ED 203 065

TITLE

INSTITUTION

SPONS AGENCY

PUB DATE

NOTE

AVAILABLE FPOM

DOCUMENT RESUME

CE 029 115

Program Evaluations: CETA Youth Programs in Small

Cities. Youth Knowledge Development Report 3.18.

National League of Cities, Washington, D.C.

Employment and Training Administration (DOL),

Washington, D.C. Office of Youth Programs.

May 80

152p.: For a related document see CE 029 106.

Superintendent of Documerts, U.S. Government Printing

Office, Washington, DC 20402 (Stock No.

029-014-00157-1, 55.001.

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC07 Plus Postage.

DESCRIPTORS Adolescents: Career Education: *Employment Programs;

Federal Legislation: Federal Programs: Job Training:

*Municipalities: National Surveys; Program

Administration: Program Development; *Program

Effectiveness: Program Implementation; Program

Improvement: Rural Areas: Young Adults; *Youth

Employment: *Youth Programs

IDENTIFIERS *Comprehensive Employment and Training Act: *Small

Cities

ABSTRACT

This report makes recommendations to enhan :e the

delivery of Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA) services

to small-city youth. It draws on the data base created by National

League of Cities Youth Employment activities which provides a profile

of the small city in CETA youth program operations, identified kinds

of problems that affect delivery of CETA services to small city

youth, and examined the CETA administrative structures that determine

how planning decisions are made and who makes them. Section 1

describes proiect activities and outlines the methodology used in

developing the data base. Section 2 provides a statistical profile of

the small city in CETA youth operations based largely on data

generated by a nation-wide survey of small cities. Section 3

discusses characteristics of small cities that affect planning and

implementing CETA youth programs and examines some problems of

program administration in small and rural communities. Section 4

attempts to draw general conclusions and offer recommendations to

enhance delivery of CETA youth services in small cities. Appendixes

contain methodology and statistical tables of the mail survey and

summaries of model youth programs operating in small and rural

cities. (YLB)

********************************* *************************************

Reproductions supplied by !DRS are the best that can be made

from the original document. ***********************************************************************
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YOUTH KNOWLEDGE DEVELOPMENT REPORT 3.18

CETA YOUTH PROGRAMS IN SMALL CITIES

National League of Cities

May 1980

For Hale by the Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office Washington. D.C. 20402
OVERVIEW

There is some truth to the charge that employment and training

programs have been designed for large cities. Implicit in CETA legislation

and regulations are certain assumptions about the diversity of service

deliverers in a community, the structure of decisionmaking, the capacity to

achieve economies of scale in administration and even the nature of

employment problems and their best solutions. To be a prime sponsor

eligible for direct funding by formula, a jurisdiction or combination of

jurisdictions must have a population of at least 100,000. Yet, two-fifths

of the poor live outside metropolitan areas and three-fifths outside

central cities of 50,000 or more.

This review of the youth program experience in small cities suggests

that there is inadequate involvement of local decisionmakers and that

procedures frequently stand in the way of mounting effective programs. The

responsibility for operating small city programs tends to lie outside these

cities. A fifth of small cities participate in local consortia but a third

are in state-administered prime sponsors and 46 percent are served by

single-county prime sponsors. Only a fifth of the jurisdictions serve as contractors on a subgrant arrangement and less than two-fifths have any

formal participation in the development of local CETA primes.

The activities themselves face significant constraints. Transportation is a major issue as well as limitations in the diversity of

potential work and training sites. Grant administration procedures are so

complex that they preclude participation in many cases. Categorization of

programs complicates the situation immensely since each program may provide

only a few slots to the local areas but requires separate procedures.

There has been no consistent effort by the Department of Labor to inform

small cities of their potential role and to help them build capacity. OJT

regulations and wage standards are sometimes unrealistic in the small town

setting. The analysis suggests ways these problems can be addressed.

This study is one of "knowledge development" activities mounted in

conjunction with research, evaluation and development activities funded

under the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977. The

knowledge development effort will result 4r literally thousands of written

products. Each activity has been structt from the outset so that it is

self-standing but also interrelated with - ost of other activities. The

framework is presented in A Knowledge . lopment Plan for the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977, A Knowledge Development

Plan for the Youth Initiatives Fiscal 1979 and Completing the Youth Agenda:

A Plan for Knowledge Development, Dissemination and Application for Fiscal

1980.

Information is available or will be coming available from these

various knowledge development efforts to help resolve an almost limitless

array of issues. However, policy and practical application will usually

require integration and synthesis from a wide range of products, which, in

turn, depend on knowledge and availability of these products. A major

shortcoming of past research, evaluation and demonstration activities has

been the failure to organize and disseminate the products adequately to
assure the full exploitation of the findings. The magnitude and structure

of the youth knowledge development effort puts a premium on structured

analysis and wide dissemination.

As part of its knowledge development mandate, therefore, the Office of

Youth Programs of the Department of Labor will organize, publish and

disseminate the written products of all major research, evaluation and

demonstration activities supported directly by or mounted in conjunction

with OYP knowledge development efforts. Some of the same products may also

be published and disseminated through other channels, but they will be

included in the structured series of Youth Knowledge Development Reports in

order to facilitate access and integration.

The Youth Knowledge Development Reports, of which this is one, are

divided into twelve broad categories:

1. Knowledge Development Framework: The products in this category

are concerned with the structure of knowledge development activities, the

assessment methodologies which are employed, the measurement instruments

and their validation, the translation of knowledge into policy, and the

strategy for dissemination of findings.

2. Research on Youth Employment and Employability Development: The

products in this category represent analyses of existing data, presentation

of findings from new data sources, special studies of dimensions of youth

labor market problems, and policy issue assessments.

3. Program Evaluations: The products in this category include

impact, process and benefit-cost evaluations of youth programs including

the Summer Youth Employment Program, Job Corps, the Young Adult Conservation Corps, Youth Employment and Training Programs, Youth Community

Conservation and Improvement Projects, and the Targeted Jobs Tax Credit.

4. Service and Participant Mix: The evaluations and demonstrations

summarized in this category concern the matching of different types of

youth with different service combinations. This involves experiments with

work vs. work plus remediation vs. straight remediation as treatment

options. It also includes attempts to mix disadvantaged and more affluent

participants, as well as youth with older workers.

5. Education and Training Approaches: The products in this category

present the findings of structured experiments to test the impact and

effectiveness of various education and vocational training approaches

including specific education methodologies for the disadvantaged, alternative education approaches and advanced career training.

6. Pre-Employment and Transition Services: The products in this

category present the findings of structured experiments to test the impact

and effectiveness of school-to-work transition activities, vocational

exploration, job-search assistance and other efforts to better prepare

youth for labor market success.

7. Youth Work Experience: The products in this category address the

organization of work activities, their output, productive roles for youth,

and the impacts of various employment approaches.

ii 5
8. Implementation Issues: This category includes cross-cutting

analyses of the practical lessons concerning "how-to-do-it." Issues such

as learning curves, replication processes and programmatic "batting

averages" will be addressed under this category, as well as the comparative

advantages of alternative delivery agents.

9. pesigratiotLaaIAIITmatilandOrarves: The products in this

category represent assessments of demonstrations of alternative program and

delivery arrangements such as consolidation, year-round preparation for

summer programs, the use of incentives, and multi-year tracking of

individuals.

10. Special Needs Groups: The products in this category present

findings on the special problems of and the programmatic adaptations needed

for significant segments including minorities, young mothers, troubled

youth, Indochinese refugees, and the handicapped.

11. Innovative Approaches: The products in this category present the

findings of those activities designed to explore new approaches. The

subjects covered include the Youth Incentive Entitlement Pilot Projects,

private sector initiatives, the national youth service experiment, and

energy initiatives in weatherization, low-head hydroelectric dam restoration, windpower, and the like.

12. Institutional Linkages: The products in this category include

studies of institutional arrangements and linkages as well as assessments

of demonstration activities to encourage such linkages with education,

volunteer groups, drug abuse, and other youth serving agencies.

In each of these knowledge development categories, there will be a

range of discrete demonstration, research and evaluation activities focused

on different policy, pro "ram and analytical issues. In turn, each discrete

knowledge development project may have a series of written products

addressed to different dimensions of the issue. For instance, all

experimental demonstration projects have both process and impact evaluations, frequently undertaken by different evaluation agents. Findings

will be published as they become available so that there will usually be a

series of reports as evidence accumulates. To organize these products,

each publication is classified in one of the twelve broad knowledge

development categories, described in terms of the more specific issue,

activity or cluster of activities to which it is addressed, with an

identifier of the product and what it represents relative to other products

in the demonstrations. Hence, the multiple products under a knowledge

development activity are closely interrelated and the activites in each

broad cluster have significant interconnections.

This volume should be read in conjunction with the evaluations of

local YEDPA programs in the "program evaluation" category, particularly the

four sets of case studies by the National Council on Employment Policy and

The State Role in Youth Employment and Training Programs.

Robert Taggart

Administrator

Office of Youth Programs

C, iiiG
Table of Contents

Section Page

Introduction 1

Methods of Data Collection 5

The Mail Survey 5

The Regional Conferences 7

The Field Visits 8

Profile of the Small City 14

Small City Labor Markets 14

Small Cities in the CETA System 16

Major Problem Areas 21

Issues Associated with Local Job Opportunities 21

Issues Associated with Transportation 25

Issues Related to Occupational Choice 31

Issues Related to Vocational Training 35

Issues Related to Economic Development 38

Issues Related to Administrative Capacity 42

Issues Associated with the CETA Allocation Process 47

Issues Relating to the Community View of CETA 52

Issues Related to Management of the Local Economy 57

Conclusions and Policy Implications 63

Implications for the Local Delivery System

Implications for the Small City

Appendix A

Mail Survey of Small Cities:

Methodology and Survey Tables

63

66

75

Appendix B 112

Summaries of Model Youth Programs

Operating in Small Cities
Introduction

The National League of Cities (NLC) has an active interest in the problems

of youth employment. Very few of the nation's cities have been untouched by

the problem of youth unemployment, and NLC's concern lies in developing and

implementing strategies to assist cities in addressing this complex problem.

Passage of the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977 (YEDPA)

provided an opportunity for the nation's cities, as well as NLC, to explore

the labor market problems of today's youth and to develop knowledge about

what does and does not work in the transition of youth from school to work.

Recognizing that small cities have special labor market problems, NLC is

particularly concerned about the employment and training problems of youth

in these smaller communities. Therefore, one of the basic goals of NLC's

Youth Employment Project is to provide recommendations to DOL's Office of

Youth Programs that will help improve the delivery of CETA services to youth

in small cities. In order to achieve this goal, the Youth Project attempts

to identify characteristics of small cities that have particular bearing on

the employment and training opportunitieg, available to the youth who reside

in those cities and who depend on the institutions of small cities to prepare

them for the responsibilities of adulthood and for their participation in

the labor market.
The CETA programs operating in small cities are becoming an increasingly

important part of the employment and training opportunities available to

youth in small and rural communities. How well the CETA program functions

in small cities depends largely on the ability of the CETA delivery system

to recognize and adapt to the special circumstances of small cities and small

city labor market conditions. Therefore, the task of NLC's Youth Project is

to identify the problems associated with implementing CETA youth programs

in small cities, to examine how CETA services are being delivered to small

city youth, and to define administrative and other structures wader which

CETA youth programs are operating in small cities.

Before recommendations can be made to enhance the delivery of CEIA services

to small city youth, an understanding must be developed of how decisions

are made in determining what categories of youth are identified as most in need

of CETA services, what services and program activities are to be provided to

meet these needs, how services are to be provided, and who is to provide them.

As part of this effort, the NLC Youth Employment Project is designed to create

a knowledge base about CETA youth programs in small and rural communities that

will accomplish three primary objectives:

1. Provide a profile of the small city in CETA youth program operations;

9

2
2. Identify the kinds of problems that affect

to small city youth; and

3. Examine the CETA administrative structures

decisions are make and who makes them.

the delivery of CETA services

that determine how planning

A secondary objective of the Project is to identify and describe a number of

model youth programs operating in small city environments. In addition,

examples of noteworthy features of programs are provided in cases where an

interesting or innovative approach was taken by a local program operator in

addressing the problems of providing services to youth in small and rural cities.

The basic primise of the Pro.;ect is that small cities, because they are small,

will have some unique characteristics that bear on the design and implementation

of CETA youth programs in small and rural communities. By identifying these

characteristics and relating them to the structure and function of the CETA

program, an assessment can be made of the efficiency with which the CETA system

accommodates these special small city circumstances. Prom this assessment,

recommendations can then be made to improve the delivery of CETA services to

youth in small cities and rural communities.

In this context, this final report will draw on the data base created by each

of the three complimentary project activities to define the nature of the
problems associated with planning small city youth programs, to discuss the

implications of these issues for CETA operations, and to suggest administrative

and legislative remedies for some of these problems.

This report is organized into four major sections. The first section describes

the project activities and outlines the methodology used in developing the

data base. The second section provides a statistical profile of the small

city in CETA youth operations and is based largely on data generated by a

nation-wide survey of small cities. The third section discusses the

characteristics of small cities that affect the planning and implementing of

CETA youth programs and examines some of the problems of program administration

in small and rural communities. The final section attempts to draw some

general conclusions from the project data and offers some recommendations that

may enhance the delivery of CETA youth services to youth in small cities.

Two appendices are also included in this report. The methodology and

statistical tables of the mail survey of small cities is contained in Appendix A;

while Appendix B provides the slaAlaries of the model youth programs operating

in small and rural cities.

4
Methods of Data Collection

The data for this project were derived from three kinds of project activities:

(1) a nation-wide mail survey of NLC member cities with populations bewteen

25,000 and 75,000 persons; (2) a series of four regional conferences; and (3)

field visits to small cities in each of the ten Department of Labor regions.

