3, the worst level, for the eighth year in 

a row. They passed a law, but there has been no demonstrated significant effort to prosecute or convict trafficking offenders. 

So can you just assure me that this will be a priority of your mission—trafficking in persons is modern day slavery. We have international commitments on this. Kuwait must do better—that you 

will use your office to make sure that the host country is aware of 

these concerns and our willingness to work with them to improve 

their record? 

Mr. SILVERMAN. Thank you very much, Senator. 

I, indeed, have made this a priority throughout my career in the 

others countries that I served in trying to combat trafficking in 

persons, and it will be a top priority for me in Kuwait. 

I will say, Ranking Member, that over the last year, we have 

maybe belatedly seen progress in the area, including prosecutions. 

So now we have a number of prosecutions just within the last year. 

We set ourselves roughly 11 goals, areas where we thought Kuwait 

needed to improve between last year and this year, and we think 

they have improved in nine of those areas. But prosecutions are extremely important. They have now begun, and we will certainly encourage them to continue because they send an enormously important signal beyond taking those people out of commission as traffickers, running slavery rings, the message that it sends that this 

should not be allowed. And if I am confirmed, I will certainly make 

this a top priority, my constant and the mission’s constant engagement with the Kuwaiti authorities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator CARDIN. I thank you for that. It is just important that 

we underscore this. I have done that on my visits to different countries, and I know that our missions are targeted with the assessments, their recommendations, but it is helpful the more engagement you have with Kuwait on this issue. 

Mr. Silliman, one of our challenges in Iraq has been establishing 

an effective unitary federal state. It is fundamental to our longterm success. And we have conflicting problems with whether we 

provide direct funds to the Kurds, whether we work through a central government, the protection of the Sunni areas and the involvement of the Shiite militia. How do you see unfolding the U.S. objective of establishing—not just the U.S. objective—I hope it is the 

Iraqi objective—of a functioning federal state that can protect all 

of the ethnic communities? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Senator Cardin, thank you very much. 

It is a very important issue that Prime Minister Abadi himself 

has addressed when he took office by seeking to find a functional 

federalism in the Iraqi Government, which is to say an effective 

central government that is able to carry out the functions of a central government, but decentralization of a lot of decision-making to 

provincial authorities, governors and provincial councils, to deal 

with more of the day-to-day issues that are more easily dealt with 

closer to the people that the government serves. 

So I think, Senator, our goal is to do both of these things at the 

same time, to increase the efficiency of the government in Baghdad 

for the things that it must do, distributing oil revenue, figuring out 

how to defend the country, but continuing Prime Minister Abadi’s 

desire to decentralize decision-making for a number of ministries 

and giving the authority directly to the people elected to serve the 

people in their own provinces. 

Senator CARDIN. I think that is the right blueprint. It is going 

to take a lot of attention, and there are going to be a lot of bumps 

along the way. So we have invested a great deal in Iraq, and clearly we have seen some military success on reclaiming territory. But 

we know if we do not have the ability to hold on through good governance these areas, we are just going to see a repeat of what has 

happened in the past. So it has got to be a focus of our priority in 

the mission. I thank you for your answer on that. 

Ms. Perez, Chile, of course, is a partner of the United States. We 

have a free trade agreement, and yet they are on the watch list on 

trade issues. Their intellectual property protection has been unacceptable to us. How do you see your role in dealing with the concerns that we have had with Chile in the enforcement of our free 

trade agreements? 

Ms. PEREZ. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

I do agree that our trade relationship with Chile has been very 

strong. As I mentioned, it has quadrupled since 2004, and it is almost $28 billion a year now. 

I believe we have an opportunity. Chile is a TPP country, and all 

the TPP countries do understand that they need to make the agreement commitments a reality before this will go into effect. And so 

I think that using this will allow us to move forward on the regulatory changes that need to take place to protect IPR, both under 

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ing with highest levels of the Chilean Government to have political 

will to make sure that those changes do move forward. 

Senator CARDIN. Well, I would ask you to keep us informed on 

that issue. Of course, the Trans-Pacific Partnership is under consideration. It is not expected to come up for at least a few months. 

And I agree with you. We are looking at a country like Chile that 

we have an agreement with as to what steps they are taking in 

order to protect intellectual property, other issues involved. But in 

Chile’s case, that seems to be one of the dominant issues. So we 

appreciate you reporting back to us as to how that is progressing 

in your conversations. 

Ms. PEREZ. Absolutely, Senator. 

Senator CARDIN. Ambassador McKinley, you and I just talked 

earlier today, but I want to just underscore a point that we talked 

about that I think is important on the record. And that is, we know 

the problems in Brazil today. They are well understood. It is a 

democratic country using its institutions dealing with an impeachment of its leader, with a temporary or acting president at the 

present time. Our relationship with Brazil has gotten stronger, I 

think we all would agree, in the last year or 2. 

So how do you see your role, working with the realities in Brazil 

today, an economy that has been challenged and a political system 

that is dealing with a serious corruption issue? How do we use the 

current circumstances and continue to be able to build a stronger 

tie with Brazil? 

Ambassador MCKINLEY. Well, the crisis of the past 2 years has 

actually required us to respond to a working relationship with 

Brazil on a host of levels because we do historically have extremely 

close ties working on economic issues, security issues, on advancement of human rights concerns. And the foundation for what we 

are dealing with now was set last June when President Rousseff 

and President Obama met here in Washington and agreed on a 

host of bilateral dialogues, which are continuing with the interim 

administration. 

These dialogues provide an extraordinarily strong foundation to 

deal with our trade concerns, to deal with our concerns about international telecommunications, Internet governance, energy security, 

climate cooperation, law enforcement cooperation, countering terrorism, and dealing with a variety of people-to-people exchanges 

that are extremely important to both nations. 

So regardless of the current political situation, Brazil is facing a 

difficult moment. It is a mature democracy. It is the second largest 

economy in the hemisphere, one of the 10 largest in the world. And 

we are confident that the country has both the maturity and the 

strength to come through the current crisis and for us to continue 

developing a very firm relationship between us. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Senator Kaine? 

Senator KAINE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And good to have these 

witnesses here. Congratulations on your nominations. I look forward to supporting these nominations. 

Maybe I will just kind of start with Ambassador Silliman. You 

were a very gracious host to us when we were in Kuwait last year, 

arriving just within a few hours after the bombing of the Shia 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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mosque in Kuwait. And one of the things that was so impressive 

to us—the CODEL that I was with—was how the royal family decided, look, the right thing to do is to open up the largest Sunni 

mosque in Kuwait and invite the family members of those who lost 

their lives into a Sunni mosque and to have the community come 

and pay their respects to them. And that was a very powerful 

thing, and it was good that we were able to go and to be part of 

that. 

And now you are going to move into this new country that has 

its own sectarian challenges. Senator Cardin asked you about this. 

I am curious about the pace of reforms in the sectarian issues and 

divides within Iraq also. My surmise has been that some of the battlefield success against ISIL can have a positive and energizing effect in terms of people feeling good about the government. But I 

would just like to ask you your perception of the degree to which 

the Abadi government is reaching out to create an Iraq that is 

more inclusive of all. That has been such a huge problem under the 

previous prime minister. I am curious about your thoughts now. 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Well, Senator Kaine, thank you for the 

question. 

I think you are exactly right. It has been clear now to Iraqis that 

they are much more effective in fighting Da’esh together than they 

are separately, and it has helped the development of a much more 

tight military structure. 

However, we also believe that it is going to be very important to 

engage in what we call bottom-up reconciliation, which is essentially forming local security forces to help the military take territory back from Da’esh, compose local police forces to hold the territory after Da’esh, reinsertion of elected local governments and insertion of some money to get the power going, the water going, 

schools open, and hospitals working to build again the confidence 

of local populations in their local governments and in the ability of 

Baghdad to manage the funds. 

Key to this is going to be, as I mentioned to Senator Cardin, decentralization of authority from Baghdad to the provinces. Prime 

Minister Abadi thankfully has done this and has already pushed 

three of seven ministries that have been asked to decentralize out 

to the provinces. We think this is a very good sign that will help 

functional federalism and integration of the various sects in Baghdad, in Iraq in a positive way in the future. 

Senator KAINE. When we were with you last year in Kuwait, we 

went to Iraq immediately after, and one of the concerns we had, 

after our time in Erbil, was that the relationship between the 

Kurdish government and the central government at that time was 

pretty low. There were big disputes about oil revenue allocation 

and kind of an unwritten contract and how do we interpret it and 

a lot of suspicion and hostility. We had just come out of an NDAA 

proceeding here where there was an effort promoted by the Kurds 

to have a basically separate arming relationship with the United 

States rather than going through the central government. 

My perception about reports from Iraq in the last maybe 4 

months or so is that President Barzani and the current prime minister had had a little bit of a rapprochement without necessarily 

solving the oil revenue allocation issues. There seemed to be a 

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tighter relationship, and this was maybe 3 or 4 months ago. Is that 

your perception today, or is this still kind of a day-by-day issue in 

terms of the relationship between the Kurds and the central government? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Yes, Senator Kaine. In fact, I think it 

helps prove your initial point that the fight against Da’esh was one 

of the initial reasons that Prime Minister Abadi and President 

Barzani spoke, and there has been much more military cooperation 

between the Peshmerga and Iraqi security forces. But in general, 

this has broadened to a more positive relationship. If confirmed, 

Senator, I am hoping that I can work with both the Erbil and 

Baghdad to improve this relationship and to deal with things like 

a final oil agreement. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

Ambassador McKinley, welcome back to the western hemisphere. 

I know that this is like your passion. You have taken a number of 

other posts, but to come back in Brazil, you know, they just 

thought they would give you an easy little post back in your neighborhood. It is great to have you going there. 

What a challenging time. I mean, I think of the challenges we 

deal with here, and then I think about corruption and economic 

challenges and then impeachment and the Olympics and zika. I 

mean, if you wrote it, people would say it is too unbelievable. It has 

to be fictional. But that is the truth that you are dealing with. 

The one thing I really wanted to ask about is sort of on the corruption side. There was a ‘‘Washington Post’’ report recently about 

testimony about I guess one of the former directors of Petrobras 

that really implicates a whole range of Brazilian officials, including 

the interim president, in some pretty massive corruption. What do 

you think the appetite or likelihood will be in terms of those that 

are in governing positions to tackle the question of what, if anything, can the U.S. do to be of assistance in that? 

Ambassador MCKINLEY. Well, frankly, what has been extraordinary, Senator, about the last 2 years is just how transparent the 

process of addressing the corruption scandals has been in Brazil. 

They have been dealing with rule of law, a strong constitutional 

process, civil society, an extraordinarily active media that has covered every aspect of this, police, federal investigators, court systems that are allowed to do their work largely unimpeded, the 

issues being discussed in the heart of government openly by politicians, and significant actors across the range of Brazilian society 

being brought to account. And so if you look at the process as it 

has evolved, it actually demonstrates the underlying strength of 

Brazilian democracy and the ability of that democracy to respond 

to the demands of its people for more transparent and accountable 

government. 

Going forward, obviously, I am not in a position—I do not think 

anyone is—to predict what a next set of revelations will be, but on 

the basis of the track record thus far, it is a very strong example 

of a society taking the corrective measures to set itself back on 

course. And Brazil over these past 20 years has been a country 

that has transformed itself, becoming not, as I have already mentioned one, of the largest economies in the world, but created a new 

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beating companies that compete globally, and becoming a much 

more active partner for the United States and the broader international community on transnational concerns. So not withstanding the current crisis, there seems to be a very strong foundation for being able to carry forward not just the bilateral relationship but to be optimistic about Brazil’s future. 

Senator KAINE. Mr. Chair, I am over, but I have one question for 

each. Could I continue or would Senator Markey want to come in? 

Senator CARDIN. It looks like you may continue. 

Senator KAINE. Great. Thank you. 

Well, Mr. Chairman, I just want to ask kind of picking up on the 

way I intro’ed it with Ambassador Silliman on Kuwait. I mean, we 

were there very briefly, and I had been there once before. But I 

was impressed in this time of tragedy that there was an effort to 

really stop it from being a sectarian point of division, but to pull 

together. What are the issues, kind of current status of civil society 

issues and human rights issues, in Kuwait that you will be kind 

of paying the most attention to in your post, should you be confirmed? 

Mr. SILVERMAN. Thank you, Senator, for the question. The ranking member raised the question about trafficking in persons, which 

is very high up on our agenda. And I would like to give credit to 

Ambassador Silliman and his staff for all the work that they have 

done in this regard. 

Freedom of expression remains an issue that has had some ups 

and downs in Kuwait, but something that we are very much promoting and we are working with civil society as well. We have the 

role of women. Of course, there were female members of parliament 

in the past. There is a female member of the cabinet. But the parliament is often boisterous and we are really looking to promote 

across the board of those freedom of expression and freedom of 

speech issues. 

Senator KAINE. Thank you. 

And then, Ms. Perez, I have followed the fortunes of Chile for a 

very long time but have never visited. An issue that I am kind of 

interested in now is the role that Chile plays regionally sort of beyond its borders in terms of leadership with a lot of challenges in 

neighboring countries. Talk a little bit about the role that Chile 

plays in regional organizations. I think they are doing a number 

of things well. They have their own challenges certainly. They are 

doing a number of things well. Are they playing a good role in trying to export good practices elsewhere? 

Ms. PEREZ. Thank you. Senator, as you noted, Chile is really a 

success story for the hemisphere, and after the Pinochet era, they 

have really become a beacon in the area. And they do a lot of really 

good work, and I think we have the opportunity to do much more. 

So, for example, they took over the presidency of the Pacific Alliance July 1st. One of the things that President Bachelet has said 

is that she would like to reach out to MERCOSUR to try to reengage with that alliance, which I think would be a good thing 

both for the Pacific Alliance and for MERCOSUR. 

They have been very vocally recently on Venezuela starting with 

the statements in the OAS on May 20th, which the Chilean foreign 

minister wrote himself and then had that statement co-signed by 

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the Argentines and the Uruguayans. And they have been with the 

United States asking for an active dialogue. 

They also are working with us in Central America, and they support various kinds of civil society and governmental reforms in 

places like El Salvador and Guatemala. And in Honduras, they 

have actually worked with both police and judicial systems on rule 

of law. 

Senator KAINE. Excellent. 

Ms. PEREZ. So I really think there is an awful lot that is being 

done now, and I do think that there are opportunities for the future. And if confirmed, I look forward to the opportunities to see 

how we might continue to work together and partner. Again, I 

think they have a lot to offer, and sometimes it is good to hear 

from somebody in the region about what they might do and to 

model the kinds of successes that they have had. 

Senator KAINE. Yes. I would venture to say that Chile speaking 

out about need for reforms in Venezuela is in some ways a much 

more powerful thing than even us speaking out. And I know there 

have been frustrations expressed on this committee before about 

other nations in the Americas kind of going sad a voce when it 

comes to critiques of Venezuela, but having regions in the region 

do is it powerful. And I am glad to hear what you say. 

And with that, thank you, Mr. Chair. 

Senator CARDIN. Senator Markey? 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Ambassador Silliman, we are now nearly a month into the Iraqi 

ground offensive to defeat ISIS in Fallujah. During the first 3 

weeks, Iraqi forces appeared to be bogged down by obstacles and 

bombs that ISIS planted on routes into the city. But this week, the 

Iraqi counterterrorism service entered the city center, and reports 

say that ISIS fighters are mostly withdrawing without a fight. This 

appears to be a tactical success, but I am concerned about whether 

Iraq’s government is repeating patterns that could lead to strategic 

failure. 

On June 9, Dan de Luce and Henry Johnson wrote in Foreign 

Policy’’ magazine that the battle plan for Fallujah would follow 

what, quote, American officials call the Tikrit Rules in informal 

agreements that Iranian-backed Shiite militias will not enter Sunni 

cities reclaimed from the Islamic State as the condition under 

which the U.S. will support Iraqi forces by bombing ISIS targets 

from the air. But time and again, it has appeared that the Iraqi 

Government cannot or will not uphold their end of this bargain. 

Since its liberation—Tikrit itself—Shia militia within the city 

have menaced Sunni civilians while ISIS continues to launch attacks from the outskirts. 

In Ramadi, the city center was largely destroyed to push ISIS 

out, but fighting continues outside the city. 

During the current operation in Fallujah, Shia militias are located outside the city center, apparently in technical compliance 

with the so-called Tikrit Rules, but they are in an ideal position to 

launch shells into the city and to intercept people trying to escape 

the violence. At the end of May, they were even visited by Iranian 

General Soleimani. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Over the past month, we have heard very credible reports of indiscriminate shelling and that Shiite militia and Iraqi police have 

detained, tortured, and killed Sunni civilians who were detained 

while trying to flee to safety. 

Ambassador Silliman, what is your perspective on the so-called 

Tikrit Rules that appear to ban Shia militias from entering city 

centers during an offensive, but allow them to take up positions 

where they can attack Sunni civilians? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Senator Markey, thank you very much for 

the question. 

If you look at what has been happening in the past few weeks 

in Fallujah, you see both good and bad. There has been, in fact, a 

tactical military victory, and it appears that the Da’esh forces have 

now been sequestered in one or two neighborhoods on the outskirts 

of Fallujah. 

We were very concerned, Senator, by the same reports that saw 

about atrocities taking place against civilians who were fleeing the 

fighting in Fallujah. But we think that Prime Minister Abadi and 

the Iraqis have done a relatively good job of reacting to that. 

Senator MARKEY. So are we pushing Abadi to back these Shia 

away, and is Abadi doing that? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Well, we are pushing Abadi to condemn 

the abuses, and Abadi has formed a high level commission headed 

by the deputy governor of Anbar Province to investigate some of 

the abuses. And there have already been arrests based on this investigation in a very short time. 

One other issue that we have—— 

Senator MARKEY. He has arrested Shia leaders? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Yes, sir. He has arrested people who were 

individually alleged to have committed abuses following the fighting in Fallujah. 

Senator MARKEY. So are you convinced that Abadi is putting in 

place then a set of judicial procedures that are going to give confidence to the Sunni majority in Tikrit or these other cities that in 

fact there is a process that will protect their rights? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. The answer is we have been pressing him 

to do so. It appears that he has actually reacted in a very positive 

way. As I said, having as the chair of the committee looking into 

the investigation, the deputy governor of the province where that 

occurred is a very important message to the Sunni population that 

the investigation will be serious. It is in the very early stages now, 

but we will continue to press this investigation. And as I said, I 

believe that the prime minister understands why it is necessary for 

him to reduce sectarian tensions and to bring all the communities 

of Iraq—— 

Senator MARKEY. Do you think that the 2005 constitution provides a framework to give actual protections that are credible to 

the Yazidis, to the Kurds, to the Christians, to the Sunnis, and 

that they can credibly rely upon those provisions in order to give 

them protections given the last 11-year history in that country? 

Ambassador SILLIMAN. Well, Senator, one of my priorities, if confirmed, will be to continue the American press to help minority 

communities across Iraq. We have provided more than $100 million 

worth of assistance since 2008 to help minority communities. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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We also believe that the decentralization of decision-making to 

the provinces will go a long way to providing communities themselves the ability to make the decisions to—their own development 

decisions and their own security decisions. This is an initiative that 

we have supported but has been done by Prime Minister Abadi. 

We are in the early stages of all of this, and we will continue and 

I will continue, if confirmed, to press this to its natural conclusion. 

Senator MARKEY. Now, Mosul is going to be a much more difficult military proposition than Tikrit or Fallujah or Ramadi. And 

a lot of it is going to be dependent upon whether or not the Sunnis 

in that city actually believe that they are going to be given their 

rights and that they then have sufficient reason to go against ISIS 

in that city. 

And so I cannot tell you how important this is going to be from 

a political perspective. That is what we are. We are politicians 

here. That is the one thing we do know, that constituencies know 

very quickly whether or not you are on their side or you are not 

on their side. Mr. Silverman comes from Massachusetts, so he 

knows that we understand politics that way. 

So I urge you very strongly to send that message very clearly. 

And if I may, I just have one final question, if it is possible. 

Ambassador McKinley, I wanted to ask you about the state of 

Brazil’s health care system. We all saw the call by some pretty 

prominent health experts to cancel the Olympics in Rio because in 

their view Brazilian authorities would not be able to manage the 

threat of zika. Just 7 weeks before Rio, set to host the Olympics, 

Rio’s state governor said that the state government may not be 

able to provide basic services. And then Brazil’s new health minister, Ricardo Barros, said that the country in the future may be 

unable to uphold all the rights guaranteed by the constitution, such 

as universal access to health care given fiscal constraints. 

This is of concern to many of us here today, not only for the millions of Brazilians who are facing a failing health system in the 

midst of a real public health crisis caused by zika and the brain 

disorders which it is linked to, but also for us here in the United 

States as zika becomes a real danger to the United States. 

So my question to you is, is Brazil’s health care system in store 

for a collapse or a major shakeup? How able is the government to 

deal with the satiation given the current political crisis and the 

deepest recession in generations? How does universal health care 

compare to other social spending priorities of Brazilians, and are 

they investing enough right now in zika prevention in order to protect not only their own citizens but those of the rest of the region 

and in fact the hemisphere? 

Ambassador MCKINLEY. That is a broad question, Senator, and 

thank you for it. But if I could take in turn the issues you have 

raised. 

Brazil, in fact, over the last 20 years has developed a system of 

health care for the broader population, a population of 200 million 

people, which is the envy of the developing world. And the question 

now in the context, as you rightly point out, of a major fiscal crisis, 

what the future holds not just for health services but other services 

inside the country. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The immediate concern is how they respond to the zika crisis. 

And the fact of the matter is that since it came on the scene, the 

government has mobilized on a very significant level in terms of 

hundreds of thousands of health workers throughout the country, 

security personnel as well to address everything from awareness 

campaigns to controlling the mosquito vector, to expanding international cooperation particularly with the United States in exploring how to develop new vaccines, how to deal with the analysis and 

diagnosis of zika, the Guillain-Barre syndrome, the microcephaly 

cases that have appeared. The cooperation with CDC is ongoing 

with HHS. But Brazil historically has also led in response to other 

crises, particularly HIV/AIDS, and has the infrastructure, the medical knowledge, know-how to respond forcefully to what is happening now. 

Senator MARKEY. Do you think Brazil will have the resources in 

place to be able to protect its population during the Olympics and 

beyond? 

Ambassador MCKINLEY. Yes, I do. And in fact, the views both of 

CDC, the World Health Organization—today there was an article 

by the head of the Global Health Institute at Harvard—all believe 

that the risk of infection from zika during the Olympics is extraordinarily small. And we are entering the winter period when the 

mosquito vector is much less of a threat. 

But more importantly are the proactive steps that are being 

taken: the $300 million the Brazilian Government has committed 

to addressing zika, the mobilization of health services, the coordination with CDC on developing vaccines, carrying out trial studies 

on case control in different Brazilian states. There is a very significant effort underway to address this. But for the concern of the 

athletes and American citizens who will be visiting Brazil, as I 

said, CDC, WHO have made clear that at this time they do not believe that should be a major concern except for women who are 

pregnant. 

Senator MARKEY. So thank you and thank each of you for your 

service to our country. You will all be excellent representatives. 

And thank you, Senator Cardin. 

Senator CARDIN. I appreciate the responses that all the witnesses 

have made to the questions and to the information our committee 

has requested. 

As Chairman Corker indicated, the record will stay open till the 

close of business on Thursday for questions that members may 

have. We ask that you respond to them promptly so that the committee can complete its work in a timely way. 

I want to underscore the point that Senator Murphy made earlier 

about Senator Corker and the leadership of this committee moving 

nominations as promptly as we can to the floor. We know that 

there is a shortened calendar this year. So your cooperation will 

certainly help us a great deal. 

Again, thank you all very much. 

The committee will stand adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 4:04 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

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ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

RESPONSES OF ANNE HALL, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF

LITHUANIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

♦ What are the most pressing human rights issues in Lithuania? 

♦ What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights and democracy in Lithuania? 

♦ What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. I am pleased to highlight my efforts to promote human rights and democracy during my career, focusing on my accomplishments over the last ten years. 

During my 2006-2009 tenure as Consul General in Krakow, I broadened our outreach on tolerance and Holocaust legacy issues. Our ‘‘Bridges to the East’’ program 

brought dozens of Ukrainian journalists to Poland over a three-year period for capacity building programs on democracy and human rights, with an emphasis on tolerance. I also helped the founder of the Raphael Lemkin Center for Genocide Prevention to secure its initial location in space provided by the Auschwitz-Birkenau 

State Museum. 

While I served as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d’Affaires in Vilnius (2010- 

2013), our engagement with civil society strengthened the hand of Lithuanian 

human rights NGOs through the establishment of an umbrella organization called 

the Human Rights Coalition. The coalition included the Lithuanian Gay League, the 

Jewish Community of Lithuania, the Human Rights Monitoring Institution, and organizations dedicated to women’s rights. Together, these NGOs were able to promote democratic values and human rights more forcefully and effectively in Lithuania than they could on their own. 

During my tenure as DCM, Embassy Vilnius also contributed significantly to the 

passage of legislation criminalizing domestic violence in Lithuania. Through a series 

of roundtables and meetings, we provided the venue for stakeholders to join forces 

to press for the legislation. We also provided training for police and prosecutors to 

ensure their support for the new law. Civil society members told us that U.S. Embassy efforts were key to passage of this important legislation. 

The Embassy engaged equally deeply on Holocaust legacy issues in Lithuania. In 

2010, Embassy Vilnius became the first U.S. embassy to receive a grant from the 

International Task Force on Holocaust Education to develop a three-year ‘‘train-thetrainers’’ program on Holocaust studies. We also worked closely with the American 

Jewish Committee, the Jewish Community of Lithuania, and members of parliament to facilitate the passage of ground-breaking legislation to compensate the 

Jewish victims of the Holocaust in Lithuania. 

Lithuania has made significant progress in institutionalizing and prioritizing 

human rights. Achievements in recent years include passage of legislation to deinstitutionalize childcare for orphans, reduce domestic violence, and restitute Jewish 

communal property. Lithuania has also developed strategic plans to reduce corruption and fight human trafficking. 

Work remains to be done to increase tolerance toward minorities and to improve 

aspects of the justice system and children’s welfare. Intolerance includes anti-Semitism as well as prejudice against LGBTI persons and ethnic minorities. Roma, in 

particular, continue to experience poor living conditions and face social exclusion 

and discrimination. In the justice system, conditions are substandard in a number 

of prison and detention facilities, and lengthy pretrial detention is a problem. The 

continuing practice of institutionalized child care is often detrimental to the children’s health and makes them more vulnerable to delinquency, trafficking, and prostitution. 

If confirmed, I will press the government to enact meaningful reforms that address these human rights issues, and I will work to foster dialogue between government and civil society to implement those reforms. I will also work to connect Lithuanian reformers with U.S. practitioners who can share their best practices and experience. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

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will you face in Lithuania in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy 

in general? 

Answer. The primary obstacles to addressing human rights issues in Lithuania 

are insufficient government coordination and financial assistance for NGOs. There 

is frequently a lack of coordination between the national government and the municipalities, which are the chief executors of key reforms. NGOs and civil society 

groups also often cite a shortage of government funding, and Lithuania lacks a developed culture of philanthropy. As such, civil society organizations depend on a 

shrinking pool of assistance from foreign governments and international organizations. If confirmed, I will work with civil society to identify creative new funding 

mechanisms to promote bottom-up change. 

If confirmed, I will also continue the work of Embassy Vilnius in pressing the 

Lithuanian government to address these challenges to protecting human rights, as 

the Embassy has successfully done to improve government coordination in the fight 

against human trafficking. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Lithuania? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support 

the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. Embassy Vilnius has actively engaged with civil society in promoting the 

full spectrum of human rights issues in Lithuania. The Embassy’s small grants program has funded a variety of projects to build civil society capacity, raise awareness 

of the need to protect human rights, and encourage change. If confirmed, I will continue our strong support of human rights and civil society groups to advance those 

rights that need greater protection. 

Thankfully, in Lithuania’s brief history of restored independence, there have been 

no gross or systematic abuses of human rights that have warranted assistance restrictions for units of the security forces subject to the Leahy Law. If confirmed, I 

will continue to reinforce the importance of promoting accountability in the security 

forces by encouraging the host government to bring perpetrators to justice when 

there is credible information that a gross violation of human rights has been committed. My commitment to upholding our legal requirement under the Leahy Law 

and to the core belief that assisting foreign governments to strengthen accountability mechanisms and respect for human rights, will help promote our goal for a 

Europe that is whole, free and at peace. 

Question. Will you engage with Lithuania on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Defending human rights is a pillar of U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, 

I will look forward to continuing our embassy’s active engagement with the Lithuanian government to promote our shared values of human rights as an important 

driver of democracy and a key ingredient of a thriving society. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Lithuania to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Lithuania? 

Answer. Lithuania is a liberal democracy and EU member state with no political 

prisoners. If this situation were to deteriorate, my embassy team and I would quickly and assertively engage the Lithuanian government, civil society, and likeminded 

embassies to address the situation and achieve an outcome befitting Lithuania’s legacy as a resilient, liberal democracy. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. In March 2016 before the Senate Armed Services Committee General 

Philip Breedlove, Supreme Allied Commander Europe and Commander of U.S. European Command stated that ‘‘Russia has chosen to be an adversary and poses a 

long-term existential threat to the United States and to our European allies and 

partners.’’ Do you agree with General Breedlove’s assessment that Russia poses a 

‘‘long-term existential threat’’ to the U.S. and its allies, including Lithuania? 

Answer. At this time, our bilateral relationship with Russia, as well as Russia’s 

relationship with our European allies, has suffered due to Russian aggression in 

eastern Ukraine, its occupation of Crimea, and its destabilizing behavior and rhetoric. We have repeatedly conveyed our concerns about Russian aggression to RusFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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sian officials, and we will not return to ‘‘business as usual’’ with Russia as long as 

it continues to undermine European security and international norms and principles. In coordination with our NATO Allies, including Lithuania, we are responding effectively to this challenge. We continue to increase the capability, readiness, 

and responsiveness of NATO forces to address any threat and deter further destabilizing activities. 

Russia’s significant strategic nuclear capabilities have long posed a threat to the 

United States and its allies and those capabilities will continue to do so for the foreseeable future. That is why it is so important that we develop effective channels of 

communication and arms control mechanisms to provide transparency and predictability and to avoid miscalculation. It is also why we continue to invest in a safe, 

secure, and effective nuclear deterrent. While we have downgraded our bilateral relationship with Russia due to its continued aggression in Ukraine and elsewhere in 

Europe, the New START treaty and its implementation mechanisms have been key 

to ensuring a measure of stability at the strategic level. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE HALL’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. In 2015, Lithuania supported an EU proposal to re-settle 120,000 refugees and migrants currently in Italy and Greece to the other member states. Lithuania agreed to accept 1,105 refugees, mainly from Syria—a process which has been 

slow to actualize. What are your views on the agreement to accept this number of 

refugees? Do you have any thoughts on how we can find a remedy for the delay? 

How do we contend with the lack of popularity from the Labor Party and the Order 

& Justice Party within the coalition government? 

Answer. In 2016, Lithuania pledged to accept 921 relocated asylum seekers from 

Greece and Italy and to resettle 70 refugees from Turkey as part of the EU-Turkey 

Joint Action Plan, updating its previous commitments under the EU resettlement 

and relocation mechanisms approved in 2015. 

To date, Lithuania has relocated 21 asylum seekers from Greece and resettled five 

Syrian refugees from Turkey. Currently, Lithuania is not a major destination or 

transit country for migrants. Authorities say it is difficult to find asylum seekers 

who want to relocate to Lithuania. 

On June 10, 2016, the leaders of Lithuania’s ruling coalition parties, including the 

Labor Party and the Order and Justice Party, signed a non-binding political agreement underlining that while Lithuania will meet its current resettlement/relocation 

commitment with the EU, Lithuania must not agree to additional mandatory refugee resettlement quotas. The agreement reflects opinion polls which show that the 

Lithuanian public is divided in attitudes toward immigration. 

In addition to agreeing to accept approximately 1,000 asylum seekers and refugees under the 2016 EU-Turkey Joint Action Plan, Lithuania has also contributed 

25 escort officers to Greece and ÷5.2 million to the Turkey Refugee Facility. These 

funds follow other forms of assistance as follows: 

♦ In 2015,÷100,000 to the EU regional Trust Fund in response to the Syrian crisis; ÷150,000 to the Migrants and Refugees Fund of the Council of Europe Development Bank; ÷50,000 to the U.N. Global Food Program for Syria; and 

÷60,000 to the U.N. Refugee Agency. 

♦ In 2016, a humanitarian aid shipment worth ÷61,000 to Greece for refugees; 

and a pledge to allocate ÷70,000 in humanitarian aid through the U.N. to support Syrian refugees. 

The United States commends the commitment the EU and its member states have 

demonstrated in seeking a comprehensive and coordinated response to the influx of 

migrants and refugees from Syria and other nations. Lithuania’s commitment to fulfill its obligations under the EU relocation and resettlement mechanisms is an important step in addressing this challenge facing our European partners. 

If confirmed, I will encourage Lithuania to continue to support a coordinated EU 

response that focuses on saving lives, providing timely humanitarian assistance, ensuring the human rights of all migrants are respected, promoting orderly and humane migration policies, and ensuring that proper screening and registration procedures are in place to facilitate appropriate assistance and provide protection to those 

in need. 

Question. With the European Reassurance Initiative (ERI), the United States has 

provided an augmented force presence, increased exercises, and pre-positioned assets in order to bolster security within the Baltic States. In June 2015, U.S. SecFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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retary of Defense Ashton Carter announced that the U.S. would pre-position equipment (i.e. Abrams tanks, infantry fighting vehicles, and self-propelled howitzers) in 

the Baltic and Central European countries in order to support the activities of rotational forces. In your opinion, is this enough to ensure Lithuania’s security? If not, 

what more would you like to see, particularly in Lithuania, in terms of the adequate 

number of NATO troops and type of equipment? 

Answer. Since March 2014, the United States has taken action, both bilaterally 

and through NATO, to reassure Allies, including Lithuania, of our solemn commitment to their security and territorial integrity as members of the NATO Alliance. 

The United States has used the $1.06 billion in FY 2015 European Reassurance 

Initiative (ERI) funding that Congress appropriated to increase the number of exercises, training sessions, deployments, and broader security assistance to our European Allies and partners, including Lithuania. All 28 NATO Allies have been participating in NATO’s assurance measures. 

We hope to enhance our presence in the coming year to transition from assurance 

measures to active and sustained deterrence, which is why President Obama has 

requested $3.4 billion to fund ERI in FY 2017. These funds will be used to deploy 

an additional rotational Armored Brigade Combat Team to Central and Eastern Europe; the prepositioning of combat equipment; and additional trainings and exercises 

in Europe. 

I believe that with the measures we are taking, we are already on the right path 

to upholding our Article 5 commitments to Lithuania and the broader NATO Alliance. 

Question. On June 22nd, the commander of U.S. ground forces in Europe, General 

Ben Hodges, stated that ‘‘Russia could take over Baltic States faster than we would 

be able to defend them’’ and that Russia could ‘‘conquer the capitals of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia within 36 to 60 hours.’’ Do you agree with this assessment? If 

so, what actions, military and economic, should Lithuania take now to prepare for 

this possible type of action from Russia? 

Answer. I believe that all of the measures the United States and NATO Allies 

have committed to taking assist in strengthening our deterrence and defense posture in the region and demonstrate our ironclad commitment to Article 5. 

I would also like to point out the measures that Lithuania itself has been undertaking to enhance its national defense capabilities for both conventional and hybrid 

warfare. 

Lithuania has pledged to meet the NATO defense spending benchmark of two percent of GDP by 2018, reaching 1.5 percent this year. The government is using its 

increased defense budget to invest in modern equipment and improve NATO interoperability. Among its defense acquisitions are anti-tank and anti-aircraft systems, 

infantry fighting vehicles, self-propelled howitzers, precision and sniper weapons, 

and air-space surveillance. 

The Lithuanian government has also introduced a series of security reforms to reintroduce limited conscription (discontinued in 2008), to define legal authorities that 

subsume the country’s security institutions under the authority of the Ministry of 

Defense (MOD) during marshal law or declaration of war, and to establish a national cyber security authority and strategy. 

If confirmed, I will encourage Lithuania to continue down this path, increasing 

its value as a NATO ally as it enhances its ability to deter aggression and defend 

itself. 

Question. Litgrid, the operator of Lithuania’s electricity systems, has been constructing the LitPol link connection with Poland and the undersea NordBalt cable 

connection with Sweden in order to integrate the country’s power grid into the wider 

European electricity market? What is the status of these two projects? How would 

you advise President Grybauskaite to deal with interference from Russian naval 

vessels that seek to prevent Lithuania’s energy independence? 

Answer. LitPol Link and NordBalt, two EU co-financed electricity interconnectors 

with Lithuania, have come on line this year. For the first time Lithuania is directly 

plugged into the EU power grid: LitPol Link connects Lithuania to the Continental 

Europe electricity grid in Poland; NordBalt, to the Nordic power network in Sweden. 

These interconnectors are projected to reduce Lithuania’s dependence on Russian 

electricity from 70 percent to less than 25 percent, and to lower the price of electricity by 12 percent. 

In the spring of 2015, the governments of Sweden and Lithuania conveyed their 

concerns to Russian authorities regarding several incidents in which the installation 

of NordBalt was interrupted by Russian warships under the guise of protecting their 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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military exercise zones in the Baltic Sea. By June 2015, such interruptions had 

stopped, and NordBalt came on line as scheduled earlier this year. 

Question. In your view, what are the United States’ strategic interests in Lithuania? How are NATO and the U.S. ensuring Lithuania’s security? 

Answer. The primary U.S. interests our embassy has been working to advance in 

Lithuania are the following: 

♦ Keeping Lithuania a strong provider of security. Lithuania is a good friend and 

NATO Ally. It works with us closely on a range of regional and global issues 

of paramount importance to U.S. national security. We welcome Lithuania’s 

commitment to increase defense spending to the NATO benchmark of 2 percent 

of GDP by 2018, and we are working together to modernize Lithuania’s defense 

capabilities and enhance NATO interoperability. Accordingly, Lithuania has 

supported the implementation of NATO’s Readiness Action Plan to respond to 

security challenges 360 degrees around Alliance territory. Lithuania is also contributing to other operations key to U.S. security, such as the Counter-Da’esh 

Coalition and the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan. Additionally, the United States has taken action, both bilaterally and through NATO, 

to reassure Allies, including Lithuania, of our solemn commitment to their security and territorial integrity as members of the NATO Alliance. One example 

of how this is being done includes that the United States has used the $1.06 

billion in FY 2015 European Reassurance Initiative (ERI) funding to increase 

the number of exercises, training sessions, deployments, and broader security 

assistance to our European Allies and partners, including Lithuania. All 28 

NATO Allies have been participating in NATO’s assurance measures. 

♦ Forging stronger bilateral economic ties. To advance the President’s National 

Export Initiative as well as assist in maintaining the economic resilience of our 

NATO Ally, we promote export and investment opportunities for U.S. companies 

in Lithuania, encourage Lithuania’s support for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and work to advance innovation and entrepreneurship ties between Lithuania and the United States. We have also promoted 

increasing transparency in government tenders, the protection of intellectual 

property rights, and flexibility in the labor code. 

♦ Promoting democratic values abroad and in Lithuania. Since 2010, Lithuania 

has taken on increasingly prominent roles in transatlantic and international organizations (the Community of Democracies, the OSCE, the EU, and the U.N. 

Security Council), a trajectory we have supported, especially with regard to 

Lithuania’s use of its leadership to advance democratic reforms in the former 

Soviet states and beyond. We also support the efforts of Lithuania’s young democracy to advance human rights at home. We promote tolerance, accountability, and inclusive domestic policies in our dialogue with the government and 

civil society, highlighting the need to confront ethnic, religious, and other forms 

of intolerance in our outreach programs. 

If confirmed, I will continue the good work of our embassy in advancingU.S. security, economic, and democratic interests with Lithuania both locally and on a global 

scale. 

Question. How do you assess the various ways Russia could threaten or put pressure on Lithuania: energy dependence, ‘‘information warfare,’’ attempts to influence 

Lithuania’s ethnic Russian minority or other elements of the political system, cyber 

attacks, and military activities including airspace incursions and the proximity of 

forces in Kaliningrad? Which of these pose the most serious threats to Lithuania’s 

security and independence? 

Answer. We view Russia’s use of disinformation, energy as a political tool, incursions into Baltic airspace, and increased snap exercises along Lithuania’s borders 

with concern. In response to these actions, we have engaged with Lithuania to enhance the strength of its military defense, including in concert with NATO Allies, 

build the media literacy of its population, and advance the diversification of its energy supply. 

Allies have demonstrated solidarity in supporting the assurance measures of 

NATO’s Readiness Action Plan and have pledged to correct a long-term decline in 

defense investment. The United States has contributed bilaterally through ERI to 

the initiatives of Allies, particularly the Baltic States, to secure and safeguard their 

own defense. This support complements national efforts by Lithuania. 

With a well-funded and sophisticated propaganda machine, Russia has portrayed 

the West, NATO, and the United States as adversaries of the Russian people. The 

United States has taken a comprehensive approach to addressing Russian 

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ience, support a robust independent media, and provide an alternative narrative by 

building closer ties between Americans and Baltic citizens of all stripes. 

Although ethnic Russian Lithuanians make up only six percent of Lithuania’s 

population, Russian speakers account for 15 percent. We have supported the Lithuanian government’s efforts to reach out to this linguistic community to overcome societal tensions and feelings of marginalization. Our embassy in Vilnius also conducts 

extensive outreach to Russian speakers in Lithuania, engaging students, journalists, 

and other members of this group to share U.S. perspectives. 

Europe’s dependence on Russian energy remains one of its greatest vulnerabilities 

to political and economic coercion. The United States has been supporting EU efforts to advance the diversification of energy sources and routes in the entire Baltic 

region to reduce vulnerability to Russia’s use of energy as a political tool. Over the 

past few years, Lithuania has made impressive progress in this area. It launched 

a self-financed LNG terminal in January 2015, decreasing its dependence on Russian gas from 100 percent to approximately five percent today. It also inaugurated 

two EU-financed electricity links to its European neighbors early this year, which 

are projected to reduce Lithuania’s dependence on Russian electricity from 70 percent to less than 25 percent. As such, Lithuania is a model for others seeking to 

enhance their security of energy supply. 

Question. What do you think are the aims of Russian policy toward Lithuania and 

the other Baltic countries? 

Answer. We can only infer what Russia’s current policy is toward the Baltic states 

from the recent actions it has undertaken towards them. Russia’s use of hybrid warfare in the Baltic region, along with its attempted annexation of Crimea and aggression in Eastern Ukraine, has sown anxiety among Lithuania’s populace, many of 

whom perceive such behavior as a threat to the country’s hard-won independence. 

Question. How would you, as ambassador, promote the expansion of U.S.-Lithuania trade and investment ties? How does Lithuania view the prospective Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) under negotiation between the 

United States and the EU? 

Answer. Lithuania is a strong advocate of transatlantic economic ties. Polling 

shows high public support for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership 

(TTIP) at approximately 78 percent. Policymakers and the private sector have realized that TTIP not only promises economic benefits but is also of strategic importance as a second anchor to the transatlantic security relationship. 

Lithuania’s economy is one of the fastest growing in the European Union with 

GDP predicted to grow 2.6 percent this year. In spite of this growth in GDP, unemployment stands at close to 8 percent. Lithuania is grappling with an emigration 

‘‘brain drain,’’ mostly to the UK, Scandinavia, and Ireland. An estimated one million 

Lithuanians have departed the country since independence in 1991. 

To staunch this population loss, Lithuania is already doing many of the right 

things to increase trade and investment. Lithuania offers investors a diversified 

economy, EU rules and norms, a well-educated multilingual workforce, comparatively low wages, advanced IT infrastructure, and a stable democratic government. 

The country joined the Eurozone in January 2015 and is ranked 20th in the World 

Bank’s Ease of Doing Business rankings. To further improve its investment climate, 

the Lithuanian parliament recently passed a new labor code that increases flexibility in hiring practices. 

In 2015, the United States was Lithuania’s 7th largest trading partner, with more 

than $1.5 billion in total trade. Well-known U.S. firms such as Western Union and 

ThermoFisher have established a presence in Lithuania. To expand opportunities for 

Lithuania’s talented youth (whether of Polish, Russian, or Lithuanian descent) that 

will also benefit U.S. companies, Embassy Vilnius has been fostering collaboration 

between the tech sectors in Lithuania and the United States. The embassy has 

sponsored speakers on innovation and entrepreneurship and connected Lithuanian 

entrepreneurs with SelectUSA. Embassy Vilnius is also supporting the efforts of the 

American-Lithuanian Business Council and the Baltic-American Freedom Foundation to launch a Lithuanian American Innovation Award to recognize a Lithuanian 

innovator for his/her collaborative work with a U.S. academic or business interest. 

If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Vilnius’ efforts to encourage innovation-focused networking and partnerships among U.S. and Lithuanian business, industry, 

and educational institutions both within Lithuania and in the United States. 