The Mail Survey

In August of 1979, a mail questionnaire was sent to approximately 536 NLC

member cities with populations of 75,000 or less. The primary purpose of the

mail questionnaire was to establish a data base for identifying problems that

are unique to smaller cities and rural communities in planning and implementing

CETA youth programs and .co determine the role that small cities play in CETA

youth program operations at the local level. Of the 536 questionnaires mailed,

300 were returned, for a response rate of 56%. Of these 300, approximately

79% (236) were completed by cities which did not have contractual responsibility

for the complete planning and implementing of CETA youth programs, although

these cities did serve as work or training sites in most cases. The remaining

21% (64) were completed by cities which were subgrantees of CETA prime sponsors
the operation of part or all of the local CETA youth programs. Subgrantee

cities, in most cases, were tnose cities that receive administrative funds

for operating youth prograL. and had contractual obligations for the expenditure of funds and the provision of services, as well as for meeting

specific performance goals.

Questions included in the survey were selected using several different

criteria. First, a review of the literature suggested a number of problem

areas that might be associated with planning and implementing CETA youth

programs in small cities and rural communities. However, in addition to

identifying CETA operational problems and barriers to employment faced by

youth in small cities, survey questions were designed to provide information

about how services are delivered, what types of agencies are selected to

deliver services, and what CETA services are provided to youth in small cities.

Moreover, questions were included that would provide data relating to the

planning and policy - making process as well as the delivery system. Finally,

the survey incorporated questions that would define the role of the small

city in both the planning and operating of CETA youth programs and that

would identify the major concerns of small cities in local program operations.

In establishing the validity of the mail survey data base, the most serious

-6
concerns were related to non-sampling bias and geographical bias. However,

using the city population restrictions mentioned above (i.e., 25-75,000),

the NLC sample represented a 73% sample of all cities in that population

range. This large sample size, coupled with a response rate of 56%,

effectively minimized the bias associated with non-random sampling. Moreover,

an examination of the regional dispersion of the NLC sample cities showed

that only one region, Region I, was slightly over-represented in the sample.

However, since the small cities in Region I represented only about 11% of

all small cities nation-wide, and because the degree of over-representation

was so small, the effect of the bias on the total sample was probably

minimal. (A detailed explanation of survey methodology is found in Appendix A.)

The Regional Conferences

Regional conferences on youth employment in small cities were conducted in

Raleigh, North Carolina (9/79), Danvers, Massachusetts (12/79), Kansas City,

Missouri (1/80), and San Francisco, California (2/80).

These conferences were designed to attract a variety of local officials

and administrators involved with the implementation of CETA youth programs

in small cities and rural communities. In order of their priority for

participation, these target groups included: (1) CETA youth staff from small cities,
(2) elected officials from small cities operating CETA youth programs,

(3) representatives from small cities not operating programs, (4) representatives from community-based organizations (0.0s) serving small city

youth, and (5) CETA prime sponsor staff serving small cities. In addition

to these groups, members from local CETA planning councils attended, in some cases, as well as youth participants from small cities.

Generally, the conferences were well-attended, with 35-50 participants at

each conference. Discussions among conference participants focused on the

role of the small city in youth. program planning and implementation, operational

problems associated with small city CETA youth programs, and recommendations

for improving the delivery of youth services in small and rural cities.

The Field Visits

Field visits to local'youth programs in small cities were conducted in each of

the ten Department of Labor (DOL) regions. A total of 15 site visits were

conducted between August, 1979, and January, 1980. Field visits were designed

primarily to accomplish three basic objectives:

1. To identify model youth programs, or exemplary features of programs,

that are serving small cities and rural communities;

2. To identify critical issues and problem areas associated with planning

and implementing CETA youth programs in small and rural communities; and
3. To gather information that expands or compliments the data base

generated by NLC's mail questionnaire to small cities.

Generally, each field visit to a small city was conducted over a two -day

period. During the visit, a variety of individuals were interviewed, including

representatives from local governments, prime sponsors, local program operators,

community-based organizations, local employment and training agencies, and

youth program participants. From these interviews, a body of knowledge was

developed which underscores a number of issues that bear on the effectiveness

of CETA youth programs serving small and rural cities.

Small cities were selected for site visits on. the basis of several factors,

including the following: (1) type of prime sponsor serving the small city,

(2) whether or not the small city was a youth program operator, (3) whether

or not the small city was in a metropolitan or non-metropolitan setting, and

(4) the geographic location of the small city. The aggregate profile of the

small cities visited in terms of these criteria generally coincided with the

aggregate profile of small cities developed by the National League of Cities'

mail survey of small cities.

Below are listed all of the small cities visited, together with the local

program operator and the appropriate prime sponsor.
City/Program Operator/Prime Sponsor

DOL

Region Population

Weymouth, MA

Weymouth Youth Office I 56,263

BOS Massachusetts

nainfield, NJ

Plainfield Public Works & Urban

Development Department II 43,501

Union County

North Tonawanda, NY

Niagara County Manpower Development II 39,881

and Training Department

Niagara County

Altoona, PA

Southern Alleghenies Consortium III 59,067

Southern Alleghenies Planning and

Development Commission

Greenville, MS

Washington-Issaquena-Sharkey CAA IV 42,839

BOS Mississippi

Charleston, SC

Charleston (City) Employment and IV 60,772

Training Department

Charleston County (FY80)

State of South Carolina (FY79)

Highland Park, IL

Highland Park Youth Center V 31,412

Cook County

Mansfield, OH

Mansfield CETA Program V 56,729

Richland Morrow Consortium
DOL

City/Program Operator/Prime Sponsor 'legion Population

Harlingen, TX

Cameron County CETA VI 40,824

Cameron County

Killeen/Temple, TX

Central Texas Manpower Consortium VI 50,628/39,473

Central Texas Manpower Consortium

Ames, IA

County of Story VII 44,158

Central Iowa Regional Association

of Local Governments

Medina/Glen Ullin, ND

Bureau of Employment Security

State of North Dakota

VIII 300/400

(est.)

,La Habra, CA

La Habra Employment and Training IX 43,358

Department

Orange County Manpower Commission

Visalia, CA

Tulare County Human Services IX 38,189

Tulare County

American Falls/Lewiston, ID

American Falls School District X 3,208/26,068

No. 381/Lewis-Clark State College

Idaho Manpower Consortium

Basically, the issues for discussion during the on-site visits were developed

through a variety of sources. Initially, a review of the literature on topics

related to small city labor markets and rural educational problems suggested a
foundation of issues that would be relevant to the interview process. This

foundation was then developed further by issues raised by program operators

during the on-site visits themselves and by areas of concern identified

during other phases of the project, such as the regional conferences and the

flow of information generated by the mail survey.

The bulk of these issues are related to variables that stem from characteristics

that are unique to small cities. Geographic remoteness, relatively small

local governmental organizations, lack of or limited transportation, narrow

economic bases, low population densities, and relatively limited social

and economic resources are all factors which create special problems for local

officials who are planning and implementing CETA youth programs for small

cities and rural communities.

However, another set of issues is related more to administrative factors that

affect the way CETA youth funds are allocated to small cities and local

program operators, and that determine the way in which CETA services are

delivered to youth in small cities. Perhaps the single most critical factor

bearing on the success of CETA youth programs in small and rural cities is the

degree of commitment from local officials. If small city officials or local

program operators are committed to the programs, then the programs are

generally successful. Therefore, the ways in which money and information
are directed to small city officials and the administrative framework

within which they must plan and implement CETA youth programs are

extremely important elements in determining the degree of commitment

local officials are willing to make to CETA youth programs.
Profile of the Small City

Small City Labor Markets

Small cities, because they are small, tend to have unique characteristics

that often present special problems for program planners and operators who

are charged with the task of implementing CETA youth programs in small cities.

Small city populations tend to be comprised mostly of very young and older

persons, while those in the prime age categories, who usually have more

education, more ambition, and more skill, tend to leave the small city for

places where more opportunity is perceived. As one local official stated:

"Most of the young people here tend to be school aged. Not considering

those younger than 18, the average age is 46 years old. Once they graduate,

a lot of the young people leave."

Small city labor markets tend to be dominated by small employers, in many

cases family-oriented businesses. Occupational choices in the local labor

market may be limited to low-wage, low-skilled positionsin retail trade or

service industries. The local economy may rely heavily on agricultural

production or on the light manufacture or processing of agricultural goods.

In some cases, the health of the local economy may be tied to the well-being
of a single large employer in the area. Small cities tend to have fewer

resources at their disposal for promoting human development and economic

growth; and what resources are available tend to be geographically dispersed.

As a result, shifting budgetary priorities at the federal level, a bad crop,

a plant closing or relocation, or an economic downturn may mean disaster

for a small city economy. Consequently, local officials in small cities tend

to be especially concerned about factors or issues that may impact on the

health of the local economy and about their ability to manage local labor

markets.

Small cities generally lack public transportation systems; and those that do

exist may be limited in their operation or the area that they serve. Small

cities may be geographically remote and, therefore, isolated from major

centers of economic activity. Poor highways, lack of convenient air or

rail transportation, and lack of public transportasion may also hamper

local efforts to attract new industry to the area or may contribute to the

demiJe of existing small businesses. Small city governmental organizations

may not offer a full range of public services because of a limited tax base,

which further contributes to the narrow occupational choices and limited

employment opportunities available to small city youth.
Small Cities in the CETA System

Small cities, because of their population size, are not eligible to receive

direct'CETA grants from the Department of Labor (DOL) as CETA prime sponsors.

Therefore, small cities, to the extent that they are involved in local CETA

operations, must access the CETA system through the prime sponsor in whose

jurisdiction the small city is located.

In general, small cities tend not to be operators of CETA youth programs.

Only about 21% of the nation's small cities are operating CETA youth programs

under subgrant arrangements with their prime sponsors; the remaining 79%

either act as work sites or do not actively participate in the CETA programs.

Small cities may be served by a wide variety of prime sponsor arrangements

under the CETA system: a single-county prime, a variety of local consortia

comprised of both cities and counties, a balance-of-state prime sponsor, or state consortium. As a result, if a small city wants to participate in program

planning, operations, or policy development or wishes to obtain information

about local CETA resources, the small city must appeal to one of three basic

prime sponsor arrangements: a single-county prime, where the small city must

appeal to its county government; a local consortium, where the small city must

appeal to a consortia board comprised of county and, in some cases, big-city

elected officials; or a state-administered P

- 16 -

rime sponsorship, where the small
city must appeal to either state officials or a state-wide consortia board

comprised of state and local officials. How the prime sponsor is organized,

the administrative structure created by the prime to implement the programs,

and the structure and function of the CETA advisory council are critical to

the small city's ability to gain information about what CETA resources are

available locally, to obtain information about the regulations and guidelines

that govern how CETA resources can be used, to participate in the development

of CETA policies that impact on the city, and to apply for and receive CETA

subgrants.

Of the three basic prime sponsor categories, 46% of the small cities surveyed

are served by single-county primes; 20% by local consortia; and 34% by stateadministered prime sponsors. The type of prime sponsor a small city is

served by seems to make a big difference in the role the small city plays in

local CETA operations.

Small cities served by local consortia seem to play the most active role

in operating programs and in sitting on CETA advisory councils and participating in local policy development. Moreover, these small cities indicate

a greater satisfaction with local CETA operations. In contrast,
small cities served by single-county primes seem. to experience the

greatest degree of dissatisfaction, are less likely to operate youth

programs, have the least opportunity to sit on CETA planning councils

and are the most likely to have no participation in the development of local

CETA policies.

Perhaps the most disconcerting aspect of the small city's role in local

CETA operations is that 38% of the small cities have no participation at

all in the development of local CETA policies, and another 23% have only

informal means of influencing how CETA resources are used in serving

the city's youth. Small cities served by single-county prime sponsors

and small citiez: w4.th population of less than 50,000 seem to be the most

liKe.ly to ha"e no participation in local policy development.

The most likely deliverer of service to youth in small cities tends to be the

prime sponsor itself. In 37% of the cases, small cities are served directly

by their prime sponsor. However, the second most likely service deliverer

is the small city itself, with 21% of all small cities operating their own

youth programs under a subgrant arrangement with their prime. Communitybased organizations (CEOs) serve 12% of the small cities, while 9% are served

by other governmental organizations, such as counties or other cities. The

- 18 -
remaining 21% are served by either schools, local offices cf the state

employment service, or other agencies. State-administered primes are

the least likely to operate programs directly, which is not surprising

in view of the large jurisdictions states must serve. State primes

tend to rely more heavily on CBOs to deliver services to small city youth.

Survey results indicate that state primes use CBOs three times more

frequently than single Lcunty or local consortia primes to deliver youth

services to small cities within their jurisdictions. However, state

primes are the least likely to subgrant to small cities for youth program

operations.

Because state primes generally serve a very large geographical area, there

may be a tendency to subgrant to counties or regional entities which can serve

a larger jurisdiction. As a result, the state prime can cover its jurisdiction

with the least number of subgrants. In contrast,local consortia boards may be

more inclined to subgrant to small cities, since the consortia jurisdictions

are smaller and the population is more likely to be concentrated in their

cities.

One of the most revealing results of the small city survey is that only 21% of

the small cities have direct control of the youth programs operating in their
cities and serving their youth. Given the concern small city officials have

expressed in terms of the migration of youth out of the small cities, it

may seem surprising that they seem to have such minimal control over CETA

youth resources.

For the remaining 79% of the small cities, which do not operate CETA youth

programs, local youth are served by some other entity, which suggests that

small cities may have few opportunities to influence bow youth programs are

operated in their cities, what priority groups are targeted for service, what

program services and activities are available locally, and how CETA resources

are allocated. The profile of small cities also suggests that, because there

is such a wide variety of local program operators serving small cities,

the ability of the small city to understand the local CETA system may be

significantly impaired. From the perspective of the small city, local

officials may find it extremely difficult to ferret out which local agency

has ultimate responsibility for administration of the youth programs.

Moreover, because small cities are served under a variety of prime sponsor

arrangements and by a variety of local programs operators, it is difficult

for small cities to compare experiences and to share problems and solutions.
Major Problem Areas

Issues Associated with Local Job Opportunities

An issue that was central to youth program operations in all of the sites

visited was one related to the availability of suitable employment opportunities in the local labor market, both in the public sector and the

private sector.

Small city labor markets tend to be characterized largely by service industries

or retail trade establishments. As a result, the local economy is usually

comprised of a large number of small business establishments that employ primarily low-wage, low-skill occupations. Most of the small cities visited

were able to boast of at least one or two "major" employers located either in

the city or within commuting distance. However, to the extent that large

employers exist, these industries were generally oriented toward manufacturing

or processing agricultural products or extracting minerals. In some cases, the

major employer was a service oriented organization, such as a post-secondary

school or a federal or state agency.

As a result, economically disadvantaged youth in small cities tend to be faced
with a narrow range of employment opportunities. If they choose to remain in

the small city, economically disadvantaged youth generally must decide among

several alternatives: (1) to work in the local public sector, which usually

means taking a job in a general labor, maintenance or clerical field, unless

the youth is willing and financially able to pursue a college degree; (2) to

pursue a job with a local small business establishment, which usually means

taking a job in a low-wage, low-skill service or retail trade occupation;

(3) to pursue employment with a large industry in the area, if one exists,

which may generally mean a job with a higher wage, but with low skill, limited

upward mobility, and limited entry opportunities because of local competition;

or (4) if the economy is agriculturally-based, to become a farm laborer, which

may provide only seasonal work.

On the other hand, if the small city youth finds these basic alternatives unacceptable and decides to leave the local labor market, then a number of

problems present themselves: (1) financing the migration, (2) adjusting to a

different social and economic environment, and (3) obtaining appropriate

occupational skills. Moreover, local program operators in small cities report

that the decision by youth to migrate is frequently based on imperfect labor

market information and youth are often ill-prepared for the transition.

20

- 22 -
This set of circumstances creates two major problems for small city CETA youth

programs, one relating to the development of career plans and the other relating

to job development. Small city youth and their CETA counselors find that they

must make some difficult decisions in negotiating an Employability Development

Plan (EDP). As one counselor states: "Young people come in and say they need

a job that pays $4.00 or $5.00 an hour. We have to tell them that the only

way they can do that here is to go to work for (name of railroad); and if they

don't want to do that, then they have to work here in town or else go where jobs

pay more." Counselors must confront economically disadvantaged youth with the

hard realities of small city labor markets: there is only a limited scope of

jobs available to them in the small city labor market. If they aspire to certain types of occupations, there may very well be no local labor market.

Consequently, if youth wish to pursue such a career, they must be prepared to

leave the area. While the local CETA program may be able to prepare youth for

migration from an occupational perspective, local programs often complain that

their programs are not geared to providing services that can facilitate the

actual migration process. Counselors and program administrators then, are

frequently faced with the basic problem of either training local youth for jobs

that are relevant to the small city labor market or training youth for occupations that require the youth to migrate in order to find work in the chosen

vocation.

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Even for training programs that cater to the kinds of occupations that are

saleable in the local labor market, job development in the small city environment is a particularly troublesome problem and represents a major concern within

the local community, as well as CETA staff and youth participants. One local

administrator expresses the problem this way: "We can't put youth into work

experience or classroom training programs without some realistic expectation

that they can get jobs after they complete the program. Otherwise, we are

creating false hOpe for the young people, and we are wasting the taxpayer's

money." Many program operators feel that the types of occupational skills that

could be imparted to youth in public sector work experience programs are sometimes not appropriate for private sector jobs because work in the public sector

tends to be service-oriented while many job opportunities in the private sector

are oriented to an industrial production setting.

Youth program operators in small cities also find that, in some cases, they are

precluded from offering youth a continuum of occupational services because the

CETA delivery system tends to be fragmented. While a small city or a communitybased organization may operate CETA youth programs, Title 11-B and PSE programs

may more likely be operated directly by the prime sponsor or by another subgrantee. As a result, youth program staff may be quite knowledgeable about

youth. program eligibility, but may know very little about PSE or other CETA

program eligibility or other guidelines. Therefore, efforts by youth
counselors to tranfer youth from Title IV programs to other titles may be

frustrated because eligibility for other programs was not taken into consider

ation at the initial intake point. As a result, small city youth programs may

find it difficult to provide a logical sequence of career development services

to their youth participants, which further exacerbates the job development

problem.

The difficulties associated with finding suitable employment opportunities in

the small city labor market become more critical when youth program administrators

find that they can not rely on other CETA programs to continue the occupational

development initiated under the local youth program.

Issues Associated with Transportation

Many small cities and rural communities find that lack of transportation is a

major concern in the planning and implementing of CETA youth programs. Public

transportation in small and rural cities is generally characterized by one of

two situations: (1) there is no public transportation system, or (2) a public

transportation system exists, but it often does not meet the needs of the local

CETA program.

In those small cities where public transportation systems were in operation,

local CETA program operators usually cited a number of inadequacies: (1) the
designated transportation routes did not coincide with the needs of CETA youth

participants; (2) the transportation schedules and hours of operation were not

conducive to employment-oriented activities; or (3) the transportation routes

did not change with the movements of the local industrial hubs. Local youth

program operators in one small city complained that the local buses seemed to

be geared more toward local commercial interests, taking shoppers from the residential area to the shopping centers and recreational activities, rather than

to the needs of the labor force. Not only did the buses not serve many of the

industrial areas of the local labor market, but the hours of operation and the

frequency of the schedules did not lend themselves to a work-oriented ridership.

In another small city, youth counselors also pointed out that economically disadvantaged youth sometimes need education about how the local transportation

system worked: hours of operation, how to read a schedule, how a bus transfer

works, location of stops, and the fare schedule.

These kinds of problems have a number of implications for small city CETA programs. Perhaps the most immediate problem created by lack of transportation or

inadequate transportation in small cities is the problem of matching CETA youth

with work and training sites. Local youth program operators reported that they

could not assume the availability of transportation when matching economically
disadvantaged youth with CETA work or training sites. Small cities and other

local youth program operators find that, in order to provide the widest range

of occupational training, they must use work sites and training facilities that

may be dispersed over a large area. This is particularly true of vocational

training facilities which usually serve large, multi-county regions in lessdensely populated areas. Many small city youth counselors also report that they

can offer only limited work sites for some occupations and, therefore, do not

have much flexibility in work site selection. For example, if a small city youth

wants to pursue a career in a health occupation, the county hospital may be the

only public sector work site. However, the county hospital may be in another town,

requiring the CETA youth to have some form of transportation.

In other cases, because of the administrative policies of the prime sponsor and

other local circumstances, small cities that operate CETA youth programs may be

required to serve youth in surrounding small cities as well as their local youth.

For example, in three of the site visits, small city program operators were required by their subgrants to serve neighboring cities in addition to the residents

of their own municipalities. As a result, transportation was seen as an es- sential ingredient to the effective placement of youth clients due to the size of

geographic area involved and the limited flexibility in selecting work and
training sites. In negotiating employability development plans (EDPs) with

youth, counselors had to be particularly sensitive to the youths' access to

transportation. For a youth who aspires to the career of a mechanic, working

in the county garage may offer an ideal training opportunity; but a 40 mile

roundtrip journey to work may preclude the realization of that opportunity unless

transportation arrangements can be made. Similarly, area vocational technical

schools or local offices of the state employment service which serve large geographic regions may be inaccessible to small city youth and, as a result, frustrate the development and implementation of EDPs because of lack of transportation.

Transportation also asserts itself as a problem in other aspects of small city

youth operations. Many essential program activities, such as outreach, recruitment, and program monitoring and evaluation, are hampered by lack of transportation in small cities. In those cases where small cities and other local program operators must serve large geographic areas, economically disadvantaged

youth may have difficulty getting to intake centers.. As a result, local program

staff are hampered in their efforts to reach youth in the outlying areas of

their jurisdiction. Moreover, youth counselors and monitoring staff may find it

particularly expensive and time-consuming to visit work and training sites or to

respond to calls requiring emergency assistance. Agency vehicles, if they exist,
are generally limited in number and are often used for a number of purposes.

Utilization of personal vehicles is an alternative, but small cities may not have

the most lucrative reimbursement policies and insurance liability problems may

discourage staff from using their personal vehicles for transporting youth

clients. In the sites visited, small city programs generally had only limited

means of dealing with these kinds of transportation problems: (1) payment of

transportation allowance, (2) car pooling, (3) creation of mobile units or

"circuit riders", and (4) linkages with transportation programs of other agencies.

However, none of these remedies were reported as adequate by the local program

operators. To be effective, transportation allowances require that the youth

have a car or that an adequate public transportation system be in operation. More

often than not, small city CETA counselors complained that the payment of transportation allowances did not alleviate the problems of matching youth with jobs

and training opportunities.

While car pooling seemed to be more favorably reported, it too, had problems.

First, counselors had difficulty coordinating a car pooling system. Frequently,

work or training schedules did not coincide sufficiently, causing inconvenience

and, sometimes, unacceptable levels of tardiness. Dependability was also mentioned as a problem with car pooling, since the fate of all riders rested with

the driver.
A number of the programs visited attempted to overcome some of their transportation problems by creating some form of mobile unit or "ci)tuit rider"

system. In order to reach those youth who could not be served through the

regular intake system, some local programs attempted to take the services

to the youth. In some cases, a mobile unit would visit specific locations

on a periodic schedule; in other cases, a single individual would be employed

to staff a satellite office or visit certain cities or schools on a fixed

schedule. Services provided by this method were usually limited to intake,

assessment, and counseling; and local program operators also pointed out that

this type of service delivery did not lend itself to crisis or emergency situations and that the capacity to provide a full ranse of services was limited.

In some cases, local CETA programs attempted to resolve their transportation

problems by creating linkages with other local transportation programs. In

addition to area school buses, special purpose programs, such as seniors or

handicapped, may offer limited transportation services to their clientele.

Several CETA program operators related various problems which frustrated their

efforts to negotiate with these programs for transportation: "turf" protection,

liability insurance, routing and schedule changes, sharing of capital and

operating expenses, and establishing priorities for service.

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While the Non-Urbanized Public Transportation Program (Section 18 of the

Surface Transportation Act of 1978) attempted to resolve these kinds of

problems and eliminate the duplication and lack of coordination among special

purpose transportation programs in non-metropolitan areas, local officials had

little or no knowledge of this program. Given the importance of transportation

to small city CETA programs, more intense promotional efforts of the Section 18

Transportation Program might be undertaken. Lack of transportation is a

problem that plagues local program operators every day and represents a major

obstruction to the effective implementation of CETA youth programs in small

and rural cities.

Issues Related to Occupational Choice

Under the CETA system, local youth program operators have, basically, three

avenues for providing subsidized employment opportunities to economically

disadvantaged youth: through local public agencies; through private, nonprofit organizations; and through private sector establishments. Consequently.,

the variety of occupational choices available through these local institutions

defines the scope of occupational training that small city CETA programs can

offer their youth. As suggested by the on-site visits, small city public and

private sectors tend to be characttrized by some special traits which limit
their ability to provide a wide range of occupational choice to local

economically disadvantaged youth.

In some of the smaller cities visited, the local government was not a fullservice government and employed only a narrow range of occupations. Usually,

this meant that the city was able to offer only traditional maintenance or

clerical occupations as training positions. Other public agencies, such as

schools or special districts, were also small and, therefore, limited in

their occupational offerings as well.

Many local program operators also reported that there were few private,

non-profit agencies locat. ' in their small cities. Those non-profit organizations that did exist tended to be staffed by only a few full-time employees,

usually professional, with either part-time or volunteer workers comp! ting

the personnel roste:. As a work or training site, these agencies suffered

not only from an extremely narrow occupational scope, but also from a limited

capacity for supervision. Local CETA youth programs also complained that the

small private, non-profit organizations were generally the least likely to be

able to supply materials or equipment for YCCIP projects. Consequently,

the small city non-profit organizations were not looked upon as potential
youth project operators. This problem was compounded by the financial

instability of these agencies. If a private, non-profit organization was

monitored and found to have misused CETA funds, the local program operator

usually had little hope of recovering the money. Or, if a youth was placed in

a private, non-profit organization as a work or training site, there was

little expectation of transition or career development. Consequently, the

non-profit sector was not generally looked upon as a resource for occupational training, and the requirement of the CETA regulations to give preference to these community-based organizations was usually a source of consternation.

By the same token, private sector establishments in small cities also pose

certain problems to local CETA youth program operators. For the most part,

the small city labor market tends to be dominated by very small retail and

service industries, many of which may be family-oriented. As a result, the

small city private sector may consist largely of low-skilled, low-wage occupations, such as laborer, cashier, waitress, clerk-typist, retail clerk,

maid, or fast-food cook. Again, the scope of private sector occupations

tends to be very narrow, and CETA youth counselors in small cities often

report that the local labor market does not provide them with the occupational resources to accommodate the career planning needs of small city youth.
Moreover, private sector employment opportunities may be over-represented by

agriculture or agriculture-related industries. Consequently, many of the

occupations in the small city labor market may be associated with seasonal farm

labor or with the manufacture or processing of agricultural products.

To the extent that large manufacturing industries exist in small cities, the

local labor market may be dominated by one or two large employers. As a

result, wages may be considerably higher but local competition or FLEA

standards usually put CETA-eligible youth at a disadvantage in applying for those

jobs. Where the manufacturing is related to the processing of agricultural

products, occupations are likely to be low-skill assembly-line jobs that may

also be hazardous, unpleasant, or seasonal.

The basic conclusion, then, is that youth in small cities do not have access

to a wide range of occupational choice in either the public or the private

sector of the local labor market. As a result, CETA youth programs are limited

in their ability to provide the variety of occupational training and exposure

that could be offered in a larger city with a more diversified economic base;

and CETA youth counselors in small cities often find themselves placing young

men in general maintenance and young women in clerical work experience

positions because that is all that is available. While these work sites may
be adequate for teaching work discipline, punctuality, dependability, and

other good work habits, they provide only limited opportunity for career exploration or occupational development.