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RESPONSES OF HON. MARIE L. YOVANOVITCH, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO

UKRAINE, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE YOVANOVITCH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Throughout my career I have actively promoted human rights and democracy. For example, as U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, I actively encouraged reform and worked to expand the capacity of civil society and the media through programming, public events, and private advocacy. A speech I gave on the need to continue democratic reforms in Armenia in March 2011 catalyzed a public conversation 

on a sensitive subject and continues to be a reference point today. Our advocacy for 

an imprisoned whistleblower not only reversed her conviction, but activated a government investigation into the wrongdoing that she had exposed. After a number 

of individuals were arrested following contentious 2008 presidential elections, we 

pressed for due process, transparent investigations, and an improved electoral process. For my work regarding these political prisoners, the State Department awarded 

me the Diplomacy for Human Rights Award, which is presented to a U.S. Chief of 

Mission who has demonstrated extraordinary commitment to defending human 

rights and advancing democratic principles of government in his or her host country. 

If confirmed, I look forward to continue promoting human rights and democracy as 

Ambassador to Ukraine. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Ukraine? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Ukraine? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine and Russia’s occupation of Crimea 

are the root causes of the most pressing issues in Ukraine, including human rights 

issues. Pressuring Russia and the separatists to implement the Minsk agreements 

in full and to end the occupation of Crimea is the best way to restore peace in 

Ukraine and improve respect for human rights in these regions.In eastern Ukraine, 

separatists, supported by Russian military and civilian officials, continue to control 

parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions by force of arms, as self-proclaimed ‘‘people’s 

republics.’’ Separatists systematically engaged in abductions, physical ill-treatment, 

and unlawful detention. Separatists also have restricted humanitarian aid. Rule of 

law has been severely undermined in separatist-held territories. Separatists act 

with complete impunity, and residents are reluctant to turn to local authorities for 

fear of reprisals. 

In Russian-occupied Crimea, the human rights situation has deteriorated dramatically, with mounting repression and harassment of individuals from minority 

communities, particularly Crimean Tatars, those of non-Russian-Orthodox Christian 

faiths, independent journalists, and those who oppose Russia’s occupation. Occupation authorities have systematically denied individuals their fundamental freedoms 

of speech, assembly, association, and religious expression. Local residents have been 

detained, interrogated, and, in many cases, been subjected to forced disappearances. 

NGOs and independent media have been driven out of the peninsula. Russian occupation authorities have also banned the Mejlis, the legislative body of the Crimean 

Tatars. 

To a much lesser extent, there are also reports of abductions, torture, and unlawful detention by Ukrainian government forces, as well as government-imposed restrictions on freedom of movement. Ukraine faces other human rights issues such 

as the abuse of persons in custody, in particular beatings and alleged torture of detainees and prisoners, harsh conditions in prisons and detention facilities, and harassment against LGBTI persons. 

While Ukraine has made more reform progress in the wake of the Revolution of 

Dignity than in all previous years since the restoration of Ukrainian independence, 

many challenges still remain. Corruption, especially in the judicial system, remains 

a serious concern and erodes citizens’ trust in their government. Ukraine’s media 

sphere, though vibrant and diverse, is still beset by non-transparent ownership 

structures and oligarchic influence. In the face of Russian propaganda, we have encouraged the Ukrainian government to ensure respect for freedom of expression and 

the media. 

If confirmed, I will continue to press for the full implementation of the Minsk 

agreements and for Russia to end its occupation of Crimea. Until Ukraine regains 

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full control of its territory as lawful sovereign nation, we must continue to highlight 

Russia’s and the separatists’ abuses and push for international access to the territories under their control. 

At the same time, I will press the Government of Ukraine to ensure a prompt, 

thorough, and transparent investigation and appropriate prosecution of all persons 

responsible for alleged incidents of abuses perpetrated by its forces. I will also raise 

such human rights issues as prison conditions and violence and discrimination 

against LGBTI persons with the highest levels of the Ukrainian government in 

order to seek justice for those abused and to improve the lives of others who face 

discrimination. I will also work closely with Ukraine’s vibrant civil society and independent media sectors to strengthen these critical pillars of democratic governance 

that help citizens hold their government accountable. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Ukraine in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine and Russia’s occupation of Crimea 

represent the most significant obstacles to advancing human rights in Ukraine. The 

United States and the international community must maintain pressure on Russia 

to end its aggression in eastern Ukraine and its occupation of Crimea, which will 

enable Kyiv to better address human rights issues in its territory. 

In territories under Kyiv’s control, Ukraine continues to suffer from corruption 

and deficiencies in the administration of justice. Human rights groups and the 

United Nations noted there were few investigations into human rights abuses committed by security forces, and corruption in the Prosecutor General’s Office and the 

judiciary was of particular concern. Breaking the hold of oligarchs over Ukrainian 

politics and business is also a key part in transforming Ukraine. 

The departure of Ukraine’s previous Prosecutor General and the passage of legislation to reform the judiciary signal progress in combating corruption. The new 

Prosecutor General Yuriy Lutsenko has already made arrests of former high level 

officials for corruption, which must be followed with credible and transparent investigations and prosecutions. More remains to be done, however; and we continue to 

press the new government for real, credible, and transparent investigations into 

human rights abuses.Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Ukraine? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. I am committed to meeting with human rights activists, members of civil 

society, other non-governmental organizations, and religious and ethnic groups, including Crimean Tatars, in the United States and in Ukraine. These institutions 

and organizations have proven to play a key role in advancing human rights in 

countries where I have served and throughout the world. 

If confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Kyiv continues to work proactively to implement the Leahy Law. We will continue to vet Ukrainian units receiving U.S. security assistance according to the Leahy Law, in addition to providing training on the 

protections of human rights and international law. If confirmed, I will continue to 

reinforce the importance of promoting accountability in the security forces by encouraging the Ukrainian government to bring perpetrators to justice, when there is 

credible information exists that a gross violation of human rights has been committed. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Ukraine to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by 

Ukraine? 

Answer. If confirmed, my Embassy team and I will remain committed to promoting the human rights of all individuals. The current Ukrainian government has 

not engaged in unjustly detaining individuals on politically-motivated grounds; however, I will continue to engage with Ukrainian leaders to ensure that all individuals 

are treated equally under the law. 

Question. Will you engage with Ukraine on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Defending human rights, including the freedom of expression, is a pillar 

of U.S. foreign policy. I plan to consistently engage with Ukrainian officials at the 

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highest level to promote our shared values of human rights, including freedom of 

religion or belief, and the freedoms of speech, assembly, and association. 

Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, how will you push the Ukrainians to 

make greater progress on anti-corruption reforms? Would you advocate for the U.S. 

to use tools, such as indictments in U.S. courts, to pursue corrupt figures in 

Ukraine? 

Answer. The Ukrainian government is implementing an ambitious anti-corruption 

and rule of law reform agenda. Although Kyiv has made tremendous progress, much 

more must be done. Our highest priorities are improving the effectiveness of the operations of the new anti-corruption institutions, reform of the prosecutorial and judicial system, and police reform.New anti-corruption institutions are up and running 

and continue to receive our support. With U.S. government financial support and 

technical assistance, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) was established 

with a special anti-corruption prosecutor and is currently conducting investigations. 

The PGO’s new Inspector General Unit is also now functioning with a regulation 

in place that was drafted with U.S. government assistance, and we are hopeful that 

the prosecutorial reform process will be rejuvenated now that a new Prosecutor 

General has been appointed. 

The constitutional amendments required to bolster judicial independence have 

been adopted, opening the door for judicial reform. The most visible and celebrated 

reform has been the establishment of the U.S. government-supported new patrol police that replaced the notoriously corrupt traffic police in all oblasts. Government 

transparency will be enhanced by new laws on e-procurement, public officials’ asset 

disclosures, and openness on media companies’ ownership. 

All of these reforms indicate a strong political will on behalf of the Government 

of Ukraine to make greater progress, and our programs will continue to support 

anti-corruption measures in almost every sector where we are involved, whether it 

is transparency in education management, budgeting methods in public finance, the 

new public procurement system, or specifically strengthening the National Agency 

for Prevention of Corruption. There is much yet to be done, especially in the customs, taxation, energy, and justice sectors, and we will be there providing financial 

support, expertise, and encouragement in all these areas. These reforms are critical 

to Ukraine’s future and have been valiantly fought for by ordinary Ukrainians. If 

confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to press for and provide assistance to support further anti-corruption reforms. 

If corrupt individuals in Ukraine are alleged to have committed crimes over which 

the United States can exercise jurisdiction, then the appropriate U.S. authorities 

can investigate those allegations and, depending on the outcome of those investigations, initiate prosecutions. However, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will make it a 

priority to work with Ukraine to help Ukraine develop a judicial system that is capable of credibly investigating and prosecuting corrupt individuals. 

Question. How will you work with the Ukrainians to advocate for greater progress 

deinstitutionalizing this marginalized community? 

Answer. Persons with developmental disabilities belong in families and should be 

a part of the fabric of Ukrainian society. The approximately 82,000-200,000 children 

institutionalized in state-run orphanages, many of whom have a developmental disability, are especially vulnerable to trafficking. If confirmed, I will be committed to 

helping to identify ways to integrate this vulnerable population into Ukrainian society and combat their being made victims of trafficking. My efforts will include meeting with NGOs working with persons with developmental disabilities and highlighting these issues with the appropriate authorities in the Government of 

Ukraine. I will also look for opportunities to share the U.S. experience of de-institutionalizing persons with developmental disabilities and transitioning them into the 

community as well as identifying creative solutions to help the developmentally disabled in Ukraine. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE YOVANOVITCH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. In February, Ukrainian activist, Roman Sohn wrote that Minsk-2 is essentially a ‘‘farce’’ because ‘‘while Russia does nothing to implement the agreement, 

the U.S. and EU are forcing Minsk-2 down the throat of Kyiv and that Putin knows 

that it is much easier for the West to put pressure on Ukraine to accept bad terms 

than to forge a consensus on keeping the pressure, including sanctions, on Russia.’’ 

Do you share Mr. Sohn’s views? 

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Answer. We believe the Minsk agreements are the only way to resolve the conflict 

in eastern Ukraine peacefully. We are working closely with the Normandy partners 

to support their efforts to accelerate the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. 

Ukraine has made a good faith effort to implement its Minsk commitments. We 

believe that it is unrealistic to expect Ukraine to pass the remaining political aspects of Minsk while combined Russian separatist forces continue to attack Ukrainian positions, intimidate or shoot at SMM monitors, refuse to provide the OSCE full, 

unfettered access to separatist-controlled areas, and shoot down the organization’s 

UAVs. 

We continue to press Russia to stop the violence, as it has shown in the past it 

is capable of doing, and to stop providing the separatists with the arms, training, 

and command-and-control support that fuel the conflict. We have also pushed to 

maintain transatlantic unity on sanctions. We and our partners must continue to 

be clear with Moscow that our sanctions on Russia will remain in place until it fully 

implements its Minsk commitments. 

Question. As Ambassador, would you support the provision of lethal assistance to 

the Government of Ukraine? 

Answer. I would not rule out sending lethal weapons to Ukraine and strongly support our ongoing efforts to strengthen and build the capacity of Ukraine’s forces. We 

continue to believe that there is no military resolution to the crisis, but Ukraine has 

the right to defend itself. We remain committed to supporting full implementation 

of the Minsk agreements, and our diplomatic efforts focus on supporting discussions 

in the Normandy format and in the Trilateral Contact Group to expedite their full 

implementation. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE YOVANOVITCH’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR SHAHEEN

Question. Ambassador Yovanovitch, as Ukraine rightly takes steps to ensure that 

corrupt officials from the Yanukovych-era are held to account for their crimes 

against the Ukrainian people, are you satisfied that sufficient due process protections remain in place for these prosecutions? 

Answer. Ukraine has a legal system of due process protections that, unfortunately, have not always been implemented in a credible, transparent, and consistent 

manner. 

In our assistance, we have made it a priority to help support Ukraine in legally 

holding any corrupt officials to account for their crimes, while safeguarding each 

suspect’s due process rights. For example, in our assistance to help Ukraine set up 

new bodies like the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU), we have insisted that 

they reinforce due process protections. Our backing for these anti-corruption bodies 

will help Ukraine apply Western standards to due process protections when applied 

to any such prosecutions. 

If confirmed, I will continue to press the need for Ukraine to safeguard basic 

human rights, including transparency and the right of due process for all of its citizens. 

RESPONSES OF GEOFFREY R. PYATT, NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES

AMBASSADOR TO GREECE TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PAYATT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Human rights have been a central aspect of my Foreign Service career 

going back nearly 25 years to when I was a political officer in Delhi and wrote the 

Human Rights Report for India. In my opinion, the most important impact of my 

actions came in the winter of 2013-2014, when Ukrainians struggled to build their 

democracy and rose up against former president Viktor Yanukovych. From the 

morning of December 20, 2013, after students who had been beaten on the Maidan 

fled to St. Michael’s Monastery, I made it a priority to ensure that the U.S governFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ment was seen as standing with the Ukrainian people in defense of freedom of 

speech and their right to make their own sovereign choices about the future. 

During the events on the Maidan, I spoke out forcefully and consistently for a 

non-violent resolution of the crisis in a way that upheld Ukrainian democracy. After 

the revolution, I led the U.S. government effort to ensure democratic elections for 

President and the Rada and to ensure Ukraine moved towards European standards 

of democracy, rule of law, and anti-corruption. These actions have given rise to the 

best chance since independence in 1991 to build a Ukraine that lives up to European rules and norms and is embedded in European institutions. Now the work lies 

with the Ukrainian people to capitalize on this opportunity, but I am proud of the 

role the United States has played in giving Ukraine the chance it deserves to be 

fully part of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. If confirmed, I look forward to continue promoting human rights and democracy as Ambassador to Greece. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Greece? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Greece? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. Despite their own financial hardships, the Greek people have shown tremendous generosity and compassion toward the hundreds of thousands of migrants 

and refugees who have entered Greece since the start of the migration crisis. However, the most significant human rights issues in Greece this year were related to 

the at times overcrowded and poor conditions facing the greatly increased numbers 

of migrants and asylum seekers who arrived in the country in an unprecedented 

wave of migration. This included occasional lack of sufficient food, potable water, 

and adequate shelter at some reception and registration sites. Other human rights 

problems reported during the year included some limitations on access to the asylum application process along with inadequate capacity to provide legal aid and social support for asylum seekers and refugees. 

More than one million migrants and refugees have entered Greece since January 

2015, and more than 57,000 migrants and refugees remain in Greece. The Greek 

government has taken important steps to respond to the needs of the migrant and 

refugee population, including access to services and asylum protection; however, demand has overwhelmed Greek capacity. The Greek government is working to increase resources to process asylum claims more quickly. EU member states have 

also provided much-needed assistance by deploying border guards, asylum experts, 

and interpreters to facilitate the processing of asylum claims. The March 18 EUTurkey agreement on migration set out specific action items to discourage the use 

of smuggling networks and facilitate returns of irregular migrants from the EU to 

Turkey. A vital part of the March 18 EU-Turkey statement is safeguarding that 

those in need of international protection receive it. To that end, we press Greece, 

EU member states, and Turkey to ensure access to asylum procedures. We are also 

encouraged by language in the Joint Action Plan affirming that all refugees deserve 

access to protection and that the agreement will be implemented in full accordance 

with EU and international law. 

If confirmed, promoting human rights in Greece will be one of my top priorities. 

The State Department has been engaged at all levels of the Greek government, with 

international partners such as UNHCR, and with other EU member states to work 

toward this comprehensive and coordinated approach to managing the migration 

and refugee crisis in Europe. This includes the nearly $44 million in humanitarian 

aid the State Department has provided throughout Europe in FY 2016. If confirmed, 

I will look to continue and bolster this excellent cooperation. By doing so, I hope 

we can help migrants and refugees in Greece not only receive international protection in the short term, but also help improve their access to the work and educational opportunities that are vital over the long term.Questions for the Record 

Submitted to 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Greece in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. Perhaps the greatest obstacle to addressing the human rights challenges 

posed by the migration and refugee crisis in Greece is the sheer scope and scale of 

the problem. More than one million migrants and refugees entered Greece between 

January 2015 and March 2016, and more than 57,000 migrants and refugees currently remain in Greece. Approximately 79 percent of those who have arrived after 

the EU-Turkey agreement took effect on March 20 have applied for asylum. Processing the significant influx of new asylum cases would be a challenge for any govFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ernment, and Greek asylum officers are reportedly working around the clock to 

process the extraordinary caseload. EU member states have pledged support but 

they, too, have limited numbers of asylum experts, interpreters, and other specialists they can contribute. 

The numbers of new arrivals have dropped precipitously since March 20, and in 

May were less than 50 per day compared with a daily average of 870 in the first 

half of March. This means the process is slightly more manageable than it was earlier this year, which has given the Greek government some space to improve the 

quality of accommodation facilities throughout the country. Greece has made efforts 

to relocate migrants and refugees from informal sites to established facilities, is constructing new facilities, and is also working to upgrade existing facilities that do not 

meet international standards.If confirmed, I will work to promote improved conditions for migrants and refugees in Greece and seek opportunities where we can encourage better coordination and cooperation with international organizations such 

as UNHCR. Despite years of budget cuts, the Greek government has demonstrated 

time and again its tremendous compassion and willingness to seek solutions to 

tough problems, and I believe we will be able to make progress on human rights 

concerns. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society, and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Greece? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. I am committed to meeting with human rights, civil society, and other 

NGOs both in the United States and in Greece if confirmed as the next Ambassador 

to Greece. Throughout my career I have made it a priority to engage with civil society organizations on a range of issues, and my time in Greece will be no different. 

The U.S. Embassy in Athens has benefitted from tremendous partnerships with a 

range of Greek NGO actors, including many that work with minority and underrepresented populations. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to promote the important work they do to advocate for the rights of minority groups including religious minorities, women, abused or neglected children, and the LGBTI population. 

I am also committed to upholding the Leahy Law and ensuring that all recipients 

of U.S. assistance have been properly vetted according to the law. Greece has an 

excellent record as confirmed by previous vetting. Specific to the vetting of military 

personnel, the Office of Defense Cooperation in Athens frequently visits training 

sites and has observed that soldiers are properly trained on human rights interests. 

If confirmed, I will ensure we have the proper procedures in place at U.S. Embassy 

Athens to vet all training candidates and encourage continued site visits to report 

on observations from the field. If human rights concerns arise, I will act immediately to respond.Questions for the Record Submitted to 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Greece to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Greece? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to promote values of freedom of speech and assembly, which are actively defended in Greece. There were no reports of political 

prisoners or detainees in Greece last year, and such targeting by the Greek government is not a pervasive problem. There have been some reports of the prosecution 

of public officials for political purposes and the harassment of journalists; however, 

there were no reports of censorship or content restrictions in 2015. If confirmed, I 

will ensure the embassy team continues to monitor political persecution closely and 

bring to my attention any cases of unjust targeting so that we may respond accordingly. 

Question. Will you engage with Greece on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Engaging with the Greek government on matters of human rights, civil 

rights, and governance will be a top priority should I be confirmed. I also know that 

these are priorities for Greece, and that we have a willing partner in promoting our 

shared values of respect and tolerance. Greece has taken important steps this past 

year to prevent discrimination, including the passage of a law adopted last December to establish a National Council against Racism and Xenophobia. This law also 

stiffened penalties for individuals convicted of crimes motivated on these grounds. 

Also in December, the Greek government adopted legislation providing same-sex cohabitating couples the right to enter into civil union partnerships. And in October, 

the Greek government hosted a conference on religious tolerance and cultural pluralism in the Middle East, a clear effort on behalf of the foreign ministry to promote 

a culture of tolerance and acceptance. These examples all illustrate concrete actions 

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Greece has taken to promote human rights, civil rights, and governance. If confirmed, I will commit to furthering these efforts through our ongoing bilateral engagements. 

Question. Russian President Putin was in Greece last month to meet with Prime 

Minister Tsipras. Reports surfaced that Putin offered to increase investment in the 

country if Greece were to vote against extending the EU’s Russia sanctions. PM 

Tsipras has already repeatedly voiced reservations about the sanctions. How would 

you characterize Greece’s relations with Russia? Would PM Tsipras break ranks 

with the EU and dissent to renewing sanctions against Russia? As U.S. Ambassador 

to Greece, how would you work to counter Russian influence there? 

Answer. Greece has a long history of close ties with Russia, in part due to their 

affinity as predominately Orthodox nations. The two countries maintain regular 

high-level engagement. Russian President Putin visited Greece in May to celebrate 

the Greek-Russian Year of Friendship and 1,000 years of Russian Orthodoxy in 

Greece. Putin’s visit resulted in several bilateral agreements for cooperation in the 

fields of tourism, transport, renewable energy, shipbuilding, mining, petroleum trading, and pharmaceuticals, reflecting the two countries’ close work on developing 

commercial and tourism ties. 

Notwithstanding the ties between Greece and Russia, we have observed Greece 

definitively turn toward the West on security and energy issues, most recently demonstrated by the groundbreaking of the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) in Greece, 

which will bring gas from Azerbaijan to other parts of Europe. The Tsipras government has stressed the importance it places on Western investment at the same time 

it seeks investment from other countries such as Russia and China. While Russia 

has shown interest in expanding its energy and economic ties to Greece and its military presence in the Mediterranean, the Greek government has made important 

strategic decisions to support energy projects such as TAP, which will reduce European dependence on Russian gas. Nevertheless, the Greek government has continued to signal support for a ‘‘multi-dimensional’’ energy policy that includes the construction of new routes through Greece for Russian gas. It is important that we remain vigilant about Russian avenues to exercise influence and project power in the 

region. 

Despite concerns over the economic impact of sanctions on Greece’s fragile economy, particularly its agricultural and tourism sectors, Greece has never broken EU 

consensus on Russian sanctions over Ukraine, and has repeatedly confirmed its support for Ukraine and its concern for the more than 150,000 Ukrainian citizens of 

ethnic Greek origin residing near Mariupol. We have no reason to believe that 

Greece will diverge from its position in support of EU consensus. Having spent the 

past three years working to counter Russian aggression in Kyiv, I am intimately familiar with the strategies and tactics used by Russia to wield influence, including 

Russian use of misinformation as a weapon. The best response to countering Russian influence is to tell the truth. If confirmed, I will continue to speak out and ensure the Greek people are hearing the truth about both Russian and U.S. activities 

in the region. 

Question. According to the UN, there are now more than 56,000 refugees and migrants in Greece, many living in very poor conditions, including around 8,000 who 

have essentially become stranded on Greek islands. At the same time, the Norwegian Refugee Council decided to suspend its programs for Syrian refugees on the 

Greek island of Chios due to the institution of ‘‘detention-like conditions’’ since the 

EU-Turkey agreement was signed. The medical aid organization Doctors Without 

Borders announced that it would no longer accept funding from EU institutions and 

EU member states in protest over the conditions that have been created by EU-Turkey agreement. 

♦ How is the U.S. supporting Greece’s efforts to manage the refugee and migrant 

flow and to fairly and effectively cope with asylum claims? Is the condition of 

Greek holding and processing facilities an issue that has been raised by the Embassy? At what level? 

♦ What U.S. assistance and/or assets are being utilized bilaterally in this regard? 

♦ What more can the United States do, and what plans are in place, for the 

United States to help improve the protection of refugees and asylum seekers 

and humanitarian conditions in Greece? 

Answer. The Department of State’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) has contributed nearly $44 million to the U.N. High Commissioner on 

Refugees (UNHCR) to support provision of emergency assistance throughout Europe, including Greece. Of this, $2 million supports the International Federation for 

the Red Cross/Red Crescent in Greece, and $500,000 is for the U.N. Population 

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Fund activities in Greece to prevent and respond to gender-based violence. In addition, we have provided small grants to organizations such as Doctors of the World 

and local Greek NGOs working with migrants and refugees in Greece. 

The Department of Defense donated essential humanitarian supplies for migrants 

and refugees in Greece on behalf of the U.S. government in April 2016. EUCOM 

provided $150,000 worth of beds, sleeping bags, blankets, pillows, diapers, and other 

necessities to the Hellenic Republic First Reception Service for distribution at accommodation sites across Greece. Additional excess materials are being shipped 

from EUCOM logistical sites, specifically Camp Darby in Pisa, Italy. 

In April, a team of public health experts from the Centers for Disease Control 

(CDC) visited Greece to conduct a rapid needs assessment of the current public 

health situation. The CDC’s top recommendation out of that trip was to start a vaccination campaign—something the Greek government has already begun following 

the visit. If confirmed, I will continue working closely with the Greek authorities 

on what more we can do. 

A U.S. Naval vessel is also now participating in the NATO Aegean activity to help 

stem the flow of ‘‘illegal trafficking and illegal migration’’ by working with our Allies 

to provide reconnaissance, surveillance, and monitoring information about migrant 

vessels to the Greek and Turkish Coast Guards, as well as the EU’s FRONTEX border agency. We will continue to look for ways to do more. If confirmed, I will seek 

ways to bolster our assistance. 

On the issue of registration facilities on the Aegean islands, we are also concerned 

about the welfare of migrants and refugees and want to be sure that they have access to asylum screening and are treated with dignity, and that their rights are respected. In practical terms, Greece has followed its own legal requirements not to 

detain migrants arriving at hotspots on the Aegean islands for more than 25 days. 

Greek authorities often detain migrants for fewer than 25 days, as asylum seekers 

generally are allowed to leave the hotspot registration facilities once all identification and registration procedures are completed. However, under the terms of the 

March 18 EU-Turkey agreement, migrants are not permitted to leave the island, 

pending the examination of their asylum applications. Greece has also made efforts 

to identify vulnerable individuals such as minors and pregnant women to ensure 

they receive appropriate care and assistance. If confirmed, I will continue to support 

Greece’s efforts to improve these processes. 

We laud the work of organizations such as Doctors Without Borders, and their 

dedication to helping those in need. We also share the desire to eliminate the deadly 

smuggling of desperate people across the Aegean Sea. Far too many innocent lives 

have been lost to line the pockets of criminals who profit from the desperation of 

vulnerable people. We expect all nations to uphold their international obligations 

and to not send individuals with legitimate protection needs back to their countries 

of origin, and to conduct any returns of individuals who do not qualify for international protection safely, humanely and with dignity. If confirmed, I will work with 

my colleagues to urge the European Union, its member states—including Greece— 

and Turkey to continue to work together to address concerns raised by humanitarian groups to ensure proper refugee protection safeguards consistent with international obligations and commitments. We also urge the European Union and its 

member states to swiftly implement assistance measures to which member states 

have already agreed. This includes the relocation of asylum-seekers already in frontline European States, resettling more refugees from first countries of asylum into 

Europe, and providing increased humanitarian assistance to refugees in Turkey. 

Both the Department and the U.S. Embassy in Athens regularly engage with the 

Greek government and international and non-profit organizations at all levels on 

issues related to migration, including the welfare of migrants and refugees. If confirmed, I commit to doing the same to ensure the dignity and rights of all individuals are upheld. 

If confirmed, I will also continue to seek ways to improve the protection of refugees and asylum seekers and humanitarian conditions in Greece and around the 

world. President Obama is hosting a Leaders’ Summit on Refugees during UNGA 

71 high-level week to focus on this global refugee crisis. The United States is organizing this Summit with a global approach because we believe that Greece and 

other European countries should not have to shoulder the burden of this crisis 

alone. The United States is undertaking a vigorous, sustained diplomatic effort over 

the coming months to drive new and significant contributions from a broader universe of countries in three critical areas: 1) increased funding for U.N. humanitarian 

agencies and appeals, 2) greater opportunities for resettlement and other legal channels for humanitarian admissions, 3) facilitating refugee inclusion and self-reliance 

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through opportunities for education and lawful employment. We believe this summit 

will mobilize significant new resources to address the challenges of migration. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PAYATT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Ambassador Pyatt, thank you for your service as Ambassador to 

Ukraine during a difficult time in Ukraine’s history. Can you tell us whether the 

Ukrainian Government’s perceptions of our commitment to Ukraine’s security have 

suffered at all due to our refusal to provide the Ukrainian Government with the lethal assistance it has repeatedly requested, yes or no? 

Answer. Ukraine is appreciative of our assistance and has made significant 

progress toward increasing its defense capacity and reforming its defense sector, 

thanks in part to our security assistance. In response to the crisis, we have committed over $600 million in training and equipment to help Ukraine’s forces enhance their capabilities to monitor and secure their borders, operate more safely and 

effectively, and defend Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Our security 

assistance has saved lives while helping to build Ukraine’s long-term defense capacity. 

Through the Joint Multi-National Training Group Ukraine, we are building 

Ukraine’s institutional training capacity, reforming its doctrine, improving command and control, and hardening its defenses. The United States and Allies have 

trained over 1,700 Ukrainian Conventional force and National Guard personnel. We 

have trained 120 Special Operations Forces (SOF), who are now re-deployed in operations. We are currently training an additional conventional battalion of 630 personnel. 

We have provided counter-artillery and counter-mortar radars, over 3,000 secure 

radios, 130 Humvees, and over 100 armored civilian SUVs, a mobile field clinic, and 

tens of thousands of medical kits and other life-saving equipment. Our radars have 

helped Ukrainian forces confirm that the Russia-led separatists are firing from 

urban areas in blatant disregard for civilians. The Ukrainians, showing restraint 

aided by our radars, have exercised extreme care with their retaliatory fire in an 

effort to limit civilian casualties. 

Ukraine has been grateful for the assistance we have provided and taken many 

steps to implement changes to its defense structure at the recommendation of the 

United States and international advisers. Most recently, President Poroshenko 

signed the Strategic Defense Bulletin, a landmark document which will guide an 

overhaul of Ukraine’s defense institutions, marking a transition to a western interoperable, civilian-controlled, and accountable defense establishment. 

We appreciate Congressional support for Ukraine, and we will continue to work 

closely with Ukraine to identify requirements for security assistance. 

Ukrainians often tell me they feel they have no stronger partner than the United 

States; among the many memories ?I will carry from my service here, one of the 

most cherished is of the hundreds of random Ukrainians who have come up to me 

on the street to say thank you for what the American people have done to help 

Ukraine defend its sovereign choice for the future. 

Question. Greece is a route for individuals trying to reach Iraq and Syria as well 

as a transit point for individuals returning home from the battlefield. The leader 

of the November 13 Paris attacks used Greece several times to enter Europe and 

two of the suicide bombers at the Stade de France passed through Greece as Syrian 

refugees. Are we confident that Greek authorities can accurately screen for dangerous actors with a potentially overwhelming number of refugees? 

Answer. Greece became the main entry point on an illegal migration route into 

the EU last year due to its long coast line and proximity to the Middle East. Greek 

authorities share our concern that terrorists—including potentially foreign terrorist 

fighters—could use this migration route to transit Europe. With that said, we have 

a long history of law enforcement and anti-terrorism cooperation with Greece and 

are working closely with the Greek government to combat terrorism in all its forms. 

While there are several areas where Greece could further improve border security 

efforts, Greek authorities have demonstrated a strong commitment to improving 

screening of refugees and migrants and have already taken significant strides to do 

so. For example, as of September 2015, the Greek government registered and 

screened against EU and international databases only eight percent of migrants and 

refugees entering Greece. By February, however, that number had increased to 80 

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percent and is now nearly 100 percent. Greece has also demonstrated success in investigating and prosecuting human smugglers. 

Our counterterrorism partnership is strong, and we have ongoing bilateral efforts 

with Greece to improve border security. In the wake of the November terrorist attacks in Paris, the White House announced on November 30, 2015, that the United 

States was prepared to deploy teams of technical experts to help some European 

countries, if desired, enhance border security, information sharing, and other 

counterterrorism capabilities to counter the threat from foreign terrorist fighters. In 

February, an interagency team of U.S. subject matter experts visited Athens to consult on shared counterterrorism priorities and work with Greek officials to find ways 

to improve border security, building on existing partnerships between our two countries. Follow-up dialogue and specialized training efforts continue as a result of this 

engagement, including terrorism finance training and training on methods to improve border and aviation security and identify potential threats. Together, we are 

now working cooperatively to protect against vulnerabilities from foreign fighters 

and other security threats. 

We are also currently working with DHS to conduct regional training in Greece 

later this year. The program will include other countries such as Turkey, Serbia, 

Macedonia, and Croatia, and will provide training on migrant screening and migrant smuggling investigation. In addition, we are hoping to support regional training to combat migrant-smuggling by sea, to assist in the development of national 

training curricula and train-the-trainer workshops, and to support other regional capacity-building that may be implemented by international organizations such as 

INTERPOL. 

The Department of Defense is also working to help Greece build its capabilities 

to conduct counterterrorism operations by providing approximately $4.5 million in 

2282 funding to support a specialized unit of the Hellenic Coast Guard. This agency 

is also the lead Greek entity focused on counter-smuggling operations. 

Finally, our coordination efforts with Greece to upgrade its border security capabilities under the Visa Waiver Program (VWP) will also bolster Greece’s ability to 

detect terrorists and share terrorist and law enforcement information with the 

United States and European partners. U.S. law requires DHS to conduct periodic 

re-evaluation of VWP countries. Greece underwent a thorough re-evaluation in 

2015. This review evaluated the effect that the country’s continued designation has 

on the law enforcement, immigration enforcement, and security interests of the 

United States, which includes a thorough assessment of counterterrorism and terrorism threats within the country. DHS, in consultation with State, determined that 

Greece’s participation in VWP would not compromise the law enforcement, immigration, and security interests of the United States. Currently, DHS and the Hellenic 

National Police are actively working to develop a partnership to bolster Greece’s vetting of refugees to further enhance the screening process. DHS continues to monitor 

Greece, as well as other program countries. 

The Greek government has made tremendous efforts to improve border security, 

and we are confident of Greece’s commitment to protecting against terrorists 

transiting its borders. If confirmed, assuring the safety and security of American 

citizens will be my top priority and I will make every effort to ensure our bilateral 

cooperation with Greece on border security and counterterrorism is as productive as 

possible. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PAYATT’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Mr. Pyatt, Greece has had seven different governments since 2009, with 

three having collapsed. Although Prime Minister Tsipras was reelected decisively in 

September of 2015, the Greek Parliament remains fragile and fragmented. As the 

U.S. Ambassador, how do you plan to work with different factions in Parliament? 

Answer. Greece’s political environment has evolved significantly since 2009 in 

large part due to the economic crisis and resulting political challenges faced by the 

Greek government. After several decades of one-party governments, Greece has seen 

a shift to two or three-party coalition governments and increased volatility in political leadership. 

If confirmed, I will seek to work with all parties toward the common goal of 

achieving long-term economic and political stability for Greece. I will work with political leaders across the spectrum to get a full understanding of the issues and use 

this broad base to shape our bilateral policies with Greece. Most importantly, I will 

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work with whichever political party or coalition government is in office to ensure 

our strong bilateral relationship continues regardless of political persuasion. 

Question. In your testimony, you say that the success of U.S. policy in Greece 

hinges on its partnership with the EU. However, many speculate that if Greece is 

not able to live up to its promises and obligations under the third financial assistance package agreed to in August 2015, that the EU may consider kicking Greece 

out of the Eurozone. What impact would that have on U.S. interests in Greece? In 

the region? As Ambassador, how would you assist Greece in staying on track with 

these reforms? 

Answer. The United States has a strong partnership with Greece, and the administration has said consistently that Greece belongs within Europe’s monetary union 

as Athens implements reforms to restore financial stability and economic competitiveness. European leaders have repeatedly said they will take whatever steps are 

necessary to maintain the integrity of monetary union and safeguard financial stability in the euro area. European leaders have also made clear that they want 

Greece to remain in the euro area, while respecting its commitments to reform. We 

remain confident in euro area member states’ efforts to implement economic and financial sector reforms and move towards greater integration, and we will continue 

to engage closely with European partners on integration efforts. 

We have followed developments closely throughout the duration of Greece’s bailout program and will continue to do so. We remain in close contact with European 

leaders and the IMF on the measures necessary to secure Greece’s economic recovery. We have a great stake in the outcome, not just for the sake of our friends and 

partners in Greece, but for the sake of the entire eurozone, the U.S. economy, and 

the world economy. Greece’s economic success affects Europe’s economy, and what 

happens to Europe’s economy is very important to the United States. Europe is our 

largest economic partner and we share close financial, trade, and other linkages. A 

protracted stagnation in Europe with weak business and consumer demand adversely affects the U.S. economy. 

Greek authorities are making progress on far-reaching reforms, including pension 

reforms, privatization efforts, tax reforms, and others. Greece successfully recapitalized its banks at the end of last year and has gradually loosened capital controls 

imposed last summer, though some restrictions remain in place. European leaders 

recognize the efforts that Greece has made to date and understand the need to continue to provide partnership and support to Greece as its reforms continue. Looking 

forward, Greece must now focus on reform implementation. If confirmed, I will urge 

the Greek government to continue taking steps to do so. In return for implementing 

those reforms, it will be important for Greece and its creditors to reach agreement 

on how to ensure debt sustainability over the long term, allowing Greece to return 

to healthy economic growth. If confirmed, working toward these goals will be my 

top economic priority. 

Question. A large part of stabilizing Greece’s economy hinges on its ability to keep 

the flow of migrants to a minimum, making the deal struck with Turkey in March 

of this year immensely important. In your opinion, do you think the deal will hold? 

What events could endanger the deal? How do you see this deal fitting into U.S.- 

Greek relations in the coming years? 

Answer. More than one million migrants and refugees entered Greece between 

January 2015 and March 2016, and more than 57,000 migrants and refugees currently remain in Greece. Several factors have contributed to a decrease in the number of new arrivals of migrants and refugees in Greece, including a combination of 

unilateral border closures throughout Europe, NATO presence in the Aegean, and 

implementation of the EU-Turkey Joint Action Plan. Arrivals in May averaged 

fewer than 50 per day, compared to an average of 870 daily in the first half of 

March. 

Specifically on the EU-Turkey agreement, we believe that all parties are committed to seeing its success and are working toward a common goal of stemming 

the flow of irregular migration while also improving legal mechanisms for those who 

need international protection to be able to access it. We expect all nations to uphold 

their international obligations and commitments not to send individuals with legitimate protection needs back to their countries of origin, and to conduct any returns 

of individuals who do not qualify for international protection safely, humanely, and 

with dignity.We also urge the European Union, its member states, and Turkey to 

continue to work together to swiftly implement assistance measures to which member states have already agreed. This includes the relocation of asylum-seekers already in frontline European States, resettling more refugees from first countries of 

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asylum into Europe, providing increased humanitarian assistance to refugees, and 

deploying asylum experts and interpreters to hotspots in Greece and Italy. 

We recognize there are several factors that could ultimately affect implementation 

of the commitments made under the agreement, including legislative requirements, 

resource limitations, and potentially shifting political dynamics. However, thus far 

we have observed the parties demonstrate a willingness and effort to uphold their 

commitments. For example, Greece passed legislation on April 1 to support implementation of the agreement, EU member states have deployed border guards to 

Greece to provide surge capacity for processing asylum claims, and Turkey has received hundreds of migrants returned under the deal. These are concrete actions 

that illustrate the willingness of stakeholders to contribute to a comprehensive and 

coordinated solution. 

We believe the EU-Turkey Joint Action Plan is an important step in responding 

to the unprecedented flow of refugees and migrants in the region. The United States 

has also done what it can to support regional partners in addressing the challenge. 

Total U.S. humanitarian assistance contributions worldwide were more than $6 billion last year, including funding from the State Department’s Bureau of Population, 

Refugees, and Migration and the U. S. Agency for International Development. Of 

this, nearly $44 million in humanitarian aid in FY 2016 supported activities 

throughout Europe. 

In Greece, we have worked with our Department of Defense colleagues to provide 

humanitarian assistance items such as beds, blankets, and sanitary items to help 

equip accommodation facilities. Additionally, our Centers for Disease Control and 

Prevention are working in close concert with the Greek public health authorities as 

they seek to ensure the public health and that of the migrant population is effectively safeguarded. We have worked closely with the Greek government, European 

partners, and international organizations such as UNHCR to closely coordinate 

these efforts so that they may be complementary but not duplicative. If confirmed, 

I will seek to continue this robust cooperation. 

Question. Despite the deal to stem the flow of migrants, Greece’s relations with 

Turkey have been strained for some time. Does this tension affect U.S. interests in 

the region? If so how? If confirmed, how would you go about providing assistance 

or advice to the Greek government in this matter? 

Answer. We are encouraged by regular, high-level bilateral engagements between 

Greece and Turkey, and Greece has acknowledged publicly that relations with Turkey have improved in recent years. Greek Prime Minister Tsipras visited Turkey 

three times in the past year and regularly engages his Turkish counterparts on key 

issues such as Cyprus, refugees and migration, and increasing economic ties. Greece 

and Turkey held their most recent meeting of the High Level Cooperation Council 

(HLCC) in Izmir in March. At this summit, Prime Minister Tsipras and then-Prime 

Minister Davutoglu reaffirmed the need for bilateral cooperation on the refugee and 

migration crisis and reached a bilateral deal for accelerated readmission of migrants 

from Greece to Turkey. 

We believe these visits and joint efforts to address issues of mutual concern—such 

as refugees and migration—indicate the potential for bilateral relations between 

Greece and Turkey to continue to improve. We recognize that a tension-free Aegean 

can be achieved only through constructive engagement between Greece and Turkey 

and applaud the efforts of the Greek and Turkish governments to improve their relationship. We have conveyed to both Greece and Turkey our strong support for a 

stable Aegean, which is in their national interests as well. Greece and Turkey have 

long-established diplomatic channels for addressing tensions in the region, and all 

NATO members, including Greece and Turkey, are committed to working out any 

differences peacefully and through dialogue. That is in both countries’ best interests, 

and in the best interests of the United States, as well. If confirmed, I will encourage 

this dialogue and positive steps by Greece and Turkey to resolve their differences 

bilaterally. 

Question. Prior to being nominated for this ambassadorial position, you served as 

the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine. What lessons learned from your time in Ukraine 

do you feel will be applicable to the post in Greece, should you be confirmed? 

Answer. My time as U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine taught me the importance of 

empowering a dedicated interagency team and molding a common vision for the U.S. 

mission. With perseverance and hard work, the U.S. interagency team in Ukraine 

was able to work effectively together, allowing us to achieve our mission goals. If 

confirmed, I will apply these leadership skills to help the U.S. mission in Greece 

move forward on our policy priorities and pursue a common vision in our relations 

with Greece. 

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I also learned in Ukraine how much of an impact on-the-ground, people-to-people 

diplomacy can make. I made it a priority to engage directly with host-country citizens on a daily basis, which gave our mission a much clearer understanding of what 

was going on in the country—and which allowed us to show Ukrainians the everyday, ‘‘real people’’ face of the United States. Our holiday YouTube videos were a perfect example of outreach that set our mission apart from those of other countries 

and left a positive impression among average Ukrainians. If confirmed as Ambassador to Greece, I will continue these efforts to harness the power of people-to-people diplomacy. 

Finally, I came to appreciate how European finance, businesses, politics, and society, are all interconnected—and how they interact and evolve at a very rapid pace. 

As U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, I learned how to think about our policy and mission goals in this environment of interconnectedness. From our multilateral coordination efforts to stabilize Ukraine’s macroeconomic environment to our intense support, in coordination with our EU allies, for Ukraine’s politically brave reforms, our 

success was contingent upon our ability to adapt to this continuously changing European environment. If confirmed, I will bring this lesson to bear as U.S. Ambassador to Greece. 

RESPONSES OF DOUGLAS ALLAN SILLIMAN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF IRAQ TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGATE SILLIMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have advocated for human rights and proper labor conditions throughout my career. In my most recent assignment as Ambassador to Kuwait, I have, 

with cabinet-level officials, pressed the fight against trafficking in persons, advocated for enforcement of fair labor standards, encouraged the proper treatment of 

stateless people and raised other human rights issues. The Embassy and I have met 

with critics of the government and worked closely with human rights groups and 

other NGOs. 

One key example of this work is related to trafficking in persons. During my tenure as Ambassador in Kuwait, my Embassy and I have repeatedly pressed the Kuwaiti government to address its poor record on trafficking in persons. In large part, 

as a result of our intense engagement at all levels of government, the Kuwaiti Parliament passed a contract labor law regulating and centralizing the recruitment of 

foreign workers (and closing hundreds of small labor recruiting agencies that had 

been the source of trafficking in the past), enacted Kuwait’s first-ever law regulating 

household workers, opened a government shelter for trafficked women, stood up a 

new Anti-Human Trafficking Department in the Ministry of Interior, established a 

Human Rights Office in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and conducted its first prosecutions under the two new laws. I am proud of this record of accomplishment, 

working in cooperation with Kuwaiti government officials who shared our view on 

the need to end trafficking in persons in Kuwait. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Iraq? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in Iraq? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The most pressing human rights issue in Iraq is, without a doubt, 

Da’esh. This reprehensible organization has committed innumerable violations of 

human rights against Iraq’s diverse ethnic and religious communities. Foremost 

among these is the genocide it has perpetrated against Iraq’s religious minorities, 

but its list of crimes also includes-though is not limited to-executing Muslims of different sects, LGBTI individuals, teachers, and aid workers; enslaving women and 

girls and forcing them into marriages; and employing child soldiers. If confirmed, 

I will continue to work with the Iraqi government in the fight against Da’esh to ensure that its flagrant and disgusting human rights abuses come to an end. Beyond 

Da’esh, trafficking in persons remains a problem in Iraq. Iraq has taken considerable steps to combat this-especially in light of the ongoing fight against Da’esh-but 

much remains to be done. If confirmed, I will bring the same zeal in fighting this 

heinous crime as I brought to Kuwait, and will engage the Government of Iraq at 

the highest levels to draw greater attention to this issue. 

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Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Iraq in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general? 