Issues Related to Vocational Training

The delivery system for vocational training in the environment of small cities

tends to be structured around either consolidated high schools or area vocational technical schools. As a result, vocational training services are usually

provided to youth who attend the high schools or who commute from smaller

schools in the region. Area vocational technical schools also seem to serve

the immediate youth population, even though the school's jurisdiction may be a

large, multi-county area. In either case, youth who do not live in the immediate area of the school must sometimes travel great distances in order to take

advantage of the vocational training offerings. Consequently, CETA youth

programs in small cities that are not located in close proximity to a

vocational training center usually find it very difficult to provide vocational

training. Youth must be willing to invest considerable time, expense, and

effort in order to attend, and transportation becomes an important factor in

determining accessibility.

The regional character of vocational training in small cities also carries
with it another significant implication for CETA youth programs. Vocational

education institutions serving a large regional area may adopt enrollment

policies that limit the degree of participation by local CETA program operators.

For example, in one city visited, the area vocational training school, in an

attempt to serve its region equitably, placed enrollment limits on the number

of persons it would accept from each city in its jurisdiction. As a result,

the small city was assigned a quota in each occupational program. Once the

city's CETA program filled its quota in any given occupational area, no more

referrals could be made unless there was a drop out or other vacancy.

Consequently, programming vocational training was extremely problematic and

frustrating for the small city's CETA staff.

The site visits produced a consensus in a number of other areas regarding the

adequacy of vocational training in small and rural cities:

1. The types of vocational training institutions that small cities have access

to offer occupational programs that are usually limited in scope. In some

cases, there may be only a few occupational programs offered; while in

other cases, the types or levels of training offered may not necessarily

coincide with those needed by the local youth population. Local program

operators point out that lack of funding and the high cost of purchasing

new or modern training equipment as the reasons for inadequacies in local

vocational programs. These problems seem to be especially critical in the

less densely populated areas where enrollments are low and incidence of

poverty high.

2. Some small cities visited cited characteristics of the small city as
contributing to problems with the quality of vocational education. For

example, some program operators felt that vocational training is not that

beneficial to the career development of youth unless it can be coupled

with work or "hands on" opportunities. However, they went on to point out

that there were few unions or apprenticeship programs in the area, and CETA

work experience opportunities in some of the occupational programs were unavailable in public sector agencies. The only alternative to public sector

work experience was the private sector on-the-job training, and it was very

difficult to persuade local small business establishments to participate

without 100% subsidation of the youths' wages.

3. The fact that many youth tend to leave the small city also contributes

indirectly to small city vocational training problems. In some cases,

small city CETA programs feel that the vocational offerings are not geared

to occupations with local stability. Vocational curricula seemed to be

oriented toward occupations that would require local youth to leave the

local labor market in order to get jobs.

In one field visit, local CETA program staff cited an example of the area

vocational school not offering an occupational program in a technical

occupation which was highly saleable in the local economy. As a result, the

CETA program had to make arrangements to send the youth out of the area for

the training, which resulted in a much higher per-participant cost as well

as other administrative problems.

4. Linkages between local CETA programs in small cities and area vocational

technical schools tend to be more complicated to establish. Basically,

small city CETA programs have three alternatives for funding vocational

training services: (a) they can fund a special class in its entirety;

(b) they can refer youth to existing classes; or (c) they can participate in

open-entry/open-exit occupational programs. Generally, in a small city

setting, vocational schools seem to encourage the local CETA programs to

fund an entire clash in a given occupation, since this situation is the most

administratively feasible from the school's point of view. However, local

CETA programs usually balk at funding an entire class of welders, for example, because of problems with local demand; CETA staff would have great

difficulty finding enough CETA-eligible youth who all wanted to be welders

at the same time and then placing an entire graduating class upon completion

of the program. Consequently, small city CETA programs generally prefer
open-entry/open-exist programs or referring to existing classes. These referral methods make better programming sense to local CETA programs, but, at

the same time, create another set of problems. Some vocational schools object to mixing CETA-funded enrollees with non -CETA enrollees because of CETA

allowance payments. Paying some students while not paying others has the

potential of creating classroom problems that school administrators prefer to

avoid. Also, mixing CETA and non -CETA students in the same classroom may

create problems in establishing the share of training costs chargeable to

CETA. Ensuring that CETA-funded supplies or classroom materials are not used

by the school for non -CETA students, for example, creates an extra burden for

the local CETA program.

As a result of these problems, small city CETA programs sometimes find vocational

training negotiations both difficult and troublesome; and often, the final outcome is not completely satisfying to either party involved. Schools welcome the

CETA referrals but balk at the terms of the linkage; the local CETA programs are

eager to provide vocational training but lament the lack of curricula, problems

with scheduling, and the conditions of administration; and the y*uth are often

required to travel long distances, train on obsolete equipment, and worry about

getting a job upon graduatia ,

Issues Related to Economic Development

Recognizing many of the problems associated with operating employment and training

programs for youth in small cities, local CETA program operators may look to

economic development as a way to create new jobs and bolster the local economy.

Job creation and economic development activities would certainly alleviate many
of the problems associated with lack of occupational choice and employment

opportunities in small cities and would improve prospects for involving local

private sector establishments in small city CETA programs by stabilizing the

local economy.

However, local officials and CETA program operators in small cities pointed out

a number of barriers to fostering economic development in a small city environment, especially :n those cities that tend to be geographically isolated. When

considering the site of a small city for location, an industry evaluates the

small city, among other things, in three areas: (1) the costs associated with

transporting materials into and products out of the city; (2) the availability

of a trained work force; and (3) the capacity of the city to meet the service

needs of the industry and its work force, for example, in terms of water, housing,

sewage and waste disposal, schools, energy, and a range of municipal services.

As a result, small cities may have a great deal of difficulty in attracting new

industries or businesses to the area.

The small city may be geographically remote and generally inaccessible by major

highways, railroads, or airlines. In one field visit, the local CETA program

operator had become seriously involved with linking CETA activities with a larger

economic development program. One of the most serious problems was the poor
conditions of the highways in the area. Industries that relied heavily on road

transportation were particularly repelled by the condition of the highways, inspite of the many positive attributes the city had to offer.

CETA programs can be particularly relevant to the promotion of economic development in that CETA can provide the immediate resources with which small cities

can establish a trained local work force. Small cities, however, point out that

the availability of CETA funds does not, in itself, insure the capacity to

provide the right kinds of training. Problems associated with vocational training

institutions, area public schools, transportation and local public and private

sector employment opportunities in small cities may preclude the effective use of

CETA resources for training purposes. Moreover, in most cases, small city

officials do not have direct control over how CETA funds are utilized in the area,

since small cities are not eligible for prime sponsorships. Consequently, local

officials in small cities have difficulty in influencing how training funds are

used, how private sector CETA programs are organized, and how local CETA policies

and priorities are established.

In terms of promoting economic development in small cities, one of the strongest

feelings ex. -.seed by local officials was the necessity for the local officials

to be Nl,! control economic development activities. Because of the

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potentially deyaptating effects economic development can have for small cities

in terms of the community's identity, the demand for municipal services, and

the effects on their environment, small city local officials find it difficult

to support economic development programs that are not locally-based.

Additionally, local officials in small cities claim that they are at a disadvantage in creating economic development programs for a variety of reasons:

1. Small cities are often limited on their capacity for advance planning;

lack of socio-economic data hampers attempts to analyze the local labor

market and predict future economic trends; and small city organizational

structures may not be geared to sophisticated economic planning;

2. Small cities are often at a disadvantage in tapping federal resources that

can be used for economic development; for example, under the Housing and

Community Developmeat Act (HCDA), cities with less than 50,000 population

are not guaranteed formula grants like larger cities; consequently, smaller

cities can receive HCDA grants only through competitive bidding. Also,

Non-Urbanized Public Transportation funds (Section 18 of the Surface Transportation Act of 1978) allocates funds to States, which means that state

policies determine how readily small cities can access vital transportation

monies; some states have chosen to allocate funds only to counties or other

entities, so small cities are precluded from direct grants. Similarly,

the vocational education allocation system and planning process is basically

a State-Local Education Agency process which excludes the small city

official. Planning and coordinating a comprehensive economic development

program presents the small city official with what may seem to be insurmountable problems when the local elected official has no direct access to

resources such as CETA, HCDA, Section 18, on vocational education.

3. Small city officials, in many cases, are unaware of what resources are

available for economic development purposes and do not have sufficient

information about how to go about the task of applying for these resources. Capacity-building is an important consideration in promoting
economic development in small cities; local officials need not only the

right information, but also the ability to use the information effectively

once they obtain it.

Local CETA program operations often look to economic development as an answer to

many of their employment-related problems, but the link between CETA resources

and economic development activities is not always readily apparent. CETA funds

do not always come to small cities in ways that can be most useful to them;

information about other CETA components does not always filter down to the small

city level; and decentralization of CETA planning and decision-making often

eludes local elected officials in small cities. Consequently, promotion of

economic development and linkage with CETA activities is a particularly difficult task in small cities and rural communities.

Issues Related to Administrative Capacity

Local officials in many small and rural cities may be charged with the responsibility of managing a number of areas in city business; in some of the smaller

towns, elected officials and even some of the administrative personnel may

be only part-time employees. Smaller cities may also have a narrow organizational scope, lacking, for example, planning or personnel departments or a

human service delivery system.

When small cities are characterized by these. ^ircumstances, their ability to
function within the CETA system may be significantly impaired for a number of

reasons. For example, the small city will, generally, not have an administrative structure in place that can manage the planning and application for

a CETA youth subgrant or that could operate the program if the application is

approved. Since the city may be providing only the basic municipal services,

such as police and fire protection or public works, the city administration

can not readily create the organizational structure to meet the restrictive

time frames of a CETA request-for-proposal (RFP). Responding successfully

to a CETA prime sponsor's RFP may require gathering socioeconomic data,

establishing linkages and program plans with local schools or other youthserving agencies, preparing a subgrant package, and following the application

through the prime's planning process. Local officials whose positions are part

time or city employees who have prime responsibilities in a variety of the

city's functional areas are at a severe disadvantage under the CETA system

in terms of time, energy, financial expense, and often, staff and office

space. These problems are compounded by the observation that prime sponsors

may not, in some cases, provide administrative monies to their subgrantees and

that small cities generally have limited access to information about CETA

programs and guidelines.
On the other hand, small cities that have a department or a staff that is

designated to provide youth-oriented services, such as recreation or juvenile

justice, generally are in a much better position to work within the CETA

system. These cities have a youth-related organizational structure in place

and can much more readily respond to the planning and administrative requirements of a CETA youth subgrant. This factor probably explains, in part, the

wide variety of experience among small cities in terms of CETA youth program

operations. While a small city in one area may complain that it can not

manage a CETA program, another small city down the road may have a successful

history of operating CETA programs as a subgrantee. Therefore, the existence

of a youth-serving or a human resource oriented organizational structure within

the city administration is an important factor in the city's willingness and

capacity to plan and implement CETA youth programs. Otherwise, the small

city may tend to be overwhelmed by the financial, administrative, and

organizational demands that the CETA system places on a municipal government.

However, small cities are affected by the question of administrative capacity

in another, more indirect way. The opportunities for small city participation

may be more profoundly affected by the prime's administrative capacity for

progvm management than by the small city's capacity to operate programs.

5.;

-44-
Small cities can actively participate in youth programs either as a planning

partner or as a program operator. Consequently, the prime sponsor's capacity

for organizational development, program planning, and subgrant management has

an important bearing on the administrative policies established by the prime

to execute its responsibilities under the CETA legislation; and these administrative decisions directly affect the role that small cities can play in

the process. For example, a prime sponsor that is having significant

organizational or administrative problems in terms of developing an adequate

RFP process, maintaining apprlpriate fiscal auditing standards, or monitoring

and evaluating subcontracts may prefer to minimize the number of subgrants it

must manage. As a result, the prime may not view small cities as the primary

recipients of subgrants. On the other hand, primes which have developed a

greater capacity for subgrant management may be more inclined to consider

small cities as either potential program operators or at least partners in

planning.

Small and rural cities that do not operate CETA youth programs find that the

city's youth are served by some other agency, such as a school district, a

community-based organization, a regionally-based agency, the prime sponsor

itself, or a local office of the state employment service. As a result,
upon the structure and function of the prime sponsor's planning process and the

prime's youth advisory council. Consequently, the small city's participation

in CETA operations tends to be largely dependent on administrative decisions

at the prime sponsor level.

For example, in one state, the balance-of-state (BOS) prime sponsor'made a

decision to subgrant only to agencies that would take responsibility for

serving multi-county regions. In this way, the state's 87-county BOS jurisdiction could be completely served by 14 regional subgrantees. As a result,

cities, and even counties, were precluded from program planning and operations

unless they were willing to serve the designated, multi- county area. In another

state, the BOS prime sponsor chose to subgrant only to county governments. Under

this arrangement, while a small city could not be a subgrantee of the prime,

there was a possibility that the city could be a subgrantee of the county. In

still another BOS program, cities were the primary recipients of subgrants as long as a city would assume the responsibility of serving surrounding municipalities. In a fourth example, a multi-county consortium decided not to subgrant to any local agencies, prefering to maximize control over program quality

by operating all programs in-house.

Each of these four examples shows how small cities within the prime's jurisdiction are presented with different degrees of opportunity to participate in

CETA youth operations. More often than not, these opportunities tend to be

solely a function of an administrative decision made at the prime sponsor

level and motivated primarily by the prime's desire to diminish the

-46-

53
administrative burdens associated with subgrant management rather than out of

concern for the principles of decentralization--local planning, local decisionmaking, and local. problem solving. As a result of these kinds of prime sponsor

policies, the agency that operates youth programs serving small and rural

cities may be far removed from the local level and may be insensitive to

local needs. Small cities that do not operate youth programs directly may

find it: difficult to influence CETA policies because of tie complexity and variety

of prime sponsor administrative policies and plannirk riv:p.tedures that surround

the delivery of CETA services to youth in small and rural cities.

Issues Associated with the CETA Allocation Process

How CETA youth funds are funnelled down from the federal level to the local

level appears to affect the ability of the small city to use the monies effectively and seems to determine, to some extent, how services are delivered

to small city youth.

One of the most basic problems with the CETA allocation process, as it affects

small cities, is that local officials often have only a vague idea of how it

works. The variety of prime sponsor arrangements under CETA often contributes

to the confusion. For example, the mayor of a small city served by a singlecounty prime sponsor may have difficulty discussing lucal CETA programs with
the mayor of a small city in the next county which is served by a BUS prime

sponsor. While both mayors may have the same questions to ask about how a

city obtains a subgrant or how the program planning process works, the answers

to their questions may be quite different because of the nature of the different

prime sponsor arrangements and the differences in the planning processes.

Having basic information about how CETA funds are allocated is of paramount

importance to small city officials. In one of the small eties visited,

local officials were completely unaware of the Youth Community Conservation

and Improvement Projects (YCCIP) Program. The prime sponsor had never provided

the city with information about the YCCIP Program and had never solicited

projects from the city during the 2-year history of the program. While this

is an extreme case, it exemplified the information barriers faced by small

cities in the CETA allocation process.

This information problem is further exacerbated by the categorization of (ETA

programs. Prime sponsors receive program funds under CETA through Titles IIB,

IIC, IlD, IV-YETP, IV-YCCIP, IV-SYEP, VI, and VII. Each of these fund allocations is associated with a different program purpose and, in many cases, with

different eligibility criteria and operational guidelines. Prime sponsors

are then charged with the responsibility of combining these categorical
programs into some semblance of a sequential, comprehensive service delivery

system. In executing its responsibilities, the prime sponsor may have a comprehensive perspective of how these programs relate to each other, but the small

city within the prime sponsor's jurisdiction usually does not have this integrated

overview. Unless the prime sponsor intends to operate all of these programs

through an in-house delivery system, the prime must subgrant for the delivery

of many of these services to local agencies uslag a request-for-proposal (RFP)

process. As a result, the small city sees a variety of RFP's for seemingly

unrelated programs and a delivery system that appears to be highly disjointed.

If a small city decides to become a program operator, local officials may be

faced with another set of problems associated with the application process.

In order to receive funds, CETA prime sponsors must submit an acceptable grant

application. In order to meet the federal deadlines for a timely submission,

the prime sponsor must set even more stringent time constraints on potential

subgrantees if the prime is going to have all required information in time to

submit its plan to the Department of Labor (DOL) regional office. In some

sittations, as was the case in one of the on-site visits, subgrantees of the

prime sponsor subgrant to still other local entities. Thus, the subgrantee,

in developing its proposal, placed even further time constraints on its planning
process. As a result, small cities often find that they have very little time

to plan and develop timely proposals. One local official was notified that

Youth Employment and Training Program (YETP) funds were available and that

proposals had to be submitted within one week.

Moreover, small cities are frequently placed in the position of having to make

their local program plans compatible with prime sponsor plans. Under BOS or

large consortia prime sponsor arrangements, this requirement may obfuscate

local. priorities. One field visit provided an excellent example of how prime

sponsor planning goals sometimes create impossible program mandates at the

local level. A BOS prime sponsor issued a requirement that 33% of the local

program's participants be placed in 4-year accredited colleges upon termination.

However, virtually all of the program participants were without high school

diplomas or equivalents. While the local program was trying.to serve those

most in need of service as determined by community standards, the prime

sponsor was trying to meet the requirements of a state plan that was completely

insensitive to local circumstances or priorities.

Small cities may also, because of the levels of bureaucracy involved, experience

difficulties in actually obtaining funds allocated to it once program plans have
been approved. Before it could purchase any services or materials, one small

city visited was required first to submit an authorization form for approval;

once the authorization farm was approved, a purchase order was then required;

after approval of the purchase order, the youth program could buy materials,

but was required to make the purchase with city funds. Once the purchase was

made, the receipt had to be submitted to the prime for reimbursement. These

arrangements created a number of operational problems for the city in terms of

having materials and equipment in a timely fashion and securing city funds for

initial purchases. As a result, there were critical problems in starting programs on time, establishing credit with local businesses, getting rent paid

on time, and other cash-flow problems. Because this small city was a subgrantee

of another city subgrantee, the fiscal and administrative procedures were so

cumbersome that local officials were continually struggling with problems

relating to time sheets, reimbursement requests, authorization and purchase

forms, and late accounts. Because CETA funds were not coming to the city in

a way that could be best utilized at the local level, program staff and youth

participants were subjected to enormous inconvenience and operational hardships.
Issues Relating to the Community View of CETA

One of the basic ideas underlying the concept of decentralization is that

CETA programs will be designed to reflect the needs and priorities of the

community. If the community sees that the CETA programs are addressing their

concerns, the programs will enjoy the support of the community and will be more

likely to be successful in attaining their objectives. Therefore, it is.importaut that the community view of CETA youth programs be one that is consistent

with what the local people feel is a worthwhile investment in their youth.

Because small cities tend not to be directly involved in program operations,

initial attitudes of local officials in small cities tend to be molded by what

they see of the CETA youth programs and how they are being operated within

the community. Small city officials may see a youth clean-up crew or a "leaf

raking" project and conclude that CETA is only a make-work program, rather than

as a tool for training or career development. Local officials in small cities

may have such a narrow view of the potential of CETA programs that CETA is

not looked upon as a resource for accomplishing the institutional goals of

the city or for developing the employability of the city's youth.
Small cities not operating programs may lack a general understanding of

how CETA resources are funnelled into the community, what the goals of the

various programs are, who is responsible locally for developing programs, or how to influence local CETA planning or operations. A local official may disapprove of how CETA youth programs are being administered within the community,

but may also have little idea how to bring about change.

In some of the most rural. areas, community attitudes toward the CETA programs may

be quite conservative, and in some cases, may even appear to be at odds with

the ultimate goal of CETA programs. One local program official offered an extreme example of this attitude:

"In our area towns are very small, with only 200-300

people. Most of the people work in agriculture as laborers and are almost totally dependent on (Farmer

John) for their livelihood. They not only work in

his fields, but if they get into trouble with their

rent or their mortgage or the grocery bill, (Farmer

John) takes care of them. So what you got is a

dependency system. Now, CETA comes along and says

that we're going to make these people economically

self-sufficient, going to allow them to make their

own car payment, pay their own rent, and so on. From a historical point of view, this is a radical

idea and it doesn't set too well with the major

farmers in the area."

While local program operators in small cities must design programs and

provide services to youth that are consistent with community standards
and reflect local priorities, they must also square those standards and priorities with the legislative goals and objectives of the program. At the same

time, major planning decisions are often made at the prime sponsor level and

may, in many cases, be far removed from the realities of small city community

standards. As a result, the small city citizenry, in these cases, nay not

look upon the programs as worthwhile or productive.

In another area, a similar sentiment was expressed. In this case, the stateadministered prime sponsor funded a special agriculture-oriented project in a

small city, independent of local youth program operations. The special project

was to be administered by a private, non-profit organization that was not

locally-based, so the agency had to establish offices in the community in

order to operate the program. While t.e newly-created CBO handled program

operations, the parent CBO, which was located over 300 miles away, maintained

all fiscal, administrative, and h!r management information systems. Consequently, the local CETA advisory council and staff never had access to

sufficient program information to evaluate the program or even understand

the status of its operation. The program was an agricultural cooperative

which was intended to teach youth farming skills, as well as farm management

skills, with the ultimate goal of the: project being that the cooperative
would eventually become an independent venture. While the program was certainly

an innovative project and was relevant to the local economy, it did not have

the community support and was looked on with suspicion for a variety of

reasons: (1) the agency was not locally-based, (2) the agricultural community felt that the project was detracting from its labor force, and (3) local

farmers felt that the state was using tax dollars to subsidize an independent

farming operation that would compete with their farm products on the market.

Therefore, an important ingredient to developing successful youth programs

in small cities seems to be generating the support of the local community.

Having community support for CETA programs does not necessarily mean that

the small city must be the program operator, but it does mean that the program

must be consistent with what the community feels is worthwhile in terms of the

program objectives and the methods and policies created to achieve those

objectives.

Promoting community support within the prime sponsor's jurisdiction may

require a delicate approach by the prime's CETA staff. In one field visit

the prime's jurisdiction was comprised entirely of small cities, many of which

had populations of less than one thousand. Prime sponsor CETA staff reported

that they had to actively solicit projects and programs at the local level

and that, in many cases, the local officials were only reluctant participants
in programming and in deisloping L.Jntractual relationships. In some cases,

the prime sponsor staff had to do most of the work in preparing proposals,

designing programs, and nursing the proposal thrrugh the prime's planning process. However, if, when the project becomes operational, something goes wrong,

local officials resent the prime sponsor for holding the city accountable

for something that was, in actuality, developed by the prime sponsor's CETA

staff. If the prime sponsor is heavy-handed in this situation, working relationships between the prime and local officials can be destroyed, precluding

future efforts at joint planning.

In order to achieve effective decentralization of planning, prime sponsors

must be both willing and able to exert more effort toward securing the participation of small city officials in the planning process. To do this, prime

sponsors need to be relieved of as much of the administrative encumbrances

as possible in planning and implementing CETA programs. Primes cannot, be

expected to mount a more decentralized planning effort when so much of their

staff time must be taker with administrative tasks.

To insure proper negotiation between primes and their small cities in terms

of program development and accountability, the CETA planning process must
allow for at least three things: (1) more time for program development

at the prime sponsor and subrecipient level, (2) more time and resources

for technical assistance and training at the subrecipient level, and (3)

less complicated methods for soliciting and developing program proposals.

Issues Related to Management of the Local Economy

In the majority of the on-site visits, local officials complained that many

of the small city's youth tend to leave the city once they have achieved independence. While a variety of factors may account for this, local officials

most often cited lack of local opportunities as an explanation for this migration. That is, the small city was not seen by these youth as a place that

was sufficiently attractive to them in terms of their social and economic future.

As a result, small city officials were often concerned about the development

of the local economy.

However, the desire to promote economic development may be controversial

in some communities. Some small cities fear that economic development will

threaten the community identity and change the city's character. As a result,

local officials may be completely cold to the idea of economic development or

prefer that economic development efforts be undertaken with a controlled,

deliberate approach. In one small city, a strong anti-industry atmosphere
was present. Local pressure to attract industry was opposed by an equally

strong preference to decrease municipal services with the declining tax base.

As a result, the city established at Industrial Redevelopment Agency but

provided it with no budget.

Other small city officials are quicker to embrace a bold approach to developing

the local economy and expanding the tax base. In these cases, local officials

generally express a desire to foster the viability of the community, but do

not feel that they always have access to all the -esources to manage the

local economy.

The strategies most frequently cited by local officials to promote economic

development include the following:

1. To bolster and stabilize existing small businesses

within the community;

2. To attract new industry and private business establishments

to the area; and

3. To be able to prevent existing industry and business from

closing or re-locating and to be able to reduce the sudden

adverse social and ...-.conomic impact of a plant or business

closing or re-location on the community through advance

planning.

The tools available under CETA that could be used to address these

concerns are: (1) Title VII program activities, (2) the on-the-job
training (OJT) component, and (3) the Targeted Job Tax Credit (TJTC) program.

With a few notable exceptions, Title VII was virtually unheard of by local

program operators in the small cities visited. While TJTC seemed to be equally

obscure, local program operators and private employers often claim that the

TJTC program does not provide appropriate incentives for the small.city business

establishments. The local non-agricultural labor market in small and rural

cities tends to be dominated by the very small employer, which is usually

a retail establishment or a service industry. Moreover, many local businesses

may be family-oriented.

As a result, the decision to hire by the small employer may not be an entirely

economic decision; the small employer may place a greater weight on how the

decisioli will affect the morale and work habits of the other employees,

especially in family-oriented businesses. Consequently, the small employer

does not always respond to a financial incentive to hire unless it is perceived

to outweigh these other considerations. Using the OJT program as an enticement

for private business suffers from this same weakness, as well as two additional

problems. First, local program operators frequently complain that small

businesses usually have cashflow problems and may experience financial difficulties on a payroll-to-payroll basis. Consequently, the reimbursement methods

used under OJT contracts may not provide the monetary incentive necessary to
induce the small employer to hire and train an economically disadvantaged

youth. The OJT reimbursement problem is often compounded under small program

operations because the city is a subgrantee and must contend with more layers

of bureaucracy in obtaining OJT payments for local employers, with reimbursements taking anywhere from two weeks to three months. Second, OJT contracts are

geared toward providing training within the constraints of a single occupational

skill, which generally does not suit the needs of a small city private employer.

A small employer may need a machine operator; but, in a small city setting, the

machine operator may also be expected to do welding, building maintenance,

equipment repair, inventory control, and a variety of other tasks in the

workplace. Consequently, it is difficult to develop an OJT contrazt for a

"jack of all trades."

Economic development strategies in small cities are further complicated by the

attitudes of private employers in the small city setting. Local program operators in small cities often have difficulty "selling" CETA to private business

establishments in the local economy. Small businesses are inclined to identify

CETA programs with paperwork and federal bureaucracy. The kind of small

businesses in small cities often view the federal government as a giant

monolithic structure; and they fear that if they touch any part of it, the

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entire structure will topple down on them, and they will be overwhelmed by IRS

audits, OSHA reviews, and other forms of federal investigations. In addition,

local program operators sometimes have difficulty getting information about the

TJTC program from local offices of the state employment service or from prime

sponsors. As a result, local youth program operators may have difficulty

developing an incentive "package" that is attractive to the small city

private sector.