Answer. Ultimately, the end of Da’esh and its human rights abuses cannot be 

achieved through military means alone. Defeating Da’esh and preventing its return 

requires the Government of Iraq foster a more inclusive political environment, emphasizing a respect for the rights of all Iraqis and a commitment to their safety and 

well-being. To this end, we must continue to support security and stabilization programs in areas liberated from Da’esh. Advocating for the speedy reintegration of minorities into liberated communities will also be critical, as the political participation 

of all of Iraq’s communities will be essential to building a functioning, representative government and forging a stable, unified Iraq. Continuing the battle against 

trafficking in persons is made substantially more difficult by the continuing fight 

against Da’esh and the concurrent need to enhance the capabilities of the Iraqi justice system. Ensuring that Iraqi police and prosecutors are adequately resourced to 

recognize, investigate, and prosecute trafficking cases will be integral to further advancements in this arena. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Iraq? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, meeting with civil society organizations will be a priority, 

both in the United States and in Iraq, especially those promoting human rights. 

Civil society groups provide valuable insight into a variety of issues in ways that 

our embassies simply cannot replicate. Working with civil society organizations is 

essential to effectively achieving our goals. 

I will also ensure that the Leahy Law continues to be implemented to its fullest 

extent. Iraq is one of the largest recipients of American military assistance, and 

along with such aid comes the responsibility to ensure that U.S. equipment and 

training are not used to commit or support human rights abuses. During my tenure, 

Embassy Baghdad will continue to provide human rights training to the Iraqi 

Armed Forces. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Iraq to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Iraq? 

Answer. If confirmed, engaging with Iraq to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted will be a priority for me. Fair and 

equal treatment under the law is essential in any country, but especially in Iraq 

given the potential for unfair treatment to enflame sectarian tensions during this 

critical time. In the short term, I will advocate for respecting the rights of Internally 

Displaced People fleeing Iraqi cities as they are liberated from Da’esh, including the 

establishment of transparent and humane processes for security screening of military-aged males. I will couple this with increased emphasis on adherence to Prime 

Minister Abadi’s 2014 executive order on enforcing the rights of detainees, which 

prohibits arrests made without warrants or outside the confines of the Iraqi criminal code. 

Question. Will you engage with Iraq on matters of human rights, civil rights and 

governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes, the current situation in Iraq requires that our bilateral dialogue address these subjects. Widespread respect for human rights and the promotion of 

good governance are essential to fostering a post-Da’esh environment in which Iraq’s 

numerous communities flourish and prosper. If confirmed, my short-term engagements on these issues will include advocating for humane treatment of those fleeing 

the fighting, seeking accountability for security forces that are alleged to have committed human rights abuses, and encouraging the government to guarantee equal 

protection and access to services for all of its citizens, regardless of their ethnicity 

or religion. 

Question. When Secretary Kerry announced that ISIL had committed genocide 

against Yezidis and Christians, he committed the U.S. to supporting efforts to collect, document, and analyze evidence as well as efforts to hold perpetrators accountable. What specific actions has the State Department taken since March in that regard and what more will you do as Ambassador to ensure ISIL perpetrators are 

prosecuted? 

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Answer. The Department’s policy has not changed in light of the Secretary’s statement, which reconfirmed the direction of our policy. We are undertaking a number 

of efforts to promote accountability for Da’esh’s depraved acts and to secure the 

peace, good governance, and respect for human rights that Iraqi citizens deserve. 

Our Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) is funding a $3 million 

program that has begun securing mass grave sites around Mount Sinjar, and is providing technical training in northern Iraq to Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) 

staff on mass grave exhumation. Our partner NGOs will also provide analysis support once evidence is collected. 

Another project we are funding collects narratives from Iraqi citizens that may 

be used in a variety of transitional justice processes. Further, we have responded, 

and will continue to respond, with emergency and other programmatic assistance, 

with military force to degrade and ultimately defeat Da’esh, and by taking active 

measures to address atrocities in Iraq. We have also provided humanitarian aid to 

support survivors of the conflict, including survivors of atrocities perpetrated by 

Da’esh. 

The U.S. government is also working with the Government of Iraq (GOI) to put 

in place strong governance, human rights protections, and security structures so 

that Da’esh and similar groups cannot take hold in the region again. If confirmed, 

I will communicate to the GOI and KRG that we are closely following the progress 

of their investigations and prosecutions and encourage them to continue such work 

in a credible way that meets due process standards. Ending impunity for crimes and 

providing justice to survivors is an important part of long term stability and reconciliation, and assists in creating the conditions on the ground in which minorities 

will feel more secure in returning to their homes. I will also support implementation 

of additional State Department programming focused on criminal accountability and 

broader transitional justice, and seek to work in tandem with the justice efforts of 

our Coalition partners. 

Question. In your testimony, you discussed justice for Sunnis who are alleged victims of atrocities at the hands of Shia militia, and noted that Prime Minister Abadi 

has committed to setting up a commission to investigate these allegations. Given 

these crimes and those of ISIL, does Iraq have the investigative and judicial capacity to take this on? What is your assessment and what specific work will you do 

with the government to ensure they have the capacity and technical skills to investigate and prosecute these complex crimes? 

Answer. The Government of Iraq has shown its willingness to investigate and 

prosecute captured Da’esh fighters and members of the Popular Mobilization Forces 

(PMF) accused of crimes. Prime Minister Abadi’s recent investigations into PMF 

abuses have resulted in the arrest of several PMF militiamen who are expected to 

face trial in the near future. The Kurdistan Regional Government is in the process 

of amending its criminal code to give it the ability to prosecute perpetrators of genocide within the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, and legislation is currently before the Kurdish parliament to create a mixed court system consisting of Kurdish and international lawyers to carry out these prosecutions. While high-level members of 

Da’esh could under certain circumstances be prosecuted in international jurisdictions for their atrocities, it will likely be the national court systems in Iraq that try 

the vast majority of Da’esh’s perpetrators. We have heard concerns related to detention of suspects, as well as questions about provision of due process at trial. We take 

these reports seriously, and will look into them and work to support the Government of Iraq (GOI) in carrying out fair and credible justice processes. As areas become liberated, the out-flow of thousands of people will naturally create a strain on 

the capacity of the Iraqi justice system as it strives to ensure that the rights of innocent civilians, particularly Sunnis, are respected, while at the same time identifying 

potential perpetrators of atrocities. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of Iraq 

to continue to improve its provincial and national criminal justice institutions and 

investigative capacity, and make every effort to bring the resources of the United 

States government to bear in this endeavor. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SILLIMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. As you know, Iraq faces significant challenges in recovering its economy 

as it fights to defeat ISIS and build a cohesive civil society. One bright spot for Iraq, 

however, is that oil exports, which provide roughly 90% of public sector revenue in 

Iraq, rose in 2016 to 4.5 million barrels per day. Domestic oil production also rose 

in 2016 to 3.8 million barrels per day. In your opinion, how can the U.S. assist the 

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Iraqi government in continuing to foster this growth? What steps would you take 

as ambassador to assist with growth in the oil sector? 

Answer. We are encouraged by Iraq’s continued growth in oil production and exports, which is an outcome of the open and competitive bid rounds in 2009. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the central government in Baghdad and the 

Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) on confidence-building measures, particularly in resolving oil and gas disputes, pushing the Iraqis to implement their IMF 

and World Bank programs, and supporting the ‘‘debottlenecking’’ of Iraq’s southern 

oil infrastructure. 

Predictions of low oil prices over the medium term mean that each barrel of oil 

exported is likely to continue earning lower prices than in recent years, making it 

crucial that Iraq maintain and, ideally, increase production. The State Department 

has co-led energy discussions with the Iraqi government to ‘‘debottleneck’’ oil infrastructure since 2012. Based on these discussions, the Iraqi government has contracted with the Department of Energy to focus its national labs’ expert staff on 

identifying vulnerabilities in Iraq’s oil infrastructure, resulting in detailed recommendations on how to make the infrastructure more resilient to threats. In addition, a USAID program seeks to increase exports by removing bottlenecks that limit 

the amount of oil that can be exported and enhancing the resilience of Iraq’s oil infrastructure to maximize the number of days Iraq’s export facilities are up and running. 

If confirmed, I will continue to work with the central government in Baghdad and 

the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) on confidence-building measures to 

maximize cooperation between the two entities. Only through cooperation will the 

KRG and the government in Baghdad receive the full benefit of the oil they produce, 

as well as attract foreign infrastructure investment. 

I will also work with the Iraqis to implement their IMF and World Bank programs, which recognize the centrality of oil revenues to the Iraqi government’s operations. The IMF required the Iraqi government to settle its arrears with the international oil companies operating in Iraq as a prior action to enter into a Stand-By 

Arrangement. By successfully completing this prior action, the Government of Iraq 

ensured the resumption of infrastructure investments to expand production and exports and enhance the resilience of its infrastructure. The 2015 World Bank Development Policy Loan provided funding to assist the Government of Iraq capture natural gas associated with oil production for power generation. The World Bank estimated that utilizing gas for power generation instead of petroleum would result in 

an additional $520 billion in revenue by 2035, in addition to reducing Iraq’s greenhouse gas production. 

Question. In your testimony, you highlight the importance of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to the Mosul campaign. However, the KRG may be 

mounting a political movement for independence from Iraq. How would the KRG’s 

break from Iraq affect the campaign against ISIS? How would it affect U.S. interests in Iraq? As ambassador, how would you go about advising the Iraqi government 

on this matter? 

Answer. The U.S. has long supported a unified Iraq as being in the best interest 

of all of Iraq’s communities, including the Kurds. If confirmed, I will advise the Government of Iraq and Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) that the United States 

supports a unified, federal, democratic, and secure Iraq. Any change to the structure 

of the Iraqi state is, however, an internal matter that must be handled in accordance with the Iraqi constitution. 

Coordination between Baghdad and Erbil has proven critical in the counterDa’esh campaign. Baghdad provided the first flights of ammunition to the KRG 

after the fall of Mosul in 2014. Since then, the Ministry of Defense has included 

support for the Kurdish Peshmerga in its security assistance plans and budget. 

Baghdad and Erbil are stronger and more effective when they are united and working together. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that this cooperation continues. 

Finally, internal Iraqi politics should not significantly change the U.S. key interests in Iraq. The U.S. will remain steadfast in its support for the people of Iraq in 

their efforts to defeat Da’esh and achieve political and economic reform. 

Question. There have been several votes in Congress on providing direct arms to 

the KRG instead of through the Government of Iraq. Would you support direct arming of the Kurds? Do you see problems with the current process for providing arms? 

Answer. Coordinating U.S. military assistance through the central government is 

required by both Iraqi and international law and tangibly demonstrates our commitment to a unified, sovereign, and independent Iraq. It is also essential to a durable 

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ens voices that have been working against the pragmatic reconciliation policies advocated by Prime Minister Abadi, and weakens his ability to hold off Shia political 

forces that want him to take a more divisive line. 

Since Prime Minister Abadi took office, Baghdad has neither prevented nor delayed the delivery of equipment to the Ministry of Peshmerga in Erbil. On the contrary, it has supported a Coalition effort that has provided the Peshmerga with 

thousands of tons of ammunition and equipment cost-free. The Government of Iraq 

has also committed to providing the Peshmerga with at least $200 million of support 

via the FY 2016 Foreign Military Financing loan. We are expediting deliveries to 

Erbil as quickly as our system allows, as we are doing with our support to all of 

Iraq’s forces. While aircraft carrying weapons and equipment destined for Erbil do 

stop in Baghdad for inspection, this usually adds only a few hours to the transit 

time. 

Without any special provision of law, we are already able to train and equip Iraqi 

Kurdish forces and have been doing this successfully for some time. To date, 

through U.S. and Coalition donations, we have provided the Peshmerga with more 

than 67 million rounds of rifle ammunition; 41,000 grenades; 115,000 mortar 

rounds; 63,000 anti-tank rounds; over 38,000 weapons including rifles, anti-tank 

systems, and heavy caliber machine guns; counter-IED equipment; and more than 

150 vehicles, including ambulances and mine resistant vehicles. Additional equipment and ammunition is on the way, including additional protective gear for nuclear, biological, and chemical threats. In addition, thousands of Peshmerga have already received training at the Build Partner Capacity (BPC) sites. 

The FY 2015 Iraq Train and Equip Fund (ITEF) budget included funding to train 

and equip two Peshmerga brigades. This includes dozens of mounted machine guns, 

1,200 M-16 rifles and their associated equipment, as well as protective gear for 

Peshmerga soldiers. An additional $65 million has been provided from ITEF in food, 

fuel, ammunition, and medical supplies with the first food and fuel shipments arriving in late April and early May. 

Defense Secretary Carter announced $415 million in additional funding for support to the Ministry of Peshmerga in support of the fight against Da’esh. This support is for food, fuel, ammunition, and stipends for those Peshmerga directly involved in the fight against Da’esh. 

Question. The State Department has noted that only one-third of the $861 million 

Iraq Humanitarian Response Plan has been funded. Further, State has recently announced plans to hold a ‘‘pledging conference’’ along with Canada, Germany, and 

Japan, in order to raise funds for another ‘‘substantial contribution’’ to the humanitarian effort. The U.S. has already provided about $800 million to Iraqi rebuilding 

efforts since. If confirmed, do you see yourself participating in this conference? If 

so, how would you assist in the negotiations with other states, given that the U.S. 

contribution has already been incredibly substantial compared to other coalition 

states? 

Answer. The dire humanitarian situation in Iraq illustrates the critical need for 

the international community to continue to support humanitarian and stabilization 

efforts. The United States will co-host, with Canada, Germany and Japan, a Pledging Conference in July to raise additional funds to meet those needs. The United 

States recognizes the overwhelming needs of those displaced from their homes in 

Iraq and the important role our international donor partners play. Informed resource planning for humanitarian and stabilization efforts is vital. The United 

States has led-and will continue to lead-the effort to intensify international support 

and donor contributions on humanitarian assistance, demining, and the United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) Funding Facilities for Immediate Stabilization (FFIS) and Expanded Stabilization (FFES). These areas reflect critical assistance gaps that must be addressed to bolster effective governance and provision of 

basic services in areas liberated from Da’esh control, as well as to provide urgentlyneeded assistance to conflict-affected Iraqis. If confirmed, I will continue to work 

closely with our partners in the Government of Iraq and the international community to further Iraq’s stability and defeat Da’esh. 

Question. International humanitarian organizations report that of the 3.4 million 

people displaced in Iraq since 2014, more than half are children. As ambassador, 

how would you work with the Iraqi government to provide assistance to ensure 

these children have some sort of basic access to education in order to prevent a 

generational education gap? 

Answer. The United States is the largest donor of humanitarian assistance in 

Iraq, providing more than $778 million since FY 2014 for assistance to Iraqis in 

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tarian assistance for the Iraq response on June 21, 2016. Many of our current humanitarian programs with UNICEF and non-governmental organizations include 

educational assistance to those displaced, as well as vulnerable host-community 

members. This includes working with local, provincial, and central government authorities to ensure that children have access to education, either by providing transportation assistance to children living too far away from schools to walk, or by working with authorities to ensure that displaced children are able to take their annual 

exams so they do not fall behind in school. 

If confirmed, I will work within the State Department and USAID to ensure that 

education remains a priority intervention for the U.S. government to help Iraqi children gain proper access to education.Questions for the Record Submitted to 

RESPONSES OF P. MICHAEL MCKINLEY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE

FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MCKINLEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. Given widespread public sentiment in Brazil about the importance of 

transparency and accountability, what steps would you take to show support for 

these issues? 

Answer. In recent years, we have witnessed Brazil’s institutions make great 

strides increasing openness and creating a higher standard of accountability. Brazilian police, prosecutors, and courts are increasingly investigating corruption and 

bringing those who violate the law to justice.The Brazilian public supports these 

changes. Surveys show nearly 80 percent of Brazilians believe the groundbreaking 

‘‘Operation Car Wash’’ anti-corruption investigation should be allowed to run its 

course even if it causes temporary economic pain. Both President Rousseff and Acting President Temer have called for anti-corruption investigations to continue 

unimpeded. 

If confirmed, I would urge the Brazilian government to continue taking steps to 

strengthen Brazil’s independent institutions, preserve crucial reforms such as plea 

bargaining and access to public information, and provide the Brazilian people with 

the transparent, accountable governance they deserve. I will consult with civil society and business leaders to identify opportunities for the United States and Brazil 

to share best practices in prosecuting official corruption and promoting government 

transparency at the subnational and national levels. I will also build upon the Embassy’s ongoing efforts to help Brazil build its law enforcement capacity through 

training for police, prosecutors, and judges. By doing so, I would show the United 

States supports Brazil’s continued progress toward greater transparency and accountability. 

Question. Given our size and synergies, it would seem that the U.S.-Brazil economic relationship has not achieved at full potential. What obstacles exist to resolving our trade disputes and increasing our trade flows? Do Mercosur rules and regulations have an impact on the U.S.-Brazil economic relationship? What steps would 

you take to address any distortions or negative impact that Mercosur may have in 

U.S. competitiveness? 

Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, deepening our commercial ties 

with Brazil would be a key focus of mine. Annual two-way trade in goods and services between our countries is already substantial, having reached $100 billion in recent years, but we can increase it even more. If confirmed, I will dedicate my efforts 

to continue to advance our leaders’ vision of doubling trade within ten years, using 

such fora as the U.S.-Brazil CEO Forum and Commercial Dialogue, and will ensure 

continuing Embassy support of these strong bilateral cooperative mechanisms that 

work to lower trade barriers and spur additional growth in our trade and investment relationship. 

Global supply chains are changing, and new partnerships are being formed every 

day based on the latest trade and investment agreements. It is important that 

Mercosur, and the private sectors within Mercosur countries, are not left behind in 

the new global marketplace. Foreign Minister Serra emphasized the importance of 

Brazil’s relationship with Argentina in his inaugural speech and his first foreign 

trip was to Argentina. He also discussed the importance of reinvigorating Mercosur, 

including through increased openness, and we welcome similar sentiments expressed by the authorities in other members of the trade bloc. We are encouraged 

by the closer ties Mercosur members are building with members of the Pacific Alliance. We welcome increased trade and investment with Mercosur countries and 

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would like to increase market access for U.S. goods and services. We have ongoing 

substantive dialogues on trade and investment issues with each of the original 

Mercosur members. If I am confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to seek ways 

to deepen our engagement with the Mercosur countries. 

Question. Last year, the Brazilian Congress finally ratified the U.S.-Brazil Defense Cooperation Agreement as well as more recently the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA), which allows for greater defense cooperation and sharing of information, technology and hardware. How would you build on 

the progress deepen the Defense cooperation between our two countries? 

Answer. U.S.-Brazil defense cooperation is on an upward trajectory, and, if I am 

confirmed, I will seize every opportunity to make it even stronger. The Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) and the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) provide an excellent framework for doing so. These agreements are 

advancing our relationship by strengthening our cooperation on research and development, technology security, and acquisition. They also promote joint exercises and 

facilitate the sharing of sophisticated capabilities and technologies. If confirmed, I 

will work closely with relevant Washington agencies, our Embassy team, and the 

Brazilian government to continue exploring all these issues via bilateral mechanisms such as our Political-Military Dialogue, our Bilateral Working Group, and our 

Joint Staff Talks. In terms of security assistance, I would support International 

Military Education and Training Funding (IMET) to be used to expose Brazilian 

military officers to U.S. training, doctrine, and values. I would also maintain regular 

conversations with Brazil about how our two countries can help build global peacekeeping capacity, particularly in Lusophone Africa. 

If confirmed, I will also focus on promoting robust defense trade between the 

United States and Brazil. From 2013 to 2015, the Government of Brazil was our 

second largest defense trade partner in Latin America (after Mexico). During that 

three-year period, Direct Commercial Sales of defense articles and services to Brazil 

exceeded $1.3 billion. The U.S. defense industry continues to have great interest in 

trade to help Brazil modernize its military, enhance its maritime and land border 

control, and improve its emergency response capabilities. If confirmed, I will therefore look to support industry efforts to launch a bilateral U.S.-Brazil Defense Industry Dialogue to institutionalize engagement between the U.S. and Brazilian private 

sectors. 

Question. What obstacles exist to the U.S. and Brazil pursuing negotiations of a 

bilateral tax treaty? What steps can the U.S. take to encourage Brazil to simplify 

and address a range of tax issues impacting bilateral trade and investment? 

Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, I would advocate for a more 

ambitious trade and investment relationship with Brazil, including on tax issues.In 

June 2015, the United States welcomed the entry into force of the agreement between the United States and Brazil to implement the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA). The FATCA agreement will improve international tax compliance and combat offshore tax evasion by facilitating an annual automatic exchange, 

on a reciprocal basis, of specific account holder information that financial institutions in each country will report to their own governments as required under local 

law. 

The United States as well as the both the U.S. and Brazilian business communities have long advocated for the conclusion of a bilateral tax treaty that would 

provide meaningful tax benefits to cross-border investors, including in the form of 

significant reductions in withholding taxes, the adoption of transfer pricing rules 

consistent with the international standard, and robust rules to facilitate the resolution of disputes between the tax authorities. We understand progress on many of 

these issues would first require legislative changes in Brazil. If confirmed, I would 

advocate for concrete progress on these tax issues. 

Question. Brazil has played a limited role in trying to diffuse the situation in Venezuela. As Ambassador, how would you work with the Brazilian government business leaders, and civil society to engage on the current democratic, economic, social 

and humanitarian crisis Venezuela? 

Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, I would work closely with the 

Brazilian government to promote a more active role in calling on the Venezuelan 

government to engage in meaningful and inclusive dialogue with the political opposition and work towards a Venezuela that is prosperous, governable, and respects 

human rights and democratic principles. 

If I am confirmed, I will engage with the Brazilian government and with Brazilian 

civil society to convey our concern that the current institutional stalemate in Venezuela is preventing the political dialogue needed to find solutions that address the 

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challenges Venezuela’s citizens face, including shortages of food, water, and medicine. I will emphasize that Brazil, as the largest democracy in Latin America, can 

play an important role in promoting a democratic and inclusive political process in 

Venezuela. Indeed, Brazil has already taken action to promote dialogue among Venezuelan government officials and opposition lawmakers. Brazil’s decision to co-sponsor Argentina’s June 1 OAS resolution and the June 15 joint statement on Venezuela by Ministers and Heads of Delegation at the OAS General Assembly were 

welcome steps, as was Brazil’s offer to donate medicines produced in Brazilian public laboratories to international humanitarian organizations for distribution to the 

Venezuelan people. 

Question. Brazil has established a series of non-trade barriers and other temporary subsides that protect certain domestic industries from competition and there 

are a number of WTO cases filed against Brazil over discriminatory taxation and 

charges affecting sectors such as automobiles and information and communication 

technology. How would you propose to work with Brazil to level the playing field 

for U.S. companies seeking to export their goods and services to Brazil? 

Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, I would push to promote a 

level playing field for U.S. businesses and an expanded commercial relationship, 

consistent with our leaders’ vision of doubling trade within the next decade. 

In his inaugural speech in May, Brazilian Foreign Minister Serra said, in the 

short-term, Brazil should focus on removing non-tariff barriers to trade and regulations that obstruct trade. We are working with Brazil in those areas, including 

standards, trade facilitation, and innovation, through the Commercial Dialogue 

process. 

We are also advancing the trade relationship through a number of other important dialogues, including the U.S.-Brazil Commission on Economic and Trade Relations under the Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation (ATEC), the U.S.- 

Brazil CEO Forum, and the U.S.-Brazil Consultative Committee on Agriculture. In 

March of this year, for the first-time ever, a meeting of the ATEC was held at the 

ministerial level. Recognizing the importance of the manufacturing sector as a key 

driver of economic growth in both countries, the United States and Brazil agreed 

in principle to establish an ongoing dialogue on policies that promote investment in 

manufacturing during the ATEC meeting. 

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Throughout my career, I have taken concrete steps to promote democracy 

and human rights in each of the countries in which I have served. As U.S. Deputy 

Ambassador to Afghanistan and as U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan, I implemented 

our long-term strategy to help Afghans construct a democratic government that respects human rights. In those two positions, I oversaw a broad array of U.S. assistance programs designed to build the capacity of Afghan security forces and civilian 

institutions, improve the performance of the Afghan justice system, and promote 

economic growth, all in the context of increased respect for human rights. More directly, I have personally advocated for the extension of services to abused women 

and children?. I have also strongly pushed for measures to address corruption. On 

rule of law, I have secured support for the new Attorney General to allow his office 

to pursue higher profile legal cases. Although much remains to be done, as a result 

of this U.S. government assistance, Afghans have made progress toward building a 

democratic system of governance that is credible, transparent and inclusive. 

Earlier, as U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, I led U.S. efforts to support Colombia 

as it transitioned from conflict towards peace. We worked closely with the Colombian government to promote respect for human rights and the rule of law and protect vulnerable citizens. I also focused directly on programs to provide services to 

victims of gender-based violence in areas affected by conflict; on the security of journalists facing death threats; on the right of trade union workers; on the promotion 

of LGBT rights; and on the importance of a more inclusive approach to the AfroColombian community. Colombia is now working toward a historic final peace accord, and I am confident this agreement will lead to continued progress on human 

rights issues. 

Similarly, as U.S. Ambassador to Peru, I implemented bilateral programs to support the Peruvian government’s anti-narcotics and alternative development efforts, 

improve governance, and advance social and economic inclusion for all Peruvians. 

As Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, I played a key role in formulating U.S. policies to promote 

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ance to refugees, stateless persons, conflict victims and vulnerable migrants. I also 

personally successfully advocated for the resumption of the U.S. government resettlement program that had been suspended after the September 11, 2001, attacks 

and worked to include the security enhancements needed to protect the program 

and allow us to resume resettling genuine refugees in our country. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Brazil? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Brazil? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The Brazilian government takes seriously its obligation to protect human 

rights and, although Brazil’s constitution and legal framework provide a robust 

structure for doing so, some areas of concern persist. As the Department of State 

has reported, Brazilian state police have committed unlawful killings, and conditions in some Brazilian prisons are poor and at times life-threatening. Other problems include corruption, sex trafficking, forced labor, as well as violence and discrimination against women, children, people of African descent, and other vulnerable populations. 

Brazil has made great strides on many of these fronts in recent years, but more 

needs to be done. If confirmed, I will continue to express our concerns regarding 

human rights abuses and urge the Brazilian government to continue making 

progress on these important issues. For example, some Brazilian authorities have 

expressed interest in learning from the U.S. experience with managing a large prison population in a way that respects the human rights of prisoners. If confirmed, 

I will continue to encourage dialogue between U.S. and Brazilian counterparts to 

exchange best practices with respect to prison management. In this way, I would 

hope to advance Brazilian authorities’ efforts to ensure prisons and detention centers are safe and humane for all inmates. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Brazil in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. Brazilian law includes ample protections of human rights, but implementation continues to be inconsistent. Authorities’ efforts to enforce the law have at 

times been insufficient, and there have been frequent delays in bringing violators 

to justice due to inefficiencies in Brazil’s judicial process. Another problem is that 

statistics on the nature and extent of certain human rights violations are lacking. 

For instance, while there are serious concerns regarding the use of lethal force by 

some Brazilian police, there are no official statistics regarding the exact number of 

people killed nationwide each year in police operations. Reporting suggests, however, that a disproportionate number of these victims are Afro-Brazilian males 

under 25 years of age. This trend has led to public outcry and intense debate among 

civil society and within Brazil’s Congress. 

I believe Brazil shares our perspective on the importance of advancing human 

rights, civil society, and democracy in general. At the same time, I recognize that 

with Brazil’s economy experiencing its worst recession in decades, Brazil is currently facing a difficult fiscal situation, and government resources are limited. If I 

am confirmed, one of my challenges as Ambassador will therefore be to encourage 

Brazil to continue to invest the resources needed to strengthen its democratic institutions, expand the role of civil society, and enforce the human rights protections 

contained in Brazilian law. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Brazil? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to meeting with civil society and other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States, as well as with local 

human rights NGOs in Brazil. Our U.S. Mission to Brazil regularly meets with civil 

society actors and NGOs to discuss bilateral and multilateral human rights issues, 

and if I am confirmed, I will pledge to do the same. 

I would also ensure that U.S. security assistance to Brazil and security cooperation activities with the Brazilian government continue to reinforce human rights, including by actively supporting the Leahy Law. We already enjoy an excellent security relationship with the Brazilian government thanks to our joint efforts to ensure 

the 2016 Olympics are safe and successful. At the Brazilian government’s request, 

we have been working together in a variety of areas, ranging from airport screening 

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procedures to managing entry/exit at stadiums to looking at how to prevent serious 

security incidents in and around major sporting events. This is in addition to ongoing programs and activities by various law enforcement and other agencies in Brazil 

that have helped bolster Brazilian security capacity. Overall, our training programs 

and exchanges have benefited over 3,800 Brazilian security officials. 

For each of these programs and exchanges, our U.S. Mission to Brazil has taken 

all necessary steps to ensure compliance with Leahy vetting requirements. When arranging for security assistance and organizing security cooperation activities, the 

Mission has worked hand in hand with the Department’s Bureau of Democracy, 

Human Rights, and Labor, which has in turn consulted closely with human rights 

NGOs like Amnesty International. When necessary, the Mission has evaluated Brazilian security forces down to the sub-unit level while clearing candidates for training. If confirmed, I will instruct my Embassy team to maintain the same level of 

rigor in Leahy vetting so as to ensure the continued momentum in our close security 

cooperation produces an even greater shared respect for human rights. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Brazil to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Brazil? 

Answer. As the State Department’s Human Rights Report has noted, there have 

been no reports of political prisoners or detainees in Brazil. Brazil’s constitution and 

law provide for freedom of speech and press, and the Brazilian government has 

mostly respected these rights. The government places no restrictions on academic 

freedom or cultural events. Brazilian law provides for the freedoms of assembly and 

association, and the government generally respects these rights. If confirmed, I will 

remain in close contact with the Brazilian government about these important issues, 

and I will emphasize our shared belief that these fundamental freedoms must always be respected. 

Question. Will you engage with Brazil on matters of human rights, civil rights and 

governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will dedicate my efforts to continuing to advance the broad 

and deep bilateral agenda that President Obama and President Rousseff outlined 

when she visited Washington in June 2015. Human rights, civil rights, and good 

governance form an integral part of that agenda.As the two largest democracies in 

the hemisphere, Brazil and the United States are natural partners on issues of 

human rights. We share democratic values and a determination to defend the rights 

of our peoples. The United States and Brazil have a longstanding commitment to 

promoting human rights, diversity, and racial, ethnic and gender equality. In 2010, 

we signed a MOU for the Advancement of Women, and in 2008, we created a Joint 

Action Plan to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic Discrimination and Promote Equality 

(JAPER). We are co-founding members of the Open Government Partnership, and 

in 2015, we created a U.S.-Brazil Global Human Rights Working Group to improve 

our coordination on human rights issues in multilateral fora. 

If confirmed, I will work to maintain the positive momentum our two countries 

have created in terms of addressing issues of human rights and social inclusion. For 

instance, our U.S. Mission to Brazil has been very engaged in organizing events addressing issues that impact women, refugees, indigenous groups, people of African 

descent, religious minorities, persons with disabilities, and LGBTI persons. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, I will ensure that these important policy and 

program engagements continue, and I will work to encourage collaborative action 

with government and civil society partners to promote human rights, civil rights, 

and good governance. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MCKINLEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Rio De Janeiro will host the 2016 Olympics August 5-21, 2016 and 

Paralymics September 7-18, 2016. The acting Governor of Rio de Janeiro has declared a state of financial disaster just before the host city celebrates the Olympic 

Games. 

♦ Does the country have enough resources to follow through on its commitments 

to protect people attending the Olympics? 

♦ Does the Brazilian government still believe it is safe for people to travel to Rio 

even though a group of 100 scientists formally wrote to disagree, stating that 

the Zika situation is too dire? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Answer. The Government of Brazil is fully committed to hosting a safe and successful Games, and is maintaining federal support for the Games. I understand the 

declaration of fiscal emergency will allow the State of Rio de Janeiro to access funds 

in advance of the Olympics to pay salaries, pay police overtime, and complete transportation projects. 

The Brazilian government has stated that there is a low public health risk related 

to Zika and the Olympics. The World Health Organization (WHO) and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) have stated that available evidence 

does not indicate there would be any meaningful public health impact from altering 

the schedule for the Games. All travelers to the Olympics should follow the recommendations outlined in the CDC’s travel notice. 

Question. In November 2015, Brazil’s Ministry of Health declared a ‘‘public health 

emergency of national importance’’ in response to a sharp increase in the number 

of infants born with microcephaly, a devastating birth defect caused by the Zika 

virus. Brazil’s Ministry of Health has confirmed more than 1,550 cases since October 2015 linked to the rise of Zika infection in the country. What actions has the 

Brazilian government taken to stop the spread of Zika, to educate and screen pregnant women, and to care for children born with microcephaly? 

Answer. Brazil has responded quickly and transparently in its efforts to combat 

the Zika virus and better understand its relationship to microcephaly, GuillainBarre Syndrome, and other neurological disorders. Brazil has launched a massive 

public awareness and vector control campaign, involving over 220,000 Brazilian 

armed forces and over 300,000 public health workers to conduct education campaigns and vector control measures in high-risk neighborhoods. In March, Brazil announced over $300 million in funding over the next three years to combat the Zika 

virus. We understand that Brazil is also working at the state and federal levels with 

the World Bank to reallocate existing program funds towards strengthening surveillance, maternal and child health and rehabilitation, and training for health workers. 

Question. The U.S. Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention has been working 

with Brazil’s Ministry of Health since early November 2015 to understand the sudden increase in microcephaly and the impacts of Zika infection during pregnancy. 

What lessons have been learned from the widespread Zika infections in Brazil? 

Answer. There is extensive and high-level engagement between the U.S. government and the Government of Brazil on Zika virus and associated complications. The 

Brazilian Ministry of Health and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) are working in close collaboration on studies exploring the link between 

Zika virus and microcephaly and Guillain-Barre Syndrome. 

The CDC, along with the Brazilian Ministry of Health, launched in February the 

largest case control study analyzing the link between Zika and microcephaly. CDC 

scientists have announced there is enough evidence to conclude that Zika virus infection during pregnancy is a cause of microcephaly and other severe fetal brain defects and has been linked to problems in infants, including eye defects, hearing loss, 

and impaired growth. These studies have increased our understanding of who is at 

risk from Zika infection, in what stages of pregnancy is Zika able to cause 

neurologic problems, and helped target guidance and prevention to those populations. 

Brazilian scientists and the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) are also collaborating on a study on Zika in pregnancy which will provide essential information 

on microcephaly and the full range of other health problems that Zika virus infection during pregnancy may cause. Other NIH collaborations with Brazilian institutions are developing various Zika vaccines and a potential vaccine for both Zika and 

dengue fever. The CDC is working with the Brazilian Ministry of Health on better 

Zika surveillance and innovative ways to control the mosquito vector that spreads 

the disease. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) is also 

working with Brazil to develop faster, more definitive testing methods for Zika. 

These efforts have helped Brazil combat Zika, and help U.S. citizens that are exposed to Zika to be rapidly diagnosed and managed appropriately. If confirmed, I 

will ensure we maintain the highest-level engagement, as our current Ambassador 

has done, to ensure U.S.-Brazil cooperation on Zika remains robust. 

Question. According to the State Department, Brazil is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children exploited in forced labor and sex 

trafficking. The State Department rates Brazil a ‘‘Tier 2’’ in its 2015 Trafficking in 

Persons Report, asserting that the Brazilian government ‘‘does not fully comply with 

the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking’’ but ‘‘is making significant 

efforts to do so.’’ Although, the Brazilian government has improved data collection 

on victim identification, strengthened penalties for child sex traffickers, and continFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ued awareness-raising efforts, Brazilian statutes prohibits trafficking do not align 

with international law and Brazil convicts relatively few traffickers given the scale 

of the problem. If confirmed, what is your plan to work with the Brazilian government to comply with the standards set in the State Department Trafficking in Persons Report? 

Answer. If I am confirmed, I will redouble the State Department’s calls for Brazil 

to increase its efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking offenses and impose 

sentences commensurate with the severity of the offense. I will encourage Brazil’s 

Congress to advance legislation to harmonize the definition of trafficking with the 

2000 U.N. Trafficking in Persons Protocol and increase the minimum sentences for 

anti-trafficking crimes. My understanding is that a draft of this legislation has already been introduced, in 2014. 

I will also call on Brazil to continue improving coordination and collaboration between judges and prosecutors in trafficking cases so as to arrive at final convictions 

more quickly. To ensure victims are identified and cared for, I will urge the Brazilian government to partner with civil society to offer specialized, comprehensive 

services to victims of sex trafficking and forced labor and to provide officials working 

at social service centers with sufficient funding and training. I will also voice support for the Brazilian government’s ongoing efforts to implement awareness-raising 

campaigns and other preventive initiatives. In these ways, I will, if confirmed, support Brazil’s continued progress toward meeting the standards for the elimination 

of trafficking in persons, as defined by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MCKINLEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. If confirmed, you may need to interact with Interim President Temer 

and/or his interim government. How do you see yourself dealing with the challenges 

of an interim government setting? If political turmoil continues in Brazil, how will 

that affect U.S. interests in Brazil? In the region? How would an elongated interim 

government affect your agenda for the coming year? 

Answer. I recognize Brazil is facing a challenging political moment, but I am confident Brazil will work through its political challenges democratically and in accordance with constitutional principles. Furthermore, I believe our relationship with 

Brazil will remain strong and the United States will have ample opportunities to 

engage with the Brazilian government on our bilateral, regional, and global priorities even as Brazil’s domestic political situation plays out. 

If I am confirmed, I will seek to work with the Brazilian government to continue 

implementing the broad, forward-looking agenda President Obama and President 

Rousseff laid out when she visited Washington in June 2015. Acting President 

Temer and several of his ministers have expressed interest in building upon the momentum we have established in our bilateral cooperation since that visit. I anticipate our two countries will continue to engage via our some 20 major bilateral dialogues, which address trade and investment, human rights, climate change, internet 

and information and communications technology, defense, and a host of other topics. 

For example, we are holding our U.S.-Brazil Commercial Dialogue June 28-29 in 

Washington, and we are pressing forward with our bilateral cooperation on the 2016 

Summer Olympics and fighting the spread of the Zika virus. 

Question. While most U.S.-Brazil trade declined last year, the U.S. was able to 

maintain a merchandise trade surplus with Brazil valued at $4.2 billion. Indeed, the 

United States remains Brazil’s second-largest trade partner, behind China. As ambassador, how would you promote the U.S. merchandise exports to Brazil to ensure 

that we remain competitive with China in Brazil’s market? What other economic 

sectors do you think have the potential to increase U.S.-Brazil trade? 

Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil, continuing to develop our 

commercial ties with Brazil would be a key focus of mine. Annual two-way trade 

in goods and services between our countries is already considerable, having reached 

$100 billion in recent years, but we can increase it even more. If confirmed, I will 

dedicate my efforts to advancing our leaders’ vision of doubling trade within ten 

years, and I will work with Brazil to lower trade barriers and spur additional 

growth in our trade and investment relationship. 

We are advancing the trade relationship through a number of important dialogues, including the U.S.-Brazil Commission on Economic and Trade Relations 

under the Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation, the Commercial Dialogue, and the U.S.-Brazil CEO Forum. In March of this year, for the first-time ever, 

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a meeting of the U.S.-Brazil Commission on Economic and Trade Relations was held 

at the ministerial level. Recognizing the importance of the manufacturing sector as 

a key driver of economic growth in both countries, the United States and Brazil 

agreed in principle at the ATEC to establish an ongoing dialogue on policies that 

promote investment in manufacturing. 

From manufacturing to energy, retail to high-tech, our firms trade with and invest in Brazil. The United States is Brazil’s largest source of foreign direct investment (FDI), with a stock value of $70 billion. The Government of Brazil actively encourages FDI, particularly in the automobile, renewable energy, life sciences, oil and 

gas, and transportation infrastructure sectors. In his inaugural speech in May, Brazilian Foreign Minister Serra said, in the short-term, Brazil should focus on removing non-tariff barriers to trade and regulations that obstruct trade. We are working 

with Brazil in those concrete areas, including standards, trade facilitation, and innovation, through the June 28-29 Commercial Dialogue. 

Question. With the Olympic Games taking place in Rio this summer, Brazil must 

gird itself for the possibility of terrorist threats. What steps would you recommend 

Brazil take to increase security for the Games? Would you recommend increased security for areas that will likely attract Western tourists? What steps would you take 

to ramp up security at the U.S. Embassy should a terrorist attack occur? 

Answer. The Government of Brazil (GOB) is committed to hosting a safe and successful Olympic and Paralympic Games, and we are confident in Brazil’s ability to 

deliver on that commitment. The 2014 Brazil World Cup tournament was a success, 

and we expect the same outcome for the Olympics and Paralympics. The GOB is 

deploying a security force of 85,000 for the Rio Olympics, which is more than twice 

as many as were deployed for the London Olympics. There is an increasing awareness in Brazil of the threat of terrorism, and we are pleased that Brazil passed a 

new counterterrorism law in March of this year, which defines and criminalizes terrorism and terrorist financing. This legislation has opened up new channels of security cooperation between our two governments. 

At the Brazilian government’s request, we have been working together in a variety of areas, ranging from airport screening procedures to managing entry/exit at 

stadiums to looking at how to prevent serious security incidents in and around 

major sporting events. We have facilitated visits to the United States for Brazilian 

security personnel to observe our mega event security management and command 

and control centers during events like the Boston Marathon, a PGA golf tournament, the U.N. General Assembly, and the Super Bowl. We have been able to 

support a variety of Brazilian requests for subject matter exchanges in areas such 

as protection of soft targets, drones, suicide bombers, behavioral observation and 

suspicious activity recognition, and chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear explosion response (CBRNE)—over one hundred such trainings in all. Overall, our 

training programs and exchanges have benefited over 3,800 Brazilian security officials. 

The U.S. government is also engaged in extensive contingency planning for various security and/or medical incidents. We have emergency action plans in place 

that we will follow in these types of situations. We will also have an inter-agency 

Joint Operations Center in place at U.S. Consulate General Rio de Janeiro that will 

be able to monitor all security situations and liaise with host government officials. 

Question. The Brazilian government has taken a number of positive steps toward 

investigating the cause of the Zika virus and educating its citizens about the risks 

of being infected. However, with the Olympic Games coming to Rio, some worry that 

the steep uptick in visitors could cause infection rates around the world to skyrocket. What steps, if any, is Brazil taking to increase health security and awareness among Brazilian citizens as well as foreign visitors for the Games? Will U.S. 

health organizations be involved in any kind of awareness campaign? If confirmed, 

how would you advise the U.S. government propose to help, if at all? 

Answer. Brazil is working very hard to protect the health and safety of all of the 

athletes and spectators attending the Games in Brazil, including through public 

awareness campaigns and vector control efforts at Olympic sites, and we continue 

to be supportive of those efforts to protect those who are participating in the Games. 

The Brazilian Government has also emphasized that the Olympic Games will take 

place during Rio de Janeiro’s winter, when the population of mosquitos is low. 

The World Health Organization and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) have stated available evidence does not indicate there would be any 

meaningful public health impact from altering the schedule for the Games. All travelers to the Olympics should follow the recommendations outlined in the CDC’s 

travel notice. 

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The U.S. government, including the State Department and the Department of 

Health and Human Services—and its CDC—is coordinating an extensive public relations campaign for travelers to the Olympics. The U.S. government has launched 

the #USinRio campaign for travelers to the Olympics. As part of this campaign, our 

Ambassador to Brazil filmed a welcome video and launched a blog 

(www.usmissionbrazil.org/usinrio). The #USinRio campaign advises U.S. citizens 

traveling to Brazil to visit travel.state.gov, a one-stop shop containing travel information on security, authorized ticket sellers, and emergency contact information for 

the embassy, consulates, and consular agencies. State’s Olympic and Paralympic 

Fact Sheet on travel.state.gov contains links to essential resources such as the U.S. 

Mission to Brazil’s Olympics Brochure, the #USinRio smartphone app (which includes information on hospitals, emergency services, links to the CDC for information on Zika and other health issues, and consular information), and the CDC Travel Notice on the Zika virus. 

U.S. authorities intend to disseminate our information regarding travel to the 

Olympics broadly, including by highlighting it on travel.state.gov, through our passport agencies and acceptance facilities, in travel and sports publications, and via official social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. The Department has also developed a tri-fold flier for printing and distribution. Uber, 

Starbucks, McDonald’s, and Airbnb representatives have agreed to assist with disseminating the tri-fold flier and contact cards in Brazil. 

Question. With increased violence from drug trafficking in the Northern Triangle, 

what effect has this unrest had on Brazil? What efforts is Brazil taking to increase 

its borders against violence and drug trafficking? In your opinion, is there anything 

more the U.S. could do to help? 

Answer. Violence related to drug trafficking and gangs in the Northern Triangle 

has had little direct impact on Brazil, but drug trafficking in general continues to 

be an issue for Brazil. Brazil is a major transit and destination country for cocaine, 

and the Brazilian drug trade is controlled by large, violent, and well-organized drug 

trafficking organizations operating throughout the country. 