For small cities in the most rural economies, an even more formidable barrier

to economic development is faced. As one local official stated: "How can you

even begin to approach private industry when you know that the human resources

are not available locally? Industries are not going to come here unless they

know that the local people can do their work." Economic development strategies

in small cities can not overlook the supply side of the equation. Job creation

efforts to promote the demand for labor will not be effective if the local

labor force does not have the skills necessary to fill those jobs. The above

quotation is particularly interesting in this regard because the local CETA

program operator initially began as an economic development agency in 1972;

but by 1977, the agency had shifted the main thrust of its effort to providing

human services, recognizing that it must devclop the supply of labor with the

same intensity that it promotes the demand for labor.

r)Lj

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Therefore, because of the sometimes controversial nature of economic development in small cities, local officials tend to feel that they must have a firm

command of economic development resources. Small city local officials are

concerned with their youth populations and want to be able to manage their

local economies to improve local opportunities and to promote growth without

damaging the character of the small city or the community identity.
Conclusions and Policy Implications

Implications for the Local Delivery System

In terms of providing comprehensive services to youth, the major programming

problems confronting CETA youth programs in small cities seem to be related

to: (1) lack of occupational choice in work and training sites; (2)

limitations in utilizing vocational training resources; (3) lack of

transportation; (4) a general inability of CETA private sector programs to

meet the needs of small private employers; (5) lack of suitable employment

opportunities in small city labor markets; and (6) a general tendency for

the CETA delivery system serving small cities to be fragmented, primarily

due to the way youth and other CETA funds tend to be funnelled to the local

level.

These major problem areas combine to impact small city CETA youth programs

in a number of adverse ways:

1. Matrhing CETA-eligible youth with suitable work or training opportunities

is hampered, and the ability of local program operators to use CETA as a

tool for career development is limited beyond a fairly narrow scope of

occupations;

2. In order to satisfy enrollment and expenditure requirements, local program

operators find that decisions relating to program design and participant

selection are too often dictated by factors other than the needs of the

youth; whether or not the yr'!tth has transportation, whether or not the

youth aspires to an occupation for which there is an available work site

or vocational program, and whether or not the youth's participation

-63-
coincides withvocational training schedules may play just as big a role

in enrollment decisions as the youth's individual needs for service;

local program operators are left by local circumstances with the

responsibility of forcing a "square peg into a round hole" when it

comes to program design;

3. Local program operators in small cities sometimes find that efforts to

meet the individual needs of youth are more costly in terms of both time

and money, due primarily to the added expense of providing training,

transportation, and supportive services; consequently, cost per

participant, cost per placement, and other performance indicators may

be higher;

4. The need to provide certain kinds and levels of occupational training

and job skills is often tempered by the limited availability of

employment and training opportunities in the local labor market;

consequently, EDP goals and objectives may not be accomplished within

the participation time limits required by federal regulations;

5. Local officials and program operators at the subgrantee level, in many

cases, lack a clear understanding of program goals and objectives; the

increasing complexity and categorization of CETA programs, the way in

which CETA funds are funnelled into small cities, and the problems of

general information dissemination combine to obstruct and confuse

the understanding of CETA program goals in small cities; and

6. Local program operators have diffic,ity designing youth programs that

offer comprehensive services because of the fragmented nature of the

CETA delivery system in small and rural cities; moreover, linkage of

CETA youth programs with other CETA programs, especially under Title VII,

and with other federal programs, especially economic development programs,

is underly complicated. There may be a wide variety of local entities

operating various CETA programs, with only minimal linkages among the

deliverers of service. Consequently, programming sequential services

or activities requires monumental coordination.

These kinds of problems suggest some specific policies for Department of Labor

consideration. Basically, local officials prefer to solve their own problems
without interference from the fedLrai government. Rather, small cities seem

to look to the federal government to _reate a policy environment within which

local officials can address their problems with the greatest amount of flexibility and to provide guidance when needed. In this context, the Department

of Labor might assume an administrative posture that includes the following

variables:

1. Investing a greater portion of DOL discretionary money in capacity building

efforts at all levels of the CETA system, but especially at the prime

sponsor and subgrantee level. At a very minimum, these efforts should

include making information about resources available and insuring that

local officials' access to these resources is unencumbered. Local

officials and program operators at the subrecipient level need a comprehensive understanding of all CETA programs, of the CETA planning

process, and of resources that are related to community and economic

development.

2. Reducing the administrative burdens and bureaucratic red tape associated

with rant application and administration es eciall sub ran mana ement.

Consolidation of youth programs and even reversion to a single block

grant approach to CETA allocations would eliminate much of the

fragmentation characteristic of small city delivery systems. Tempering

the mandate for prime sponsors to give preference to community-based

organizations would also contribute to a more appropriate focus for

delivery systems in small cities.

3. Promoting a greater decentralization of program planning and decisionmaking. While all small cities do not necessarily have an overWhelming

desire to operate CETA programs directly, they do have a desire to have

a say in local CETA policy creation and to give direction to program

development. CETA regulations should be more specific in allowing locallyelected officials, other than the prime sponsor, representation on all CETA
advisory councils. Program agent status should be lowered to 25,000

population to insure that small cities at least have the opportunity

to direct the applicatio of CETA resources in their communities.

Policies regarding exceptional circumstance. prime sponsorship should

be reconsidered to permit and encourage small units of local government

to form prime sponsor consortia agreements, irrespective of population

requirements. Regulations and policy directives should encourage

regionalized planning in state-administered CETA programs, perhaps

coincidingwittt the planning districts of economic development districts

or other regional planning jurisdictions.

4. Reconsidering how private sector oriented resources are applied to small

city labor markets. Because of the special nature of private sector

business establishments in small cities, local CETA program operators

need more flexibility in designing CETA incentives for small businesses.

Allowing limited work experience in the private sector and liberalizing

the OJT reimbursement schedule would not only promote greater participation of linen city private employers but would also open up a wider

range of occupational choices to small city CETA programs. Also, CETAfunded projects to rehabilitate or refurbish property owned by privatefor-profit businesses should be permitted where the project is part

of a comprehensive community and economic development plan supported

by small city municipal government.

5. Reconsidering the focus of CETA youth programs in small and rural communities.

CETA programs in small cities should place less emphasis on the narrow

objectives of occupational and skill training with the ultimate goal of

placing youth in permanent employment. Rather,,CETA resources should

focus on accomplishing objectives that are more compatible with local

circumstances and what the small city perceives as the most worthwhile

objectives: Expanding the local opportunities for occupational choice

and vocational exploration, using CETA resources to promote the viability

of the local economy, and providing services to the community that can

not be supported by the city's tax base.

Implications for the Small City

For a variety of reasons, small city officials are very much concerned about

their ability to manage their local labor markets. Local elected officials

7

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in small cities seem to be especially concerned with creating the kinds of

social and economic opportunities in their small cities which will encourage

the cities' youth population to remain at home. All too often, small city

youth leave the city to seek opportunity elsewhere. However, in order to

create local opportunities for small city youth, elected officials need to

be able to command an array of resources that contribute to a comprehensive

economic development strategy.

Consequently, small city officials need to be in a position to understand what

resources are available under economic development programs as well as through

CETA legislation, especially for youth under Title IV rand for private sector

activities under Title VII. They also need to understand how these resources

can be secured, what opportunities there are for loca] officials to participate

in the development of local CETA policies, -,L1 how CETA planning processes work

under various prime sponsor arrangements.

One of the major concepts of the CETA 1 is the idea of decentralization,

which holds that local officials are ir best. ,osition to identify local

employment problems, to propose viable 0^Juidns to those problems, and to plan

and implement programs designed to alley.dte those problems, necentralized

employment and training programs are intended to provide lcwal lfficials with
the resources and the flexibility to implement remedies at the local level

that will target services to those most in need, that will eliminate duplication

of effort, that will provide a comprehensive approach to, service delivery, and

that will maximize the utilization of resouces available at the local level.

However, for small cities, the concep; of decentralization is not being realized.

Local officials in small cities arc £1 t participating in the decision-making

process to determine what CETA services are to br, provided to the youth in

their cities, what target groups arc identifiei for service, how programs

are designed, what program operat.:;rs are funded, or what policies are

developed.

Moreover, CETA youth resources are not being directed to small cities in a way

that is the most effective and the most useful. Small cities are served under

a wide variety of prime sponsor arrsnewents. Prime sponsors, in turn, may

subgrant with a broad range cf local entities for youth program operations.

As a result, small city offi.lals may find it difficult to determine what CETA

resources are available, who has ultimate authority for their distribution,

what rules and r&gulationc govern their use, what types of employment and

training activities can he funded, or how to go about obtaining CETA youth

grants.
The fact that small cities are served by such a wide variety of political and

administrat:ive arrangements has significant implications in terms of the small

city's ability to influence local CETA policies that may affect the city's

youth, the city's iabcr market, or the city itself. How the prime sponsor

is organized, the administrative structure created by the prime to implement

the programs, and the structure and function of the CETA advisory council

are critical to the small city's ability to gain information about what CETA

resources are available locally, to obtain information about the regulations

and guidelines that govern how CETA resources can be used, to participate in

the development of CETA policies that impact on the city, and to apply for

and receive CETA subgrants.

Small cities do not have direct contact with regional offices of the

Department of Labor or with federal representatives. Therefore, there may

be considerable obstacles for small cities in obtaining accurate and timely

information about federal or regional CETA policies and guidelines. Moreover,

small cities are not faced with uniform circumstances for making their concerns

known to CETA prime sponsors. For example, the ability of a small city to

influence local CETA policies created by a single-county prime sponsor may

be far different from its ability to influence policies created by a stateadministered CETA program. There is a significant difference between a city-
county and a city-state relationship in terms of physical proximity and in

terms of accessibility to the decision-making process. Moreover, the type

of administrative procedures available to a small city and the sensitivity

of the'prime sponsor to the city's needs may vary greatly among the different

prime sponsor arrangements, making it more difficult for small cities to

"compare notes II on the technicalities of CETA and on mechanisms for influencing local policies. Small cities also find that the small city-prime sponsor

relationship does not exist in a vacuum. Small cities in a number of cases

have entered into agreements with their county governments for joint services.

For example, a county and a small city may join forces to provide health

services, police or fire protection, or other public services. Consequently,

small city officials may be apprehensive about complaining about their

role or participation in CETA programs for fear of jeopardizing these other

political and financial arrangements, In addition, models developed by a

small city under one prime sponsor arrangement may have little transferability

to a small city under a different prime sponsor arrangement.

What type of delivery system is created at the local level is determined by

the local administrative processes utilized in addressing three basic issues:

(1) what categories of youth are most in need of service, (2) what services
are most appropriate for those youth, ane (3) what local zl.l.cies are best

suited to provide those services. The ultimate responsibility for deciding

these issues rests with the prime sponsor. Therefore, small cities have,

basically, only two formal ways of influencing these decisions: through the

prime's formal grievance procedures and through the prime's advisory council

and planning processes. Grievance procedures are probably the least effective

method of participating in policy development for a variety of reasons:

they are time-consuming and administratively cumbersome; they usually create

ill -will between the parties; they must be issue-oriented; and they provide

recourse only after a policy decision has been made, rather than before a

course of action is decided. On the other hand, participation in the local

advisory and planning processes provides small cities with an on-going method

of participation in local CETA affairs and allows small cities to address

a broad range of local employment issues as a constructive partner in the

planning process. And, most importantly it is more likely to be compatible

with existing small city-prime sponsor relationships.

One of the implicit assumptions of the CETA prime sponsor system is that cities

with populations of less than 100,000 will not have the administrative capability to plan, implement, and evaluate programs effectively. Consequently, this
population requirement excludes small cities from direct participation in the

planning and decision-making process of programs that have an important impact

on small city labor markets and economic well-being. Small city officials who

are concerned with the management of their local labor markets find themselves

faced with a unique set of local economic conditions. As a result, small

city officials need to be able to command a wide range of local, state, and

federal resources to adiress the problems associated with managing the local

economy. The ability of a small city to create the social and economic opportunities necessary to prevent its youth from migrating and to promote viable

economic development activities depends largely on the ability of small city

officials to influence the application of these resources to community needs.

If small cities are going to have the opportunity to participate in managing

their local labor markets and in planning how CETA resources can best be use

in serving the small cities' youth, then the following recommendations must

be considered:

1. Small cities should be provided with technical information about

the administrative structure of CETA, about what mechanisms are

available under the various prime sponsor arrangements for influencing the development of local CETA policies, and about how they

can become more actively involved in local CETA operations affecting

their cities' youth and the economic future of the small cities

themselves;

79

-.72-
2. Because economic development is such a sensitive issue in small

and rural cities, the planning and implementation of economic

development activities should be locally-based; small city officials

should be permitted more direct access to federal resources that

bear on local economic development, such as CETA, Section 18

Transportation, HCDA, vocational education, Small Business

Administration, and Farm Home Administration resources.

3. Systemmatic efforts should be undertaken to promote capacity

building at the local level for planning of community and economic

development. In small and rural cities, creation of employment and

training opportunities must take place in the larger context of

economic development, and CETA programs should be one component

of this effort. CETA resources alone can not be expected to provide

small city youth with adequate employment and training oppOrtunities.

Small city officials need to enhance their capacity to analyze and

predict future trends or events in their local economies, to plan in

advance of these events, and to plan how federal resources are used

within their communities.

4. Department of Labor administrative and regulatory policies should be

reviewed to relieve prime sponsors of as many of the restrictive and

cumbersome administrative and reporting requirements as possible

to allow primes more time and energy for program development and

planning. Every effort should be made to promote community planning,

for both CETA and economic development. Locally-based planning

is essential in developing community support for CETA programs in

small and rural cities.

5. Consolidation of youth programs under a single basic grant would

contribute to the elimination of the fragmentation in the youth

delivery system in small cities and would promote a more comprehensive perspective to service delivery. Local officials in small

cities need to have a clear understanding of program goals and

need to be able to take a view of CETA resources that is broader

than that promoted by the increasingly categorical nature of CETA.

Separate allocation formulas for each CETA program or Title only

increase the fragmentation of services and confuses the ultimate

goals and objectives of CETA.
Small and rural cities can make a valuable contribution to prime sponsors,

both in the planning process and in the implementation of programs.