The Brazilian government recognizes the seriousness of the situation, and it is 

committed to combating drug trafficking and addressing its growing domestic consumption problem. Brazil continues to implement supply reduction, prevention, and 

treatment programs under its 2010 National Integrated Plan to Confront Crack and 

Other Drugs. Brazil is a party to the three U.N. drug conventions, and it also maintains bilateral narcotics control agreements with the United States and every country in South America. Brazil cooperates with programs administered by the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, the Organization of American States’ Inter-American Drug 

Abuse Control Commission, and INTERPOL. The Brazilian military is also piloting 

an integrated frontier monitoring system on a limited basis. Brazil eventually hopes 

to expand this system to cover its entire border. 

The best way for the United States to support Brazil’s efforts is to continue deepening our work with Brazilian security counterparts. In recent years, we have provided significant training support to Brazilian law enforcement. In 2015, the United 

States provided 26 courses for almost 1,000 officers. If I am confirmed, I will seek 

opportunities to deepen our bilateral cooperation in this important area and further 

build Brazil’s capacity to combat narcotics trafficking. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE MCKINLEY’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR MARKEY

Question. Ambassador McKinley, many experts are concerned that the prevalence 

of Zika in Brazil at a time when over half a million people are expected to visit Rio 

for the Summer Olympics could elevate the risk that Zika will spread. Given the 

current political crisis and the financial situation in Brazil: 

How prepared is Brazil to deal with the Zika epidemic, not only during 

the Olympics but also in the long term? 

Answer. Brazil has responded quickly and transparently in its efforts to combat 

the Zika virus and better understand its relationship to microcephaly, GuillainBarre Syndrome, and other neurological disorders. Brazil has launched a massive 

public awareness campaign and is working together with the U.S. government on 

research and development on vaccines and treatments; further development of diagnostic tests; studies to provide a better understanding of the virus and its clinical 

outcomes; and improved control of the mosquito vector. 

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Brazil is also working very hard to protect the health and safety of all of the 

world-class athletes and spectators attending the Games in Brazil, including 

through vector control efforts at Olympic sites, and we continue to be supportive of 

those efforts to protect those who are participating in the Games. The Brazilian government has also emphasized that the Olympic Games will take place during Rio 

de Janeiro’s winter, when the population of mosquitos is low. 

The World Health Organization and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have stated that available evidence does not indicate there would be any 

meaningful public health impact from altering the schedule for the Games. All travelers to the Olympics should follow the recommendations outlined in the CDC’s 

travel notice. 

Question. Is Brazil currently investing enough in controlling and preventing Zika? 

Where will money needed for health sector investments come from as Brazil economy faces the deepest recession in generations? 

Answer. Brazil has significantly invested in efforts to control and prevent Zika 

and associated neurological disorders. In March, Brazil announced over $300 million 

in funding over the next three years to combat the Zika virus. The government 

plans to redirect existing resources to meet this goal. 

Brazil has launched a massive public awareness and vector control campaign, involving over 220,000 Brazilian armed forces and over 300,000 public health workers 

to conduct education campaigns and vector control measures in high-risk neighborhoods. 

In Brazil’s Northeast region, the region hardest hit by the Zika crisis, there have 

been increased demands for health services due to the Zika crisis. Hospitals are 

prioritizing care for pregnant women, children, and elderly patients. 

Brazil is also working at the state and federal levels with the World Bank to reallocate existing program funds towards strengthening surveillance, maternal and 

child health and rehabilitation, and training for health workers. 

Question. What can you do as Ambassador to help them focus on this? What kind 

of help can we give them to prevent the further spread of Zika? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure we maintain the highest-level engagement, as 

our current Ambassador has done, to ensure U.S.-Brazil cooperation on Zika remains robust. In February, the U.S. Ambassador to Brazil launched a Zika Task 

Force that is facilitating communication, interagency coordination, and follow-on actions, and is attentive to the implications on consular matters, management decisions, public messaging, commercial interests, and political repercussions of the disease. 

There is extensive and high-level engagement between the U.S. government and 

the Government of Brazil on Zika virus and associated complications. The Brazilian 

Ministry of Health and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), National Institutes of 

Health (NIH), Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and Biomedical Advance Development and Research Authority (BARDA), are working in collaboration to analyze, validate, and exchange information about the Zika outbreak, facilitate the development and availability of medical products to respond to Zika, spearhead biomedical research related to Zika, and address medical countermeasure needs for the 

Zika response. 

Brazilian scientists and NIH are also collaborating on a study on Zika in pregnancy which will provide essential information on microcephaly and the full range 

of other health problems that Zika virus infection during pregnancy may cause. 

Other NIH and collaborations with Brazilian institutions are developing various 

Zika vaccines and a potential vaccine for both Zika and dengue fever. BARDA and 

FDA are providing technical and regulatory assistance to aid Brazil in developing 

vaccines. The CDC is working with the Brazilian Ministry of Health on better Zika 

surveillance and innovative ways to control the mosquito vector that spreads the 

disease. The CDC is also working in close collaboration on studies exploring the link 

between Zika virus and microcephaly and Guillain-Barre Syndrome. 

These efforts have helped Brazil combat Zika, and help U.S. citizens that are exposed to Zika to be rapidly diagnosed and managed appropriately. If confirmed, I 

would continue and expand our engagement with Brazil to combat the spread of 

Zika. 

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RESPONSES OF LAWRENCE SILVERMAN, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR

TO KUAIT, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SILVERMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have been directly involved in our efforts to promote respect for human 

rights in every overseas post in which I have served. In Turkey and as Director of 

the Turkey desk in Washington, I led the successful diplomatic effort to gain the 

Turkish government’s opening of what we believe was the first women’s shelter for 

victims of trafficking. In Syria, Jordan, Namibia (then under South African rule) 

and Turkey, I monitored human rights issues and contributed to the human rights 

reporting, including preparation of the annual Human Rights Report. I have pressed 

foreign governments on such priorities as freedom of speech and the press, judicial 

independence, fair and transparent trials, women’s and minority communities, proper treatment of detainees and prisoners, and the encouragement of laws against conflict of interest, therefore reducing the potential for corruption. While responsible for 

our assistance programs in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe, I encouraged and oversaw programs to eliminate discrimination against minorities, monitor elections for fairness, improve labor laws, stop trafficking in persons and supported the development of civil society. I also pressed for the release 

of detainees in Ukraine and democratic reform in such authoritarian states as 

Belarus. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Kuwait? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Kuwait? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. Kuwait has made progress in upholding and expanding protections for 

human rights over the past decade, but more work remains to be done. Women were 

granted the right to vote in 2005, the private sector labor law was passed in 2010, 

an Anti-Human Trafficking law was passed in 2013, under which, for the first time, 

Kuwait convicted eight traffickers in 2015, and most recently, the first domestic 

worker law was passed in 2015, although it is yet to be implemented. With the passage of legislative reform comes the requirement to properly implement the law, and 

I believe this is where our assistance and raising these issues can be used to good 

effect. 

First, I believe the plight of domestic workers (numbering over 300,000) must remain a priority. These individuals are subjected to the worst forms of labor abuse 

and I am encouraged that the government has passed a law providing domestic 

workers in Kuwait enforceable rights for the first time. U.S. training and expertise 

to assist the Kuwaiti authorities in the implementation of these laws could improve 

the plight of these workers. 

Promoting women’s rights is also a priority. Kuwait has one of the largest female 

labor participation rates among the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council 

(GCC), and I believe we could see progress with the empowerment of women in all 

sectors. However, despite the fact that four women won seats in Parliament following the 2009 elections, there are no women in the current Parliament, and only 

one woman in the cabinet (holding two ministerial portfolios). Kuwaiti women married to non-Kuwaitis are also unable to pass on citizenship to their children. Kuwaitis are having an important conversation within their society on the value and importance of women’s rights, and I believe that with continued engagement from the 

United States, additional progress can be made to increase political participation 

and representation, and ensure greater equality in both law and practice. 

Finally, we need to continue to focus on upholding freedom of expression. Kuwait 

has one of the most liberal societies in the GCC region. Following protests in 2012 

for government reforms, there were increased government restrictions on freedom 

of expression, and legislation was passed that restricts expression online and in 

print media, but we are starting to see what we hope will be a reversal of that 

trend, which provides an opening for us to press local leaders to initiate reforms 

that safeguard freedom of expression and promotes greater religious tolerance and 

freedom of conscience. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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will you face in Kuwait in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. There are factors that have constrained democratic development in Kuwait: geo-political events play a major role in Kuwaiti politics and governance, leading authorities to at times slow democratic development. Kuwait has experienced 

significant social change over the past few years and Kuwaiti society is still absorbing the passage of a number of important laws, such as suffrage laws and more recently, labor reforms. These laws hold both the Kuwaiti government and Kuwaitis 

accountable to a greater degree than in the past and may meet resistance by some 

in implementation. These challenges must not hinder progress. I will continue to 

press for the advancement of democracy, human rights, and the rights of civil society. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Kuwait? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. Yes, I am absolutely committed to meeting with local and international 

civil society organizations. Civil society activism exists in Kuwait, and I believe the 

embassy has a critical role to play in fostering an atmosphere in which local NGOs 

can grow and mature and play an effective role in advocating for positive change. 

I will ensure continued compliance with the Leahy Law through the application of 

Leahy vetting for all military and law enforcement personnel who receive training 

from U.S. military and law enforcement. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Kuwait to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Kuwait? 

Answer. Yes. I am prepared to actively engage with the Kuwait government to 

address such cases. As I stated above, I will continue to push Kuwait to uphold freedom of expression, association, and assembly. 

Question. Will you engage with Kuwait on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. I believe that all three of these issues must go together in order to 

create an effective and engaged civil society. Kuwait is on a pathway to make 

progress in all three of these areas and particularly as it approaches elections in 

2017, we must continue to make human rights, civil rights, and governance a central pillar of our bilateral mission. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SILVERMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Last week the New York Times reported that dozens of diplomats and 

other mid-level officials filed a dissent memo with the State Department’s senior 

leadership calling for military strikes against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. According to the New York Times a draft of the memo stated that ‘‘the status quo in 

Syria will continue to present increasingly dire, if not disastrous, humanitarian, diplomatic, and terrorism-related challenges’’ and that ‘‘it is time for the United States, 

guided by our strategic interests and moral convictions, lead a global effort to put 

an end to this conflict once and for all.’’ 

♦ Do you know the diplomats and other mid-level officials who signed this dissent 

memo? 

Answer. I know some of them. 

Question. Do any of them report to you in your current capacity as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State? 

Answer. None of them report directly to me. In my capacity as Deputy Assistant 

Secretary for Syria, Jordan and Lebanon, some of them report to people who report 

to me. 

Question. Do you agree with the conclusions of the memo? 

Answer. These are extremely tough issues: How to get a successful, cessation of 

hostilities; how to ensure full, unimpeded humanitarian access to all Syrians in 

need; and how to bring about a genuine political transition in accordance with the 

Geneva Communique. We are also working all-day, every day to defeat Da’esh in 

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Syria, Iraq and elsewhere. That’s what we are trying to do, and there are regular, 

frank discussions about how best to go about it. We are very focused on getting the 

cessation of hostilities enforced nationwide in an enduring way and getting humanitarian assistance to the still millions of Syrians in need. We do not believe there 

is a military solution to this conflict, so we are working to bring about a political 

solution, which includes a transition away from Asad. 

Question. If not, what elements of their argument do you disagree with? 

Answer. We do not believe that there is a military solution to this conflict. Rather, 

we are working to bring about a political solution that includes a transition away 

from Asad.Questions for the Record Submitted to 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SILVERMAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Kuwaiti officials have publicly stated that they would conform to a 

Saudi-Russia agreement to freeze oil production at January 2016 existing levels— 

a move that some producers have said could stabilize world oil process. As U.S. ambassador, how, if at all, would you go about advising the Kuwaiti government about 

this deal? Would you see yourself having a role in regional discussions should the 

deal go forward? 

Answer. The United States believes that market forces should determine the price 

of oil. If asked by the Kuwaiti government to provide advice about oil production 

deals, I would advise that the U.S. government does not take a position on oil prices 

and that market forces, not governments or organizations, should determine the 

price of oil. As the Ambassador to Kuwait, I would regularly confer with fellow U.S. 

ambassadors in the region, U.S. government officials in Washington leading our approach on energy issues, high-level Kuwaiti government officials, and international 

oil companies doing business in Kuwait. 

Question. The US coalition has benefitted greatly from Kuwait’s willingness to 

serve as a base of operations for the coalition against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. As 

you reference in your testimony, Kuwait has also experienced a terrorist attack at 

the hands of an ISIS fighter. However, Kuwait has not participated in actual military operations against ISIS with the coalition in Iraq or Syria. They did participate 

in military operations in Yemen on behalf of the Saudi coalition there. Why do you 

think Kuwait has chosen to join forces in Yemen against the Houthis, but not to 

join forces in Iraq and Syria against ISIS? As ambassador, would you encourage the 

Kuwaiti government to reconsider? 

Answer. Kuwait’s access, basing, and overflight for Operation Inherent Resolve is 

critical to the Coalition’s ability to conduct operations to defeat ISIL, as is Kuwait’s 

longtime hosting of Army Central Command. In addition to this military support, 

the Kuwaitis have made important contributions along several lines of effort in the 

battle against ISIL, including support for Iraqi Prime Minister al-Abadi’s government; the contribution of billions in humanitarian assistance to the people of Syria, 

Iraq, and the neighbors hosting refugees; stabilization of liberated areas in Iraq; the 

deferral of Iraq’s reparation payments; and the countering of ISIL’s messaging. 

We are encouraging the Kuwaitis to increase their contributions to the campaign, 

an effort I would continue if confirmed. 

Question. Kuwaiti relations with Iran are complicated, however, diplomatically, 

they are relatively normal. Some speculate that Kuwait’s engagement with Iran has 

allowed Kuwait to position itself to mediate talks between Saudi Arabia and the 

Houthis. Do you see this engagement with Iran as a positive or a negative for U.S. 

interests in Kuwait? In the region? Do you think this engagement could lead to 

more sympathy for the Iranian regime? 

Answer. At the Camp David U.S.-GCC Summit in May 2015, President Obama, 

the Amir of Kuwait, and other GCC leaders all stated that they ‘‘oppose and will 

work together to counter Iran’s destabilizing activities in the region’’ and called on 

Iran to ‘‘take concrete, practical steps to build trust and resolve its differences with 

neighbors by peaceful means.’’ To this end, we have worked with our GCC partners 

to accelerate arms transfers and improve their military preparedness, ballistic missile defense, counterterrorism, and cyber capabilities, so that they can face any Iranian aggression from a position of strength. 

This April, when they met in Riyadh at the U.S.-GCC summit, the Amir and 

other GCC leaders discussed with President Obama the challenges posed by Iran’s 

problematic regional activities, and they underscored the importance of an inclusive 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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approach to de-escalating regional conflicts. Kuwait withdrew its ambassador to 

Tehran in January, in protest against the attacks on the Saudi Arabian diplomatic 

mission in Iran; other GCC countries also downgraded or broke diplomatic relations 

with Iran. 

Kuwait has not yet returned its ambassador. Kuwait, like the other GCC countries, has expressed a willingness to engage with Iran in order to resolve regional 

issues but stresses that Iran must be a good neighbor and cease its interference in 

domestic internal affairs of other countries. The U.S. has a strong national interest 

in promoting regional stability, a goal we share with Kuwait. The Kuwaitis remain 

key partners in our efforts to de-escalate and resolve regional conflicts by peaceful 

means, including by facilitating the current negotiations on Yemen. 

Question. The State department Trafficking in Persons report for 2015 ranked Kuwait as a ‘‘Tier 3’’ country for the eighth year in a row, meaning that the government is not making sufficient efforts to comply with minimum standards of the 

elimination of trafficking. Though Kuwait passed a new human trafficking law in 

2013, it seems that there is little interest in pursuing prosecutions under the law. 

Why do you think that is? Do you think the U.S. should respond, given the extent 

of U.S. involvement in the country? If so, how? What would you do, as ambassador, 

to push them to take steps to improve their rating? 

Answer. Trafficking in persons has indeed been a significant problem in Kuwait 

and remains a serious concern of the U.S., but we are starting to see progress. In 

2015, for the first time, Kuwait prosecuted cases under the 2013 human trafficking 

law. This is an important step to deter as well as punish traffickers, and one that 

needs to continue. 

The establishment of the Anti-Human Trafficking Department within the Ministry of Interior in 2015 was another positive step. Kuwait also passed the first-ever 

domestic workers law, with enforceable rights, in 2015, although we are still awaiting its implementation. This law will need to be implemented properly, and our ongoing assistance and advocacy on these issues can be used to improve the situation 

of these workers. 

The plight of domestic workers will remain a priority for Embassy Kuwait. If confirmed, I will press for further progress to eliminate human trafficking and enhance 

respect for domestic workers’ rights, and will support U.S. training and expertise 

to facilitate Kuwait’s implementation of these laws. 

It would also be useful for Kuwait to address the cultural norms that sometimes 

enable the abuse of domestic workers. Public awareness campaigns, carried out with 

the support of International Organization for Migration (IOM), International Labor 

Organization (ILO), local non-governmental organizations, and government labor officials, could change societal perceptions towards this vulnerable workforce, bring 

about a safer work environment, and substantially reduce trafficking. 

Question. Kuwait’s political system which incorporates secular and Islamist political factions is widely seen as a model for the region. As U.S. ambassador, would 

you seek to engage in dialogue with other nations in the region who are struggling 

to unite secular and religious factions under the umbrella of civil society? 

Answer. Kuwait is unique in the region for its tradition of constitutional, 

participatory governance, as exemplified by its independent parliament. The continuation of democratic development in Kuwait is in the U.S. interest. If I am confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, I will focus on encouraging further progress with respect to democracy in Kuwait. I would maintain our priority on supporting human 

rights, the growth of civil society, and the protection of freedom of expression. Our 

Missions to the other countries in the region are engaging with those governments 

on the development of democracy. 

RESPONSES OF CAROL Z. PEREZ, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERATIVE

REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PEREZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. Throughout my career I have supported human rights and promoted democracy. During my tenure in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, I worked to provide rule of law and justice programs that helped 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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fragile states protect their citizens and ensure accountability for violations of their 

human rights. In Central America, our programs improved citizen security, reduced 

drug trafficking and transnational organized crime, and helped reduce the dangerous irregular migration and trafficking of unaccompanied children to the United 

States. In the Caribbean and Central and Southeast Asia, I engaged with government officials and civil society to improve justice systems, build new, humane prisons and introduce alternatives to incarceration. In Ukraine, I worked to transform 

the police and justice services, building the capacity of a new generation of rule of 

law practitioners. In Milan, I facilitated dialogue among Northern Italy’s growing 

immigrant population with the center-right, often xenophobic local and regional governments, promoting inclusion and finding ways to counter violent extremism. If 

confirmed, I look forward to continue promoting human rights and democracy as 

Ambassador to Chile. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Chile? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in Chile? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. The United States and Chile are bound by shared interests and values, 

including a commitment to democracy and human rights. If confirmed, I would continue our cooperation in multilateral organizations such as the United Nations, 

where Chile is a staunch ally in global human rights. In 2014, Chile’s leadership 

at the U.N. Human Rights Council led to the passage of the second-ever U.N. resolution on violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. 

We applaud the Chilean government’s continued efforts to find answers in cases 

of human rights violations during the Pinochet dictatorship. If confirmed, I will ensure our Embassy continues to support the family members in their search for justice for Boris Weisfeiler, a U.S. citizen who disappeared while hiking in southern 

Chile in 1985. The victims and families in cases of human rights violations must 

be able to seek justice, regardless of when those acts were committed. 

The Department of State is concerned by the recent wave of attacks on churches 

of several denominations. If confirmed, I would continue the dialogue about security 

and religious freedom with the government, civil society, and religious institutions. 

The attacks on churches and other properties are believed to be committed by a 

small number of private actors and are taking place within the larger context of an 

ongoing conflict between the Mapuche indigenous community and the Chilean government. If confirmed, I will also continue our engagement with the Mapuche and 

other indigenous groups to support their peaceful political participation. Chileans 

have called on authorities to fully investigate these crimes, and the Chilean government is working to provide security for rural churches in the Araucania region. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Chile in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. The United States and Chile maintain an open dialogue on advancing 

human rights, engaging civil society, and strengthening democracy around the 

world. If confirmed, I would look forward to continuing that and working with the 

Chilean government, law enforcement, civil society groups, religious institutions, 

and the private sector to promote the human rights, particularly of LGBTI persons 

and other marginalized groups. 

The United States and Chile work closely together in multilateral organizations 

including the Open Government Partnership to promote transparency and access to 

public services, and the Community of Democracies, where Chile, as a member of 

the Executive Committee, supports sharing best practices to strengthen the world’s 

democracies. Chile is also a member of the Global Equality Fund, supporting civil 

society in combatting violence and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation 

or gender identity. If confirmed, I would seek to continue the open dialogue with 

Chile about promoting human rights around the world—leveraging our cooperation 

in multilateral institutions while also encouraging Chile’s leadership on regional 

issues; for example, ensuring human rights in Venezuela and Cuba. I would also 

continue to support family members of U.S. citizen victims who continue to seek answers regarding human rights crimes that were committed during the Pinochet era. 

Finally, despite Chile’s global leadership in advancing LGBTI rights, we remain 

concerned about reports of three Chileans murdered and dozens injured in 

homophobic attacks in 2015, and sadly, violent incidents against LGBTI persons 

continued in 2016. In light of these attacks, many Chileans recognize protections for 

LGBTI individuals as a clear human rights issue due to the work of Chile’s dynamic 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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civil society. If confirmed, I would work with the Chilean government and civil society to take meaningful steps in advancing the human rights of LGBTI persons at 

home and around the globe. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Chile? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. The United States and Chile share interests, concerns and, most importantly, values, including the importance of civil society engagement in a democracy. 

If confirmed, I would strengthen our already close working relationship with human 

rights, civil society, and non-governmental organizations in the United States and 

Chile. 

As a member of the INL FO team, I ensured my offices and our programs completely met Leahy requirements. This included funding officers dedicated to Leahy 

vetting for our large Colombia, CARSI and Mexico programs. I also was involved 

in authoring the standard text for the Department’s interagency agreements, and 

for INL’s international organization agreements and contracts and grants, all of 

which require that our partners adhere to the Leahy rules and requirements. Finally, with responsibility for oversight of the INL Air Wing, I ensured my team vetted all foreign national air crews that we trained and/or used for counter narcotic 

efforts. If confirmed, I will be equally diligent in ensuring that the embassy continues to adhere to the Leahy rules and requirements. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Chile to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Chile? 

Answer. There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees in 2015, although some indigenous Mapuche convicted of criminal offenses claimed to be political prisoners. Chile has an independent and impartial judiciary in civil matters 

that permits individuals to seek civil remedies for human rights violations. However, the civil justice system retains antiquated and inefficient procedures. If confirmed, I would work with the Chilean judicial system to share best practices in 

modern, efficient judicial practices. 

Question. Will you engage with Chile on matters of human rights, civil rights and 

governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to work with Chile on human rights, civil 

rights, the engagement of civil society, and governance. Chile is a model democracy, 

well-known for its dedication to the principles of transparency, freedom of expression, and an independent judiciary. Chile routinely scores high marks for good governance, openness, and rule-of-law. Chile ranked 23 out of 168 countries on Transparency International’s 2015 Corruption Perceptions Index, the second highest in 

Latin America. 

Together, the United States and Chile can continue to take meaningful steps in 

advancing the human rights of LGBTI persons at home and around the globe. 

Through the work of Chile’s dynamic civil society, many Chileans recognize combating violence and discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity as a clear human rights issue. Chile’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs shares this 

perspective, and said the country’s foreign policy is ‘‘characterized by support for the 

promotion and respect of human rights, including LGBTI rights.’’ 

Question. What is your assessment of whether the U.S.-Chile Free Trade Agreement is living up to its full potential? Additionally, what efforts will you take to 

prioritize trade facilitation, including working with key institutions such as OPIC, 

TDA (Trade and Development Agency) and the Foreign Commercial Service? 

Answer. The U.S.-Chile FTA has benefitted both our countries. The United States 

has long been the largest source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Chile. According to USTR, Chile is our 28th largest goods trading partner with $24 billion in 

total (two way) goods trade during 2015. The United States had a trade surplus of 

$6.68 billion in 2015 with Chile. U.S. exports totaled $15.45 billion while imports 

totaled $8.77 billion. U.S.-Chile trade in goods has quadrupled since our bilateral 

FTA entered into force in 2004. Over the past several decades, Chile has experienced some of the most robust growth rates in the region and is now by many estimates the wealthiest economy in Latin America-thanks in large part to its embrace 

of an economic model characterized by openness to trade and investment. TPP provides an important opportunity to advance our commercial relationship and ensures 

the United States improves our competitive position in the Chilean market. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1025 

Reducing trade transaction costs through trade facilitation reforms will assist 

U.S. exporters and small and medium sized enterprises reach new customers in the 

developing world. The successful conclusion of the World Trade Organization (WTO) 

Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) in 2013 was a major milestone that will help 

streamline customs procedures, increase customs transparency, and speed the flow 

of goods across borders. The United States is a strong proponent of this agreement, 

which according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 

(OECD), could reduce trade costs by almost 12 percent for OECD countries like 

Chile when fully implemented. If confirmed, I will encourage the government of 

Chile to expeditiously ratify and implement the TFA. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with OPIC, the Foreign Commercial Service, and the Economic Bureau in the State Department to promote trade 

and support U.S. companies, including, U.S. renewable energy companies, defensesector suppliers, and small and medium enterprises. Supporting U.S. businesses in 

Chile and Chilean businesses investing in the United States will increase economic 

opportunity and prosperity for both countries. 

Question. As the U.S. is deepening its engagement in Central America to advance 

security, governance, and economic growth, we’ve been working closely with partners like Chile, Colombia, and Mexico, specifically on issues of police and military 

training. What is your assessment of current cooperation and how might we 

strengthen it further going forward? 

Answer. The State Department has enhanced its efforts to improve donor coordination in Central America. As noted, Chile, Colombia, and Mexico are key partners 

in our engagements in the region. We continue to strengthen our partnership 

through exchanges of ideas and best practices at donor coordination events in Washington and through established mechanisms for programing coordination on the 

ground in the Northern Triangle countries. We are also actively encouraging new 

partners to support the efforts of the Northern Triangle governments. 

Chile takes an active role in Central American security and development with 

specific programs focused on capacity building of public administration officials. 

Chile has also provided training to law enforcement and justice sector personnel and 

supported food safety projects. We routinely discuss opportunities for collaboration 

in Central America with our Chilean counterparts at our annual High Level Bilateral Political Consultative Mechanism, most recently in December 2015. If confirmed, I will work closely with USAID and Chile’s development agency, AGCID, to 

coordinate activities in Central America. 

Colombia has been a strong partner in building security and law enforcement capacity in Central America through training and joint military exercises. Colombia 

hosted Northern Triangle ministers of defense and security, as well as U.S. government officials, in mid-June to discuss ways to ensure effective cooperation in security and defense matters. 

Question. As the U.S. is working closely with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to set up in-region refugee processing in Central America, to 

what degree could we cooperate with Chile to help relocate Central American refugees in South America? 

Answer. Chile is working with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and 

other partners to improve the country’s refugee resettlement program and ensure 

refugees successfully integrate into the country. Chile agreed in 2015 to resettle 

about 150 Syrian refugees. Chile takes an active role in Central American security 

and development, and we look forward to continuing our partnership in the region. 

The State Department asked the Chilean government to consider accepting Central 

American refugees, and if confirmed, I will work closely with Chilean authorities to 

follow up on this request and find practical ways for safe humanitarian resettlement 

of refugees fleeing violence. 

Question. Chile has been on the U.S. Trade Representative’s ‘‘Priority Watch List’’ 

for insufficient intellectual property rights protection and enforcement since 2007; 

why have these concerns still not been addressed adequately despite years of bilateral engagement? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with USTR to do whatever I can to ensure the Chilean government addresses the intellectual property issues identified in 

the Special 301 Report. Under the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Chile has committed 

to strengthen its IPR regime, and I will engage at the highest levels to build political will for Chile to make the type of changes required for an improvement in 

Chile’s Special 301 designation. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1026 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PEREZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. How important is the Trans-Pacific Partnership to Chile? 

Answer. Over the past several decades, Chile has experienced some of the most 

robust growth rates in the region and is now by many estimates the wealthiest 

economy in Latin America-thanks in large part to its embrace of an economic model 

characterized by openness to trade and investment. As such, Chile is a natural fit 

for TPP and a global leader in free trade. Chile is a member of the precursor to 

TPP (the 2005 ‘‘P4’’ agreement) and has 17 Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Chile 

already has bilateral FTAs in place with all 11 other TPP countries. 

Chile recognizes the importance of being a rule-setter in the global trading system, the need to build upon its existing agreements to reflect modern trade issues, 

and the importance of TPP, which creates rules that will make it easier to participate in regional supply chains and will foster greater regional integration. 

Economically, Chile stands to gain under TPP over its existing free trade agreements-particularly with regard to Japan, Malaysia, and Vietnam—through better 

access for thousands of Chilean products in those markets. Major Chilean business 

groups praised the agreement, which is expected to help the agricultural sector, 

small and medium-sized businesses, and the growing services sector. Chile also 

stands to gain from TPP’s accumulation provisions, which will allow the integration 

of production and supply chains throughout the Asia-Pacific region. 

Strategically, TPP positions Chile, Peru, and Mexico in leadership roles in a Latin 

America, which is gradually moving to embrace the benefits of liberalized trade and 

investment. The agreement will allow the United States and our TPP partners in 

the Western Hemisphere to build the Americas into a shared, integrated platform 

for global success. 

TPP provides an important opportunity to advance our commercial relationship 

and ensures the United States improves our competitive position in the Chilean 

market. The United States has long been the largest source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Chile, where total FDI inflows in 2015 reached nearly $23 billion. 

U.S.-Chile trade in goods has quadrupled since our bilateral FTA entered into force 

in 2004. 

Question. What is your opinion on the economic reforms enacted by the Bachelet 

administration? 

Do you foresee those reforms having an impact in our bilateral relations? 

Answer. Chilean President Bachelet campaigned on a platform of reforms designed to tackle the problem of income inequality and uneven access to services, especially education. She has made good on several of her key priorities, including tax 

reform. 

While Bachelet has been able to enact many of her reforms, the legislation passed 

is often less ambitious than she might have wanted. At the present time, Bachelet 

is continuing her efforts to reform the country’s pension and education systems, and 

overhaul the Pinochet-era constitution. 

U.S.-Chile cooperation is institutionalized and transcends administrations; our cooperation continues to grow under Bachelet’s leadership. If confirmed, I would continue to advocate for U.S. interests to ensure the planned reforms do not unfairly 

impact U.S. businesses and encourage Chile to maintain openness to trade and investment, a significant factor in its economic development. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE PEREZ’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR PERDUE

Question. Since she took office, President Bachelet’s approval ratings have 

dropped significantly, most likely due to her reform agenda, recent corruption scandals, and a weakening economy. In April 2016, 65% of Chileans disapproved of 

President Bachelet’s performance in office. In addition, the corruption scandals have 

reinforced public perception in Chile that the power in the country is concentrated 

within the hands of a few businessmen and political elites. What changes do you 

foresee in the months ahead that might be taken by the president to reverse her 

current decline in popularity? How do you plan to work through the current corruption scandals that have been identified? In your opinion, will President Bachelet’s 

anti-corruption bills and efforts to regulate political parties and campaign financing 

be enough to reverse people’s distrust of the government? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1027 

Answer. U.S.-Chile cooperation is institutionalized and transcends administrations; our cooperation continues to grow under President Michelle Bachelet’s leadership.President Bachelet campaigned on a platform of reforms designed to tackle the 

problem of income inequality and uneven access to services, especially education. 

She made good on several of her key priorities, including tax reform. 

While President Bachelet has enacted many of her proposed reforms, legislation 

passed by the parliament to enact the president’s goals is often less ambitious than 

she might have wanted. During her remaining 18 months in office, President 

Bachelet has said her priorities are to reform the country’s pension and education 

systems and to begin the overhaul of the Pinochet-era constitution. The Bachelet administration hopes its reforms will have a long-lasting impact in reducing inequality, particularly by providing higher quality education at dramatically reduced costs 

for Chileans. 

After more than two decades of solid economic growth culminating in the highest 

per capita income levels in Latin America, Chile’s economy is slowing due primarily 

to external factors—namely, the fall in global copper prices. Copper accounts for half 

of Chile’s exports and 30 percent of GDP. Fiscal uncertainty and reduced revenue 

have forced prudence in government spending and limited the scale and pace of 

some reforms, for example, free higher education. 

Chile is a model democracy, well-known for its dedication to the principles of 

transparency, freedom of expression, and an independent judiciary. It routinely 

scores high marks for good governance, openness, rule-of-law, and was ranked 23 

out of 168 countries on Transparency International’s 2015 Corruption Perceptions 

Index, the second highest in Latin America. 

Chilean authorities are investigating some politicians for violating Chile’s campaign finance laws, dismissing indicted public officials from office, and passing new 

laws strengthening anti-corruption measures. Chilean institutions are functioning 

well to enforce the law and address and reduce cases of suspected corruption, and 

political actors across the spectrum are working hard to restore trust in the governing class. 

Chilean voters will choose in October 2017 whether to continue supporting the 

center-left’s reform agenda, or make way for a center-right coalition government. If 

confirmed, I look forward to working with President Bachelet and her successor in 

areas of mutual interest, including supporting free trade, human rights, and rule 

of law. 

Question. In 2015, our budget surplus in Chile was valued at $6.7 billion. We are 

their second largest trading partner behind China. If the value of the dollar continues to increase, or in the case of another global recession that heavily impacts 

Chile, how do you see us maintaining or increasing our influence to compete with 

China in Chilean markets? In your opinion, can Chile sustain such a massive trade 

imbalance with us? 

Answer. We support Chile’s efforts to grow its economy, including through trade 

with other nations. China is an important trading partner for Chile as the leading 

importer of Chilean copper. But after more than two decades of solid economic 

growth, culminating in the highest per capita income levels in Latin America, 

Chile’s economy is slowing in large part due to a drop in copper prices. Copper accounts for half of Chile’s exports and 30 percent of GDP. While China’s trade with 

Chile is primarily commodities based, the United States and Chile have a diverse 

trade relationship in which small and medium enterprises participate. Leading U.S. 

exports and services to Chile consist primarily of high-tech products notably aircraft, machinery, vehicles, and intellectual property. 

Chile recognizes the importance of being a rule-setter in the global trading system, the need to build upon its existing agreements to reflect modern trade issues, 

and the importance of TPP, which creates rules that will make it easier to participate in regional supply chains and will foster greater regional integration. 

TPP provides an important opportunity to advance our commercial relationship 

and ensure the United States improves our competitive position in the Chilean market. The United States has long been the largest source of foreign direct investment 

(FDI) in Chile, where total FDI inflows in 2015 reached nearly $23 billion. U.S.- 

Chile trade in goods has quadrupled since our bilateral FTA entered into force in 

2004. 

If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to identify opportunities for U.S. firms to export their goods and services to Chile and to ensure U.S. firms have a level playing 

field in Chile. 

Question. Given the current security issues that afflict the United States today, 

do you see Chile playing a larger role in international security? Given your previous 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1028 

experience with law enforcement affairs, how could Chile help in reducing the level 

of drug trafficking within Central America? 

Answer. The United States and Chile have robust, mature military and security 

cooperation. Chile participates in international security cooperation throughout the 

region and globally; expanding bilateral security sector cooperation and Chile’s role 

as a partner and role-model is a U.S. priority. Chile has over 400 personnel deployed worldwide, most in the U.N. Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). 

Chile deploys with other regional partners, such as El Salvador and Honduras, and 

provides those countries with specialized training prior to their deployments. For example, Chile trained El Salvador peacekeepers on aviation maintenance training for 

their deployment to Mali. Chile announced in 2015 a plan to deploy staff officers, 

helicopters, engineers, and a medical unit to an African peacekeeping mission over 

a three-year period. In January 2016, Chile deployed four advisors to the U.N. Mission in the Central African Republic as the first phase of this plan. 

Chile takes counterterrorism seriously and has an inter-ministerial working group 

on counter terrorism issues. We commend Chile for their support at the UNSC for 

a counter-Da’esh resolution. In August 2015, the United States and Chile cosponsored a meeting of UNSC members condemning Da’esh attacks on LGBT persons. 

If confirmed, I would work closely with Chile in areas where our interests align (refugees, humanitarian relief), and promote continued coordination in multilateral organizations such as the U.N. 

Further, Chile takes an active role in Central American security and development, 

and we look forward to continuing our partnership with Chile in the region. It continues to teach at the International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) in El Salvador, educating police officers, prosecutors, judges, and other criminal justice practitioners from Central and South America and the Caribbean. We applaud Chile’s 

International Cooperation Agency for Development, AGCID (Agencia Chilena de 

Cooperaciθn Internacional para el Desarrollo) for their projects in Central America 

to strengthen government institutions and improve governance, especially in the 

Northern Triangle. If confirmed, I would look for ways the United States and Chile 

could leverage our 2009 and 2014 trilateral cooperation agreements to undertake development projects in Central America and the Caribbean to enhance citizen security. These projects could include an expansion of Chile’s role in law enforcement 

training and rule of law cooperation with Central American partners. 

Question. As of 2014, the accumulated stock of U.S. foreign direct investment in 

Chile was $27.6 billion. The accumulated stock of Chilean foreign investment in the 

United States was $730 million. A bi-lateral income tax treaty (Treaty Doc. 112-8) 

would provide certainty on the tax treatment of investors and reduce tax barriers 

to investment. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee reported the treaty as favorable in February 2016, but it has not yet been considered by the full Senate. In 

your opinion, does this treaty seem like an effective way to encourage trade between 

our two countries? Is there anything you would like to add regarding this treaty 

that may lock in a successful vote from the full Senate body. 

Answer. The administration continues to support the double taxation treaty and 

hopes it moves quickly through the Senate. Without the treaty’s passage, U.S. businesses investing in Chile face higher taxes in Chile that will place them at a competitive disadvantage vis-a-vis firms from other countries with bilateral tax treaties 

in place. The proposed tax treaty with Chile would be the first between the United 

States and Chile. The Department of Treasury actively pursues opportunities to establish new tax treaty relationships with countries in which U.S. businesses encounter unrelieved double taxation with respect to their investments. 

The Departments of State and Treasury are aware of the keen interest of both 

the business community and the Senate to conclude income tax treaties that provide 

meaningful benefits to cross-border investors with South American countries. If approved by the Senate, the tax treaty with Chile would be the second U.S. tax treaty 

in force with a South American country. Thus, the proposed tax treaty with Chile 

represents a significant inroad into the South American region. 

If confirmed, I will support this and other measures to encourage Chilean companies to invest in the United States, reduce the burdens on U.S. businesses investing 

in Chile, and increase economic cooperation and prosperity for both countries. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

(1029) 

NOMINATIONS 

WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Hon. Sung Y. Kim, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 

the Republic of the Philippines 

Rena Bitter, of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the Lao People’s Democratic Republic 

Amala Shirin Lakhdhir, of Connecticut, nominated to be Ambassador to Malaysia 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:41 a.m., in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Cory Gardner presiding. 

Present: Senators Gardner [presiding], Rubio, Cardin, and 

Menendez. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CORY GARDNER, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO 

Senator GARDNER. This hearing will come to order. Let me welcome you all to today’s full Senate Foreign Relations—not everyone 

gives up the gavel that easy. So that is good. [Laughter.] 

Senator GARDNER. Let me welcome you all to today’s full Senate 

Foreign Relations Committee hearing on nominations. 

I want to thank Senator Cardin and his staff for their great cooperation in making this happen today. We have a great panel of 

three well-qualified nominees today to serve in Philippines, Malaysia, and Laos, all nations that are strategically and economically 

important to U.S. security and economic interests. 

I want to thank them and their families as well for their willingness to serve. I have had the opportunity meet and speak with you 

privately and appreciate your time today, and this is truly a family 

commitment and sacrifice, and we all greatly appreciate your service to your country and the work that you are doing. 

I will reserve my time for questions, and I ask our nominees to 

keep their opening remarks to no more than 5 minutes. 

With that, I turn to Senator Cardin. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1030 

STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND 

Senator CARDIN. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for 

accommodating this hearing. 

As you know, we are scheduled to recess this week, and it has 

been extremely challenging to get hearings scheduled. And I personally want to thank Senator Gardner for going out of his way to 

arrange for this hearing so that we could get these three nominees 

through the hearing process of a confirmation before recess, and we 

appreciate it very, very much. 

I think it is, first, all three of you are career, and we thank you 

for that, for giving your service on behalf of our country. It is critically important to our national security and American interests, 

and we thank you for your public service. 

But as Senator Gardner said, it is a family sacrifice. So we know 

that your family is part of the service that has been given to our 

country. So we thank the family members that are here for their 

understanding and their support for the missions that each of you 

have done. 

I would just make a very brief comment that all three of the 

countries are very relevant to the matters that have been before 

the Senate Foreign Relations Committee this week. In the trafficking in persons, I can assure you that you are going to get questions in regards to Malaysia and its failure to get to an acceptable 

level on dealing with trafficking in persons and what our mission 

will do in order to further our objective to end modern-day slavery. 

In regards to the Philippines, you could not have a more timely 

follow-up from today’s hearings as we talked about the Law of the 

Sea decision with China. And with Laos, we have the chair of—the 

country that chairs the ASEAN this year. 

So it is three countries that are extremely timely to the hearings 

we have had this week, but very important to U.S. interests not 

only in the Asian Pacific, but globally. 

I look forward to your testimony and again thank you for your 

appearance. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

We will now turn to our nominees. Ambassador Sung Kim is our 

nominee to the Philippines. He is a career member of the Foreign 

Service and since 2014 serves as Special Representative for North 

Korea Policy and Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of East 

Asia and Pacific Affairs at Department of State. From 2011 to 

2014, he served as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea and 

from 2008 to 2011 as Special Envoy for the Six-Party Talks. 

Welcome, Ambassador Kim, and please proceed with your testimony. 

STATEMENT OF HON. SUNG Y. KIM, OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE 

PHILIPPINES 

Ambassador KIM. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, Senator Menendez, I 

am deeply honored to appear before you today as the President’s 

nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1031 

I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for placing 

their trust in me, and if confirmed, I look forward to working very 

closely with this committee to strengthen our already-strong relationship with the Philippines. 

I would like to begin by thanking my family and the many 

friends and colleagues who have been an incredible source of support and inspiration for me throughout my life and career. Some 

of them are here today. 

Unfortunately, my wife, Jae, and our two daughters, Erin and 

Erica, could not be here today. Erin and Erica apparently have 

something more important to do. They are busy with summer activities overseas, but they assure me that they are watching C– 

SPAN for the very first time in their lives. [Laughter.] 

Ambassador KIM. They are very proud and excited about the 

prospect of helping me represent the United States in the Republic 

of the Philippines. 

Mr. Chairman, just a couple of years ago, as you mentioned, I 

had the privilege of representing our country as the first KoreanAmerican U.S. Ambassador to Korea, and it was incredibly special 

to return to my country of birth, one of our closest allies, as the 

U.S. Ambassador. In fact, my mother, my 86-year-old mother, still 

cries whenever she thinks about that experience. 

And now I am thrilled that, if confirmed, I will have the honor 

of representing our country in the Philippines, our oldest ally in 

the region and one of our most special partners. 

I am also honored to follow the many distinguished diplomats 

who have served in Manila. One of them was my mentor and 

friend, Steve Bosworth. As you may know, Ambassador Bosworth 

sadly passed away earlier this year, but I know that he would be 

very proud that one of his mentees will have an opportunity to 

build on what he and our other outstanding Ambassadors accomplished in the Philippines. 

The U.S. and the Philippines are longstanding friends, partners, 

and allies. Indeed, this is a relationship defined and reinforced by 

deep people-to-people ties. There are over 4 million Filipinos and 

Filipino Americans in the United States, and more than 220,000 

Americans reside in the Philippines. And together, they help build 

the bonds that unite and strengthen our two countries. 

As we mark the 70th anniversary of U.S.-Philippines diplomatic 

relations, we celebrate our common history of shared sacrifice, values, and interests. We have stood together during World War II to 

fight tyranny and defend democratic values. And since the signing 

of the Mutual Defense Treaty in 1951, our commitment to the defense of the Philippines has remained ironclad, unwavering, and 

strong. 

Earlier this year, our security partnership entered an exciting 

new phase with the implementation of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement. This important agreement will allow for 

greater rotational access by U.S. forces in the Philippines. It will 

also expand the opportunities for bilateral training, and most exciting, it will support the long-term modernization of Philippines 

Armed Forces. 

Our security cooperation with the Philippines also enhances efforts to combat transnational crime and terrorism. The Philippines 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1032 

Armed Forces, police, and other law enforcement agencies continue 

to make progress in fighting violent extremists. They arrest and 

prosecute members of terrorist groups, including Abu Sayyaf group. 

We work closely with the Philippines government to ensure that 

its forces are trained to uphold human rights and the rule of the 

law in the conduct of their law enforcement operations. If confirmed, I will work closely with Philippines President Duterte and 

his administration to ensure that our security cooperation remains 

strong and effective. This includes supporting Philippines efforts to 

peacefully resolve the South China Sea dispute, and we are also 

helping the Philippines Armed Forces better monitor the seas off 

their shores. 

The U.S. is among the Philippines’ top trading partners, and we 

have traditionally been the Philippines’ largest foreign investor. 

Annual U.S. goods and services trade with the Philippines total 

over $25 billion. If confirmed, I will continue our economic engagement to support reform efforts and expand trade and investment 

to the benefit of both countries. 

Beyond security and trade, we are also partnering with the Philippines on climate change and other many important global challenges. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading our 

great embassy team of over 1,700 Americans and local Filipinos 

who are working tirelessly to advance the special partnership between our two countries. 

I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today. I look 

forward to your questions. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Kim follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF SUNG KIM

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be United States Ambassador to the 

Republic of the Philippines. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for 

placing their confidence in me and if confirmed, I look forward to working closely 

with this committee to advance our strong relationship with the Philippines. 

With the Chairman’s permission, I would like to begin by thanking the many 

friends and colleagues who have played an essential role in my career—some of 

them are here today. Unfortunately my wife Jae and our two daughters Erin and 

Erica could not join us today. Erin and Erica are busy with summer activities overseas, but I know they are proud and excited about the prospect of helping me represent the United States in the Philippines. My family, friends, and colleagues have 

all been a source of tremendous support and inspiration. 

Mr. Chairman, just a couple of years ago, I had the privilege of representing our 

country as the first Korean-American U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. It 

was incredibly special to return to my country of birth, and one of our closest allies, 

as the U.S. Ambassador. And now I am thrilled that, if confirmed, I will have the 

honor of representing our country in the Philippines, our oldest ally in the region 

and one of our most special partners. 

I am also honored to follow the many distinguished diplomats who served in Manila. One of them was my mentor and friend Steve Bosworth. Ambassador Bosworth 

sadly passed away earlier this year but I know he would be very proud that one 

of his mentees will have an opportunity to build on what he and our other outstanding ambassadors accomplished. The United States and the Philippines are 

longstanding friends, partners, and allies. Indeed, this is a relationship defined and 

reinforced by deep people-to-people ties. There are over four million Filipinos and 

Filipino Americans in the United States and more than 220,000 Americans residing 

in the Philippines. And together they help build the bonds that unite and strengthen our two countries. 

As we mark the 70th anniversary of formal U.S.-Philippine relations, we celebrate 

our common history of shared sacrifice, values, and interests. We stood together 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1033 

during World War II to fight tyranny and defend democratic values. And since the 

signing of the Mutual Defense Treaty in 1951, our commitment to the defense of 

the Philippines has remained ironclad and unwavering. 

Earlier this year, our security partnership entered an exciting new phase with the 

implementation of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement. This important 

agreement will allow for greater rotational access by U.S. forces in the Philippines. 

It will expand the opportunities for bilateral training, support the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and help the United States to 

rapidly respond to natural disasters. 

Our security cooperation with the Philippines also enhances efforts to combat 

transnational crime and terrorism. The Philippine Armed Forces, police, and other 

law enforcement agencies are making progress in fighting violent extremists, and 

continue to arrest and prosecute members of terrorist groups, including the Abu 

Sayyaf Group. We work closely with the Philippine government to ensure that its 

forces are trained to uphold human rights and the rule of law in the conduct of their 

law enforcement operations. 

If confirmed, I will work with Philippine President Duterte and his new administration to ensure our security cooperation remains strong and effective. This includes supporting Philippine efforts to peacefully reduce tensions in the South 

China Sea and help the Philippine Armed Forces better monitor the seas off their 

shores. 

The United States is among the Philippines’ top trading partners, and we have 

traditionally been the country’s largest foreign investor. Annual U.S. goods and 

services trade with the Philippines total well over $20 billion. If confirmed, I will 

continue our economic engagement to the benefit of both countries through support 

for reforms that we hope will open the door to more U.S. investment. This includes 

encouraging the Philippines to reduce restrictions on foreign ownership, enforce intellectual property rights, and make it easier for U.S. firms to participate in publicprivate partnerships. I will also work with ongoing Millennium Challenge Corporation and USAID efforts to ensure inclusive and sustainable economic growth. 

Beyond security and trade, we are also partnering with the Philippines on climate 

change and other important global challenges. 

Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading the dedicated Embassy 

team of Americans and local Filipinos who are working tirelessly to advance the 

special U.S.-Philippines partnership. 

I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today and am pleased to answer 

your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Ambassador. 

Ms. Rena Bitter is our nominee to the Lao People’s Democratic 

Republic, commonly known as Laos. She is a career member of the 

Foreign Service and since 2013 has served as Consul General at 

the U.S. Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. 

Welcome, Ms. Bitter. Please proceed. 

STATEMENT OF RENA BITTER, OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO BE 

AMBASSADOR TO THE LAO PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 

Ms. BITTER. Thank you. 

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin, and Senator 

Menendez, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as 

President Obama’s nominee to be the Ambassador to the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. 

I am deeply honored to be here with you today and grateful to 

the President and to Secretary Kerry for the confidence they have 

placed in me. 

I am joined by several family members and colleagues, and I am 

grateful for the support that they have shown me throughout my 

career and also for the kindness you have shown them here today, 

Senator. Thank you. 

Today, the U.S.-Lao relationship is at its most dynamic in 40 

years. Secretary Kerry has visited Laos once already this year, and 

he will return later this month. President Obama’s September trip 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1034 

will mark the first ever by a sitting U.S. President, and it promises 

to open new avenues of cooperation and communication in our bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I would look forward to pursuing 

these opportunities. 

I have been privileged to serve my country for 22 years as a Foreign Service officer, most recently as Consul General in Ho Chi 

Minh City. During my 3 years there, I saw how much progress two 

very different nations can make when working together on areas 

of common interest. 

If confirmed, I would seek to work with the Lao government and 

people to find more areas in which our goals align so we can build 

a broad-based relationship that addresses the challenges of the 

21st century. 

However, for our path toward a 21st century relationship to remain on firm footing, we must continue our work to put the problems of the 20th century behind us. For more than 30 years, humanitarian cooperation, particularly work to ensure the fullest possible accounting for our missing service personnel and war legacy 

assistance, particularly the removal of unexploded ordnance, have 

been at the center of our bilateral relationship. 

Thanks to your support and the support of your colleagues in Congress, we have invested almost $100 million in conventional 

weapons destruction programs since 1993, leading to a reduction in 

casualties from more than 300 per year to fewer than 50 during the 

last 3 years. If confirmed, I want to work with you and our partners in Laos to bring the number of casualties down to zero and 

to close the door on this history for both of our countries. 

At the same time, we must find ways to invest in the future. 

Laos’ progress and ability to be a strong partner for the United 

States and a confident member of ASEAN will depend on improving the well-being and economic status of its people. 

Nutrition-related health problems remain prevalent in Laos, with 

stunting impacting more than 60 percent of children in some areas. 

Through university partnerships, targeted nutritional projects, and 

school meal programs, our assistance to our Lao partners has 

sought to improve the nutritional status of women and children to 

deliver a healthier, fuller future for the people of Laos. 

If confirmed, Lao economic development will also be a priority. 

With a consistent 7 to 8 percent GDP growth rate over the past 

decade, Laos has one of the fastest-growing economies in East Asia. 

To continue and to expand the benefits of this growth, it will be 

key for Laos, both individually and within the context of ASEAN, 

to support education and to facilitate the adoption of a rules-based, 

high-standard regional economic and trade architecture. 

If confirmed, I would also seek to prioritize our people-to-people 

ties. Laos has the third-highest per capita membership in our 

Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiatives, suggesting that the 

young people of Laos, its future decision-makers, are interested in 

learning more about the American people and American values. 

With 70 percent of the Lao population under the age of 30, these 

youth outreach programs are truly building bridges to the next 

generation of Lao leaders. 

However, in spite of these partnerships, we continue to have concerns about Laos’ human rights records and restriction on civil soFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1035 

ciety. Currently, Laos places onerous registration requirements on 

civil society organizations, leading to the delay or cancellation of 

many worthwhile projects. 

In December 2012, civil society leader Sombath Somphone was 

abducted at a police checkpoint and subsequently disappeared. The 

Lao government has yet to complete a full investigation. If confirmed, I would push for transparency in such investigations and 

encourage the authorities to embrace the vital role that civil society 

plays in the development of a thriving, prosperous country. 

Freedom of religion is also a fundamental right, and if confirmed, 

I will work with the government to ensure the freedom of the Lao 

people to worship according to their beliefs. 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this 

opportunity to appear before you today. I am happy to answer your 

questions, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with you to 

advance U.S. interests in Laos and to welcoming you to our embassy in Vientiane. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Bitter follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMEMNT OF RENA BITTER

Chairman Gardner, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the committee, 

thank you for the opportunity to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee 

to be the U.S. Ambassador to the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. I am deeply 

honored to be here with you today, and grateful to the President and to Secretary 

Kerry for the confidence they have placed in me. I am joined by several family members and colleagues, and I have been blessed with their support throughout my career. 

Today, the U.S.–Lao relationship is at its most dynamic in forty years. Secretary 

Kerry has visited Laos once already this year—only the second visit by a Secretary 

of State since 1955—and he will return this month for the ASEAN Regional Forum 

and other key regional meetings, followed in September by President Obama’s historic trip for the East Asia Summit, U.S.-ASEAN Summit, and a bilateral visit. 

President Obama’s visit will mark the first ever by a sitting U.S. President and it 

promises to open new avenues of cooperation and communication in our bilateral relationship. If confirmed, I would look forward to pursuing these opportunities. 

I have been privileged to serve my country for 22 years as a Foreign Service Officer across Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, and Asia and in Washington. 

Most recently I served as Consul General in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. During 

my three years there, I saw how much progress two very different nations can make 

when working together on areas of common interest. If confirmed, I would seek to 

work with the Lao government and people to find more areas in which our goals 

align, so we can build a broad-based relationship that addresses the challenges of 

the 21st century. 

For our path toward a 21st century relationship to remain on firm footing, however, we must continue our work to put the problems of the 20th century behind 

us. For more than 30 years, humanitarian cooperation—particularly the work to ensure the fullest possible accounting for our missing—and legacy of war assistance, 

such as the removal of unexploded ordnance, have been at the center of the bilateral 

relationship. On the unexploded ordnance assistance, thanks to your support and 

the support of your colleagues in Congress, we have invested almost $100 million 

in Conventional Weapons Destruction Programs since 1993, with $19.5 million allocated for FY16. This assistance has led to a reduction in casualties from more than 

300 per year, to fewer than 50 during the last three years. As Secretary Kerry said 

when he visited Laos in January, ‘‘we can’t heal the wounds, but we can and must 

do more so that others do not suffer the same fate.’’ If confirmed, I want to work 

with you and our partners in Laos to bring the number of casualties down to zero 

so we can close the door on this history for both of our countries. 

At the same time, we must find ways to invest in the future. Laos’ progress and 

ability to be a strong partner for the United States and a confident member of 

ASEAN will depend on improving the well-being and economic status of its people. 

Nutrition-related health problems remain prevalent in Laos, with stunting impactFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1036 

ing more than 60 percent of children in some areas. In an effort to tackle comprehensively this serious developmental impediment, last October Deputy National 

Security Advisor Ben Rhodes while visiting Laos signed a Statement of Intent with 

the Ministry of Health and the Oregon Health and Science University to establish 

a new Lao-American Nutrition Institute (LANI). LANI will complement the Lao government’s nutrition efforts by helping to develop local solutions for this health priority. Further, the USDA McGovern-Dole School Feeding Program will fund $27 

million over three years for World Food Program meal projects in schools across 

Laos, a program that has already dramatically increased school attendance. Finally, 

USAID recently awarded $5.58 million over three years to Save the Children to improve the nutritional status of women and children in targeted areas. If confirmed, 

I look forward to seeing these initiatives deliver a healthier, fuller future to the children of Laos. 

Lao economic development has also been a priority for the U.S. Department of 

State and, if confirmed, will be a priority for me as well. With a consistent 7 to 8 

percent GDP growth rate over the past decade, Laos has one of the fastest growing 

economies in East Asia. To continue and expand the benefits of this growth, it will 

be key for Laos individually and within the context of ASEAN to support education 

and facilitate the adoption of a rules-based, high-standard regional economic and 

trade architecture. I hope to continue to cultivate relationships between our two private sectors and to carry on the work that the U.S. Embassy in Vientiane has undertaken to increase trade. 

If confirmed, I would also seek to prioritize our people-to-people ties. Laos has the 

third highest per capita membership in our Young Southeast Asian Leaders’ Initiative, suggesting that the young people of Laos—its future decision makers—are interested in learning more about the American people and American values. With 70 

percent of the Lao population under 30, these youth outreach programs are truly 

building a bridge to the future leaders of Laos. 

In spite of these partnerships, we continue to have concerns about Laos’ human 

rights record and restrictions on civil society. Currently, Laos places onerous registration requirements on civil society organizations, leading to the delay or cancellation of many worthwhile projects. Civil society leaders have also been subject 

to efforts to silence or sideline their voices. In December 2012, Sombath Somphone 

was abducted at a police checkpoint and subsequently disappeared; the Lao government has yet to complete a full investigation. If confirmed, I would push for transparency in such investigations and encourage authorities to embrace the vital role 

that civil society plays in the development of a thriving, prosperous country. Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right and, if confirmed, I will work with 

the government to ensure the freedom of the Lao people to worship according to 

their beliefs. 

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today. I’m happy to answer your questions and, if confirmed, I look 

forward to working with you to advance U.S. interests in Laos and welcoming you 

to our Embassy in Vientiane. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you for your testimony. 

Our next nominee is—Ms. Kamala Shirin Lakhdhir is our nominee to Malaysia. She is a career member of the Foreign Service and 

from 2011 to 2015 served as the Executive Assistant to the Under 

Secretary of State for Political Affairs. 

Ms. Lakhdhir served as the U.S. Consul General in Belfast, 

Northern Ireland, from 2009 to 2011 and as the Director of the Office of Maritime Southeast Asia from 2007 to 2009 and as the Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian 

and Pacific Affairs from 2005 to 2006. 

Welcome, Ms. Lakhdhir, and look forward to your comments. 

STATEMENT OF KAMALA SHIRIN LAKHDHIR, OF CONNECTICUT, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO MALAYSIA 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and Senator Menendez, 

it is an honor to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Malaysia. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1037 

I am grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the trust 

they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working 

with this committee. 

I would like to thank my State Department mentors and colleagues, some of whom are here today, who have supported, advised, and educated me during my soon-to-be 25 years in the Foreign Service. I am particularly pleased to appear before you today 

with two good friends and colleagues. 

With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would also like to recognize my brother, who is here today, and my parents, Ann and Noor 

Lakhdhir, who are watching in Connecticut. My father was born in 

Bombay, India, in 1925, and came to the United States to attend 

the University of California-Berkeley through the miracle of a full 

scholarship. 

When he moved to New York a few years later, he met my mother, who was there studying for a master’s degree in international 

relations. I am proud that some of my mother’s ancestors arrived 

in Massachusetts and Connecticut in the 1600s and that my father 

became an American citizen a month after I was born. My parents’ 

lives, interests, and strong belief in American values inspired me 

to enter the Foreign Service. 

If I am confirmed, the President and the Senate will entrust me 

with the responsibility to lead an embassy community of more than 

120 Americans from 8 U.S. Government agencies, their families, 

and close to 200 locally employed staff. My foremost commitments 

will be to the security of the embassy personnel and their families 

and to the effective pursuit of U.S. national interests. 

Malaysia has undergone an extraordinary transformation over 

the past six decades. Its society, economy, and regional and global 

influence have developed at an amazing pace. Its foreign policy has 

evolved from establishing pragmatic relations with neighbors to 

playing an active leadership role in ASEAN, a body it helped to establish. 

At the same time, the governments of the United States and Malaysia have also deepened and broadened our bilateral cooperation, 

which President Obama and Prime Minister Najib elevated to a 

comprehensive partnership just over 2 years ago. 

The United States and Malaysia have longstanding trade and investment ties. U.S. companies pioneered the electrical and electronics industry in Malaysia in the 1970s, and they remain the 

largest investor in Malaysia’s top-earning export sector. 

Bilateral trade continues to grow, exceeding $46 billion in 2015. 

If Congress approves the Trans-Pacific Partnership, our economic 

ties to the region and with Malaysia are expected to further increase and diversify. 

Malaysia and the United States have also greatly expanded defense and law enforcement cooperation in order to ensure the safety and security of the peoples of both our countries. Malaysia takes 

very seriously the growing influence of ISIL, as well as the ongoing 

threat to Malaysian and foreign citizens in Eastern Sabah by the 

Abu Sayyaf group. 

Bilaterally, with Malaysia and through ASEAN, we are working 

more closely than ever before to counter violent extremist narratives to keep our borders and skies safe and to crack down on 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1038 

transnational crime. If confirmed, I will also support Malaysia’s ongoing efforts to reduce tensions in the South China Sea by building 

global regional consensus and encouraging a peaceful resolution of 

disputes. 

The United States remains deeply concerned about human 

rights, the rule of law, transparency, and governance in Malaysia. 

Freedom of expression is a cornerstone of representative government, and we look to Malaysia’s leaders to live up to the highest 

democratic standards. 

If confirmed, I will also be fully dedicated to pressing Malaysia 

to achieve its commitments to combat trafficking in persons. This 

includes taking concrete steps to root out forced labor and debt 

bondage, whether in the domestic, plantation, construction, or manufacturing sectors. This effort is fundamentally a government and 

law enforcement responsibility, but the Malaysian people and civil 

society play a critical role. 

In the last year, Malaysia passed legislation and regulations 

that, if enforced, support a victim-focused protection regime. If confirmed, I am committed to pressing for the law’s effective implementation. 

For the last six decades, the peoples of the United States and 

Malaysia have formed close bonds across a range of common concerns. If confirmed, my highest aim will be to sustain and expand 

these ties in civil society, business, education, public health, environmental protection, and rule of law, among others. 

In particular, with over 50 percent of the population under the 

age of 25, I look forward to engaging Malaysian young people to expand their understanding of the United States, highlight our 

shared values, and work on solutions to common challenges. 

Thank you very much for this opportunity to appear before you 

today. I am pleased to answer your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Lakhdhir follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KAMALA SHIRIN LAKHDHIR

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 

today as the President’s nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Malaysia. I am 

grateful to the President and Secretary Kerry for the trust they have placed in me. 

If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee. I would like to thank 

my State Department mentors and colleagues, some of whom are here today, who 

have supported, advised, and educated me during my soon-to-be twenty-five years 

in the Foreign Service. I am particularly pleased to appear before you today with 

two good friends and colleagues. 

With your permission Mr. Chairman, I would also like to recognize my brother, 

who is here today, and my parents, Ann and Noor Lakhdhir, who are watching in 

Connecticut. My father was born in Bombay, India in 1925 and came to the United 

States to attend the University of California Berkeley through the miracle of a full 

scholarship. When he moved to New York a few years later, he met my mother, who 

was there studying for a master’s degree in international relations. I’m proud that 

some of my mother’s ancestors arrived in Massachusetts and Connecticut in the 

1600s, and that my father became an American citizen a month after I was born. 

My parents’ lives, interests, and strong belief in American values inspired me to 

enter the Foreign Service. 

If I am confirmed, the President and the Senate will entrust me with the responsibility to lead an Embassy community of more than 120 Americans from eight U.S. 

government agencies, their families, and close to 200 locally employed staff. My foremost commitments will be to the security of the Embassy personnel and their families, and to the effective pursuit of U.S. national interests. 

Malaysia has undergone an extraordinary transformation over the past six decades. Its society, economy, and regional and global influence have developed at an 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1039 

amazing pace. Its foreign policy has evolved from establishing pragmatic relations 

with neighbors to playing an active leadership role in ASEAN, a body it helped to 

establish. 

At the same time, the governments of the United States and Malaysia have also 

deepened and broadened our bilateral cooperation, which President Obama and 

Prime Minister Najib elevated to a Comprehensive Partnership just over two years 

ago. The United States and Malaysia have long-standing trade and investment ties. 

U.S. companies pioneered the electrical and electronics industry in Malaysia in the 

1970s and they remain the largest investors in Malaysia’s top earning export sector. 

Bilateral trade continues to grow, exceeding $46 billion in 2015. If Congress approves the Trans-Pacific Partnership, our economic ties to the region and with Malaysia are expected to further increase and diversify. 

Malaysia and the United States have also greatly expanded defense and law enforcement cooperation in order to ensure the safety and security of the peoples of 

both our countries. Malaysia takes very seriously the growing influence of ISIL, as 

well as the ongoing threat to Malaysian and foreign citizens in Eastern Sabah by 

the Abu Sayyaf Group. Bilaterally with Malaysia and through ASEAN, we are working more closely than ever before to counter violent extremist narratives, to keep 

our borders and skies safe, and to crack down on transnational crime.If confirmed, 

I will also support Malaysia’s ongoing efforts to reduce tensions in the South China 

Sea by building regional consensus and encouraging a peaceful resolution of disputes. 

The United States remains deeply concerned about human rights, the rule of law, 

transparency, and governance in Malaysia. Freedom of expression is a cornerstone 

of representative government, and we look to Malaysia’s leaders to live up to the 

highest democratic standards. If confirmed, I will also be fully dedicated to pressing 

Malaysia to achieve its commitments to combat trafficking in persons. This includes 

taking concrete steps to root out forced labor and debt bondage, whether in the domestic, plantation, construction, or manufacturing sectors. This effort is fundamentally a government and law enforcement responsibility, but the Malaysian people 

and civil society play a critical role. In the last year, Malaysia passed legislation 

and regulations that, if enforced, support a victim-focused protection regime. If confirmed, I am committed to pressing for the law’s effective implementation. 

Mr. Chairman, for the last six decades, the peoples of the United States and Malaysia have formed close bonds across a range of common concerns. If confirmed, my 

highest aim will be to sustain and expand these ties in civil society, business, education, public health, environmental protection, and rule of law, among many others. In particular, with over 50 percent of the population under the age of 25, I look 

forward to engaging Malaysian young people, to expand their understanding of the 

United States, highlight our shared values, and work on solutions to common challenges that we all face. 

Thank you very much for this opportunity to appear before you today. I am 

pleased to answer your questions. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Ms. Lakhdhir. 

And I will begin with the questions. Ambassador Kim, to you, 

you just heard Admiral Blair and Dr. Campbell talk about the very 

good outcome from the tribunal hearing at the tribunal yesterday. 

But also would like your opinion on how you see your role working 

with the Duterte administration in the Philippines, what you believe—to implement the decision and what you believe the administration’s intentions are in terms of bilateral, possible bilateral negotiations with China in light of this decision. 

Ambassador KIM. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Let me first start by saying I read your and Ranking Member 

Cardin’s statements regarding the decision yesterday, and I found 

them very compelling. And in fact, I agree with many of the key 

points that both of you made in those statements. 

With regards to my role, I mean, obviously, this will be one of 

the most important challenges going forward. One of the key issues 

that I would focus on as Ambassador, if confirmed by your committee. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1040 

The Philippines issued what I thought was a straightforward and 

positive statement regarding the ruling. As you pointed out, Mr. 

Chairman, this is an important decision, and this is an important 

moment for all of the claimants involved. And I think the Philippines has made very clear, President Duterte himself included, 

has made very clear that they are committed to pursuing a peaceful resolution of the dispute. They continue to act responsibly, consistent with international norms and practices in law. 

So I think our role and my role should be to support that effort. 

In fact, I think this decision gives us a real opportunity for the parties to seek a peaceful resolution according to rule of law, and that 

has been our consistent position, and I look forward to supporting 

that efforts. 

With regards to the possible bilateral negotiation between the 

Philippines and China, I think we have been very clear that we 

would support bilateral negotiations that are free from undue pressure and coercion. Now some aspects of the South China dispute 

cannot be resolved bilaterally, but if the Philippines and China decide that they have a way forward in terms of meaningful, productive bilateral negotiations free from coercion and undue pressure, 

I think we would support that effort. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, and I will reserve my questions 

for the other gentleman to use. 

Senator Cardin? 

Senator CARDIN. I want to again thank all three of the nominees. 

Ambassador Kim, you mentioned the human rights challenges in 

Philippines. I appreciate you mentioning that. All three of you 

mentioned the human rights issues. 

In the Philippines, several human rights groups are concerned 

with the potential rise of extrajudicial killings. Can you tell me 

what steps you think we need to take to reinforce the Philippines’ 

commitment to the basic core human rights commitments? 

Ambassador KIM. Thank you very much, Senator. 

Human rights has been and will continue to be an important 

area of cooperation and focus for our relations with the Philippines. 

We have had concerns about extrajudicial killings, and this is 

something that I would like to focus on as soon as I arrive in Manila. 

Part of our effort to counter any such activity is to make sure 

that when we cooperate with the Philippines, whether it is the 

military or law enforcement, that human rights training is an integral part of any such effort. In fact, that has continued for some 

time. And I think we have seen results of such effort, that there 

has been an improvement in the way law enforcement agencies and 

the military conduct their business, but this will continue to be an 

area of focus for us. 

Senator CARDIN. Laos is going to get a presidential visit. That is 

pretty special. And as you point out, it is historic. How—what recommendations would you make to the President to leverage his 

visit to Laos to advance the rights, human rights in that country? 

They have had a struggle over the years on human rights abusers. The government neither prosecutes nor punishes officials who 

commit human rights abuses. There is continued increased restricFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1041 

tions on civil and political rights, freedom of speech, association, 

and assembly. 

So if you are writing the paper to the administration as to how 

the President could help advance our respect for human rights in 

Laos, what would you suggest? 

Ms. BITTER. Thank you, Senator Cardin. 

It is true, the President’s visit does provide an opportunity for 

high-level engagement, and it is a unique opportunity to advance 

our ties. In fact, Laos’ chairmanship of ASEAN has provided many 

such opportunities, and throughout these engagements, our leaders 

have had the opportunity to talk to Laos’ leaders about these 

issues—human rights, religious freedom—and to share with them 

not just our concerns, but also to explain and express that our concerns are not just our concerns, but they are, frankly, international 

norms. 

Right now, civil society in Laos is quite nascent, and our programming in Laos supports rule of law and supports media training and general education. And going forward, if confirmed, I would 

do my best to continue to make these points strongly and to encourage the Lao to see civil society and fundamental human rights 

as a very important part of a thriving and prosperous society. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you. 

Malaysia, I am not sure where to begin. I am going to have questions for the record for you to answer. And look, I very much admire your career. Malaysia, to me, is a country of major interest 

in this committee and the United States Senate. The administration has made overtures for a much closer relationship with Malaysia and are asking for congressional support to support that advancement of a relationship. 

And yet on so many issues, their activities are so much contrary 

to our priorities and our values. I could mention their support and 

trade with North Korea. I could mention corruption, including reports that it goes up to the highest levels of their government. 

But I am going to concentrate on one issue for my verbal questions—the rest I will do for the record—as to what you are going 

to do in regards to the trafficking issues. It is one of the highest 

priorities that we have in this country is to end modern-day slavery. 

Last year, in mass graves were discovered suspected trafficking 

victims. Very little—and I am being generous by saying ‘‘very little’’—I do not think any progress has been made in that country 

in prosecuting those who are responsible. And the indications are 

that there are ties to government officials in regards to the trafficking networks, which will require leadership at the governmental level to root out that corruption and hold those people accountable. 

Impunity is not an option. The U.S. relationship with Malaysia 

must be more effective in bringing about change. And quite frankly, as the head of our mission in Malaysia, we look to you to provide that independent information to the United States Congress 

so that we can take appropriate steps here to protect those who 

have been victimized. 

So would you just reassure me that, if confirmed, you will carry 

out that important responsibility? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1042 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Senator Cardin, thank you for asking me that 

question so I have an opportunity to say this publicly. 

If I am confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the embassy, 

the mission, and myself report fairly and fully, robustly, all the 

facts and all the information that we can develop about trafficking 

persons in Malaysia, about the migrant communities and the refugee communities, the things that the Malaysian government and 

civil society are doing and the things that they are not doing. 

So that is my commitment. We report to both the State Department. We will also engage with your committee and the committee 

staff and to convey information fairly and transparently. 

At the same time, I am also committed to being very direct and 

honest with Malaysian government about the concerns that the 

United States has about the legal requirements, about their living 

up to the commitments they have now made by changing their law 

and regulations to be a victim—a regime that puts the victims at 

the center of protection. 

I also appreciate that you are speaking out and other Senators 

so that we can use that in Malaysia and say that there is a broad 

concern across the U.S. Government, and that is also very useful 

in the way we do our diplomacy. So I appreciate that. 

Thank you. 

Senator CARDIN. Thank you for your response. I appreciate it. 

Senator GARDNER. Senator Menendez? 

Senator MENENDEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Let me thank all of our nominees for their service to our country 

already and your willingness to continue in that service. I appreciate it. 

And Ambassador Kim, I thought—I did not know you were still 

going in for another round. So I am pleased that you are willing 

to do so, and we are very proud of your work certainly in Korea 

and beyond. 

And I look forward—we have about 130,000 Filipino Americans, 

incredibly industrious, successful in New Jersey. So when you get 

situated, on one of your return visits to the United States, I would 

love to have you engage with them and get an insight as to what 

is happening in their original homeland. So I look forward to being 

supportive of you. 

I want to focus the bulk of my time with Ms. Lakhdhir only because of where you are being nominated to. I appreciate your previous service as well, and I want to go a little greater into depth 

what Senator Cardin mentioned. 

As you may know, this committee held a hearing yesterday on 

the Trafficking In Persons 2016 report, and other members of the 

committee and I have asked, given Malaysia’s pervasive human 

trafficking problem and important business that is pending before 

the Congress related to Malaysia, that the State Department keep 

us regularly informed about the Malaysian government’s ongoing 

efforts so we do not have to wait until the release of next year’s 

TIP report to get a sense of what is happening. 

So I heard your response to Senator Cardin, and I assume that, 

if confirmed, you are committed to providing the committee with 

regular updates on the status of the Malaysian government’s efforts to combat trafficking. Is that a correct statement? 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1043 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. That is correct. 

Senator MENENDEZ. And I hope that that is a sense of consultation because I know I would like to tell my friends at the State Department that, for me, speaking as one Senator sitting on this committee for better part of 10 years now, that there is a difference 

between notification and consultation. 

Notification is when you are just telling me what you are doing. 

Consultation is when you are engaging in a conversation as to 

some of these critical issue. So I hope that you will engage in—and 

I would say this to all of our nominees, you know, collectively. I 

hope that what we will engage in is consultation, not notification. 

There is a big, fundamental difference. 

And consultation, even when we disagree, leads to a better result 

than notification when we happen to have had no consultation 

along the way. So I like to say that to all of our nominees when 

they come before us so they understand at least openly and clearly 

where at least this Senator is coming from. 

In that regard, I would like to know whether or not in any of 

your previous tours with the State Department, have you been engaged in human trafficking or in the TIP report process? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. So I just would like to start that my first assignment—and this is about what I have seen and the impact that it 

is on human beings—I served in Saudi Arabia, and I was a consular officer. I mainly took care of American citizen services. 

But we were very small at that time, and so I also did non-immigrant visa interviews. And there were many occasions where domestic workers came and were interviewed. And we often would 

have to very carefully have private interviews just with that individual, and we would ask sometimes very revealing and difficult 

questions about their situation, and in some cases, it was heartbreaking. 

I then went on to serve in Indonesia, which is, of course, a source 

country, and it is one of the source countries for Malaysia. And so 

when I—I served as a political officer, the trafficking, the TVPA 

had not yet been passed, but some of my work as a young political 

officer, and because I had come out of Saudi Arabia, involved trying 

to understand what was happening with recruitment agencies and 

what was happening in terms of many—— 

Senator MENENDEZ. I appreciate that, but what I was trying to 

get at, have you ever been part of the actual TIP process, where 

you were in country making recommendations or part of team as 

to what the regional bureau was going to take a view on, what the 

embassy was going to take a view on in relation to human trafficking in that country? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. I was not. I served in Beijing, but I was not working in this area. My colleagues were, and I was aware of their 

work. 

When I served in Belfast, this was not a concern. 

Senator MENENDEZ. When you were working with the Under Secretary for Political Affairs, I assume that in some respects, you 

were part of the TIP process, or is that a wrong assumption? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. So the Under Secretary had what we call ‘‘Special 

Assistants’’ for each of the regional bureaus, and they were deeply 

involved. And I had supervision over them, but I was less directly 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1044 

engaged in actually decision-making over the TIP process. So to be 

fair about, I am fully aware of the process. I am aware of how it 

works in Washington and I had a supervisory role, but I was not 

directly involved in any of the decision-making. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Now there are serious concerns that Malaysia was upgraded to Tier 2 Watch List last year and retained this 

year based on political considerations and not an objective evaluation of Malaysia’s actions. Do you believe that Malaysia earned its 

Tier 2 Watch List ranking this year, or do you agree with many 

of the members of this committee that they should have been 

ranked at Tier 3? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Senator, I was not involved in this process in the 

last year. I was somebody waiting to be a nominee, and therefore, 

I am not allowed nor was it my role to work on Malaysia. So I was 

not involved in this process, and I am aware of what Secretary 

Kerry’s final decision was because it was a public decision, and I 

have studied very carefully what our TIP colleagues put forward. 

I have met with Ambassador Coppedge and her staff and spoken 

to them of what their goals are for me when I go to Malaysia. But 

I cannot—I cannot speak to whether—what the decision-making 

was for this year. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, may I have one more 

minute? Thank you. 

Let me ask you this then. Will you commit before the committee 

to pressing the Malaysian government to undertake a full investigation of the mass graves and holding the perpetrators, including 

any Malaysian government officials, accountable? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Yes, I commit to directly saying that to the Malaysian government and pursuing it. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Because there have been a few prosecutions, 

but interestingly, none from within the country itself. 

Let me ask you this. What progress would you reasonably expect 

to see over the next year in that investigation? How are we going 

to judge progress? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. So I would use the law’s commitment on investigations, prosecutions, and convictions. And so I would use the law 

that has been provided in order for how I would present it to the 

Malaysians and ultimately what the State Department’s judgment 

would be. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Last question. You mentioned in your testimony that you are committed to pressing for effective implementation of legal amendments that Malaysia has added to its anti-trafficking law that were passed last year. What would you consider 

to be effective implementation of those amendments? 

I am trying to get a sense here. This is not a ‘‘gotcha’’ question. 

I am trying to get a sense of standards. You know, what is—we 

had a significant part of our session yesterday, Mr. Chairman, was 

the whole question about, well, what is significant versus not? 

What is meaningful? 

Because we can say that you can do anything. You can pass a 

law, but that does not mean very much, as we all know, unless it 

is actually implemented. Implementation could be just regulatory 

passage, but not enforcement. Enforcement depends upon degree. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1045 

I am trying to, especially in a country in this sense, that has 

such a central focus of this committee as it relates to human trafficking, what would you say is that your recommendation to the 

State Department and to this committee Malaysians have effectively implemented to the amendments? How would you describe 

that? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. I think it would be putting the victims within the 

center of the activity that their protection and their identification 

and protection, they are allowing human trafficking victims to 

move and work in Malaysia, to providing translation services and 

preparing them for court cases. These are some of the things that 

are clearly mentioned in this year’s TIP report. 

But I think, fundamentally, it is looking at individuals who have 

been trafficked as victims and as people who are due protection 

and then using their experiences to prevent future trafficking. So 

highlighting that these individuals need to be protected, and also 

their cases speak to how you can prevent in the future. 

Senator MENENDEZ. Well, I thank you for the answer. 

I thank the chairman for the courtesy. Needless to say that, if 

confirmed, this is going to be a central part of what the committee’s 

interest is going to be in Malaysia. Not exclusively, but a significant part. And so we look forward to your aggressive pursuit of 

these issues. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Senator. 

And Ms. Bitter, just to follow up a couple questions from our conversation that we had, the economic development obviously is critical in Laos and what it means to creating a more open political 

system. I think economic development, additional economic development would add to the openness of the political system there, as 

it has in other places around the globe. 

So what role can U.S. businesses and U.S. business interaction 

with Laos help build this economic development opportunity and 

thus a more open political environment? 

Ms. BITTER. Thank you for the question, Mr. Chairman. 

Yes, Laos is growing quite rapidly, and it has got a very young 

population. So economic development is very important. 

From my experience in Vietnam, I saw quite a bit that private 

companies and development of the private sector in Vietnam really 

did create opportunity for a discussion of introduction of U.S. values, U.S. work types, U.S.—just in general more familiarity and 

people-to-people ties. 

In Laos now, their economic development and their level of investment is quite a bit lower, but one thing that is amazing about 

American companies and one thing that we should all be very 

proud of is that when American companies come to a country, they 

invest not just in the country, but in the people. So seeking to create further economic development, further investment by U.S. companies in Laos will certainly increase its capacity and increase its 

level of development. 

And of course, when you increase development, increase investment, there is opportunity for U.S. exports. That is a little bit 

longer term. But certainly, Laos would benefit from more U.S. companies doing business there, and the United States would certainly 

benefit as well. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator GARDNER. And part of the investment that we can make 

through Laos through our efforts at the State Department should 

hopefully open up more opportunities and more space for civil society. Is that something that you see is happening as well? 

Ms. BITTER. Civil society is pretty nascent right now in Laos, and 

certainly, there would be opportunity for U.S. companies to support 

all kinds of development of civil society organizations. For example, 

there would be opportunity for companies through their CSR efforts to support women’s economic empowerment, for example. 

That is something that seems very likely, and it certainly happened 

in Vietnam. 

So using that just as an example, I would say that is a way that 

American companies can certainly help Lao build its capacity and 

develop. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you. 

And Ms. Lakhdhir, we talked a little bit in the office about 

radicalization concerns in Malaysia, and how do you assess sort of 

the quality of the U.S. relationship with Malaysia when it comes 

to anti-terrorism efforts? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Thank you, Senator. 

And since we met, there have been several additional incidents 

that are deeply concerning. My understanding from Embassy KL, 

from the current Ambassador, is that our cooperation with the Malaysians has very much advanced, that Malaysia has become very 

concerned about the threats, also concerned about the Abu Sayyaf 

group and the Sulu Sea. And the three countries is Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia just announced their commitment to cooperate more robustly together to try to secure that maritime area. 

The Malaysians also are this month opening public diplomacy 

outreach program with our support to try to change the narratives 

and support for extremism. So I think they are working very closely with us, and I think we are sharing a lot more information. And 

Malaysia has also taken action against those who wish to go fight 

in Syria as foreign fighters. So—— 

Senator GARDNER. That is one thing that we have to continue to 

work with Malaysia is to make sure that they are doing everything 

they can to counter the threat of terrorism within and, of course, 

their terror financing actions. Are you going to be making that one 

of your top priorities, if confirmed, to work with Malaysia in terms 

of terror financing? 

Ms. LAKHDHIR. Yes, I would. And we have a number of agencies 

within the embassy community that has that experience and would 

work with the Malaysian law enforcement on that. 

Senator GARDNER. Well, thank you. 

And I know that I have some questions that we will submit for 

the record as well, in addition to you, Ambassador Kim, some questions as well regarding South China Sea. And I do not know if I 

can throw one in there on North Korea or not, but maybe I will 

just for old time’s sake. [Laughter.] 

Senator GARDNER. But I want to thank all three of you for being 

here today. Thank you for your family and your commitment to 

this. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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The record will be kept open until the close of business on Friday. We hope that you will respond to those questions promptly, 

and your comments will be made available in the record. 

Senator GARDNER. Anything else I need to address? 

With that, the thanks of the committee, thank you for your time 

today. 

[Whereupon, at 12:24 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

REPONSES OF SUNG KIM, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE

PHILIPPINES, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. The Philippines, which has made significant efforts, was upgraded to 

Tier 1 in this year’s report despite the report stating that sex trafficking was still 

a ‘‘significant problem.’’ How is this upgrade warranted? Do you have any sense of 

where the new Philippine administration will be on Trafficking in persons? 

Answer. The rankings in the 2016 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report are an assessment of a government’s efforts to combat trafficking, not a measure of the problem in each country. The Philippine government has increased its efforts over several years to improve investigation and prosecution of trafficking crimes. During the 

reporting period, the government convicted 42 traffickers, including five for online 

child sex trafficking and two for forced labor. Although pervasive corruption undermined efforts, the government convicted two immigration officers and charged five 

officials allegedly complicit in trafficking. 

With an estimated 10 million Filipinos working abroad, and a significant number 

of these migrant workers subject to sex trafficking and forced labor, the Philippine 

government has also steadily increased prevention efforts and the provision of services to victims. In an effort to prevent trafficking of migrant workers, the government increased its funding for the Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO) to facilitate anti-trafficking prevention campaigns. The government also increased the number of shelters and residential care facilities to address the needs of victims.While 

these efforts have resulted in a greater number of prosecutions, stronger prevention 

measures, and increased services for victims, the TIP report also provides recommendations for continued improvement. During the course of diplomatic engagements, the Mission will encourage the government of the Philippines officials to implement these recommendations. 

Taken in sum, the government of the Philippines’ has achieved major successes 

in combatting TIP and we have no indication that the new administration will not 

continue this effort moving forward. Finally, the TIP Report is updated on an annual basis and the Mission will continue to diligently document progress, or backsliding, for the preparation of future reports. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy has been an important 

part of my work at the State Department. As Special Representative for North 

Korea Policy, I coordinate closely with the Special Envoy on North Korean Human 

Rights Issues on all aspects of our efforts to bring attention to the DPRK’s deplorable human rights practices. 

This includes highlighting these conditions through our annual reports, working 

with like-minded governments that share our concern at the U.N. and other international organizations to shed light on these issues, and raising awareness through 

public events and in private meetings. We are also leveraging different U.N. tools 

to highlight the issue, including by cosponsoring and lobbying for the adoption of 

strong annual DPRK human rights resolutions at the U.N. General Assembly and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1048 

Human Rights Council and by successfully adding the North Korean human rights 

issue as a standing agenda item for the U.N. Security Council. 

Since the release of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry’s report on human 

rights in North Korea in February 2014, we have made progress in our efforts to 

focus international attention and pressure on North Korea. Our 2016 report earlier 

this month identifying North Korean officials and entities responsible for or associated with serious human rights abuses or censorship led to the sanctioning of Kim 

Jong Un and other DPRK officials and entities. 

Even before my work on human rights issues in North Korea, the promotion of 

human rights has been a consistent element of my work with the State Department. 

In the mid-1990s, I covered human rights as a Political Officer assigned to our Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. I also supported efforts to promote human rights and democracy during assignments with the State Department’s Office of Chinese Affairs 

and in our Embassy in Tokyo. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work 

to defend and protect the universal values of human rights that remain so important for the United States. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the Philippines? 

What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote 

human rights and democracy in the Philippines? What do you hope to accomplish 

through these actions? 

Answer. The Philippines faces a number of pressing human rights issues, including the prevalence of reported extrajudicial killings, violence against human rights 

activists, killings and harassment of journalists, and the lack of healthcare, education, and other basic services for the country’s indigenous peoples. 

To address these issues, if confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. government continues to work on improving the administration of justice in the Philippines through 

programs administered by USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department 

of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. Through 

our close cooperation with the Philippine government, if confirmed, I will continue 

our efforts to support increased transparency and accountability that address 

human rights violations. I will meet with human rights NGOs, including those from 

indigenous groups and other minorities, and make sure that the Embassy understands and works to help address their concerns. I will also raise the importance 

of human rights, particularly due process and the rule of law, in my meetings with 

Philippine government interlocutors. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in the Philippines in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general? 

Answer. A major obstacle to addressing human rights issues in the Philippines 

is the prevalence of corruption and the failure of the Philippine government to implement anti-corruption laws effectively. The criminal justice system in the Philippines plays a critical role in the protection of human rights; however, it is extremely difficult to hold human rights abusers criminally accountable when the 

courts are overburdened and weak. Advancing human rights, civil society, and democracy in the Philippines will also be challenging because the Philippine government currently lacks sufficient means to investigate and penalize those who succumb to abuse and corruption. However, if confirmed, you have my commitment 

that I will to work together with the Philippine government to strengthen the rule 

of law and due process while at the same time promoting respect for human rights. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in the Philippines? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security 

assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. I am committed to meeting with human rights, civil society, and other 

NGOs both in the United States and in the Philippines. The Philippines has a vibrant civil society and our Embassy in Manila regularly meets with civil society 

groups of all types. If confirmed, I will ensure that engagement continues. 

As for the Leahy Law, Embassy Manila has one of the most professional in-country Leahy vetting units in the world. The Embassy has an excellent record of rigorously applying the Leahy Law while providing training to the security forces of the 

Philippines. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that the Leahy Law is rigorously 

applied and that U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the Philippines 

to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by 

the Philippines? 

Answer.Yes, if confirmed, Embassy team and I will continue to engage with the 

Government of the Philippines on cases of prisoners or persons claiming to be otherwise unjustly targeted because of their political affiliation. It is worth noting, however, that the Philippine government classifies political prisoners as individuals accused of any crime against national security. Many individuals considered by the 

government and international NGOs to be ‘‘political prisoners’’ in the Philippines 

are affiliated with armed insurgent and U.S.-designated terrorist groups such as the 

Abu Sayyaf Group, Jemaah Islamiyah, and the Communist Party of the Philippines/ 

New People’s Army. 

At the same time, I acknowledge the distinction between persons who are wrongfully imprisoned and those who have committed a legitimate crime. If confirmed, I 

will support the efforts of the Philippine government to uphold this distinction. I 

also understand that the weak and overburdened justice sector can lead to lengthy 

pretrial detentions. As Ambassador, I will ensure that the Embassy will continue 

efforts to assist the Philippine justice sector become more efficient and reduce trial 

waiting periods. 