Local officials in small cities can provide primes with a communitybased focus for program activities in developing appropriate programs

for small city youth. Small cities can provide prime sponsors with

critical information about the day-to-day function of their programs,

which could be helpful in program monitoring and evaluation. Local

officials could be instrumental in securing the participation of local

small businesses in their communities; and small cities can assist primes

in promoting community-based economic development activities. And, for

those small cities which desire, they can serve as local program operators.

However, the role of small cities in making these contributions depends on

the availability of opportunities to become actively involved in local CETA

operations. One of the basic ingredients in creating these opportunities is

information. Yet, CETA information dissemination systems do not seem to

recognize small cities at the subrecipient level. As a result, small cities,

to the extent that they get, information about CETA, must rely on their prime

sponsors, whic:1 way have only limited capacity to provide comprehensive

educational assistance to communities within their jurisdictions, to undertake

systemmatic efforts to include small cities in CETA planning processes, or to

develop an active public planning process at the community level. One of the

fundamental conclusions of this report is that the delivery of services to youth

in small and rural cities can be significantly improved by promoting the

participation cf locll government in the CETA planning process.

- 74 -

81
APPENDIX A

Mail Survey of Small Cities:

Methodology and purvey Tables
MAIL SURVEY OF SMALL CITIES

METHODOLOGY AND SURVEY TABLES

In August of 1979, a mail questionnaire was sent to approximately 536 NLC membership cities with populations of 75,000

or less. The primary purpose of the mail questionnaire was

to establish a data base for identifying problems that are

unique to smaller cities and rural communities in planning

and implementing CETA youth programs and to determine the

role that small cities play in CETA youth program operations

at the local level. Of the 536 questionnaires, 300 were

returned, for a response rate of 56%. Of these 300, approximately 79% (236) were completed by cities which did not have

contractural responsibility for the complete planning and

implementing of CETA youth programs, although these cities did

serve as work or training sites in most cases. The remaining

64 (21%) questionnaires were completed by cities which were

subgrantees of local or state CETA prime sponsors for the

operation of part or all of the local CETA youth programs.

Subgrantee cities, in most cases, are those cities that receive

administrative funds for operating youth programs and have

contractual obligations for the expenditure of funds and the

provision of services, as well as for meeting specific

performance goals.

Survey data were supplemented by a series of on-site visits

to selected small cities. In this way, more detailed information was collected, providing insight into the nature of

the problems revealed by the questionnaire. In other cases,

survey data were bolstered by telephone contact or by

correspondence to clarify survey responses or to gather

additional information about problem areas.

Description of the Sample

Perhaps the most serious concern for developing a valid data

base from the survey is associated with non-sampling bias.

Non-sampling bias is introduced into a survey when the units

to be analyzed (e.g., small cities) are selected in a nonrandom fashion. Since the small cities selected for this

survey sample are comprised exclusively from NLC member cities,

the elimination of non-sampling bias is a critical factor.

One way to minimize non-sampling bias is to increase the sample

size. As the sample size bicomes larger and larger, the

statistical pitfalls of using non-random methods for selecting

the sample are diminished; and non-sampling bias is completely

eliminated if the sample is 100% of the u,iverse to be analyzed.

Moreover, a high response rate further insures reliability of

the generalizations derived from the data base.

- 76 - 83
According to the 1970 Census, there are 8,700 incorporated

areas in the United States with populations of 100,000 or

less. Of these 8,700 incorporated areas, 92% (8,013) have

populations of less than 25,000. Consequently, if all cities

with populations of 75,000 or less are included in this

survey analysis, the NLC sample of 536 small cities represents

only about 6% of the total universe (i.e., 8,700) and, as a

result, non-sampling bias becomes a significant problem.

. However, by focusing on cities with populations between 25,000

and 75,000, the NLC survey includes 536 of the 736 small cities

in this population range, for a 73% sample, and non-sample

bias is effectively minimized.

TABLES A and B provide, respectively, a state and regional

comparision of the total small cities to both the number of

small cities in the NLC sample and the number of sample cities

which responded to the survey questionnaire. Column 3 of

TABLE B indicates the ratio of NLC small cities to total U.S.

spall cities for each of the ten U.S. Department of Labor (DOL)

regions. The closer this percentage approximates 100%, the

more effectively non-sample bias is eliminated. Column 5 of

TABLE B shows the response rate for each of the ten regions,

as well as the overall response rate of 56% for the complete

survey. Column 6 of TABLE B compares the responses received

from the small cities in each region with the total number

small cities in that region, which indicates the percentage

of the universe captured by the NLC sample. Therefore, with

a 73% sample and a 56% response rate, the NLC sample, in effect,

represents 41% of all cities in this population range.

Another point of concern relates to the geographic dispersion

of the small cities in the NLC sample. If some regions of

the country are over-represented in the NLC sample of small

cities, then the unique characteristics of a particular region

could introduce a bias into the aggregate survey results.

TABLE C rrovides a regional comparison of three sets of data:

TIT-Loral U.S. small cities, (2) /TLC sample cities, and (3)

NLC sample cities which responded to the questionnaire.

Columns 2, 4, and 6 of this table show the regional distribution of small cities for each one of these three sets of

data. Geographic bias is introduced into the sample if there

is a significant disparity among these three percentages for

each regicn. TABLE D provides a comparison to determine the

extent to which geographic bias enters the survey sample.

In TABLE D, Column 1 shows the regional distribution of all

U.S. small cities; Column 2 is the regional distribution of

all small cities in the NLC sample; Column 5 is the regional

distribution of NLC small cities which responded to the survey

questionnaire; Column 3 shows the aggregate difference between

Columns 1 and 2, and suggests the presence of a geographic bias;

- 77 -

I 84
and Column 4 states whether such a bias is implied for the

NLC sample in each of the ten Regions. Similarly, Column6

revresents the aggregate difference between Columns 1 and 5,

which suggests the presence of a regional bias in the responses

of the NLC cities; and Column 7 states the degree to which such

a bias occurs in each of the Regions. As can be seen from

TABLE D, the only Region for which there may be some concern

for Regional bias is DOL Region I, which shows an over-representation. However, since the small cities in Region I

represent only about 11% of all small cities, and because the

degree of bias is so small, the effect of the bias on the total

sample is probably minimal.

Description of the Survey Instrument

The instrument used in the survey is divided into three sections.

Section A provides for basic identifying information and is

completed by all city respondents. For those small cities which

subgrant with their prime sponsors for CETA funds to plan and

operate youth programs, only Section B is completed; all other

cities skip Section B and complete Section C. Cities completing

Section B are referred to as "Subgrantee" cities, while those

completing Section C are referred to as "Non-Subgrantee" cities.

Since the survey includes only those cities with populations of

75,000 or less, none of the cities involved are CETA prime

sponsors. Therefore, in order to plan and operate CETA yol,h

program, a survey city must enter into a subgrant or other

contractual arrangement to receive CETA youth funds from a

CETA Prime Sponsor. These are the cities that complete Section B

,of the questionnare.

Other cities, while they may not be subgrantees of a CETA prime

sponsor, may participate in some way in program planning or

operations. Most commonly, non-subgrantee small cities

participate in CETA youth program operations by acting as work

site agencies. Consequently, the only CETA funds these cities

receive, in all likelihood, are for the reimbursement of wages,

and perhaps in some cases, equipment necessary for the completion

of youth projects.

In answering the questionnaire, respondents were asked, in most

cases, to indicate the severity of a particular problem by

circling a number 1 through 5, with "1" corresponding to "not

a problem" and "5" indicating a "severe problem." For purposes

of analysis, these five possible answers were categorized in the

following manner. If a city circled "1", the issue was

characterized as "not a problem." If "2" or "3" was circled,

the problem was characterized as a "moderate problem"; and if

"4" or "5" was circled, the issue was considered to be a

"major problem."

78 - 85
Section B of the questionnaire (for subgrantee cities) is

more detailed in the information it requests, based on the

expectation that subgrantee cities would have a better

knowledge of CETA youth program operations. Section C

(for non-subgrantee cities) asks for similar information,

but is more limited in scope, since it can be assumed that

cities which are not involved in program planning or

operations either will not have direct knowledge of the subject matter or the question will not have any applicaility.

Questions to be included in the survey were selected using several different criteria. First,* a review of the

literature suggested a number of problems areas that

might'be associated with planning and implemening CETA

youth programs in small cities and rural communities.

However, in addition to identifying CETA operational

problems and barriers to employment faced by youth '11 small cities, survey questions were designed to provide

information about how services are delivered, what types

of agencies are selected to deliver services, and what

CETA services are provided to youth in small

Moreover, questions were included that would provide data

relating to the planning and policy-making process as well

as the delivery system. Finally, the survey incorporated

questions that would define the role of the small city in

both the planning and opetatin4 of CETA youth programs and

that would identify the major concerns of small cities in

local program operations.

Because .of the large number of questions asked, a major

concern in designing the survey was survey response. Since

lengthly and detailed questionnaires tend to reduce response

rate, the questionnaire was designed so that the respondents

could address a large number of questions without having to

spend a great deal of time or do a great deal of writing.

Consequently, most of the questions were designed so that

they could be answered by checking or circling a response.

As a result, much of the data from the survey can be used to

determine what issues are problems and how severe a problem it

is; but the data, in most cases, do not explain why the

issue is a problem. Only a limited number of questions were

included that provided this kind of explanatory information.

For this reason, survey data havebeen supplementd by

numerous on-site visits, as well as telephone inquiries and

correspondence.
It should be pointed out that some of the questions in the

survey could not be used in the final analysis because of

high non-response rate. These questions, contained in Section

B of the survey, were questions relating to funding and

service levels, program activities, target groups, and

linkages. The exact explanation of this high non-response

rate to these questions was unclear. In some cases, the city

respondents may have preferreC not to answer the questions;

in other cases, the cities may not have had sufficient

information to answer; and in other cases, non-response may

have resulted from the way the question was structured in the

survey.

A complete analysis of the mail surve 'tuts was prepared in

a separate report to the Department of entitled "Small

City Survey: The Operation of CETA You,I roarams in Small

Cities."
TABLE

TABLE A

TABLE B

TABLE C

TABLE

Methodology

Index of Tables

DESCRIPTION

Comparison by State ,f Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total U.S.

Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

Comparison by Region of Survey Responses to Total NLC CitiPs Surveyed and to Total U.S.

Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

Comparison by Region of Total U.S. Cities,

Total NLC Cities Surveyed, and Total Responses Received for Cities with Populations of

25,000 to 100,000

Comparison by Region of Differences Between

the Percentages of NLC Cities Surveyed and of Responses Received for Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 80,000 to the Percentage of Total Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

- 81 -

88
TABLE A

Comparison by State of Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total U.S. Cities with

Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

.011M.=01111.

State

and

Region

Total

U.S.

Cities*

NLC

Cities

Surveyed

NLC Cities

Surveyed as

a Percentage of

Total U.S. Cities

Responses

Received

Survey

Response

Rate

(5)

Region I 57 63 110%** 34 54%

111/1.1011.1111I

Connecticut 12 20 166%** 10 50%

Rhode Island 5 zi 5 83% 3 60%

Maine 3 3 100% 2 67%

1 Massachusetts

0

Vermont

N New Hampshire

31

1

4

32

1

2

103%**

100%

50%

17

1

1

54%

100%

50%

Region II 82 61 74% 30 49%

New York 47 18 38% 8 45%

New Jersey 35 43 123%** 22 511

Region III 60 31 51% 21 68%

Responses

as a Percentage

of

Total U.S. Cities

16)

60% .,..m.

84%

50%

67%

55%

100%

25%

37%

17%

81%

351

Delaware 1 0 0% 0 0%

Maryland 20 5 25% 3 60%

Pennsylvania 23 16 70% 11 69%

Virginia 9 5 56% 4 80%

West Virginia 7 5 71% 3 60%

0%

15%

48%

45%

43%

(continued)

89

90
TABLE A (continued)

Comparison by State of Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total !LS. Cities with

Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

NLC Cities

Responses State Total NLC Surveyed as Survey as a Percentage and U.S. Cities a Percentage of Responses Response of Region Cities* Surveyed Total U.S. Cities Received Rate Total U.S. Cities

1 2

6 Region IV 86 68 79% 38 56% 44% ..4011=1=11

North Carolina 15 10 67% 6 60% 40% South Carolina 6 6 100% 6 100% 100% Tennessee 6 4 67% 3 75 50% I Mississippi 8 5 63% 2 40% 25% c60, Alabama 10 8 80% 3 38% 30% Kentucky 8 5 63% 2 40% 25% Florida 24 21 92% 12 55% 51% Georgia 9 8 89% 4 50% 44%

Region V 186 142 76% 79 56% 43%

Wisconsin 20 15 75% 7 47% 35% Illinois 55 45 82% 25 56% 46% Indiana 14 12 86% 8 67% 57% Michigan 37 27 73% 15 56% 41% Ohio 41 30 73% 15 50% 37% Minnesota 19 13 68% 9 69% 47%

91

(continued)

92
TABLE A (continued)

Comparison by State of Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total U.S. Cities with

Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

NLC Cities

State Total NLC Surveyed as

and U.S. Cities a Percentage of

Region Cities* Surveyed Total U.S. Cities

Tr) f2) (3)

Region VI

Arkansas

New Mexico

1 Oklahoma

1.° Louisirna

1 Texas

Region VII

Missouri

Iowa

Kansas

Nebraska

Region VIII

Colorado

Montana

North Dakota

South Dakota

Utah

Wyoming

67 42

8 5

6 3 10 5 8 8 35 21

34 23

12 9

14 10

7 3 1

1

28 19

11 7

3 2

4 4 3 2 5

2 2 2

63%

63%

50%

50%

100%

50%

68%

75%

71%

43%

100%

68%

64i

67%

100%

67%

40%

100%

Responses

Received

Survey

Response

Rate

Responses

as a Percentage

of

Total U.S. Cities

(4) (51 (6)

20 48% 30%

4 80% 50%

3 100% 50%

3 60% 30%

3 38% 38%

7 33% 20%

12 52% 35%

4 44% 33%

8 80% 57%

0 0% 0%

0 0% 0%

13 68% 46%

3 43% 27%

2 100% 671

2 50% 50%

2 100% 67%

2 100% 40%

2 100% 100%

Cr)

v4)

7continueT

94
TABLE A (continued)

Comparison by State of Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total U.S. Cities with

Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

State

and

Region

Total

U.S.