Question. Will you engage with the Philippines on matters of human rights, civil 

rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with the Philippines on matters of human 

rights, civil rights, and governance. Further, I will ensure that the team at our Embassy continues to engage and diligently monitor the human rights situation, including any deterioration in the human rights conditions in the Philippines; the civil 

rights environment; and governance situation. When appropriate, in meetings with 

our Philippine counterparts, we will emphasize the importance of human rights, 

particularly due process and the rule of law. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE KIM’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs continue without visible restrictions. Is it time to declare the Obama administration’s ‘‘strategic patience’’ nonpolicy a failure? 

Answer. In the face of recent DPRK nuclear and missile tests, we have pursued 

an aggressive sanctions regime and an international campaign to pressure the 

DPRK government to return to credible negotiations. North Korea has never before 

been subject to the kind of pressure levied upon it by the recent UNSCR, the recently enacted North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, and by the recent Executive Order. These actions are not ‘‘more of the same’’—they represent a 

major increase in pressure by the international community. This pressure is part 

of our comprehensive policy toward North Korea—along with a strong defensive 

military posture, including the recently announced decision to deploy the Terminal 

High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system in the ROK, rooted in our ironclad alliances with the ROK and Japan to provide deterrence, and principled diplomatic 

engagement to explore North Korea’s readiness for credible negotiations that would 

lead to the denuclearization of the DPRK. Our priority remains denuclearization, 

but at the same time, we have worked closely with our allies in the ROK and Japan 

to enhance our ability to protect against and respond to North Korean actions and 

provocations, including through the recently announced deployment of a Terminal 

High Altitude Area Defense missile defense system. 

Question. Given yesterday’s ruling of the Tribunal in The Hague, how will the administration reinforce the need for China to drop its outlandish claims in the South 

China Sea? 

Answer. The ruling of the Arbitral Tribunal concerns maritime entitlements and 

does not speak to maritime boundaries or competing sovereignty claims over land 

features. We are encouraging all claimants to take advantage of the Arbitral Tribunal’s ruling to clarify their maritime claims in accordance with international law, 

as reflected in the Law of the Sea Convention, and to work together to creatively 

manage and resolve their disputes. Such steps could provide the basis for further 

discussions aimed at narrowing the geographic scope of the disputes, setting standards for behavior in disputed areas, and ultimately resolving their underlying disagreements free from coercion or the use or threat of force. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Question. What expectations do we have about how the new Philippine Government will respond to the Tribunal’s ruling? Do we anticipate they might accept some 

sort of deal with Beijing to not pursue implementation of the ruling? 

Answer. Shortly after the ruling was announced on July 12, the Philippine government welcomed the Arbitral Tribunal’s ruling, affirmed its respect for this decision to solve the disputes in the South China Sea, and called on those concerned 

to exercise restraint and sobriety. The Philippine government’s statement also reiterated the Philippines’ commitment to the peaceful resolution and management of 

disputes.It is our expectation that the Philippine government will live up to its commitment to restraint and sobriety. As we have said, the United States urges all parties to exercise restraint and use the Arbitral Tribunal’s ruling as a new opportunity 

to renew efforts to address maritime disputes peacefully. 

Question. Will the administration examine the use of appropriate authorities to 

sanctionChinese companies working on disputed islands? 

Answer. We will consider the potential use of all available authorities, as appropriate, to respond to Chinese actions in the South China Sea that threaten U.S. interests. The President has authority under the International Emergency Economic 

Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose sanctions to deal with any unusual and extraordinary threat, which has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United 

States, to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States, if 

the President declares a national emergency with respect to such a threat. Although 

there are no current sanctions programs specifically targeting China over the South 

China Sea, the President has the authority to implement a sanctions response if the 

President determines it is necessary and appropriate under IEEPA. 

REPONSES OF RENA BITTER, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE LAO PEOPLE’S

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BITTER’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What has the Laotian government committed to in its 2016-2020 plan 

to combat trafficking in persons? Of these elements, what will your priorities be? 

Answer. Lao government officials have acknowledged on multiple occasions that 

human trafficking remains a problem in Laos. They have also publicly committed 

to work with civil society, law enforcement, and foreign governments to prevent, 

protect, assist and properly identify victims. 

Laos has taken steps to combat human trafficking. The Lao government passed 

a new anti-trafficking in persons law, drafted national victim identification guidelines, and completed the 2016-2020 national action plan. Among other items, the 

plan directs the government to enhance bilateral and multilateral coordination on 

trafficking issues, as well as cooperation with international organizations and 

NGOs. It calls for the government to conduct campaigns to raise awareness and establish a trafficking hotline. In addition, it directs the government to strengthen capacity for law enforcement officials to identify victims and prosecute traffickers, including by enhancing coordination among law enforcement agencies and victim service providers. To protect victims, the plan instructs the government to provide shelters and comprehensive services. 

If confirmed, I will engage the Lao government and civil society to urge the full 

implementation of the government’s action plan, and I will encourage and assist efforts to address the recommendations set forth in the 2016 Trafficking in Persons 

Report. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BITTER’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have prioritized the promotion of human rights issues throughout my 

career. As Consular Section Chief in Jordan, my section backed up Embassy Baghdad’s at a time when its Iraqi staff was being targeted for their crucial work with 

American diplomatic and military servicemembers. I worked closely with the Jordanian government to provide routes of escape for many Iraqi locally engaged staff 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1051 

and their families, before the United States had a refugee program to assist them. 

During this time period, I also own the Thomas Jefferson Award for my service to 

American citizens. Additionally, as Director of the State Department’s Operations 

Center, I led the Department’s response to multiple humanitarian crises, including 

those related to the Arab Spring and the triple disaster in Japan. 

Most recently as Consul General in Ho Chi Minh City, I worked closely both with 

civil society groups and individuals to facilitate and highlight U.S. support for fundamental rights with the government of Vietnam. A key component of this support 

was introducing training programs focusing on rule of law, free expression, labor 

and media. Our public diplomacy activities consistently spotlighted LGBT rights, 

women’s empowerment, environmental and disability activism. 

I met publicly and privately with religious leaders and activists as a way to concretely demonstrate U.S. government support for their rights and raised individual 

cases and broad principles consistently and directly in my interactions with Vietnamese government officials. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Laos? What are the 

most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human rights 

and democracy in Laos? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions? 

Answer. We continue to have concerns about Laos’ human rights record, particularly restrictions on civil society, freedom of religion, freedom of expression, and 

freedom of assembly. If confirmed, I will continue to raise these issues with the Lao 

government. Senior U.S. government representatives, including the Secretary of 

State, have engaged Lao leaders at the highest levels, ensuring that Laos understands our priorities and our values on human rights are those shared by the majority of people worldwide. 

In addition, our development assistance always supports our end goal to encourage and facilitate Laos’ respect universal human rights. We support programs that 

strengthen rule of law, access to health and education for Lao women and children, 

labor rights, media training and environmental protection. I will expand and continue these programs, if confirmed. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Laos in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general? 

Answer. Laos is a one-party state, and its civil society is nascent and fragile. Due 

to these limitations, the State Department supports programs that support civil society capacity development, and USAID programs assist persons with disabilities 

and support improvements in nutrition and health programs, to name just a few examples, to help make civil society stronger. If confirmed, I will be diligent in working to strengthen civil society organizations and furthering efforts to preserve 

human rights.Question: 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Laos? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the 

Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. Yes, I am fully committed to meeting with human rights, civil society, 

and other NGOs in the U.S. as well as human rights NGOs in Laos. Additionally, 

I will continue to support the growth of civil society in Laos. Support from U.S.- 

based human rights and other non-governmental organizations is critical to helping 

Laos make improvements on these issues. If confirmed, I will work to ensure all 

U.S. assistance to Laos is in accordance of the Leahy Law. U.S. security assistance 

to Laos is currently limited; expanding cooperation in this area depends on further 

commitments from the Government of Laos to improve its human rights record. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Laos to address 

cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Laos? 

Answer. I am deeply concerned by cases such as Sombath Somphone and Kha 

Yang, as well as the chilling effect these disappearances have throughout Laos. If 

confirmed, I will press the Lao government to conduct full, thorough, and transparent investigations. This engagement will be through private meetings with key 

officials in the Lao government as well as through public statements that signals 

to the citizen of Laos that we have not forgotten about these cases. Those responsible must be held accountable. I will also encourage the Lao to view the justice 

progress as a part of their wider reputation regarding the rule of law. While these 

cases are about political activists, the lack of a full investigation casts doubt on the 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1052 

strength and independence on the judiciary which could have follow on effects for 

western investors. 

Question. Will you engage with Laos on matters of human rights, civil rights, and 

governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Engaging Laos on human rights issues is among the mission’s top priorities. Issues that receive particular attention are restrictions on civil society, freedom of religion, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. If confirmed, I will 

continue to raise our concerns with Laos’ record at the highest levels. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE BITTER’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Russia is increasing its outreach to Southeast Asia particularly focused 

on exports of hydrocarbons, energy technology, and weapons. Putin hosted in May 

the first summit of Southeast Asian nations in Russia. In particular, Russian arms 

sales to Southeast Asia more than doubled to nearly $5 billion in the five year period through 2015. What are we doing enough to blunt Russia’s attempt to buy influence in the region? 

Answer. Although Russia’s interest in Southeast Asia has increased, Cold War 

ties between Russia and Laos continue to fade, and there is little indication Russia 

will be able to buy influence there. Moreover, Laos has experience balancing and 

managing influence and investment from larger and more powerful countries, and 

is focused on deepening new relationships with allies such as Japan and Korea, and, 

increasingly, with the United States and the European Union. 

Our efforts to expand our relationship with Laos are based on partnering to build 

trust, engaging with new generations, and exploring areas of mutual cooperation. 

Laos understands that it needs a diverse portfolio of friends in order to preserve 

its independence and move beyond the ranks of the world’s least developed countries. We are working to establish the United States as a reliable partner by addressing legacy issues like unexploded ordnance (UXO) and engaging with Laos on 

health, education, nutrition, and rule of law. We are solidifying our expanding relationship through people-to-people exchanges and visits by senior officials. 

REPONSES OF KAMALA SHIRIN LAKDHIR, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. AMBASSADOR TO

MALAYSIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE LAKDHIR’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CORKER

Question. What are your priorities for addressing trafficking in persons and addressing concerns raised by the SFRC? 

Answer. The recommendations in the 2016 Trafficking in Persons Report will 

guide my priorities, if confirmed. The TIP Report narrative for Malaysia and its recommendations represent the best analysis of our TIP experts in Washington and on 

the ground at our Embassy, and take into account input from a variety of non-governmental groups and individuals who share our serious concerns about trafficking 

in persons in Malaysia. 

Among the current Report’s recommendations, I would especially urge Malaysia 

to fully and effectively implement the 2015 amendments to its anti-trafficking law 

giving victims greater freedom to live and work outside of shelters. If confirmed, I 

will stress to Malaysian officials at every level the need to increase the effectiveness 

of prosecutions, including any complicit government officials. This includes any officials or others involved in the deaths of migrants discovered in horrendous mass 

graves on the Malaysia-Thai border. 

To be successful, Malaysia will need to take a whole-of-government approach to 

reform. Increasing prosecutions will require improved collaboration by law enforcement, stronger cooperation between law enforcement and prosecutors, timely court 

procedures, and increased familiarity by judges with the full range of trafficking 

crimes. At the same time, improved case management and communication with trafficking victims about the status of their cases will be needed to help victims feel 

safe, understood, and empowered to work with investigators and prosecutors. This 

includes building prosecutor-victim relationships at least two weeks prior to trial, 

supporting shelters where victims are counseled, and providing counseling in native 

languages. 

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If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will work closely with both government and 

civil society to identify ways to achieve concrete results. I also look forward to working with this committee as we press Malaysia for progress in these areas. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE LAKDHIR’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. In nearly 25 years working as a diplomat overseas and in Washington, 

I have worked on a wide range of efforts to support human rights and democracy, 

a critical component of U.S. diplomacy. My most visible work to support human 

rights and democracy was as Consul General in Northern Ireland. As the U.S. representative, I promoted implementation of the political settlement enshrined in the 

1998 Good Friday Agreement. During my time in Belfast, the final step of that 

Agreement—devolution of policing and justice to the North Ireland authorities—was 

achieved, but only after protracted and difficult negotiations and U.S. pressure. This 

was a critical step that, if it had not been achieved, likely would have resulted in 

the collapse of the Northern Ireland power sharing government. 

As Consul General, I also persistently promoted interaction between all communities in Northern Ireland, including immigrant communities. In outreach for Martin Luther King Day, on International Women’s Day, in support of LGBTI people, 

and on numerous other occasions, I strongly emphasized respect for human rights 

for all citizens. 

As the office director for Maritime Southeast Asia in the Department’s Bureau for 

East Asian and Pacific Affairs from 2007-2009, I oversaw U.S. engagement with the 

Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Timor Leste, Singapore, and Brunei. In each of 

these countries, U.S. diplomacy focused on strengthening democracy, rule of law, 

and respect for human rights. In the Philippines, we closely monitored extrajudicial 

killings, pressing the Philippine government to investigate and halt these killings 

as well as to implement protections of human rights as a critical component of U.S.- 

funded law enforcement and military trainings. In Timor-Leste, we focused on building government institutions and civil society in a fragile new nation during a time 

that included attempted assassinations of the President and Prime Minister in 2008 

and the aftermath of widespread sectarian violence in 2006. In Malaysia, lively national elections resulted in the strongest showing by the opposition since the country’s independence, and U.S. policy supported the expansion of civil society and public debate. In Indonesia, our diplomatic efforts aimed to build democratic and transparent government institutions, as well as respect for rule of law and human rights 

after the then-recent transition from the Suharto era. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Malaysia? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Malaysia? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. The United States is concerned about a number of human rights issues 

in Malaysia. In particular, there is a need for increased efforts to protect the life 

and liberty of people crossing the country’s borders. The discovery in 2015 of mass 

graves at camps on the Malaysia-Thailand border illustrates the urgent need for the 

government to take action. Malaysia has launched investigations, but should act 

quickly to identify those responsible and bring them to justice, to include any 

complicit government officials. Working with Malaysia to protect migrants, trafficking victims, and other vulnerable populations will be among my top priorities, 

if confirmed. 

I also plan to underscore in my engagements with Malaysian officials that fairness, transparency, and rule of law are essential to promote confidence in Malaysia’s 

judicial system and democracy. The free exchange of ideas, including in the press 

and online, is particularly crucial to innovation and success in the global economy, 

so I would also work with the private sector and other governments to urge Malaysia to ensure its laws, existing and future, fully respect freedom of expression. Finally, I would also continue to raise U.S. concerns about the selective use of the Sedition Act and other laws to stifle dissent. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

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will you face in Malaysia in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy 

in general? 

Answer. It is always challenging to respect the political process and cultural and 

historical circumstances of any country, while at the same time pressing for governments to abide by international human rights obligations and commitments. I recognize this challenge and, if confirmed, will urge the Malaysian government to fulfill 

its commitments to protect the human rights of Malaysian citizens, migrants, and 

all others within its borders. Continued active engagement and partnership with 

Malaysia across a broad array of mutual interests will provide greater opportunities 

to address human rights concerns. 

Malaysia’s Sedition Act is one particular concern. Prime Minister Najib backed 

away from an earlier promise to repeal the law, and his government instead expanded its scope in late 2014. The United States has repeatedly expressed our concerns about the Sedition Act and other limits on freedom of expression in Malaysia. 

The U.S. government also proactively sought details of proposed changes to the 

country’s laws regulating the internet, and expressed concerns about their potential 

restrictions on freedom of expression. We have also emphasized to Malaysians that 

restrictions on speech and assembly, and a lack of confidence in rule of law and judicial independence could have a negative impact on Malaysia’s image as a businessfriendly economy. If confirmed, I would continue to press the Malaysian Government 

on these issues. 

Advocating for the rights of LGBTI people is another challenge. Some officials 

have stated LGBTI rights are incompatible with Malaysian values, but the Embassy 

continues to impress upon Malaysians that a vibrant, multiethnic democracy depends on protecting the rights of all people and that a society should protect the 

beliefs of the faithful as well as the rights of LGBTI people. In March, Secretary 

Kerry celebrated Malaysian transgender activist Nisha Ayub as one of the 2016 

International Woman of Courage awardees. If confirmed, I will continue to support 

capacity-building grants and activities for LGBTI civil society and urge progress in 

this area. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights 

NGOs in Malaysia? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support 

the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the long-standing practice of meeting with 

human rights, civil society, and other non-governmental organizations in the United 

States and in Malaysia. In particular, such meetings are an opportunity to exchange 

views on how to cooperate on the protection of human rights and dignity of people, 

as well as to symbolize the U.S. commitment to democratic principles and the protection of human rights.The Leahy Act has been an important tool in protecting 

human rights for nearly 20 years, and I am fully committed to its implementation, 

including strict adherence to the Department’s Leahy vetting procedures. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Malaysia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Malaysia? 

Answer. Yes. The United States government regularly raises its concerns about 

selective use of the Sedition Act, national security legislation, and other laws to harass, detain, and imprison government critics, including opposition leader Anwar 

Ibrahim. We do so at the highest levels of government, and if confirmed, I will continue that practice. 

Question. Will you engage with Malaysia on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to raising U.S. concerns regarding 

human rights, civil rights, and good governance with Malaysian counterparts. In 

particular, discussing strong bilateral trade and investment between the United 

States and Malaysia provides an opportunity to underscore our firm belief that good 

governance and freedom of expression are essential to Malaysia’s continued prosperity and ability to innovate. I will also seek to increase opportunities for exchanges between U.S. and Malaysian civil society in order to strengthen the capacity of non-governmental organizations in Malaysia.Human Trafficking 

Question. As you know, last year Malaysia was promoted from Tier 3 to Tier 2 

Watch List in the State Department’s Trafficking in Persons Report. Yet, Malaysia 

has taken few significant steps to address its overall trafficking and forced labor 

problem—the steps that they have taken have been small in comparison with the 

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scope of the problem. The Malaysia 2016 TIP report reads, ‘‘[t]he Government of 

Malaysia does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. Despite these measures, 

the government did not demonstrate overall increasing anti-trafficking efforts compared to the previous reporting period.’’ Despite a reformed victim protection system, migrant workers continue to suffer on palm oil plantations and in electronics 

factories. Though trafficking convictions increased last year, investigations and prosecutions decreased. And no one has been held accountable for the mass graves found 

last year on the Thai border. 

What, in your view, is the rationale for keeping Malaysia on the Tier 2 Watch 

List? 

Answer. Secretary Kerry made the 2016 tier placement decisions based on an assessment of government efforts to meet the minimum standards established under 

the TVPA. These efforts are outlined in the 2016 report, along with specific recommendations for Malaysia. One key effort was Malaysia’s continued work to reform its victim protection system with the goal of giving victims the ability to move 

freely in and out of shelters and to seek employment, the top TIP report recommendation for several years. Malaysia welcomed international expert opinion and 

convened a series of consultation sessions with NGOs during which civil society was 

given the opportunity to provide specific edits and recommendations on the draft 

regulations, which have since become law. 

Malaysia has much work to do to improve the situation of trafficking victims and 

to hold traffickers accountable, including increasing investigations, prosecutions and 

convictions. If confirmed, I will remain committed to urging Malaysia to make 

progress based on those recommendations. 

Question. Can you pledge that, if confirmed as Ambassador, you will do all that 

is within your power to ensure that political considerations will not influence Malaysia’s ranking in the State Department Trafficking in Persons Report? 

Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the Embassy in reporting the 

facts accurately and completely, and to provide the TIP office and the Secretary of 

State our best and honest assessment of Malaysia’s efforts to address this serious 

problem. My team and I will objectively assess the government’s efforts each year 

against the TVPA’s minimum standards in any recommendations to the Department 

regarding the annual Trafficking in Persons Report. 

Question. What is your strategy to incentivize Malaysia to take more significant 

steps to prosecute traffickers involved in trafficking—not just a few cases, but a 

greater effort to tackle human trafficking as a product of organized criminal syndicates? 

Answer. I believe the Trafficking in Persons Report is an important tool to 

incentivize countries to take significant steps in each of the TIP focus areas: protection, prosecution, and prevention. The Report and its recommendations make very 

clear to Malaysia the urgent need to make progress on prosecutions and convictions 

of traffickers. I understand the Government of Malaysia has welcomed U.S. and 

international experts to help build the capacity of its investigators, prosecutors, and 

judges to bring successful TIP cases. If confirmed, I will work with the Government 

of Malaysia to support that collaboration. 

If confirmed, I will press for greater accountability for traffickers, especially increased prosecutions and convictions. I believe the U.S.-Malaysia Labor Consistency 

Plan side agreement to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) promotes these same 

priorities and incentivizes the Government of Malaysia to cooperate on these issues. 

Human Rights 

Question. Earlier this year Senator McCain and I sent a letter to President 

Obama expressing our concerns with regards to Prime Minister Najib’s efforts to undermine the rule of law and basic human rights. The State Department’s Country 

Report on Human Rights for 2015 describes Malaysia’s restrictions on freedom of 

speech and expression, on the press, and on assembly, as well as sedition charges 

against dozens of activists, lawyers and opposition politicians. 

As Ambassador, how will you prioritize human rights in Malaysia with other U.S. 

strategic and economic interests? 

Answer. Protecting human rights has been and will continue to be a priority of 

the United States in its diplomatic engagement. Advancing respect for human 

rights, freedom of expression, transparency, and rule of law are critical to achieving 

many goals of the Mission—from countering violent extremism to increased trade 

and investment—in Malaysia. It will be my priority, if confirmed, to underscore to 

the government of Malaysia the importance of good governance, rule of law, and 

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freedom of expression to the country’s continued prosperity and ability to innovate. 

In the context of our strong bilateral trade and investment, I will also work to ensure that goods and services from Malaysia meet the highest labor standards. 

Question. What specific areas—good governance, anti-corruption, labor rights, 

freedom of information—is Malaysia making progress and where do the most significant challenges remain? 

Answer. While high-level political corruption remains a major challenge in Malaysia, regulators and law enforcement officials have taken steps to combat moneylaundering and terrorism finance. In February 2016, Malaysia gained full membership to the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) after undergoing an intensive mutual evaluation. 

The United States champions good governance and transparency. In Malaysia, 

most government documents, including draft legislation, are not generally available 

to the public. If confirmed, I will support longstanding U.S. government efforts to 

urge the Malaysian Government to share draft legislation with stakeholders from 

industry and civil society, and in particular proposed legislation that would restrict 

the free flow of information online. 

Finally, the U.S.-Malaysia Labor Consistency Plan requires Malaysia to make significant progress on labor rights before the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) can 

enter into force between the United States and Malaysia. These improvements include enforcing the core labor rights as outlined by the International Labor Organization (ILO)—freedom of association and collective bargaining, and the eradication 

of discrimination and forced and child labor. Malaysia has begun to amend its laws 

to bring it into compliance with these international standards. Malaysia has already 

made modest progress by amending and issuing regulations to its anti-trafficking 

law that are intended to enhance the ability of victims to move freely and to work. 

The government has begun collaborating with civil society on trafficking victim protection, including by funding NGO victim support activities for the first time. While 

much work remains, these are important steps in reforming Malaysia’s victim protection regime and improving the government’s efficacy in the fight against trafficking. As the recent TIP report emphasized, Malaysia needs to increase trafficking 

investigations, prosecutions, and convictions. I will work steadfastly to ensure Malaysia lives up to these commitments, if confirmed. 

Question. How will you promote human rights with Malaysia’s youth, including 

in counter-terrorism and CVE work in Malaysia? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will support greater opportunities for the peoples of Malaysia and the United States to meet and deepen their understanding of each other’s 

cultures and values, including through tourism, education, and other people-to-people exchanges. Outreach to Malaysia’s youth and communities outside the capital 

will be a particular area of focus for me, if confirmed. 

Working with the Malaysian government, the U.S. government’s CVE efforts are 

focused on strategic communications projects to analyze target audiences, and to 

create and disseminate information. If confirmed, I hope to leverage governmentcivil society partnerships to ensure a wide range of stakeholders participate in CT 

and CVE efforts. 

Corruption 

Question. With multiple media outlets reporting that money from the 1MDB fund 

was diverted to Prime Minister Najib’s bank account, some analysts argue that U.S. 

support for Najib risks giving the impression that the United States is not concerned about these corruption allegations, or that the United States can tolerate 

some amount of corruption for the sake of maintaining U.S.-Malaysia cooperation. 

As you may know, I view anti-corruption efforts as absolutely central to our foreign 

policy. 

How should the United States factor the 1MDB corruption allegations into its bilateral relationship with Malaysia? 

Answer. The peoples of the United States and Malaysia have a strong relationship 

built on common economic and security interests and mutual trust. Investing in the 

long-term relationship between the United States and Malaysia provides a strong 

foundation for the United States to address issues of concern, including corruption. 

The United States will continue to urge the government of Malaysia to apply the 

rule of law consistently, fairly, and transparently, and with respect for universal 

human rights—as we have routinely done at the highest levels. Additionally, our 

agencies have expanded cooperation on this important issue with Malaysian institutions like the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC). If confirmed, I would 

work with all agencies and departments of the U.S. government to support the U.S. 

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government’s commitment to preventing and combatting corruption, including training and capacity building programs for Malaysian regulators and law enforcement 

officials to combat corruption and other financial crimes. 

Question. To what extent are anti-corruption objectives systematically incorporated into the U.S. government’s foreign assistance programming in Malaysia? 

Answer. Malaysia, as a high-middle income country, does not receive significant 

U.S. foreign assistance. If confirmed, I would seek to ensure all assistance programming in Malaysia is carried out in a manner consistent with U.S. law and with the 

strictest respect for our commitment to prevent and combat corruption. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE LAKDHIR’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. In late June a night club in Malaysia was bombed at the direction of 

ISIL. Is Malaysia doing enough to combat the threat from ISIL? Are we concerned 

that the night club bombing could lead to additional ISIL attacks in Malaysia? 

Answer. The recent nightclub bombing, reportedly carried out with Da’esh influence, elevated the sense of urgency and reinforces the importance of the commitment shared by the United States and Malaysia to eradicating Da’esh. The Malaysian government takes seriously its role to protect its citizens against violent extremism, as evidenced by the over 180 Da’esh supporters arrested in the past three 

years. Malaysia recognizes the threat is real and has taken a number of significant 

steps towards combatting the threat of Da’esh. Malaysia joined the U.S.-led Global 

Coalition to Counter ISIL, and has signed two terrorist information sharing arrangements with the United States. 

If confirmed, I will work closely with the Malaysian government and people to 

support our global strategy to cut off ISIL’s financing, dismantle its networks and 

supply lines, ensure fewer foreign fighters join, and ultimately eradicate ISIL. 

Question. ISIL launched publication of a new newspaper to recruit fighters from 

Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, Singapore, southern Thailand, and southern Philippines which apparently overlaps with the territory of their stated Southeast Asian 

caliphate. Are we focused on addressing the message from this newspaper? 

Answer. Malaysia’s efforts to counter-Da’esh narratives are well underway, including a number of workshops supported by the United States and U.S. private 

sector participants. With significant support from the United States, Malaysia plans 

to launch its Digital Strategic Communications Division in July. If confirmed, I will 

do whatever I can to support these efforts. 

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(1059) 

NOMINATIONS 

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 2016 

U.S. SENATE, 

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, 

Washington, DC. 

Hon. W. Stuart Symington, of Missouri, nominated to be Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria 

Andrew Robert Young, of California, nominated to be Ambassador 

to Burkina Faso 

Joseph R. Donovan, Jr., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 

to the Republic of Indonesia 

The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:31 a.m. in Room 

SD–419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeff Flake, presiding. 

Present: Senators Flake [presiding], Rubio, Gardner, Markey, 

and Murphy. 

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF FLAKE, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA 

Senator FLAKE. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 

Committee will come to order. 

Today the committee will consider the nomination of three highly 

experienced career Foreign Service officers to be U.S. Ambassadors 

to Burkina Faso, Nigeria, and Indonesia. We never knew that Indonesia had become part of Africa. [Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE. But we will take it for the day. 

Glad to have you here. I met with each of you in my office last 

week and appreciated you making time for that. I was, as I usually 

am, very impressed at the expertise and commitment and experience that you all bring to this potential new post. 

As the largest sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria remains of 

critical importance to the U.S. interests especially in the effort 

against Boko Haram. However, the stress of low global oil prices 

on Nigeria’s economy is creating numerous challenges for President 

Buhari’s administration and Nigeria’s broader security. 

Burkina Faso is another West African country that recently 

achieved democratic transition of power first since its independence 

in 1966 with newly elected President Kabore. He enjoys considerable domestic and international goodwill. There are many economic, political, and security challenges he faces. 

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Finally, Indonesia is the largest and one of the most important 

countries in Southeast Asia, a vital element to Asia’s future development. Our close bilateral ties with the Indonesian Government 

in areas of trade, counterterrorism, and maritime security will need 

careful stewardship in the years ahead. 

I thank each of you for your time today. I am aware of the sacrifices that you make but, in particular, the sacrifices that your 

families make for you to serve in these posts. 

And with that, I will recognize the distinguished ranking member for a few comments. Senator Markey? 

STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY, 

U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Thank 

you for having this hearing. 

Each of these countries presents important opportunities to advance American interests while helping to ensure peaceful and 

prosperous lives for hundreds of millions of people in two of the 

world’s most dynamic and fastest growing regions. 

In August, I led a congressional delegation to West Africa that 

included a visit to Nigeria, a country that plays a critical role not 

only in its region but for the entire continent. When many think 

of Nigeria, they think of the security threats of Boko Haram and 

other extremist groups in the northeast or from piracy in the Gulf 

of Guinea. These threats are real and they are serious. 

But our visit also showed a dynamic and hopeful Nigeria. In 

Lagos, I met many brilliant young entrepreneurs whose innovative 

startups are creating a new knowledge-driven economy. Their work 

has extraordinary potential to lift many millions of Nigerians out 

of poverty and make the country a major player in the 21st century 

economy. The United States can be a critical partner in supporting 

the efforts of these Nigerian pioneers. 

Burkina Faso, which translates in English to the land of the upright people, also offers reasons for optimism about the future of 

West Africa. After decades of autocratic rule, the people peacefully 

demanded democratic reforms. They are now working to further 

those reforms, strengthening their political institutions and civil society and preserve a culture of peace and tolerance in a region 

threatened by growing extremism. Also essential are their efforts 

to reduce poverty by building inclusive and sustainable economic 

development in one of Africa’s poorest countries. 

And last, at the center of economically dynamic Southeast Asia, 

Indonesia is a democracy and a secular state that also has a larger 

Muslim population than any other country in the world. Those 

facts stand as a clear rebuke to those who say that Islam is inherently antagonistic to democracy. 

So I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing, and we 

thank all of our nominees for being here today. 

Senator FLAKE. Well, thank you, Senator Markey. 

We will now turn to our nominees. The first nominee is Stuart 

Symington who served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 

Central Africa and African Security Affairs since 2015. His previous positions include serving as U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda and 

Djibouti. We were commenting in the office that Djibouti, Nigeria, 

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1061 

about the same population, and everything else. So this is going to 

be a big change. 

Our second nominee, Andrew Young, most recently served as 

Deputy Chief of Mission in Mali. Previous assignments include 

South Korea, France, New Zealand, Burma, India, and Hong Kong. 

And I am sure he is going to find a way to practice his Korean 

skills in Mali as well. 

Last but not least, Joseph Donovan, who currently serves as 

Managing Director of the Washington Office of the American Institute in Taiwan, previously served as Foreign Policy Advisor to the 

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the Pentagon, also served 

in Hong Kong, Japan, China, South Korea, and Qatar. 

With that, we will recognize Ambassador Symington. 

STATEMENT OF HON. W. STUART SYMINGTON, OF MISSOURI, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Chairman Flake, Ranking Member 

Markey, to you and to all the distinguished members of the Senate 

Foreign Relations Committee, I want you to know how deeply honored I am to sit before you today as President Obama’s nominee 

to serve as the Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I 

am grateful to the President and to Secretary Kerry for their confidence in my ability to lead U.S. engagement with one of, as you 

said, our most important partners on the African continent. 

I am also delighted to share with you the special pleasure I have 

to have my wife Susan; my son Stuart; my mother and father, Stuart and Janie Symington; brother John; and nephew Jack with us 

today. It is a remarkable testament to how at home and abroad 

they serve also with me, as they do with all other Foreign Service 

officers. 

Senator FLAKE. Where are they? Can they raise their hands 

here? The Symington family. All right. 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Thank you, Senator. 

Mr. Chairman, I have spent half of my 30 years of public service 

working to advance peace, security, and prosperity for the people 

of the African continent. In all of these endeavors, including during 

my two jobs as Ambassador and my previous job in Washington as 

Deputy Assistant Secretary and Special Representative for the 

Central African Republic, I have learned one thing that matters 

most, and that is the partnerships that we form with the people 

of the place we work to advance our interests and the wellbeing of 

people. 

Nigeria is home to more than 180 million people. And as you 

said, Senator Markey, some of the most vibrant and entrepreneurial people in the world are there. The United States has in Nigeria a unique opportunity to engage productively in that vital 

partnership. 

In 2015, we showed that by the relentless U.S. diplomatic efforts 

and technical assistance, helping their national electoral commission that supported the people of Nigeria in a vote that became a 

peaceful change from one party to another for the first time in that 

nation’s history. 

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Additionally, our engagement with Nigerian health authorities 

helped to stop in the City of Lagos an Ebola epidemic which could 

have wreaked havoc with the most populous city in Africa. 

We welcome profoundly President Buhari’s call to fight corruption and to make steps towards achieving that goal. I would just 

highlight his high profile public campaign, the institution of a single account, and his work to investigate corruption. 

Mr. Chairman, despite such progress, I am keenly aware of the 

profound challenges that remain. These include, as you pointed out 

the other day, Senator Markey, improving the climate for the telecommunications industry that could put so many people to work. 

They also include energy. The Power Africa legislation and the 

Electrify Africa effort that you all backed can make a profound difference on the continent. It includes health where we are spending 

most of our money and the governance of health, which is so critical to make sure it gets where it is needed. It also includes justice, 

human rights, and education. 

Finally, with all the other countries of this region and many others around the world, Nigeria faces, as you mentioned, an extraordinary terrorist threat from Boko Haram. Boko Haram, which in 

March 2015, declared its affiliation to ISIL, has killed tens of thousands, kidnapped thousands, displaced many more, and today 

threatens a large segment of the population. Nigeria and its neighbors have driven Boko Haram out of much of the territory that it 

controlled in 2015. However, its attacks have now created a humanitarian crisis of extraordinary proportions, and the group still 

continues to challenge state authority in many places as the government works to reengage with and provide services to the people 

in that territory. 

Nigeria also faces serious security and governance challenges in 

the south in the Niger Delta where militants have attacked critical 

oil infrastructure, slashing oil output and slowing Nigeria’s economic growth at a time of falling oil prices. 

Security problems are significant. Addressing them is critical, 

but it has to be done in a proactive, consensus-oriented, and 

achieving manner that prioritizes both security and the connection 

with the local communities that is the true heart of lasting security 

in any part of the world. 

As the people of Nigeria pursue solutions to these challenges, for 

both practical and moral reasons, the United States has a profound 

interest in their success. As we work together to address those 

challenges, we will continue to work with Nigerian partners to ensure human rights are fully protected. These rights are profoundly 

important to the people of Nigeria and their future, just as they are 

to us. Nigeria has the resilience and ability to overcome these problems by drawing on the strengths of its people, on their energy and 

vitality, and on Nigeria’s other great natural resources. 

If confirmed, I will work with those in the public and private sector to create opportunities for the people of Nigeria to grow and diversify their economy. Its success is not just important to Nigeria. 

It is important to the continent and to the world. Facing the tough 

challenges ahead together, our partnership with Nigeria aims to 

see that Nigeria becomes both an anchor of prosperity and stability 

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1063 

and an outstanding role model for other developing countries 

around the world. 

Mr. Chairman, these are great challenges, but if confirmed as 

your Ambassador and the Ambassador of the United States, I look 

forward to working with every member of what is a truly extraordinary U.S. mission, a team both in Abuja and in Lagos, to advance 

U.S. interests, to strengthen our partnership with Nigeria, and to 

ensure the safety and security of all our citizens. If confirmed by 

the Senate, I look forward especially to working on this critical 

agenda with you and your colleagues and with all those who are 

inspired, as you are, to continue this effort on the continent of Africa. 

I thank you very much for your invitation today and welcome 

your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Ambassador Symington follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF W. STUART SYMINGTON

Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished members of the 

committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today as President Obama’s 

nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I am 

grateful to the President and to Secretary Kerry for their confidence in my ability 

to lead U.S. engagement with one of our most critical bilateral partners on the African continent. It is a special pleasure to have my family with me here today as they 

have been at every step of my diplomatic career. 

Mr. Chairman, I have spent half of my more than 30 years of public service working to advance U.S. efforts to support the peace, security, and prosperity of Africa 

and its people. In all these endeavors, including during two prior postings as Ambassador and my present work in Washington as Deputy Assistant Secretary of 

State for African Affairs, I have seen that what matters most are the partnerships 

we form that advance the well-being of people. 

Home to as many as 180 million people and Africa’s most populous country, Nigeria provides a unique opportunity to engage productively in partnerships. We have 

a chance to build on recent successes as we face the challenges ahead. In 2015, relentless U.S. diplomatic efforts and technical assistance to Nigeria’s Independent 

National Electoral Commission supported the people of Nigeria as millions voted in 

a credible elections process. Nigeria saw the peaceful transition of power from one 

political party to another for the first time in its history. 

Additionally, U.S. engagement with Nigerian health authorities helped contain 

Ebola in the dense population center of Lagos, averting a public health catastrophe 

in Africa’s most populous city. 

We welcomed President Buhari’s call to fight corruption and his government’s initial steps towards that goal. These include high-profile investigations, the use of a 

single auditable treasury account for receipt of all public funds, and steps to reform 

the state oil company and the military procurement process, as well as an ongoing 

public campaign against corruption. 

Mr. Chairman, despite such progress, I am keenly aware that profound challenges 

remain in many areas, including health, energy, economic growth and job creation, 

governance, justice, human rights, and education. Similar to other countries in the 

region, Nigeria continues to face an extremist threat. Boko Haram, which in March 

2015 declared its affiliation to ISIL, has killed tens of thousands, displaced many 

more, and threatened large segments of the population. Nigeria and its neighbors, 

Cameroon, Chad, and Niger, successfully drove Boko Haram out of much of the territory the group had controlled in 2015. However, Boko Haram still challenges state 

authority in the Northeast as the government endeavors to hold and provide services in territory it has regained, and Boko Haram’s attacks have created a humanitarian crisis. 

Nigeria also faces serious security and governance challenges in the Niger Delta, 

where militants have attacked critical oil infrastructureslashing oil output and slowing Nigeria’s economic recovery in a period of already reduced oil revenue. Security 

problems are significant and addressing them in a proactive, consensus-oriented 

manner that prioritizes dialogue with local communities is one of Nigeria’s heaviest 

responsibilities. 

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As the people of Nigeria pursue solutions to these challenges, for both practical 

and moral reasons, the United States has a profound interest in their success. As 

we work together to address those challenges, we will continue to work with our 

Nigerian partners to ensure human rights are fully protected. Those rights are profoundly important to the people of Nigeria and to their future, just as they are to 

us. 

Nigeria has the resilience and ability to overcome these problems by drawing on 

the strengths of its people, on their energy and vitality, and on Nigeria’s other great 

natural resources. If confirmed, I will work with those in the public and private sector to create opportunities for the people of Nigeria to grow and diversify their economy. 

In conclusion, Nigeria’s success is not just important to Nigeria but it’s important 

to the continent and the world. As President Obama said in advance of his bilateral 

meeting with President Buhari in Washington D.C., ‘‘We are looking forward to 

hearing.how the United States can partner with Nigeria so that Nigeria ends up 

being an anchor not only of prosperity and stability [on the continent], but can also 

be an outstanding role model for developing countries around the world.’’ 

Mr. Chairman, I have been fortunate to work in public service and particularly 

on African issues for so many years. If confirmed I look forward to working with 

our truly extraordinary U.S. Mission team in Nigeria and, as Chief of Mission, to 

ensure the safety, security, and productivity of all U.S. citizens as we work together 

to advance U.S. interests in Nigeria. 

Should I have the fortune to receive the confirmation of you and your Senate colleagues, I look forward to working on this critical agenda and inspiring others to 

contribute to this effort. I thank you for your invitation today, and I welcome any 

questions you might have. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Ambassador Symington. 

Mr. Young? 

STATEMENT OF ANDREW ROBERT YOUNG, OF CALIFORNIA, 

NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO BURKINA FASO 

Mr. YOUNG. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, for a diplomat 

who has spent 25 years serving his country on five continents 

across the globe, there is no greater honor that I can feel today 

than to be before you today as President Obama’s nominee to be 

the next Ambassador to Burkina Faso. I am humbled by the support that Secretary Kerry entrusted in me for this nomination. 

I am joined today by Margaret Hawley, my spouse, my partner, 

and fellow Foreign Service officer, and my son Nathan, who is a 

student at American University. My daughter Claire, a student at 

Yale; and my mother, who is in an adobe house in California; sister 

Danee and brother Jon and broker Blair and in-laws are monitoring this from the feed from the west coast. And if my dad were 

here, he would be the fellow with the big grin smiling and illuminating the rest of the room with his irrepressible enthusiasm. 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, my love for Africa began 

30 years ago as an intern at our embassy in Central African Republic-Bengui. You know, while we endured the power outages and 

gamma globulin shots that hurt like the dickens and we had terrorist attacks and monitored the trial of former Emperor Bokassa 

for unmentionable crimes, we also engaged the team to help people 

lift themselves out of poverty, to address health care concerns, and 

to address education for women and girls and human rights. 

I cherished what I learned in a small town in the heart of Africa 

and it inspired me to take a master’s degree in African studies and 

to work for the Commerce Department in the Overseas Private Investment Corporation to support private sector investment in Africa. 

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I then joined our diplomatic service where I saw firsthand the 

importance of putting promotion of democracy at the forefront of 

U.S. foreign policy. 

Last year, I was honored to receive the State Department’s Mark 

Palmer Award for Democracy for work that I had done in Burma 

with Aung San Suu Kyi and my work here on Capitol Hill as a legislative fellow and also in Mali where, as you said, Mr. Chairman, 

I served for 3 years as Deputy Chief of Mission. 

If confirmed as the next Ambassador to Burkina Faso, I will 

draw upon these experiences to advance our interests prioritizing 

three core areas: good governance, security, and equitable development. As Senator Markey mentioned, the Burkinabe people bravely 

demonstrated their commitment to democracy in 2014 by standing 

firm to stop ex-President Campaore from undermining the constitution and extending his 27-year rule. Doing what is right and not 

what is easy, Burkinabe civil society with the support of friends, 

including the United States, stood firm and faced the guns of the 

presidential guard who attempted to seize power in 2015. And 

when given the opportunity to express their views at the ballot box, 

the Burkinabe people again stood up and voted in record numbers 

in elections in 2015 and 2016, elections that were judged widely as 

free, fair, and transparent. And today, as Senator Markey said, the 

leadership that is in place in Burkina Faso consents with the consent of the governed. But that democracy, that democratic transition, as you said, Senator, remains fragile. 

If confirmed, I would seek your support and your guidance to 

help the Burkinabe people consolidate that democracy as a bulwark 

against the instability that reigns in that tough neighborhood, 

which is the Sahel. Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and other terrorist groups based in Mali—they export death and insecurity 

throughout the region. 

If confirmed, my second priority would be to address those security concerns, including the types of deadly attacks that have occurred in Ouagadougou and in Mali that I saw firsthand during my 

time in Mali. But in security, we have a strong partner in the people of Burkina Faso. They have deployed more than 12,000 peacekeepers in the toughest spots around the world, standing watch in 

our common interests—to promote our common interests since 

1993. 

So if confirmed, I would work through these existing programs 

and also new opportunities like you know, like the National Guard 

State Partnership Program to help emphasize and support indigenous capacities for Burkina Faso to deter and to respond to the 

types of terrorist threats that we have seen and to advance our 

common goals to combat violent extremism in the Sahel. 

Priority three would be equitable development, which reinforces 

good governance and security. One of the brakes on Burkina Faso’s 

growth has been inadequate infrastructure. Burkina successfully 

completed a 5-year, $480 million Millennium Challenge compact in 

2014 that made great advances to unlock the country’s potential. 

Our adept USAID and Centers for Disease Control teams—they 

play key roles in multi-sector resiliency programs. And Burkina 

Faso, as you said, Senator, a land of integrity, of upright people, 

they have earned high praise for their effective use of valuable exFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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ternal assistance. New resources could jump start Burkina as that 

bulwark against instability in the Sahel. 

Strong people-to-people ties embrace innovative exchange programs and a vibrant Peace Corps presence that includes efforts focused on an issue near and dear to my heart, engaging youth and 

empowering women and girls. 

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, you know, as we meet in 

this historic chamber, I am struck again by the awesome responsibility levied on an ambassador to protect fellow Americans. I have 

faced that responsibility during my time in Mali and when we confronted terrorism and defeated the Ebola threat. If confirmed, I 

will, above all, endeavor to protect American citizens and interests 

abroad. I will work to support good governance, which is the bedrock of effective society that reflects our shared values. And I 

would seek to advance U.S. national security while promoting equitable development. 

And finally, if confirmed, I would look to you for counsel and support to advance these common interests. 

I welcome your questions and thank you so much for considering 

my nomination. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Young follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ANDREW R. YOUNG

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and other members of the committee, for 

a Foreign Service Officer who has spent 25 years serving his country on five continents across the globe, I can tell you there is no greater honor for me than to appear before you as President Obama’s nominee for United States Ambassador to 

Burkina Faso. I am humbled by Secretary Kerry’s support to take on this responsibility. I am joined by Margaret Hawley, my wife, partner and fellow Foreign Service 

Officer for the past 26 years and my son Nathan, who studies at American University. My daughter Claire, a sophomore at Yale, is following the live stream as is 

my mother, Joyce, who is watching from her adobe house in Bakersfield California, 

and my sister Danee from Denver, brothers Jon from California and Blair from Oregon. Were he still with us, I think my irrepressible father, Bob, would be literally 

glowing from the front row. 

My love for Africa began thirty years ago as an intern at the U.S. Embassy in 

Bangui, Central African Republic. While we endured power outages, gamma globulin shots that hurt like the dickens, a terrorist hijacking, and the trial of former 

Emperor Bokassa for unmentionable crimes, we also worked as a team to support 

human rights, empower women and girls, and encourage self-help projects to lift 

people out of poverty. I cherished what I learned from life in a small town in the 

heart of Africa. After that, I received a Master’s Degree in African Studies, and 

worked at the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Overseas Private Investment 

Corporation to support the private sector in Africa. Joining our diplomatic service, 

I saw first-hand the importance of promoting democracy as a key component of our 

foreign policy. I was honored last year to receive the State Department’s first Mark 

Palmer Award for the Promotion of Democracy for actions taken in Burma, on Capitol Hill when I was a Legislative Fellow for Senator Lieberman and in Mali where 

I have just completed three years as Deputy Chief of Mission. If confirmed as the 

next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Burkina Faso, I will draw upon these experiences to advance U.S. interests in Africa. 

There is a good reason that the name Burkina Faso means ‘‘Land of the People 

of Integrity.’’ Integrity is a key value for the Burkinabe who are strong partners of 

the United States in our common struggle to promote democracy, development, and 

to fight instability. Inspired to do what is right, not what is easy, Burkinabe civil 

society, with the support of friends including the United States, took actions in 2014 

to stop the actions of then President Compaore to undermine the institution of the 

constitution, to restore democratic governance, and to confront some elements of the 

Presidential Security Regiment’s attempt to disrupt democratic transition in 2015. 

Presidential, legislative, and municipal elections in 2015 and 2016 were judged free 

and transparent. New leadership is in place, empowered by the consent of the govFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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erned. But that democratic transition remains fragile. If confirmed, I would 

prioritize supporting the Burkinabe to consolidate their democracy and seek your 

support to nurture a nation that confronts a host of challenges. 

Burkina Faso is in a tough neighborhood. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Mahgreb and 

other terrorist groups like al-Mouribitoune based in Mali export death and violence 

to the region. I witnessed this first-hand during multiple terrorist attacks in Mali. 

Within its means, Burkina Faso has been a valued partner in promoting regional 

security and combating terrorism. Deploying peacekeeping troops in places like Mali 

and Darfur, Burkina Faso has been a security provider in Africa. Since 1993, 

Burkina Faso has contributed more than 12,000 peacekeepers around the world and 

currently has more than 3,000 deployed. Burkina Faso hosts more than 32,000 Malian refugees with humanitarian assistance from the United States. If confirmed, I 

would work to build on this solid base through these programs and others like the 

Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) to enhance Burkina Faso’s capacities in our common efforts to combat and prevent violent extremism. 

One of the brakes on Burkina Faso’s growth has been inadequate infrastructure, 

especially in the energy sector. Burkina Faso completed a five-year $480.9 million 

Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact in 2014 focused on agriculture, 

girls’ education, and rural development. The positive reports on Burkina Faso’s effective use of these scarce and valuable resources and the country continuing to pass 

its scorecard would make Burkina Faso eligible to be considered for a second compact. 

People-to-people links between the United States and Burkina Faso have grown 

ever stronger through a vibrant Peace Corps presence that today includes more than 

114 volunteers who serve throughout the country in Health, Economic Development, 

and Education—particularly focused on an issue near and dear to my heart; engaging youth and empowering women and girls. In addition, our people-to-people links 

include engaging future leaders such as the innovative Young African Leaders Initiative that includes the Mandela Washington Fellows, Fulbright, Humphrey, and 

International Visitor exchange programs. If confirmed, I would welcome your support for these programs that help empower Burkinabe partners to address the root 

causes of the challenges facing the region. 

If confirmed, my priorities will be to promote democracy and good governance; advance peace and security; and, promote equitable economic opportunity and development. With the interagency team and the support of Congress, I would draw on my 

recent experience in Mali and innovative whole-of-government programs to work in 

tandem with the host government to strengthen democratic and governance institutions to support transparency, human rights, religious freedom, rule of law and justice, and citizen participation and representation. 

Having seen first-hand the challenging security environment of the Sahel during 

a number of terrorist attacks, if confirmed, I would prioritize security cooperation 

in ways that support Burkinabe forces’ efforts to enhance capacity and professionalism to maintain public order, protect borders, counter terrorism, cooperate regionally, and continue peacekeeping operations. To do so, I would ask for your support for the sustained partnership and mentoring programs I have seen work well 

in neighboring countries. Finally, if confirmed I would seek to build on previous efforts—such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), Power Africa, and 

Millennium Challenge Corporation investments to increase and sustain economic 

well-being with trade and investment in Burkina Faso. Together, our team would 

build on efforts to foster Burkinabe resilience and capacity to address the challenges 

of economic opportunity, demographic and environmental change in our common interest. 

If confirmed, my priorities would be to maximize the effectiveness of our cooperation with Burkina Faso. I will above all endeavour to protect American citizens and 

interests, advance U.S. national security in the Sahel region support good governance as the bedrock of an effective society that reflects American values in all interactions with the government and people of Burkina Faso. If confirmed, I will look 

to you for counsel and support as I seek to build on the achievements of Ambassador 

Tulinabo Mushingi and his team in advancing our shared values and common interests. I welcome any questions you may have. 

Thank you very much for your consideration of my nomination. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Mr. Young. 

Mr. Donovan? 

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STATEMENT OF JOSEPH R. DONOVAN, JR., OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA 

Mr. DONOVAN. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Markey, thank you very much 

for this opportunity to appear before you today as the President’s 

nominee to become the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia. I am deeply grateful to President Obama and Secretary 

Kerry for placing their confidence in me and for the incredible opportunity to serve the United States in this country of such importance to us. 

I would also like to introduce my wife, Meo Chou, and our two 

sons, James and Matthew. Without their love, support, and sacrifices, I would not be here before you today. 

Mr. Chairman, Indonesia is an increasingly important player on 

the world stage. It is the world’s third largest democracy, the most 

populous Muslim majority nation, and an emerging economic leader. Indonesia is a member of the G–20, the World Trade Organization, APEC, and a leader in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Indonesia is also a tolerant and diverse Muslim majority 

country, and its historic peaceful transition to democracy has important lessons for other nations in transition. 

Put simply, it is in our national interest to continue to grow an 

effective partnership with this dynamic nation. Today, the United 

States and Indonesia enjoy excellent relations. During President 

Jokowi’s October 2015 visit to Washington, we committed to forge 

a strategic partnership based on shared interests and common values that focuses on deepening people-to-people ties, enhancing security cooperation, strengthening our economic ties, and increasing 

collaboration on global and regional issues. 

We share an abiding interest in addressing challenges on the 

international stage. The United States looks to Indonesia as a valued partner in areas such as counterterrorism, environmental conservation, peacekeeping operations, and the regional promotion of 

human rights and democratic governance. Indonesia is a key partner in our efforts to promote regional prosperity and stability. 

Our development cooperation through USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation is a key tool for our strategic engagement with Indonesia. Working with a wide range of partners, government, the private sector, civil society groups, and educational 

institutions, we are advancing U.S. interests by promoting a more 

prosperous, democratic, and resilient Indonesia. Our development 

partnership focuses on areas of importance to the Indonesian people. We seek to augment their efforts to build capacity and improve 

governance, including in such areas as environmental protection, 

health, and countering violent extremism. 

U.S.-Indonesia defense cooperation has never been stronger or 

more comprehensive than it is today, and we are proud to be Indonesia’s top defense partner in joint exercises and other engagements. 

If confirmed, my priority will be to continue to forge an even 

more effective strategic partnership between our two nations. I will 

pursue opportunities for U.S. business, for example, by promoting 

U.S. solutions to Indonesia’s requirements in the power and aviation sectors. Likewise, I will endeavor to use our trade and investFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1069 

ment framework agreement talks to reduce legal and regulatory 

impediments to trade and investment. 

I will continue our close cooperation on counterterrorism, as we 

combat the threat of ISIL. 

I will look to enhance education cooperation by increasing the 

number of Indonesian students studying in the United States, promoting U.S. education, and facilitating partnerships between U.S. 

and Indonesian universities and scientific institutions. 

I will utilize public diplomacy programs such as the Young 

Southeast Asia Leaders Initiative to project America’s values and 

emphasize our respect for human rights and the rights of members 

of religious minorities, as well as our opposition to human trafficking. 

Mr. Chairman, during my Foreign Service career, I have been 

fortunate to serve the United States in both Washington and in 

East Asia and the Middle East. If confirmed, I will use my experience to lead our mission in Indonesia to tackle the challenges of the 

21st century, including the oversight of security and safety for our 

personnel in Jakarta and our two constituent posts in Surabaya 

and Medan. If confirmed, I will look forward to working with this 

committee and with the Asia Subcommittee and the full committee 

and engaging with each of you, whether here in Washington or 

during your visits to the region, as we continue to promote our interests in Indonesia. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today. I am 

honored to take your questions. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Donovan follows:] 

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JOSEPH R. DONOVAN, JR. 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Markey, and members of the committee, thank 

you for the opportunity to appear before you today as the President’s nominee to 

become the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia. I am deeply grateful 

to President Obama and Secretary Kerry for placing their confidence in me and for 

the incredible opportunity to serve the United States in this country of such importance to us. 

I would also like to introduce my wife, Mei Chou, and our two sons, James and 

Matthew. Without their love, support and sacrifices, I would not be here before you 

today. 

Mr. Chairman, Indonesia is an increasingly important player on the world stage. 

It is the world’s third-largest democracy, the most populous Muslim-majority nation, 

and an emerging economic leader. Indonesia is a member of the G20, the World 

Trade Organization, APEC, and a leader in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Indonesia is a tolerant and diverse Muslim-majority country and its historic, 

peaceful transition to democracy has important lessons for other nations in transition. 

Put simply, it is in our national interest to continue to grow an effective partnership with this dynamic nation. 

Today, the United States and Indonesia enjoy excellent relations. During President Jokowi’s October 2015 visit to Washington, we committed to forge a strategic 

partnership based on shared interests and common values that focuses on deepening 

people-to-people ties, enhancing security cooperation, strengthening our economic relationship, and increasing cooperation on global and regional issues. 

We share an abiding interest in addressing challenges on the international stage. 

The United States looks to Indonesia as a valued partner in areas such as counterterrorism, environmental conservation, peacekeeping operations and the regional 

promotion of human rights and democratic governance. Indonesia is a key partner 

in our efforts to promote regional prosperity and stability. 

Our development cooperation through USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation is a key tool for our strategic engagement with Indonesia. Working with 

a wide range of partners—government, the private sector, civil society groups, and 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

1070 

educational institutions—we are advancing U.S. interests by promoting a more prosperous, democratic and resilient Indonesia. Our development partnership focuses on 

areas of importance to the Indonesian people. We seek to augment their efforts to 

build capacity and improve governance, including in such areas as environmental 

protection, health, and countering violent extremism. 

U.S.-Indonesia defense cooperation has never been stronger or more comprehensive than it is today, and we are proud to be Indonesia’s top defense partner in joint 

exercises and other engagements. 

If confirmed, my priority will be to continue to forge an even more effective strategic partnership between our two nations. I will pursue opportunities for U.S. business, for example, by promoting U.S. solutions to Indonesia’s requirements in the 

power and aviation sectors. Likewise, I will endeavor to use our Trade and Investment Framework Agreement talks to reduce legal and regulatory impediments to 

trade and investment. I will continue our close cooperation on counterterrorism as 

we combat the growing threat of ISIL. I will seek to enhance education cooperation 

by increasing the number of Indonesians studying in the United States, promoting 

U.S. education, and facilitating partnerships between U.S and Indonesian universities and scientific institutions. I will utilize Public Diplomacy programs, such as 

the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI), to project America’s values 

and emphasize our respect for human rights and the rights of members of religious 

minorities, as well as our opposition to human trafficking. 

Mr. Chairman, during my Foreign Service career, I have been fortunate to serve 

the United States in both Washington and in assignments in East Asia and the 

Middle East. If confirmed, I will use my experience to lead our mission in Indonesia 

to tackle the challenges of the 21st century, including the oversight of security and 

safety for our personnel in Jakarta and our two constituent posts in Surabaya and 

Medan. If confirmed, I will look forward to working with this committee and engaging with each of you, whether here in Washington or during your visits to the region, as we continue to promote our interests in Indonesia. 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored to take 

your questions. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you all. Thank you all for your testimony. 

I will start the round of questions. 

Ambassador Symington, what is the biggest difference with the 

new government now, the Buhari government, as opposed to the 

Jonathan government in terms of our security cooperation with Nigeria? What opportunities do we have now that we did not before? 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Senator, thank you for that question 

and for the focus on the differences. 

The single greatest difference is Buhari’s forthright understanding of the importance of tackling both security challenges and 

the corruption that feeds them in many parts of the world. 

I think that as he thinks of the tasks ahead, what he needs in 

part is the kind of teamwork with his neighbors and with other 

partners, including us, that is essential to address this issue. And 

he also needs to keep working across the board to make sure that 

his government is seen to deliver the sorts of services to those who 

have been affected by terrorism that can win them to the cause because the security threats they face are too great for governments 

alone to handle. 

And so I would say that as we work with him in the days ahead, 

as we think of ways that we can train, ways that we can equip, 

ways that we can inform, ways that we can help with logistics and 

flesh out strategies and teamwork, what we have in President 

Buhari and his government is a willing partner genuinely interested in using resources well to enhance the welfare of his people. 

So if in the days ahead we can continue on that course, making 

wise decisions about how best we can help deal with one part of 

what is an absolutely clear global threat against not just Nigerians 

but us, I think we will be well served, Senator. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Young, talk for a minute, if you can, drawing on your experience in other African countries as well and most recently in Mali. 

How does our soft power or programs through USAID and Millennium Challenge and others help in terms of security cooperation in 

these countries? Is it a necessary part? Is it helpful or not? 

Mr. YOUNG. Thank you, Senator. I think you have honed in on 

exactly one of the great attributes we have to advance our national 

interests in places like Mali and in places like Burkina Faso, were 

I confirmed to be able to serve there. 

We have an extraordinary high level of public support in both 

those countries. The United States is perceived to be a partner who 

looks to support the common interests of our partners in Burkina 

Faso and our partners in Mali where I recently spent 3 years. And 

I think that that opens the door for us to find that common interest 

to solve a problem. I can give you some examples. 

When we were in Mali, the team worked very, very carefully to 

develop a security component, and in that security component, we 

had a national guard team that showed goodwill but lacked training and capacity. Through a series of interventions, we helped this 

team respond and create a quick reaction force that helped provide 

security around our embassy. Later we continued a mentoring program. That quick reaction force was able to follow behind some of 

our teams that responded to the attack on the Radisson Hotel, 

again showing their capacity to take the fight to the enemy under 

the leadership and partnership with Americans. 

And then finally, a neighbor was attacked about 400 meters from 

the embassy a few months later. That quick reaction force responded directly under their own initiative to provide lifesaving aid 

to their fellow citizens. I think that sort of teamwork that we empower enables us to advance our common interests. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Donovan, we are right now in discussions, obviously, or negotiation with TPP. Can you talk a little about the importance of engaging trade with Indonesia? Obviously, we want to make sure 

that Southeast Asian countries are part of our trade orbit and do 

not only have China as an option. How important is it for us to engage? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator. 

Certainly when we look at the rebalancing strategy, it has at 

least three legs to it. One is on the security area. Another is the 

growth and development of regional organizations or regional architecture, if you will. And the third is trade. And TPP plays a 

major role in the trade leg of this. Indonesia has expressed an interest, as have others in participating in TPP, and as we have with 

others, we have welcomed Indonesia’s interest in participating at 

some point in the future in TPP and, as we have said with others, 

if and when they are qualified to take the steps in order to do that. 

Overall, though, I think it is also important to recognize that our overall trade with Indonesia last year was about $27 billion. The 

American Chamber of Commerce, just in a meeting last week—the 

American Chamber of Commerce in Jakarta in a meeting last week 

stated that our economic relationship with Indonesia is very strong, 

but the opportunities are immense. And I think that says it all in 

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terms of the possibilities for going forward that we can do with Indonesia on trade. We look at it in terms of regulatory issues and 

encouraging them through our trade and investment forum agreement meetings to relax some regulatory restrictions that are placed 

on American products. Also we look for ways to encourage American investment in Indonesia, which we think also is a very positive force. 

All of these areas I think combine as part of our economic relationship and showing that the future could be immense for us in 

Indonesia. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Mr. Markey? 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. 

Mr. Symington, I was in Nigeria last month, and I was told that 

1 million doses of the medicine for HIV/AIDS had actually just 

been stolen and disappeared even though that government is part 

of our program to help to ensure that that type of aid reaches the 

people who need it the most. And of course, that medicine could 

then be sold on the black market for a lot more money. 

So I guess my question to you is that the Buhari government has 

promised reforms that promised that they are going to try to root 

out the deep corruption that has historically existed inside of that 

country. Can you give us, from your perspective, a progress report 

on how successful this new government has become? 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Senator, thank you for highlighting 

what is I think their greatest challenge. It is to go beyond the 

statements to the practice. 

Let me just say that one of the most important ways to make 

sure that you tackle corruption is to get the facts. And one of the 

things that we have done is to engage with them across the board 

to ensure that we have accurate information on the use of not only 

our resources but theirs. And that statistical challenge is one that 

we are working with our partners on every day. 

The second thing is that when there are problems, you need to 

hold people accountable, and my understanding is that some 

changes in the team that work on health in Nigeria reflect an effort 

to ensure accountability. 

So I think that they have got remarkable challenges ahead, but 

none is more important than to actually deliver the kind of goods 

and services not just supplied by the Nigerians but by their international partners, including the United States, to the people of Nigeria. They have said that that is their goal, and I think it is vital 

that we work with them to make sure that they achieve it. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

Mr. Young, the people in Burkina Faso—they live in a very dangerous neighborhood. There are terrorist groups coming from pretty 

much all directions towards that government. And I guess my 

question to you is what do you think the chances are of this government not ultimately being able to withstand its own internal 

stresses and that it could be overturned in a way that did not reflect its democratic values. 

Mr. YOUNG. So thank you, Senator. You highlight the challenge 

before us, but I think you also in your introduction highlighted the 

core resource upon which we can build to address that problem. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Burkina Faso, a land of people of integrity—this is an historic 

opportunity for us to invest in that fragile democracy and invest in 

those nascent security institutions to ensure that our interventions 

and the will of the Burkinabe people to build a democracy at this 

crucial point in their history reaches its fruition. So I would say 

this is an opportunity for us to inoculate this fragile democracy 

from the challenges, and if I were confirmed, I would keep your 

question and your themes at the forefront of every activity that I 

would do to move forward. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you. 

And, Mr. Donovan, there is a country of vast size and resources 

that you are being nominated to represent the United States. They 

have, unfortunately, much illegal logging that goes on. Their forests are ultimately central to, like the Amazon, providing the lungs 

for the planet. There is much corruption around this entire sector 

inside of their country, and yet we are hoping and expecting them 

to comply with these international goals that were set in Paris last 

December. 

Could you talk, from your perspective, about the role that you expect Indonesia to play and how you would intend on keeping them 

accountable to meeting the goals that have been established for 

them? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator. I think you point out two 

very important areas of cooperation that we have with Indonesia. 

One would be on the fight against corruption, and the other would 

be on climate change and biodiversity and environmental protection. They are, as you noted, very closely interrelated with each 

other. 

And I cannot emphasize enough these are areas that we partner 

with Indonesia together, but they are also areas that Indonesia has 

identified as important priorities for themselves and for cooperation 

with us. This is really a true partnership and it is a two-way 

street. 

With regard to corruption, we cooperate with not only the Indonesian Government, President Jokowi and his government, but also 

with civil society in Indonesia. And we really have three objectives 

as we move forward on it. One is to strengthen the Government of 

Indonesian bodies that are responsible for the fight against corruption. The most prominent of them is an organization called KPK, 

which is corruption eradication commission. 

Another area that we work on is to promote an anti-corruption 

culture within Indonesia. 

And the third would be to take steps to strengthen the rule of 

law. 

All of these again we do in cooperation with the Indonesian Government and with Indonesians themselves. We work on these in 

different ways. We offer assistance and training for prosecutors. 

We speak out in public. We attempt to work with civil society organizations to build on this culture, but also we provide training and 

other assistance on it. 

With regard to biodiversity and climate change, we are working 

very hard to help Indonesia to achieve its goals that it has declared 

in terms of curbing its own carbon emissions. We have programs 

both from the Millennium Challenge Corporation and from USAID 

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in such areas as land use, also in terms of both training and how 

you manage the land, what you can do to reduce emissions, and 

also in health areas as well. 

So all of these I think are areas that we work very, very closely 

with the Indonesian people and the Indonesian Government on. 

Thank you. 

Senator MARKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Senator Gardner? 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for accommodating Mr. Donovan’s hearing this morning. Thank you very 

much for making that happen on the itinerary today. 

And to the fine members of the Foreign Service, thank you for 

your service and commitment to our country. 

Mr. Donovan, I had the pleasure of meeting you in my office a 

couple of weeks ago and look forward to this confirmation hearing 

and the remaining of the process. 

A couple of questions that we covered in the office when we had 

a chance to visit. What do you think the highlights of the U.S.-Indonesia relationship have brought to us so far, areas that we 

should look at as examples of success to this point? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator, for that question. 

I think there are a number of areas where our cooperation has 

increased and where Indonesia is certainly demonstrating regional 

leadership. One area would be in the fight against counterterrorism. For instance, in the last several weeks, Indonesia has 

hosted regional conferences, both on the fight against foreign fighters and in a second conference, on the effort to curb foreign terrorist financing. And that certainly is a major step forward and a 

good thing as far as we are concerned. 

Also we are partnering with Indonesian civil society in the formation of a religious diversity, Muslim diversity, conference that 

was just held several days ago. In this particular conference, the 

State Department representative to Muslim communities and the 

embassy both participated. And this is an example of Indonesia 

showing leadership as a diverse but tolerant, moderate Muslim nation and acting as a role model. I think all of those areas have been 

particularly important. 

Senator GARDNER. You mentioned the issue of counterterrorism. 

How many Indonesians are currently fighting with ISIL in Syria 

or other terror groups? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator. 

I have seen a number of different statistics, and what I am going 

to give you I think is probably a better idea of not the specific numbers, but just an idea of the extent of it such as we understand it. 

One of the problems in estimating the number of foreign fighters 

from Indonesia is the fact that their family members go with them. 

So I have seen estimates of a total of perhaps as much as 1,000, 

but of those, many members would be family members. And perhaps a more realistic figure would be about 300 to 600. But, again, 

please do not hold me accountable for the exact numbers on this. 

Of these, I think we also estimate approximately 100 or so have returned to Indonesia in one form or another. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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Senator GARDNER. And what are the Indonesian Government’s 

policies for domestic militants and the threat that they pose to the 

Government of Indonesia, the people of Indonesia when they return 

and how we can work with them on that issue? 

Mr. DONOVAN. First of all, I think it is important that we share 

the very common goals with them, and that is, one, preventing foreign terrorists or local terrorists for that matter from conducting 

attacks; second, from spreading hateful ideologies; and third, for recruiting vulnerable populations, including youth, and recruiting 

them. 

What we are cooperating with Indonesia on is in such areas as 

information sharing. We cooperate in areas including the prison 

management and the monitoring of prisoners after they have been 

released to make sure that that is handled properly, and also in 

speaking out in the community, engaging with members of civil society and civil society organizations, to make sure that we do not 

vacate that field to foreign terrorists or to extremists. 

Senator GARDNER. And would you consider this area to be the 

greatest counterterrorism gap that Indonesia has? Is there another 

area of greater concern to the U.S.? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Well, certainly one thing that we are very cognizant and we support Indonesia on is their counterterrorism programs are civilian and law enforcement-led. And I think this is a 

very important priority for us as it is for Indonesia as well. And 

so we work again with the law enforcement agencies to make sure 

that they play the leading role. There have been a number of successes just in the past month or 2 in Indonesia. One was the death 

and the killing of Santoso, who was the leading terrorist in Indonesia. Just last week, his deputy was captured, and there was a 

press report today saying that another member of his group was 

killed within the last several days. So I think that is a very good 

sign. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Donovan. 

And shifting to trade, what are the biggest barriers right now 

that you see between the U.S. and Indonesia in matters of trade? 

Mr. DONOVAN. One of the issues that we have to deal with is excessive regulation, regulatory restrictions on our products coming 

in, which I might add also raises the price for Indonesian consumers. And I think that that is an area that we need to be working on and working with Indonesia through the Trade and Investment Forum Agreement mechanism that we have. Our most recent 

meeting was in April in Indonesia. 

Another would be in the area of investment. Indonesia has a negative investment list that makes it difficult sometimes for foreign 

investors and certainly for U.S. investors to really engage in ways 

that they would like to do. And I think in all those areas, we need 

to work a little bit harder. 

Senator GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. Donovan. 

Thanks, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you. 

Ambassador Rubio? 

Senator RUBIO. Not yet. [Laughter.] 

Senator FLAKE. Senator. 

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Senator RUBIO. Thank you for the promotion, but not yet. I appreciate it. 

Mr. Donovan, let me ask you. In 2006, Indonesia passed a law 

requiring minority religious groups to collect signatures from the 

local majority group before building houses of worship. So since the 

passage of that so-called religious harmony bill, more than 1,000 

Indonesian churches have reportedly been shuttered and untold 

numbers of others have never been built. 

To what extent do you plan to make religious freedom a priority 

in your dealings with the Government of Indonesia? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator. 

Obviously, every society and every government and every country 

is judged in part by the way that it treats its minorities. Within 

the Indonesian constitution, it contains guarantees of religious 

freedom. But there have been instances of abuses involving religious minorities. We certainly urge the Indonesian Government 

and work with civil society in Indonesia to look at those and do 

what they can to have—you know, Indonesia really regards itself 

and is very proud of its tradition as a diverse society. And we encourage Indonesia to live up to that. And we work—again, I mentioned the religious commission that was just formed—to try and 

move forward in that area. In terms of my efforts on that, I can 

assure you that one of the priorities I will have, if confirmed, is 

helping Indonesia to deal with issues involving religious minorities, 

to make sure that they not only are entitled but receive the same 

freedoms of other Indonesian citizens. 

Senator RUBIO. We had a hearing here last week in the subcommittee about child marriages, which I think is a misnomer because a marriage is supposed to be a consensual relationship between two people. In the case of a 14- or a 13-year-old I do not 

think that is accurate. In fact, I know it is not. 

But this particular case about protecting women and girls abroad 

has become a priority of U.S. policy. In your view, what more can 

the Indonesian Government do to protect women and girls from the 

rampant abuse and to promote more quality for all women and 

young girls in the country? 

Mr. DONOVAN. Thank you, Senator. 

Certainly one area would be to shed a little bit more light on this 

and to make sure that the Indonesian people are aware of issues 

like this going on. I think certainly when you look at public opinion 

polling in Indonesia, there is a great desire to move forward to protect the rights of minorities. And I think practices like this—one 

of the things that we can do is work with civil society organizations 

to make sure that the Indonesian people are aware of what is going 

on. 

Senator RUBIO. Mr. Symington, I want to ask now about Nigeria 

for a moment. 

The independent bipartisan U.S. Commission on International 

Religious Freedom has recommended that Nigeria be designated a 

country of particular concern. Here is the quote from their report. 

Quote: the Nigerian federal government fails to implement effective 

strategies to prevent or stop terrorism and sectarian violence, and 

it does not bring to justice those responsible for such violence, thus 

fostering a climate of impunity. End quote. 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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In your view, why has the Department of State failed to make 

this designation, and do you believe that Nigeria has the capacity 

to improve religious freedom conditions, particularly while more 

fully and effectively countering Boko Haram and sectarian violence? I guess the first question is the most important. In your 

view, why has that designation not happened? 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Senator, thank you for both this question and the previous question about the importance of religious 

liberty. 

I do not think that there is a single issue more important in Nigeria than that the country continue to be seen by all of its citizens 

as a country that protects the rights of each one of them regardless 

of what their religion is. This issue comes up every day. 

It is true that in the northeast, most of the victims of terrorist 

attacks are Muslims. But there are conflicts that continue to try to 

rip the country apart and try to rip it apart along religious lines. 

I think that the single most important thing that we can do is 

to stress every day that the notion, e pluribus unum, out of many, 

one, is not an idea that is just American but universal, and at the 

core is belief. And at the core is the individual person. 

We have spoken to and will continue to engage with not just the 

president but with state and local leaders, with religious leaders, 

with civil society throughout the country in Nigeria, and if confirmed, I look forward to contributing to that. 

Senator, I do not know the answer to the question regarding the 

designation, and I will find it out and submit it to you. 

Senator RUBIO. Let me then in closing ask you in general do you 

believe the Nigerian Government and its security forces are taking 

sufficient steps to protect civilians, especially young girls, from 

human rights abuses such as kidnappings and forced conversions. 

Ambassador SYMINGTON. Senator, thank you again. 

I think that not just the Nigerian Government, the Nigerian people and their partners, including the United States, need to continue and increase the steps that we take. Boko Haram and others 

have been reduced, but awful things continue to happen on a daily 

basis. And in a country as vibrant and as important to its own people and to the world as Nigeria, we cannot stop where we are. We 

have to go forward together. There literally is nothing more important. 

There is a bond of trust that must be forged between the people 

of any place and the leaders of that place, and when that is threatened, it undermines all governance, all justice, and all opportunity. 

Forging with them that bond to make it stronger is essential for 

them but also for us, for as we think about the world ahead, I cannot imagine a more important relationship than the one that we 

have with the African continent. And I think our efforts there 

begin by thinking about individual people and starting with conscience, a fundamental freedom as well as a right. 

Thank you, Senator. 

Senator RUBIO. Thank you. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you, Senator Rubio. 

I want to thank the witnesses today. 

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One other question for Mr. Donovan. In 2015 I think, the President of Indonesia announced the intention to join TPP at some 

point. Is that still the understanding? 

Mr. DONOVAN. It is my understanding, yes, Mr. Chairman. During President Jokowi’s visit here in October of 2015, he did announce that Indonesia was interested in joining the TPP. I understand just overnight there have been some press statements that 

I cannot confirm that one of the things that the Indonesian Government will be doing is waiting to see how our handling of TPP will 

be undertaken. 

Senator FLAKE. Thank you all for your testimony today. I appreciate my colleagues for the questions. And once again, thank you 

to the families that are here. We understand and appreciate greatly the sacrifices that you all make to have family members serve 

in these posts. 

The hearing record will remain open until close of business 

Wednesday. We ask the witnesses to respond promptly to questions 

that may be submitted. 

And I also ask for unanimous consent that Senator Klobuchar’s 

statement be added to the record. She has some nice things to say 

about Ambassador Symington. 

[Senator Klobuchar’s statement follows:] 

STATEMENT OF SENATOR AMY KLOBUCHAR IN SUPPORT OF

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE STUART SYMINGTON

Mr. Chairman, My good friend Stuart Symington is before the committee today 

regarding his nomination to be Ambassador to Nigeria. Unfortunately, I am unable 

to attend the hearing due to my obligation to serve as the ranking member for an 

anti-trust hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee. If I were able to attend today, 

I would provide my full support for Ambassador Symington’s nomination. 

I have known Ambassador Symington and his family for many years. I have long 

known that the Ambassador has a passion for furthering America’s interests in the 

world and improving the lives of those struggling most. Through his decades of work 

at the State Department, this passion has become clear to everyone that meets the 

Ambassador. Ambassador Symington has spent his life representing our country in 

some of the most dangerous places in the world. In 2004 and 2005, he served under 

Ambassador Negroponte in Iraq managing the election process in a country that had 

been ruled by military dictators for decades. Before that, he served in Niger and 

dealt with military uprisings and terrorist threats. This experience is vital as we 

face new and evolving security challenges abroad and is especially relevant in light 

of the recent violence in Benue, Nigeria. 

Ambassador Symington understands the complexities and long-lasting effects of 

civil war from his time as Ambassador to Rwanda. During his time there, the Ambassador helped build civil society and institutional capacity, vastly improving how 

people receive health care. He also strengthened economic integration and agricultural production. He did the same as Ambassador to Djibouti in the years prior to 

his time in Rwanda. Ambassador Symington’s current position as Deputy Assistant 

Secretary for Central Africa and African Security Affairs brings more valuable experience to an already impressive history of service in Africa. These experiences 

uniquely qualify the Ambassador to represent the United States in Nigeria, the 

most populous country in Africa. 

As Nigeria struggles to address terrorist groups like Boko Haram, and lift its 

economy from a deep recession, we need a steady and experienced hand leading the 

U.S. Embassy in Abuja. There is no doubt that Ambassador Symington is the person 

for the job. I am honored to give my full support for his swift confirmation. 

Senator FLAKE. And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 10:53 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 

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ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

REPONSES OF HON. W. STUART SYMINGTON, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. AMBASSADOR TO

THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COM- MITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SYMINGTON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. In every post, I have worked in partnership with people inside and outside government to promote human rights and democracy. Together, we have acted 

to improve electoral processes, to reduce ethnic and religious tensions, to promote 

equal justice, and to stop violations of human rights. For example, as Deputy Assistant Secretary, I visited Burundi, met with opposition, religious, and human rights 

leaders, and pressed government leaders in public and in private to stop using incendiary language that risked inciting ethnic violence and to retract earlier statements. 

More recently, as U.S. Special Representative for the Central African Republic, 

I worked with civil society, an ecumenical group of religious leaders, youth, and 

leaders of all political parties to stop spoilers who threatened to derail the democratic transition, and ensure a successful, democratic election process. Earlier in my 

career, as Political Advisor at U.S. Northern Command, I worked successfully with 

our U.S. Mission in the Bahamas to advocate for increased government action to 

combat trafficking in persons, and with our Mission in Mexico to ensure military 

cooperation complied fully with the Leahy Law. 

If confirmed to be U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, I can assure you that I will make 

human rights and democracy one of my top priorities and I will make certain that 

my team at Post does the same. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Nigeria? What are 

the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in Nigeria? What do you hope to accomplish through these 

actions? 

Answer. Stopping the horrific attacks of Boko Haram and providing support to 

those affected by that group is the most pressing human rights issue in Nigeria 

today. If confirmed, I will act to ensure that the United States continues to support 

Nigeria and its neighbors as they tackle the Boko Haram threat contributes to lasting security in the region. To do that, it is vital that the Nigerian government enlist 

the full support of its own people, by acting with precision and in accordance with 

its laws when using force, and ensuring that justice, good governance, and the delivery of essential services quickly follow when Boko Haram is displaced and defeated. 

It is also essential that the Government of Nigeria take responsibility when instances of security force abuse do occur, and that accountability and respect for 

human rights are key tenets of their security operations, including those against 

Boko Haram. 

We will continue to act as true partners, working together to ensure that our efforts truly benefit Nigeria’s people and our own. We will act together with civil society and government alike to ensure that those who seek to do good—including advocates of human rights and good governance—are protected by the law, and those 

who violate the law are held accountable. 

Our objective is not just to degrade and ultimately defeat Boko Haram, but to 

help Nigeria change the conditions that gave rise to this group, and prevent the resurgence of other violent groups. There are no overnight solutions, and for Nigeria 

and its partners, this will require a sustained, long-term effort. Through our actions 

we aim to improve governance, strengthen the rule of law, and promote respect for 

human rights by supporting the development of strong governmental institutions focused on delivering fair and equitable treatment to all Nigerians. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Nigeria in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in 

general? 

Answer. While the Government of Nigeria has made some progress to address 

human rights issues, several obstacles remain. Nigeria’s large population and territory and its extraordinary diversity challenge the National and State governments 

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as they respond to crises and seek to deliver services. A culture of impunity exists 

in Nigeria and there are inefficiencies in the judicial and criminal justices systems. 

President Buhari is right to underscore the fundamental importance for all Nigerians of stopping corruption. Additionally, there is a need for professionalism in the 

security services including both the police and military. There is a tendency of some 

powerful politicians at the local and national level to support electoral fraud and 

voter intimidation, and to foment ethnic and sectarian divisions. 

We continue to emphasize to the Nigerian government that human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law by security forces undermine 

security goals; improvements in accountability for violations will enhance security 

force legitimacy; and, impunity for violations by security forces not only tarnishes 

Nigeria’s reputation, but eliminates our ability to engage with those units accused 

of violations. 

Following the violent clashes between members of the Nigerian Army and the Shiite group Islamic Movement of Nigeria in Zaria, Kaduna State, last December, the 

United States immediately called for a transparent and credible investigation into 

the killings of civilians. Transparent and comprehensive inquiries into incidents like 

this are crucial, along with no immunity for those found to be responsible, regardless of rank or position. The report issued by the independent commission appointed 

by the Kaduna state government notes just that. 

I note too that President Buhari has made public statements demanding better 

behavior by the security forces and respect for human rights. We continue to press 

his government to follow through on this rhetoric by taking action regarding alleged 

security force abuses from before and after the start of his administration. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with human rights NGOs in 

the context of your responsibilities in Nigeria? If confirmed, what steps will you take 

to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure any U.S. security assistance and security cooperation we may provide in support of Nigeria institutions or efforts reinforces human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am fully committed to meeting with human rights, civil 

society and other non-governmental organizations in the United States, and with 

human rights NGOs and advocates in Nigeria. I will work in partnership with the 

entire U.S. Mission staff to underscore to all our Nigerian interlocutors the fundamental importance of the Leahy Law and the principles behind it. The Leahy vetting program at the Embassy in Nigeria has been characterized as impressive and 

suggested as a model for the entire Department. As we work together to build security and strong democratic institutions, we will continue to also protect human 

rights and thus strengthen the bonds between citizens and their government. 

Question. If confirmed, will you and your embassy team actively engage with Nigerian leadership to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted across in Nigeria? 

Answer. If confirmed, my Embassy team and I will continue to actively engage 

with the Government of Nigeria at all levels to redress cases of any political prisoners or persons unjustly targeted by the government. I will continue to press the 

Nigerian government to promote respect for human rights, civilian protection, appropriate detention procedures, and accountability for abuses effectively. A key component of our security assistance to Nigeria has been the importance of respect for 

human rights and professional military conduct that focuses on protecting the civilian population, humane treatment of prisoners, and adherence to the rule of law. 

Question. Will you engage with Nigerian leadership on matters of human rights, 

civil rights and governance as part of your multilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with Nigerian leadership on matters of human 

rights, civil rights, and governance. I will stress to the Government of Nigeria the 

importance of upholding freedoms of expression and assembly and inclusion of all 

citizens in the political process, while simultaneously continuing to demonstrate our 

support for civil society. If confirmed, we will continue to take allegations of human 

rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law very seriously. 

Question. The 2016 U.N. humanitarian response plan for Nigeria is currently 

funded at 22 percent, and sources on the ground have indicated that corruption and 

profiteering-including the looting of food aid by security forces-are hampering aid 

delivery. 

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ment and international partners to draw attention and channel resources towards the emergency? 

♦ How can we help stop the diversion of food aid? 

♦ How do we combat sexual exploitation and abuse by security forces of those living in the camps? 

Answer. Changing the grave trajectory in the Northeast will require the urgent 

and robust collective efforts of the Government of Nigeria and the international 

community. Over the past few months, the U.N. has scaled up its response and coordination mechanism to the highest levels, recognizing the truly dire conditions of 

many living in the Northeast. Concurrently, the Government of Nigeria has decided 

to establish an Inter-Ministerial Task Force to coordinate among national authorities and the international community—a sign of Nigeria’s recognition of the complexity and scale of the humanitarian crisis in the Northeast. The Government of 

Nigeria, the UN, and the broader humanitarian community must dispatch a fully 

coordinated and cooperative response to maximize the effectiveness of the relief effort at this crucial time. We will continue to urge the Nigerian government to act 

with a greater sense of urgency with respect to taking a stronger lead role in providing and coordinating humanitarian assistance to ensure that needed assistance 

reaches its intended beneficiaries. Similarly, we are pressing our United Nations 

colleagues to deploy appropriate and sufficient staff to effectively support the Nigerians’ efforts. 

The humanitarian crisis in Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad Basin is a critical 

priority for the United States, and we have worked to draw much-needed attention 

and funding for the response, including through high-level visits by U.S. government officials such as Secretary Kerry, Ambassador Power, senior USAID officials, 

and others. We have provided robust humanitarian assistance to Nigeria and the 

broader region to support Boko Haram’s victims. We are the largest international 

donor, and we are constantly exploring how we can use our assistance to reach more 

people. 

In FY 2015 and FY 2016, the United States provided more than $318 million in 

aid in the Lake Chad Basin region, of which more than $165 million was for Nigeria 

alone, and we are working to do more. We are working in close coordination with 

other donors, in particular the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom (UK), 

and look forward to continuing to support the efforts of the U.N. and the Government of Nigeria to marshal resources for this response, reaching beyond the normal 

base to include the private sector and international financial institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate that the United States provide a robust response 

to this acute humanitarian crisis. 

At the highest levels, we continue to urge the Government of Nigeria and the 

U.N. system to streamline the delivery of humanitarian support to the Northeast. 

Furthermore, we are working with the Government of Nigeria to ensure that lifesaving resources are used for their intended purposes. Nigeria is taking allegations 

of stolen food aid seriously; Nigeria’s Senate and the Economic and Financial 

Crimes Commission have announced investigations into allegations of food aid theft. 

We are supporting the Nigerian government’s efforts to curb this behavior by building government capacity to ensure effective monitoring mechanisms are put in 

place. We will continue to press for improved coordination with the United Nations 

to strengthen the collaborative international response to the crisis. 

USAID is working closely with its partners on the ground to safeguard assistance, 

requiring all implementing partners to have acceptable risk management plans in 

place, and to monitor aid distribution closely. In Nigeria, a variety of tools are being 

employed to respond to the food security crisis including electronic food vouchers 

that help reduce risk by improving tracking and reporting of aid. Further, USAID 

has multiple feedback mechanisms in place for reporting possible diversion or theft 

and will begin using a third party monitor in FY 2017. We will continue to press 

for improved coordination with the United Nations to strengthen the collaborative 

international response to the crisis. 

We have also been disturbed by reports that Nigerian officials and security personnel have taken advantage of displaced persons in camps and settlements in 

northeastern Nigeria, including cases of sexual abuse. I am keenly aware and we 

are actively engaged in addressing the appalling allegations of sexual misconduct 

toward internally displaced persons who are already victims of terror. We have 

shared these reports with Nigerian officials and urged them to take immediate steps 

to stop such behavior. Allegations of sexual misconduct against military and official 

personnel must be investigated in a timely manner. Such allegations, whether true 

or not, risk further undermining trust in legitimate institutions of governancestrengthening the hand of Boko Haram. Our Embassy continues to urge that all 

FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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such allegations be swiftly and frankly addressed. If confirmed, I will join in pressing the Nigerian federal and state governments to fully implement a zero tolerance 

policy on sexual exploitation and abuse, to quickly investigate allegations, and to 

publicly hold accountable those found guilty of committing abuses against civilians. 

At the same time, it is important to assist those who have suffered sexual violence. USAID is already providing health care, psycho-social support, and genderbased violence programs directly to internally displaced persons, including recently 

arrived women and children. We will continue to work with the Nigerian government, communities, and international organizations to support victims of genderbased violence. Boko Haram itself employs systematic rape and brutality against 

women and girls. These victims have suffered profoundly. They need help so that 

they and the region can move forward together. 

Question. The Nigerian government is taking steps to restore security in areas of 

the Northeast ′′liberated′′ from Boko Haram, but abuses by police and other security 

forces now and in the past are a major obstacle to building trust in these communities. 

♦ What steps are being taken by the government to investigate past abuses, and 

mitigate the risk of further abuses. What are we doing to help the government 

in these efforts? 

♦ If confirmed, will you commit to making accountability for security force abuses 

a top priority? 

Answer. President Buhari has made public statements demanding better behavior 

by the security forces and respect for human rights. Transparent and comprehensive 

inquiries into incidents like this are crucial, with no impunity for those found to be 

responsible. We have been very clear with the Government of Nigeria that we take 

allegations of human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian 

law by security forces very seriously. Our military assistance to Nigeria, as with all 

countries, is subject to Leahy vetting. We are required by law not to provide training or assistance to units or individuals for whom we have credible information of 

gross violations of human rights. 

When the Nigerian Army clashed last December with an Islamic sect in Zaria, we 

immediately called for a transparent and credible investigation. The Kaduna State 

Judicial Commission of Inquiry released a report on its investigation into the Zaria 

incident. We have stressed at high levels the need to bring to justice those who perpetrated the violence. 

I was pleased when then-President Goodluck Jonathan allowed international 

human rights observers access to Giwa Barracks, which was reported by Amnesty 

International to have been the site of hundreds of deaths. If confirmed, I will press 

the current administration for continued access and for all military detention facilities to offer humane detention conditions, including for suspected Boko Haram excombatants. 

State and USAID democracy, human rights, and governance (DRG) programs are 

critical tools to strengthen civil society’s capacity to monitor security force conduct 

and enhance community and state actors’ ability to address threats from Boko 

Haram. DRG assistance is increasingly deployed to address violent extremism and 

its drivers and support core security goals around the world, and Nigeria is a strong 

example of such efforts. 

I am committed to encouraging and helping to expand Nigeria’s efforts to address 

human rights violations. If confirmed, I will make accountability for security force 

abuses a top priority. I will stress that transparency is the key when instances of 

human rights abuse occur. My goal will be to encourage the Nigerian government 

to be transparent about how Nigeria addresses human rights violations, to publicly 

share the results of human rights investigations, and to hold those who violate the 

law to account. 

Question. The Nigerian government appears to have adopted a heavily militarized 

approach to counter two simultaneous threats, one in the Northeast, and one in the 

Delta. This approach does not address the root causes of radicalization and violent 

extremism, which in the Nigeria context, seem to be similar whether aggrieved populations are in the Northeast or the Niger Delta. Nigerian authorities are working 

with regional and international partners to address security challenges, but, as far 

as I know, there is no comprehensive government strategy to address the root 

causes of violence. 

♦ How is the Nigerian government working to address the root causes of violent 

extremism, such as inequitable resource allocation and local level corruption? 

What, in your view, still needs to be done? 

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♦ How can the United States assist the Nigerian government in ensuring its planning to address root causes is as robust as its security approach? 

Answer. There is no purely military solution to the security issues that Nigeria 

faces. It is critical that the Government of Nigeria address the drivers of extremism, 

including through the development of educational and economic opportunities. As 

Secretary Kerry said, ′′To effectively counter violent extremism, we have to ensure 

that military action is coupled with a reinforced commitment to the values this region and all of Nigeria has a long legacy of supporting—values like integrity, good 

governance, education, compassion, security, and respect for human rights.′′ If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Nigeria to encourage policies and practices that will help to strengthen the Nigerian people’s trust in their government 

and in their own security institutions. 

The Nigerian federal government must do more in partnership with Nigerian 

state governments to address the local conditions that create grievances and give 

rise to insecurity. This is particularly true in the Delta, where our embassy and consulate are working with both the federal and state governments to fully engage in 

this challenge. However, just as in the United States, the federal government cannot 

be responsible for addressing all community grievances; state government leadership must play a more responsible role in supporting development in both regions 

using the considerable resources available to them, especially in the Niger Delta. 

We are also working with a range of local non-governmental actors, including the 

business community, religious leaders, and civil society organizations to develop 

their capacity to manage and mitigate disputes before they give rise to insecurity. 

he Government of Nigeria and leaders in the major faith communities have improved inter-religious relationships in the North. The federal government is also 

working with state governors in northern and Middle Belt areas of Nigeria to establish specific grazing territory to address herder/farmer conflicts, and it is working 

with local communities to improve conflict mitigation. 

President Buhari has taken key steps in the past year to counter corruption. 

These efforts include: (1) high-profile investigative and prosecution efforts by the 

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission; (2) the use of a single auditable treasury account for receipt of all public funds to prevent graft; (3) reforms in the state 

oil company; (4) investigations into corruption in military procurement; (5) a public 

campaign against corruption, including anonymous public tip lines; and, (6) formally 

joining the Open Government Partnership. We will work with the Government of 

Nigeria to strengthen its anti-corruption efforts at all levels. 

The United States continues to provide security assistance to support the 

professionalization of the Nigerian security forces in order to increase the military’s 

ability to counter extremism and its ability to monitor and patrol Nigeria’s waters. 

Yet, we are keenly aware that our principal objective is not just to defeat Boko 

Harm, but to help Nigeria change the conditions that gave rise to such groups in 

the first place. This requires a sustained long-term effort to address the underlying 

drivers of insecurity. 

There is a critical link between improving the democracy and human rights climate and countering violent extremism in Nigeria. USAID supports a number of 

programs that promote inter-religious and ethnic tolerance, as well as conflict mitigation and reconciliation, including efforts through the Office of Transition Initiatives to promote the legitimacy and capacity of governance structures in the conflictaffected Northeast. If confirmed, I will focus intensely on our work with civil society 

to better understand the root causes of these drivers, and I will use all our available 

tools at the Mission to help the Nigerian people counter violence and bend the arc 

of extremism towards reconciliation and peace throughout Nigeria. 

Question. Our relationship with Nigeria is one of the most important on the continent. I understand the administration’s Nigeria strategy is being updated. 

♦ When will it be approved and when do you plan to share that with Congress? 

Answer. The administration has a long-standing strategy that is classified, and 

that has been updated from time to time. We would be happy to brief you in the 

appropriate setting on the strategy. The overarching policies that guide our engagement with Nigeria have been described publicly in multiple documents. Our top policy priorities align closely with President Buhari’s objectives: 

♦ Defeating Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa and restoring security and 

governance to northeastern Nigeria, as well as relieving the humanitarian crisis 

there. The Government of Nigeria has made progress in its campaign against 

Boko Haram, but that fight is ongoing and requires a committed and sustained 

response. 

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♦ Reviving oil production, preventing attacks on pipelines, and promoting dialogue 

and development in the Niger Delta. Preventing militant attacks on pipelines 

is critical, and this requires a broad dialogue in the Niger Delta and efforts to 

encourage economic development. 

♦ Furthering economic policy reform by encouraging the adoption of marketfriendly practices, encouraging international trade as well as local production 

of goods, and ensuring sound monetary policy. We will continue to promote U.S. 

business investment in and trade with Nigeria. 

♦ Improving governance, strengthening the rule of law, and respect for human 

rights by supporting the development of strong governmental institutions with 

built-in accountability mechanisms, focused on delivering fair and equitable 

treatment to all Nigerians. 

♦ Reducing corruption by encouraging transparent governance of public institutions. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE SYMINGTON’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Nigerian President Buhari has initiated a crackdown on government 

corruption, are we satisfied with the anti-corruption campaign? Are there areas Nigeria should focus on to root out corruption? 

Answer. The United States remains a committed partner with Nigeria in the fight 

against corruption. I am encouraged that Nigeria is carrying out significant investigations and is willing to prosecute senior officials credibly accused of corruption. 

Prosecuting officials regardless of political affiliation will be key to the ultimate success of the anti-corruption effort. I believe the establishment of a Treasury Single 

Account is an important step in the right direction to better public financial management. While we are encouraged by this progress, there is still work to be done. 

It is crucial that Nigeria continue to improve the transparency of its finances and 

those of its state-owned enterprises, such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, in order to reduce opportunities for corruption. If confirmed, I will continue to stress the importance of doing more, for example, by encouraging the government to make public audit reports of its annual financial statements, exercise 

adequate oversight over off-budget, and demonstrate willingness to partner with 

civil society on specific transparency and accountability efforts, including the development of an Open Government Partnership National Action Plan. 

Question. Is Nigeria doing enough to combat Boko Haram? Is there more the U.S. 

could do to assist Nigeria and neighboring countries? 

Answer. The Government of Nigeria has made progress in its campaign against 

Boko Haram, but that fight is ongoing and requires a committed and sustained Nigerian response with support from the United States and other partners. Nigeria 

and its regional partners must lead the fight against Boko Haram, and I am absolutely committed to supporting our partners in that effort. 

Through our whole-of-government strategy, the United States is focused on assisting the efforts Nigeria and the other Lake Chad Basin countries to weaken Boko 

Haram’s capacity, financing, and cohesion through both military and law enforcement; counter and prevent the drivers of violent extremism; promote more inclusive 

and capable local governance to address the underlying drivers of insecurity; improve respect for human rights and accountability for security force behavior; and, 

respond to the humanitarian needs of civilians affected by Boko Haram. 

One component of our strategy is providing support to the Multinational Joint 

Task Force, which includes elements from Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, and 

Benin. This is part of a regional approach to a problem that transcends borders. Another component is bilateral security assistance to Nigeria and its neighbors. 

Through multiple channels, we are providing advisors, training, logistical support, 

and equipment. This assistance is vetted in accordance with our obligations under 

the Leahy Law. The fight against Boko Haram goes well beyond the battlefield. It 

is a fight that requires long-term solutions. Nigeria and the other Lake Chad Basin 

countries must address the drivers of extremism that gave rise to Boko Haram, including ineffective and exclusionary governance, corruption, lack of education, lack 

of accountability for heavy-handed security force responses, and a lack of economic 

opportunities for the growing young population. 

Question. In March, two Nigerian girls were kidnapped and subject to forced conversion and marriage in Northern Nigeria. Only after public outcry and unprecedented public pressure were they ultimately returned. Of course we have seen simiFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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lar tactics employed by Boko Haram. Is this issue prioritized in our dealings with 

the Nigerian government? 

Answer. Yes it is. We are committed to working together with Nigerians to keep 

young women from being forced into marriage. We prioritize efforts to empower adolescent girls so that they are given opportunities to thrive in school. In northern Nigeria, we have programs that provide psycho-social support for women and young 

girls affected by the violence perpetrated by Boko Haram. USAID’s Office of U.S. 

Foreign Disaster Assistance life-saving protection services—including health care, 

livelihoods assistance, and psychosocial support—for displaced women and girls, 

particularly survivors of gender-based violence, in northeastern Nigeria. 

I have heard disturbing reports of women and girls, who have survived horrific 

ordeals while being held by Boko Haram, returning to their communities, only to 

be ostracized. For them, the struggle is not over. If confirmed, I will strongly encourage increased assistance from the Government of Nigeria to support these women 

and girls and reintegrate them back into their communities. 

If confirmed, I will also continue our efforts to assist the Government of Nigeria 

in its efforts to return the Chibok girls safely to their families. We will continue to 

raise this issue in our interactions with the Nigerian government. 

Question. Do you believe the Nigerian government and its security forces are taking sufficient steps to protect civilians, especially young girls, from human rights 

abuses, such as kidnappings and forced conversions? 

Answer. The Government of Nigeria has made clear that it is committed to protecting its citizens, especially young girls, from abuses including kidnappings and 

forced conversions. But it is clear that the government needs to take additional 

steps to stop terrorist attacks and end such abuses. We are committed to working 

with them to achieve that goal. 

Question. The independent, bipartisan, U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has recommended that Nigeria be designated a Country 

of Particular Concern. ‘‘The Nigerian federal government fails to implement effective 

strategies to prevent or stop terrorism and sectarian violence and it does not bring 

to justice those responsible for such violence, thus fostering a climate of impunity.’’ 

In your view, why has the Department of State failed to make this designation? Do 

you believe that Nigeria has the capacity to improve religious freedom conditions 

by more fully and effectively countering Boko Haram and sectarian violence? 

Answer. In making a designation of a Country of Particular Concern, the Department of State assess the full range of information available, including from civil society, religious organizations, and domestic and international human rights groups. 

A key component of the Department’s consideration is based on recommendations 

from the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. 

The International Religious Freedom (IRF) Act states that the Secretary of State 

may designate a country a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) when the government is responsible for, or indifferent to, sustained, systematic, egregious violations 

of religious freedom rights. While both Muslims and Christians report discrimination or abuse based on religious affiliation in some parts of the country, the Government of Nigeria has worked to end, not foment such violence, and has actively 

worked to stem violence and to protect its citizens. Therefore, the Department of 

State has concluded that the government of Nigeria does not meet IRF Act criteria 

for CPC designation at this time. 

Understanding that there is still work to be done, the United States will continue 

to urge the Government of Nigeria to do all that can be done to stop communal violence and prosecute those involved in attacks. If confirmed, I will build on the Embassy’s work to promote religious freedom and tolerance in my discussions with government and with civil society and religious leaders. I will conduct regular outreach 

on the importance of religious freedom and engage journalists, academics, entrepreneurs, civic organizations, teachers, students, government officials, the armed 

forces, clergy, and traditional rulers in this effort. 

Question. If confirmed, would you commit to ensuring that U.S.-funded education 

efforts in northern Nigeria to increase access to schools and reform traditional Islamic schools include lessons on the promotion of freedom of religion or belief and 

fundamental human rights? 

Answer. The education of girls and boys is essential for the realization of a stronger democracy, informed civic participation, improved health, and economic growth 

in Nigeria. When we invest in education, we are investing in peace and prosperity, 

and expanding a population’s ownership of its democratic system. Such investment 

enables Nigerians to tackle the great challenges facing health, human rights, and 

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human security in their country. If confirmed, I will prioritize the protection and 

promotion of the fundamental human rights of all people in our programmatic efforts and engagements. 

REPONSES OF ANDREW YOUNG, NOMINATED TO BE U.S. AMBASSADOR TO BURKINA

FASO, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE YOUNG’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? 

Answer. I have always made the promotion of human rights and democracy a 

lynchpin of my political advocacy work. As the democracy and human rights officer 

in Burma, I developed and implemented strategies to support Nobel Laureate Aung 

Sang Suu Kyi and other National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters in their 

quest to bring non-violent democratic transition to the junta-led dictatorship. I traveled the country, documenting abuses and developing a close relationship with the 

democratic movement in the country, much to the antipathy of Burma’s ruling generals. When Aung Sang Suu Kyi was released from house arrest and received the 

Congressional Gold Medal, she invited me to sit in the front row with 16 other 

champions of human rights, including Madeleine Albright and former Secretary of 

Defense William Cohen. 

Working as Foreign Policy Fellow for Senator Joe Lieberman, I worked with a bipartisan team to debate, negotiate and then draft S. 516, the Advance Democracy 

Act of 2005, a bill which was condemned at the time by North Korean dictator Kim 

Jong Il and simultaneously praised by Russian democracy advocate, Natan 

Sharansky. The bill strengthened the U.S. government’s ability to promote democracy abroad and today authorizes ‘‘practical steps to advance liberty, freedom and 

democracy around the globe.’’ 

In my most recent assignment, I served as the Deputy Chief of Mission in Mali, 

after dangerous civil strife had stripped the embassy of much of its leadership. Following the brutal coup d’e ́tat and under the threat of al-Qaeda linked extremists 

in the north, I worked to implement the Ambassador’s vision for democracy, securing $10 million in election support funds, mobilizing 20 election monitor teams, and 

helping support this crucial step to re-establishing democratic government with the 

consent of the governed. If confirmed, I would prioritize supporting Burkina Faso’s 

fragile new democracy using a similar set of tools. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Burkina Faso? 

What are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote 

human rights and democracy in Burkina Faso? What do you hope to accomplish 

through these actions? 

Answer. Burkina Faso faces a number of human rights issues that continue to affect the country’s population. The most significant human rights problems in the 

country include harsh and life-threatening prison conditions, as well as violence and 

discrimination against women and children, including female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C). Additionally, the government has made efforts in recent years to combat human trafficking, yet does not currently meet the standards of the Trafficking 

Victims Protection Act (TVPA). In particular, child labor and the abduction of children into Koranic schools around the country remains a pressing concern. The fight 

for increased women’s rights continues, and despite being illegal, FGM/C remains 

prevalent in some rural areas. 

If confirmed, I will work with the Burkinabe ́ government to address these top 

human rights concerns and encourage them to hold accountable any members of the 

security forces found responsible for committing abuses. I will also urge the 

Burkinabe ́ government to rigorously enforce its legislation against human trafficking and to prosecute, convict, and punish traffickers, including increasing penalties imposed on convicted trafficking offenders to reflect the longer terms permitted under the May 2008 anti-trafficking law. 

If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Burkina Faso to mobilize more 

effective national and international resources to fight the scourge of human trafficking, promote education for girls and women’s rights, and combat female genital 

mutilation throughout the country. 

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Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Burkina Faso in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general? 

Answer. As one of the poorest countries in the world (183 out of 186 countries 

in the 2015 U.N. Human Development Index), newly democratized Burkina Faso 

can only mobilize limited national resources to address these challenges. President 

Kabore’s government has expressed a commitment to advancing justice and accountability efforts, but after two years of political turbulence, sustained efforts in these 

areas will take time to implement. The main challenges include limited resources 

for the Burkina Faso government and law enforcement to address human rights 

issues, lack of trust in the justice system, social and cultural practices that are often 

at odds with the rule of law, and the lack of consistency in enforcing the rule of 

law. 

If confirmed, I would work with government and civil society actors to advance 

efforts on the key human rights and democracy challenges facing the country. I 

would specifically seek to bolster Burkina Faso’s vibrant, strong civil society, which 

played a crucial role in democratic transition to improve democratic governance, address outstanding human rights issues, and strengthen rule of law and accountability. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil society and 

other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with human rights NGOs in 

the context of your responsibilities in Burkina Faso? If confirmed, what steps will 

you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure any 

U.S. security assistance and security cooperation we may provide in support of 

Burkinabe ́ institutions or efforts reinforces human rights? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will work to support and proactively meet with the members of human rights, civil society, and other non-governmental organizations that 

act as the backbone to Burkina Faso’s vibrant civil society. As history shows, these 

groups play a large role in maintaining favorable human rights conditions in 

Burkina Faso and in holding their government to account on a range of issues. 

If confirmed, I will continue the consistent use of the Leahy vetting process to ensure that the recipients of U.S. security assistance meet our stringent human rights 

guidelines. 

Question. If confirmed, will you and your embassy team actively engage with 

Burkina Faso’s leadership to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted across in Burkina Faso? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage, not just with the government of 

Burkina Faso, but also with its civil society and human rights organizations to address cases of political prisoners or those unjustly targeted by the state. 

I will continue to ensure open channels of communications between myself and 

those actors within the government who are responsible for ensuring respect for 

human rights, rule of law, and credible judicial processes in Burkina Faso. 

Question. Will you engage with Burkina Faso’s leadership on matters of human 

rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the sustained engagement U.S. Embassy 

Ouagadougou has with the Government of Burkina Faso on the issues of human 

rights, civil rights, and governance. 

Question. How are we helping the Burkinabe ́ consolidate its recent democratic 

transition? What level of funding are we providing, and what activities are and will 

we support? 

Answer. We are helping Burkina Faso consolidate its democratic transition by 

strengthening key institutions like Burkina Faso’s civil society and independent 

media as well as by reinforcing the country’s resilience and ability to provide it citizens with security. Our strategy will build on the U.S. government’s longstanding 

support for civil society, which has a long and vibrant history in Burkina Faso. 

Much of this support for civil society comes from two USAID projects, one entitled 

Peace through Development II (PDEV II) and the other called Providing Youth with 

Opportunities for Peaceful Political Engagement, which is implemented by the National Democratic Institute (NDI). PDEV II began in November 2011 and will continue through the end of this fiscal year. It was intended to help reduce the risk 

of instability and increase resilience to violent extremism in the Sahel. Although 

PDEV II is scheduled to conclude in December, USAID will continue similar Countering Violent Extremism programming in Burkina Faso. Providing Youth with Opportunities for Peaceful Political Engagement, a program designed to enhance the 

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capacity of youth to advocate and engage directly with political party leadership, ran 

from September 2012 to 2013. 

Addtionally, Embassy Ouagadougou has consistently worked with civil society 

groups throughout Burkina Faso. For example, the Embassy, through a Bureau of 

International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)-sponsored United States 

Institute of Peace (USIP) program, has been working with two well-known local civil 

society organizations on a community driven policing program. The program helps 

civil society and police work together to improve security and build trust. In addition, the Public Affairs Section takes advantage of various exchange programs to 

send members of civil society to the United States to expand their knowledge and 

networks. 

U.S. support for elections continued throughout the transition period between the 

end of the Compaore regime in October 2014 and the election of President Kabore 

in November 2015. In addition to the ongoing PDEV II program, in February 2015, 

USAID launched its Partnership for Participation and Poise in Epic Polls program, 

implemented by the NDI and the International Federation for Electoral Systems 

(IFES), designed to support the Presidential and Parliamentary elections (November 

2015) and the local elections (May 2016). The election fostered greater participation 

of youth and women in the election process and supported the National Independent 

Election Commission (CENI) to put in place a modern electoral results transmission 

system whereby preliminary voting results were available within 25 hours of the 

closing of the polls. The United States also served as the donor lead, coordinating 

more than $18 million. Recognizing the importance of a strong and independent 

media, the Public Affairs Section also trained approximately 60 journalists on the 

media’s role in civic engagement and responsibility. In addition to civil society and 

elections support, and among other efforts to improve governance, Embassy 

Ouagadougou is helping Burkina Faso establish effective, legitimate and responsive 

law enforcement institutions in hopes of solidifying the country’s democratic foundations, reducing the chance of future governance breakdowns, and fighting long-term 

drivers of violent extremism. Our efforts have been funded by the Trans-Sahara 

Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP), including the aforementioned communitydriven police reform project that helps law enforcement and communities collaborate 

to improve security and trust and approximately $374,000 for community outreach 

programs targeting youth. In addition, by September 30, 2016, the United States 

will publicly commit $3.75 million in countering violent extremism funds to build 

on these efforts through programs to improve dialogue between communities and 

law enforcement, enhance road safety, and improve the effectiveness and accountability of public order management. 

Finally, to support Burkina Faso’s ability to provide security, since FY 2014, 

USAID and State have programmed over $39 million in bilateral assistance to support security and development in Burkina Faso, specifically to combat terrorism, 

support health and agriculture programs, including water and sanitation, and address humanitarian needs. Most recently, USAID inaugurated a program to build 

the capacity of the new National Assembly to position it as a truly independent second branch of government. 

The joint Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)- 

sponsored United States Institute of Peace (USIP) program has focused on training 

and coaching local organizations to facilitate and manage workshops that help local 

governments and communities identify the most pressing security needs and develop and implement collaborative, regional approaches to address them. These 

types of partnerships are more time- and staff-intensive, but the results are better 

tailored to local needs and create more durable capabilities that make it worth our 

investment. 

Question. The 2016 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report lists Burkina Faso as a 

Tier 2 country, citing ′′significant efforts′′ being undertaken by the government. The 

report offers a number of recommendations for Burkinabe ́ authorities, including vigorous investigation and prosecution of traffickers, increased resources for victims, 

and improved coordination among national and regional anti-trafficking committees. 

If confirmed, how will you work with Burkinabe ́ authorities to encourage progress 

in these areas? If confirmed, I would like to follow up with you on this after you 

arrive at post. 

Answer. If confirmed, I would continue working with the government on this 

issue, focusing on concerns including victim protection measures and long-term services for adults which remained inadequate during the 2016 reporting period. I would 

encourage the national anti-trafficking committee to hold regular meetings, as they 

did not meet for the second consecutive year. I would also encourage the government to implement the recommendations outlined in the TIP Report, including vigFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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orous efforts to investigate, prosecute, and convict trafficking offenders-including 

traffickers posing as Koranic school teachers-and apply penalties prescribed by the 

2008 anti-trafficking law. Similarly, I would advocate for the allocation of increased 

resources for victims, including social reintegration, to prevent re-trafficking of identified victims. If confirmed, I will look forward to sharing the results of these efforts 

with you once I arrive at Post. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE YOUNG’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. Is Burkina Faso doing enough to combat terrorist groups that may target Western businesses? 

Answer. Although not a persistent target for Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb 

(AQIM) or al-Mourabitoun, Burkina Faso’s location and relatively porous borders 

make it an easy target for terrorist groups looking for opportunities to exploit. 

AQIM and al-Mourabitoun perpetrated an attack on a Ouagadougou hotel on January 15, 2016, killing 30 people, including one American. Burkina Faso understands 

it must improve its counterterrorism capabilities in order to protect its people and 

attract and keep foreign investment. 

AQIM’s new strategy to attack so-called ‘‘soft targets,’’ including hotels and restaurants, outside of its traditional area of operations in northern Mali, is a difficult 

one for governments to address. Although training and equipment can make incremental improvements, the long-term development of well-managed and accountable 

security institutions that inspire public confidence is the key to sustainable progress 

against these threats. 

As a member of the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP), 

Burkina Faso has worked closely with the United States on border security, regional 

counterterrorism capacity development, and on preventing the spread of violent extremism through improved trust between citizens and government. These efforts 

help to address terrorism through improved law enforcement response but also, importantly, by reducing the vulnerability of communities to the appeal of terrorist 

groups. Burkina Faso is a charter member of the G-5 Sahel and has, correspondingly, increased its focus on enhanced regional coordination. 

The democratically elected government in Burkina Faso faces high expectations 

for providing more effective security for its citizens from both terrorism and broader 

criminality. Burkina Faso has a strategic counterterrorism plan, which involves deploying its anti-terrorist task force to the north, establishing new police and military 

counterterrorism units, strengthening intelligence collection, monitoring and regulating religious messaging, building new border control stations, and increasing the 

size of the gendarmerie and police force. 

Finally, Burkina Faso has been a valued partner in promoting regional security 

and combating terrorism. Currently, Burkina Faso has 1,881 military and police 

personnel deployed to Mali as part of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). This includes a recent increase 

in its commitment from one to two 850-member infantry battalions, along with one 

formed police unit. 

REPONSES OF JOSEPH R. DONOVAN, JR., NOMINATED TO BE U.S. AMBASSADOR TO THE

REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA, TO QUESTIONS FROM MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DONOVAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR CARDIN

Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in your career to 

date to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the impact of your 

actions? Why were your actions significant? 

Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy remains a cornerstone of 

U.S. foreign policy and has been central to my work throughout my career. During 

my tenure as Director of the Office of Chinese and Mongolian Affairs and later as 

the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 

we regularly engaged with our missions in the field, the NGO community, and Chinese government officials to discuss human rights concerns. As Director of the 

China Desk, I testified before the China Human Right Caucus to publicly register 

U.S. government objections to human rights practices in China. While I cannot 

claim individual success in improving the overall human rights situation in China, 

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there were significant moments in my career that underscored the importance of our 

efforts. 

One of the most memorable moments for me was calling a family to inform them 

that their mother had been freed from a Chinese prison and would arrive in the 

United States the following day. Her release was the result of months of hard work 

by State Department officials, and I am proud to have played a role as China Director. 

In another case, while serving as Consul General in Hong Kong, I ensured that 

we heard from dissidents and countered efforts by the People’s Republic of China 

to prevent their participation in a Consulate event. As Deputy Chief of Mission at 

the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, I met with the parents of a young woman who had been 

abducted from Japan by North Korean agents. I worked with U.S. and Japanese officials to ensure that the North Korean abduction issue was one element of negotiations with North Korea. If confirmed, I will bring these experiences to my work to 

defend and protect the universal values of human rights that remain so important 

for the United States. 

Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues for Indonesia? What 

are the most important steps you expect to take—if confirmed—to promote human 

rights and democracy in the Indonesia? What do you hope to accomplish through 

these actions? 

Answer. We support Indonesia’s efforts to continually improve its human rights 

record and promote the rule of law, consistent with its international human rights 

obligations, as well as the aspirations of the Indonesian people. To maintain the 

positive momentum built over the last two decades, we encourage Indonesia to actively protect freedom of expression and assembly; conduct transparent and thorough investigations into unjustified killings, torture, and abuses by security forces; 

proactively protect the rights of members of minority groups, including ethnic minorities, religious minorities, and the LGBTI community; reinforce civilian leadership and the provision of fair trial guarantees in addressing internal security concerns; and protect religious freedoms as outlined in Indonesia’s constitution. We also 

encourage openness, transparency, and accountability for past human rights violations and abuses. 

The U.S. government regularly engages on human rights issues with Government 

of Indonesia officials and civil society representatives, and also uses high-level visits 

to address these issues. Officers at our U.S. Mission in Indonesia consistently discuss, at the highest levels, issues of concern as well as areas in which we can work 

together with the Indonesian government to promote and protect human rights and 

fundamental freedoms. 

If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. government uses its assistance programs—including under USAID, the Department of Justice, and the Department of 

State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs—to support 

Indonesia’s efforts to improve the administration of justice. We will continue to leverage our military engagement to conduct training and exercises that develop the 

professionalism of the Indonesian military and help to further strengthen civilian 

control over the military. We will continue to support Indonesia’s successful, civilian-led law enforcement approach to counterterrorism that upholds the rule of law 

and protects human rights. I look forward to meeting with Indonesia’s women leaders to encourage their economic participation and equal access to important services 

like health care. And, I will continue outreach to academics, activists, human rights 

NGOs, and religious leaders to improve our understanding of and cooperation with 

Indonesia’s diverse and pluralistic society. 

Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to addressing the specific 

human rights issues you have identified in your previous response? What challenges 

will you face in Indonesia in advancing human rights and democracy in general? 

Answer. Indonesia has made solid progress on human rights, and will have to continue efforts to reinforce rule of law and human rights as it responds to security 

threats and counters terrorism. Indonesian society must also balance cultural mores 

and traditions while protecting space for minority groups. 

Civil society has flourished in Indonesia since the end of military-backed authoritarian rule in 1998, contributing to improvements in democratic governance and accountability. Government and an independent civil society must work together to 

further this success because greater protection of human rights leads to stability, 

prosperity, tolerance, and opportunity for all. We will continue to engage civil society, use technical assistance to support Indonesian efforts to bolster administration 

of justice in Indonesia, and leverage our military partnerships to conduct training 

and exercises that strengthen Indonesia’s efforts to develop the professionalism and 

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civilian control of the military. Our mission also works to support Indonesia’s efforts 

to counter the corruption that can undermine transparency and accountability important to human rights protection. We conduct programs to strengthen the key 

anti-corruption bodies, including the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), 

and support Indonesia’s participation in the Open Government Partnership. 

Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs in Indonesia? 

If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and 

related efforts? 

Answer. If confirmed, I am firmly committed to meeting with human rights and 

non-governmental organizations within the United States and Indonesia. I look forward to continuing the positive interactions and collaboration U.S. Mission Indonesia has already forged with established NGOs and civil society organizations, 

while also reaching out to newer and smaller advocacy groups. 

If confirmed, I will proactively support the Leahy Law by ensuring our Mission 

maintains its stringent vetting processes for any member, former member, or unit 

of the Indonesian military or law enforcement nominated for training. I will also 

consistently highlight the importance of professionalism, rule of law, and respect for 

human rights in our engagements with Indonesia’s police, military, and law enforcement counterparts. 

Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Indonesia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise targeted by Indonesia? 

Answer. The Jokowi administration has taken positive steps in releasing some political prisoners. The political atmosphere has improved in recent years, and there 

are fewer cases of political prosecutions. Still, some Indonesians have been arrested 

and remain in prison for peacefully expressing political beliefs. If confirmed, I will 

work with my Embassy team to further engagement on this issue, underlining that 

for democracies to flourish they must protect and provide space for a diversity of 

ideas and political discourse. 

Question. Will you engage with Indonesia on matters of human rights, civil rights 

and governance as part of your bilateral mission? 

Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will engage robustly with Indonesian leadership on 

matters of human rights, civil rights, and governance. As the second and third most 

populous democracies in the world, the United States and Indonesia share many 

values, and Indonesia’s peaceful transition to democracy offers useful lessons to 

other countries in transition around the world. I will use our bilateral engagement 

to highlight Indonesia’s successes and offer cooperation to ensure our shared democratic principles are upheld, and to promote respect for human rights. 

AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE DONOVAN’S RESPONSES

TO QUESTIONS FROM SENATOR RUBIO

Question. As the largest Muslim country that has largely controlled radical Islam 

groups, does Indonesia’s approach offer any lessons learned for combatting terrorism? 

Answer. We support Indonesia’s successful, civilian-led, law enforcement approach 

against known violent extremist organizations and its efforts to foster community 

resilience against violent extremist mobilization. In addition to an effective law enforcement campaign led by the Indonesian National Police, the Indonesian-style 

practice of Islam has served as a bulwark against the spread of violent extremism. 

Indonesia’s open, vibrant, and diverse civil society organizations play an important 

role in promoting narratives that counter violent extremism, and work at the local 

level to strengthen core democratic values. Indonesia has led regional and international cooperation, including hosting an August 10 International Meeting on 

Counter-Terrorism, and it actively participates in efforts to counter the flow of foreign terrorist fighters and terrorism financing in the UN, the Global Counterterrorism Forum, ASEAN, and other venues. 

Question. Are we concerned that Indonesia’s counter-terrorism tactics are hurting 

the government’s chances of bolstering its counter-terrorism laws? 

Answer. Indonesian political and law enforcement leaders recognize the importance of upholding the rule of law and fair trial guarantees even as they continue 

to successfully detect, disrupt, and arrest violent extremists and their networks. We 

support Indonesia’s open discussion on amending its counter-terrorism laws to adFOREI-42327 with DISTILLER

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dress the threat posed by foreign terrorist fighters, prevent terrorist acts, and provide security to the public, while at the same time protecting the rights of individuals in an open, democratic society. 

Question. As freedom of expression has been restricted in Indonesia; what more 

could the U.S. do to encourage the government to respect freedom of speech and expression? 

Answer. Any restrictions on freedom of expression in Indonesia are of great concern to me personally and to the United States. The U.S. Mission in Indonesia directly engages with Government of Indonesia counterparts to share our views on the 

importance of protecting freedom of expression. The Mission supports Indonesian efforts, led by civil society organizations and human rights activists, to advocate for 

freedom of expression, a key component of Indonesia’s constitution, and its international human rights and obligations. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for 

freedom of speech and expression and support efforts and programs in this areas. 

Question. Religious freedom and violence remains a serious problem in Indonesia. 

Do you believe the Indonesian government is doing enough to protect religious minorities and allow space for all groups to practice their religion peacefully? 

Answer. Indonesia’s international human rights obligations and its constitution 

guarantee freedom of religion or belief to everyone, including all individuals who are 

members of a minority faith. This freedom includes the right to worship according 

to one’s own beliefs. President Jokowi has included religious minorities in his cabinet, and the current governor of Jakarta, one of Indonesia’s most popular politicians, is from the ethnic Chinese minority group and the minority Christian faith. 

The state should continue to protect individuals within its borders, particularly 

members of vulnerable religious minorities who often face the most discrimination 

at the local level. We appreciate President Jokowi’s calls for tolerance, especially 

among religious communities. 

Question. Protecting women and girls abroad is a major priority for the United 

States. What more can the Indonesian government do to protect women and girls 

from rampant abuse and promote gender equality? 

Answer. Indonesia has made strides in advancing gender equality. Indonesian 

women serve in the most senior levels of government, and Indonesia has had a female president. One-third of President Jokowi’s current cabinet members are 

women, including the Ministers of Finance, Foreign Affairs, and Fisheries and Maritime Resources. Women also lead top companies, and act as academicians, scientists, and researchers. Indonesia has ratified the U.N. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and implemented laws at the 

national and sub-national level to address gender disparities. The Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection works to mainstream gender in government policies, programs, and budgets and eliminate gender discrimination and violence against women. 

Despite these advances, more can be done to support efforts to empower women 

in Indonesia. Mission Indonesia has incorporated gender equality and the advancement of women and girls into overall policy objectives, programming, and outreach. 

In collaboration with the Government of Indonesia, the Mission organized a multistakeholder planning conference to prioritize efforts to combat violence against 

women. Additionally, the U.S. Consulate General in Surabaya supports, through a 

PEPFAR grant, a local women’s hotline project to prevent and respond to genderbased violence among women and girls in East Java and throughout eastern Indonesia. A recently announced $7.3 million USAID-funded project, ‘‘Bersama,’’ supports Indonesia’s efforts to reduce acceptance of gender based violence. 

If confirmed, I will ensure that advancing the status of women and girls remains 

a top priority for U.S. Mission Indonesia. 

Question. In 2006, Indonesia passed a law requiring minority religious groups to 

collect signatures from the local majority group before building houses of worship. 

Since the passage of this so-called ′′religious harmony′′ bill more than 1,000 Indonesian churches have reportedly been shuttered and untold numbers of others have 

never been built. To what extent do you plan to make religious freedom a priority 

in your dealings with the government of Indonesia? Are reforms to this legislation 

a current focus in U.S.-Indonesian relations? 

Answer. Indonesia’s international human rights obligations and its constitution 

guarantee freedom of religion or belief, which includes the right to worship according to one’s own beliefs. Mission Indonesia supports the efforts of the Indonesian 

government, the public, NGOs, and civil society organizations to promote religious 

tolerance and understanding. We also regularly raise the issue of religious freedom 

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and tolerance with the government, including expressing concern over the closure 

of houses of worship and supporting the freedom for all religious communities to 

build and maintain their respective houses of worship. Civil society leaders from Indonesia and the United States jointly launched in August 2016 a Council on Religion and Pluralism to foster religious understanding. If confirmed, I will continue 

to engage Indonesian government counterparts, NGOs, and civil society to promote 

religious freedom and freedom of worship. 

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INDEX OF NOMINEES 

Key: 

Bold = Confirmed by the Senate 

Italic = Returned to the President 

CAP AND SMALL CAP = WITHDRAWN BY THE PRESIDENT

A second page number indicates the location of the nominee’s responses to additional questions from members of the committee. 

A 

Adams, Jr., Charles C. — Ambassador to Finland — 10, 23 

Allen, Scott — U.S. Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development — 460 

Alsup, Carolyn Patricia — Ambassador to The Gambia — 428 

B 

Barr, Ann Calvaresi — Inspector General, U.S. Agency for International Development — 448 

Bitter, Rena — Ambassador to the Lao People’s Democratic Republic — 1033, 1059 

Bodde, Hon. Peter William — Ambassador to Libya — 563, 583 

Bond, Hon. Michele Thoren — Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs), — 

290 

BUTTS, CASSANDRA Q. — Ambassador to the Bahamas — 33, 57 

C 

Casper, Anne S — Ambassador Burundi — 928 941 

Chapman, Todd C. — Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador — 715, 756 

Coppedge, Susan — Director of the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking — 

479, 492 

D 

Dandekar, Swati A. — U.S. Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank 

— 812, 829 

Davies, Glyn Townsend — Ambassador of Thailand — 234, 274 

Delawie, Gregory T. — Ambassador to Kosov, — 126 

DHANANI, KATHERINE SIMONDS — Ambassador to Somalia — 36, 60 

Dogu, Laura Farnsworth — Ambassador to Nicaragua — 315, 360 

Doherty, Kathleen Ann — Ambassador to the Republic of Cyprus — 382, 404 

Donovan, Joseph R. — Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia — 1068, 1089 

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E 

Ebert-Gray, Catherine — Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu — 691, 736 

Egan, Brian James — Legal Adviser of the Department of State — 84, 117 

Elder, Christine Ann — Ambassador to Liberia — 841, 866 

Escobari, Marcela — Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for 

International Development — 817, 832 

Estrada, John L. — Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago — 457, 473 

Etim, Linda I. — Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development — 510, 527 

F 

Feeley, John D. — Ambassador to the Republic of Panama, — 709, 749 

Folmsbee, Paul A., — Ambassador to the Republic of Mali — 27, 47 

Furuta-Toy, Julie — Ambassador to of Equatorial Guinea — 505, 525 

G 

Galt, Jennifer Zimdahl — Ambassador to Mongolia — 241 

Gilmour, David R. — Ambassador to the Togolese Republic — 419, 439 

Guilarte, Mileydi — U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank — 71, 106 

Gwaltney, Sheila — Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic — 261, 280 

H 

Hale, David — Ambassador to the Pakistan 255, 276 

Hall, Anne — Ambassador to the Republic of Lithuania — 946, 986 

Haney, Stafford Fitzgerald — Ambassador to Costa Rica — 2, 21 

Hankins, Dennis B. — Ambassador to f Guinea — 508, 526 

Harden, R. David — Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for 

International Development — 844, 871 

Haverkamp, Jennifer Ann — Assistant Secretary of State (Oceans and International 

Environmental and Scientific Affairs) — 74, 109 

Hawkins, Jeffrey J. Jr. — Ambassador to the Central African Republic — 422, 

440 

Heidt, William A. — Ambassador to f Cambodia — 237, 275 

Heins, Samuel D. — Ambassador to the Kingdom of Norway — 376 

Hill, G. Kathleen — Ambassador to the Republic of Malta — 0768 

Hochstein, Amos J. — Assistant Secretary of State (Energy Resources) — 687, 726 

Holgate, Laura S.H. — U.S. Rep. to the International Atomic Energy Agency, and 

to the Vienna Office of the United Nations — 609, 644 

Holloway, Perry L. — Ambassador to Guyana — 317, 362 

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J 

Jackson, Hon. Robert Porter — Ambassador — 499, 523 

Jacobson, Hon. Roberta S. — Ambassador to the United Mexican States — 313, 

339 

Jones, Hon. Paul Wayne — Ambassador to Poland — 371 

K 

Keiderling-Franz, Kelly — Ambassador to Uruguay — 859, 899 

Kelly, Ian C. — Ambassador to Georgia — 131 

Keshap, Atul — Ambassador to Sri Lanka and Maldives — 263, 282 

Kim, Hon. Sung Y — Ambassador to the Philippines — 1030, 1047 

Klemm, Hon. Hans G. — Ambassador to Romania — 373 

L 

Lakhdhir, Amala Shirin — Ambassador to Malaysia — 1036, 1052 

Leonard, Hon. Mary Beth — U.S. Representative to the African Union — 925, 

939 

M 

Malack, Hon. Deborah R. — Ambassador of Uganda — 659, 677 

Manes, Jean Elizabeth — Ambassador to the Republic of El Salvador — 712, 752 

Marciel, Hon. Scot Alan — Ambassador to the Union of Burma — 693, 737 

Matthews, Matthew John — United States Senior Official for the Asia-Pacific 

Economic Cooperation, APEC, Forum — 814, 831 

McGuire, Matthew T. — U.S. Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development — 6 

McKean, David — Ambassador to Luxembourg — 765 

McKinley, Hon. Peter Michael — nominated to be Ambassador to the Federative 

Republic of Brazil — 969, 1009 

Melia, Thomas O. — Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International 

Development — 385, 404 

Melville, James Desmond Jr., — Ambassador to the Republic of Estonia — 379, 

403 

Mendelson, Dr. Sarah — U.S. Rep.to the U.N. Economic and Social Council. and 

U.S. Alternate Representative. to the General Assembly of the U.N. — 299, 307 

Millard, Elisabeth I. — Ambassador to Tajikistan — 569, 585 

MORTON, JOHN — Exec. VP of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation — 558, 

582 

Mulrean, Peter F. — of Ambassador to Haiti — 320, 363 

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N 

Nolan ,Edwin Richard, Jr. — Ambassador to Suriname — 454, 472 

Noyes, Julieta Valls — Ambassador to the Republic of Croatia, — 139 

O 

Occomy,Marcia Denise — U.S. Director of the African Development Bank — 79, 113 

P 

Pasi, Hon. Geeta — Ambassador to Chad — 923, 935 

Perez, Carol Z. — Ambassador to the Republic of Chile — 974, 1022 

Peterson, Lisa J. — Ambassador to Swaziland — 662, 680 

Pettit, Nancy Bikoff — Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia — 133 

Phee, Mary Catherine — Ambassador to South Sudan — 30, 52 

Pittman, H. Dean — Ambassador to Mozambique — 665, 681 

Pyatt, Hon. Geoffrey R. — Ambassador to Greece — 953, 995 

R 

Raji, Azita — Ambassador to Sweden, — 136 

Richard, Elizabeth Holzhall — Ambassador to the Lebanese Republic — 847, 881 

Riley, Robert Annan, III — Ambassador to Micronesia — 808 

Robinson, David Malcolm — Assistant Secretary of State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations) and Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization — 451 

Rubin, Eric Seth — Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria — 771, 797 

Rubinstein, Daniel H. — Ambassador to the Republic of Tunisia — 425, 443 

S 

Sabharwal, Sunil — U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund — 82 

Schwartz, Stephen Michael — Ambassador to Somalia — 850, 888 

Scott, Kyle R. — Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia — 774, 798 

Shannon, Hon. Thomas A. Jr. — Under Secretary of State (Political Affairs) — 

589, 629 

Sievers, Marc Jonathan — Ambassador to Oman — 566, 585 

Silliman, Hon. Douglas Allan — Ambassador to the Republic of Iraq — 965, 1004 

Silverman, Lawrence Robert — Ambassador to the State of Kuait — 971, 1019 

Smith, Gayle — Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development 

— 158, 185 

Smith, Gentry O. — Director of the Office of Foreign Missions — 8 

Sobel, Mark — United States Executive Director of the International Monetary 

Fund — 861, 905 

Sterling, Adam H. — Ambassador to the Slovac Republic — 861, 913 

Stewart, Hon. Karen Brevard — Ambassador to Marshall Islands — 804 

Symington, Hon. W. Stuart — Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria — 

1061, 1079 

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T 

Taglialatela, Linda Swartz — Ambassador to Barbados, St. Kitts and Nevis, 

Saint Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vincent and 

the Grenadines — 706, 745 

Tamlyn, Lucy — Ambassador to the Republic of Benin — 417, 439 

Teplitz , Alaina B. — Ambassador to Nepal — 258 

Thomas, Hon. Harry K. Jr. — Ambassador to Zimbabwe — 502, 524 

Torres, Carlos J. — Deputy Director of the Peace Corps — 778 

W 

Ward, Kenneth Damian — U.S. Rep. to the Organization for the Prohibition of 

Chemical Weapons — 560, 583 

Y 

Young, Andrew Robert — Ambassador to Burkina Faso — 1064, 1086 

Yovanovitch, Hon. Marie L. — Ambassador to Ukraine — 950, 992 

Æ 

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