Cities*

NLC

Cities

Surveyed

(1) (2)

Region IX 117 77

California 106 74

Arizona 6 2 Nevada

c°0 Hawaii

2

3 10

Region X 19 10

Idaho 4 2 Washington 9 7 Oregon 5 1 Alaska 1 0

NLC Cities

Surveyed as

a Percentage 'DI

Total U.S. Cities

(.3) 66%

Responses

Received

(1)

48

70%

33%

50%

0% 0

47

0

1

53% 5

50%

78%

20%

0%

1

4

TOTAL 736 536 73% 300

Survey

Response

Rate

Responses

as a Percentage

of

Total U.S. Cities

(5) (6)

62% 41%

64% 44%

0% 0%

100% 50%

0% 0%

50% 26%

50% 25%

57is 44%

0% 0%

0% 0%

569 41%

From 971 Census C aracteristics of the Popu ation Table 5, Population of Incorporated and Unincorporated Places" for each state.

**Probably results from an aberration in the 1970 Census or from an increase in the number of cities

since 1970.

95 96
TABLE B

Ccioarison by Region of Survey Responses to Total NLC Cities Surveyed and to Total U.S. Cities with

Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

Total

All U.S.

Regions Cities*

(1)

I 57

II 82

III 60

1 IV 86

0

0 V 186

VI 67

VII 34

VIII 28

IX 117

X 19

NLC

Cities

Surveyed

12)

63

61

31

68

142

42

23

19

77

10

TOTAL 736 536

NLC Cities

Surveyed as

a Percentage of

Total U.S, Cities

Responses

Received

Survey

Response

Rate

Responses

as a Percentage

of

Total Cities

(3) ( ) (5) (6)

110%** 34 54% 60%

74% 30 49% 37%

51% 21 68% 35%

79% 38 56% 44%

76% 79 56% 43%

63% 20 48% 30%

68% 12 52% 35%

68% 13 68% 46%

66% 48 62% 41%

53% 5 50% 26%

738 300 568 418

*From 1970 Census Characteristics of the Population Table 5, "Population of Incorporated and Unincorporated Places" for each state,

**Probably results from an aberration in the 1970 Census or from an increase in the number of cities

since 1970.

ss

97
TABLE C

Comparison by Region of Total U.S. Cities, Total NLC Cities Surveyed, and Total Responses Received for Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

REGION

Total U.S. Cities NLC Sample

Number Percent

-TIT-- -17--

Number Percent

Sample Responses

Number Percent

I 57 7.7% 63 11,7% 34 11.3%

II 82 11.1% 61 11.4% 30 10.0%

III 60 8.2% 31 5.8% 21 7.0%

IV 86 11.7% 68 12.7% 38 12.7% 0

V 186 25.3% 142 26.5% 79 26.3%

I VI 67 9.1% 42 7,8% 20 6,7%

VII 34 4.6% 23 4.3% 12 4.0%

VIII 28 3.8% 19 3.5% 13 4.3%

IX 117 15.9% 77 14.4% 48 16.0%

X 19 2.6% 10 1.9% 5 1.7%

TOTAL 736 100.0% 536 100.0% 300 100.0%

*From 1970 Census, Characteristics of the Population, Table 5, "Population of Incorporated and Unincor- porated Places", for each state, aggregated by reion.

99 100
TABLE D

Comparison by Region of Differences between the Percentages of NLC Cities Surveyed and of Responses

Received for Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 80,000 to the Percentage of Total Cities with Populations of 25,000 to 100,000

Region

Cities in

Region as a

Percentage

of Total

Cities

NLC Cities

Surveyed in

Region as a

Percentage

of Total

NLC Cities

Difference

Between

Region as a

Percentage

of Total

Cities

Sampling

Status

(Over/Under)

Responses in

Region as

a Percentage of

Total Responses

Difference

Between

Percentages of

Responses and

Total Cities

Representation

Status

(Over/Under)

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

I 7,7% 11.7% +4.0 Over 11.3% +3.6 Over

, II 11.1% 11.4% +0.3 Okay 10.0% -1,1 Okay m III 8.21 5.81 -2.4 Slightll 7.0% -1.3 Okay

Under

IV 11.7% 12.7% +1.0 Okay 12,7% +1.0 Okay

V 25.3% 26.5% +1.2 Okay 26.3% +1.0 Okay

Vi 9,1% 7.8% -1,3 Okay 6.7% -2.4 Slightly

Under

VII 4.6% 4.3% -0.3 Okay 4.0% -0,6 Okay

VIII 3.8% 3.5% -0.3 Okay 4,3% +0.5 Okay

IX 15.9% 14.4% -1.5 Okay 16.0% +0.1 Okay

X 2.6% 1,9% -0.7 Okay 1,7% -0.8 Okay

TOTAL 100.0% 100.0% OEM 100.0% MNIM,

101

102
Survey Results

INDEX OF TABLES

TABLE DESCRIPTION

TABLE 1 Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by

City Population Size

TABLE 2 Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by

City Population Size.

TABLE 3 Subgrantee Status of Small Cities by City

Population Size.

TABLE 4 Subgrantee Status of Small Cities by City

Population Size.

TABLE 5 Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by

City Subgrantee Status.

TABLE 6 Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities

by City Population Size.

TABLE 7 Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities

by Population Size.

TABLE 8 Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities

by Prime Sponsor Type.

TABLE 9 Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities

by City's Perception of Problems Created by the

Program Operator.

TABLE 10 Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities

by City's Preferenc'z to Operate Its Own Youth

Program.

TABLE 11 Type of Youth Programs Operated by Small Cities

by City Size.
Survey Results

INDEX OF TABLES

TABLE DESCRIPTION

TABLE 12 Type of Youth Programs Operated by Small Cities by Type of Prime Sponsor.

TABLE 13

TABLE 14

TABLE 15

TABLE 16

TABLE 17

TABLE 18

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by Prime

Sponsor Type.

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by the City's Perception of Problems Associated with the

Structure or Function of the CETA Youth Advisory

Council.

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by City

Subgrantee Status.

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by City

Subgrantee Status.

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by City

Population Size.

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the

Development of Local CETA Policies by the City's

Perception of Problems Created by the Program

Operator.

TABLE 19 Problems of Implementing CETA Youth Programs in

Small Cities by Severity of Problem.

TABLE 20 Problem Associated with Implementing CETA Youth

Programs In Small Cities by Rank Order.
TABLE

Survey Results

INDEX OF TABLES

DESCRIPTION

TABLE 21

TABLE 22

Percentage of Small Cities Indicating Problems

with Selected Issues Associated with Implementing

CETA Youth Programs by Region.

Percentage of Small Cities IndicatingMajor Problems

with Selected Issues Associated with Implementing

CETA Youth Programs by Region.

91-1.-05
DEFINITIONS

The following terms are used throughout the survey tables.

Below are listed the definitions of these terms to

facilitate interpretation of the tables.

Type of Prime Sponsor

1. Single County Prime -- a prime sponsor that is comprised

of only one county. with no other eligible primes

within the county jurisdiction; or, a balance-ofcounty prime sponsor.

2. Local Consortia Prime -- A prime sponsorship comprised

of a consortium of local governments, which might

include various combinations of cities and counties.

3. State-administered Prime -- a prime sponsor that is either

a balance-of-state prime or a state consortia of primes.

Subgrantee Status

1. Subgrantee City -- a small city that has entered into a

contractual relationship with a prime sponsor to

deliver CETA youth services. Administrative monies

may or may not be included in the subgrant arrangement.

2. Non-Subgrantee City -- a small city that does not have

contractual responsibility for youth program operations. However, these cities may act as work sites

for youth.

Type of Program Operator

1. Local Subgrantee -- this term refers to a subgrant arrangement where the prime sponsor subarants youth program

operations to a local government organization other

than the small city surveyed. This arrangement is

probably most common under state-administered primes

and local consortia.

2. Employment Service -erefers to a local office of the state

employment service.
TABLE 1

Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by City Population Size

CITY SIZE

Type of

Prime Sponsor

<50,000 ?.50,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Single County

Local Consortia

StateAdministered

88

34

72

45%

18%

37%

50

27

29

47%

25%

28%

138

61

101

46%

20%

34%

TOTAL 194 100% 106 100% 300 100%

TABLE 2

Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by City Population Size

CITY SIZE

Type of

Prime Sponsor

450,000 >50,000 TOTAL

Number Percer.t Number Percent Number Percent

Single County 88 64% 50 36% 138 100%

Local Consortia 34 56% 27 44% 61 100%

StateAdministered 72 71% 29 294. 101 100%

TOTAL 194 65% 106 35% 300 100%

- 93307
TABLE 3

Subgrantee Status of Small Cities by City Population Size

CITY SIZE

Subgrantee

Status

<50,000 ?..50,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Subgrantee City 32 16% 32 30% 64 21%

Non-Subgrantee

City 162 84% 74 70% 236 79%

TOTAL 194 100% 106 100% 300 100%
TABLE 5

Type of Prime Sponsor Serving Small Cities by City Subgrantee

Status

SUBGRANT STATUS

Type of

Prime Sponsor

Subgrantee

NonSubgrante TOTAL

Number Percent Number P. -cent Number Percent

Single County 31 22% 107 78% 138 100%

Local Consortia 15 25% 46 75% 61 100%

StateAdministered 18 18% 83 82% 101 100%

TOTAL 64 21% 236 79% 300 100%

TABLE 4

Subgrantee Status of Small Cities by City Population Size

CITY SIZE

Subgrantee <50 000 X50,000 TOTAL

Status Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Subgrantee City 32 50% 32 50% 64 100%

Non-Subgrantee

City 162 69% 74 31% 236 100%

TOTAL 194 65% 106 35% 300 100%
TABLE 6

Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities by City Population

Size

CITY SIZE

Type of

Program Operator

450,000 ?..59,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Small City 32 16% 32 30% 64 21%

Prime Sponsor 71 37% 39 37% 110 37%

Local Subgratee 20 10% 6 6% 26 9%

Community-Based

Organization 26 13% 10 10% 36 12%

School District 10 5% 8 8% 18 6%

Employment

Service 12 6% 3 3% 15 5%

Other Agency 12 6% 3 3% 15 5%

No Response 11 6% 5 5% 16 5%

TOTAL 194 99% 106 102% 300 100%

TABLE 7

Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities by City Population

Size

CITY SIZE

Type of

Program Operator

450 000 ?.50,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Small City 32 50% 32 50% 64 100%

Prime Sponsor 71 65% 39 35% 110 100%

Local Subgrantee 20 77% 6 23% 26 100%

Community-Based

Organization 26 72% 10 28% 36 100%

School District 10 56% 8 44% 18 100%

Employment

Service 12 80% 3 20% 15 100%

Other Agency 12 80% 3 20% 15 100%

No Response 11 69% 5 31% 16 100%

TOTAL 194 65% 106 35% 300 100%

- 96 -

110
TABLE 8

Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities by Prime Sponsor Type

PRIME SPONSOR TYPE

Type of

Program Operator

Single County

Local

Consortium

StateAdministered TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Small City 31 22% 15 25% 18 18% 64 21%

Prime Sponsor 74 54% 29 48% 7 7% 110 37%

Local Subgrantee 4 3% 3 5% 19 19% 26 9%

Community-Based

Organization 9 7% 5 8% 22 22% 36 12%

School District 9 7% 7 11% 2 2% 18 6%

Employment Service 0 -- 1 2% 14 14% 15 5%

Other Agency 5 4% 1 2% 9 9% 15 5%

No Response 6 4% 0 -- 10 10% 16 5%

TOTAL 138 101% 61 101% 101 101% 300 100%

111

112
TABLE 9

Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities by City's Perception of Problems Created

by the Program Operator

PROBLEMS CREATED FOR CITY BY

PROGRAM OPERATOR

Type of Yes No ELNETE TOTAL

Program Operator Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Prime Sponsor

Local Subgrantee

Community-Based

Organization

School District

0 Employment Service

Other Agency

No Response

113

TOTAL

17 31% 65 51% 28 51% 110 47%

4 7% 19 15% 3 5% 26 11%

9 17% 24 19% 3 5% 36 15%

12 22% 4 3% 2 4% 18 8%

3 6% 10 8% 2 4% 15 6%

9 17% 2 2% 4 7% 15 6%

0 3 2% 13 24% 16 7%

1,=11*!11MAIW*.m

54 100% 127 100% 55 100% 236 100%

114
TABLE 10

Type of Program Operator Serving Small Cities by City's Preference to Operate Its Own

Youth Program

01110ftlymr

Type of

Program Operator

PREFERENCE FOR CITY-OPERATED PROGRAMS

Yes No No Response TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Prime Sponsor 12

Local Subgrantee 4

Community-Based

Organization 5 School District 7 Employment Service 3 0

Other Agency 5 No Response 0

TOTAL 36

.1km.1.01.1011

115

33% 71

11% 19

14% 28

19% 9 8% 10

14% 6

3

99% 146

49% 27 50% 110 47%

13% 3 6% 26 11%

19% 3 6% 36 15%

6% 2 4% 18 8%

7% 2 4% 15 6%

4% 4 7% 15 6%

2% 13 24% 16 7%

100% 54 101% 236 100%

116
TABLE 11

Type of Youth Programs Operated by Small Cities by City Size

CITY SIZE

Type of

Youth Program

..4450,000 50,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

YCCIP 8 25% 8 25% 16 25%

YETP 15 47% 14 44% 29 45%

SYEP 26 81% 26 81% 52 81%

All Three 6 19% 5 16% 11 17%

YCCIP Only 1 3% 2 6% 3 5%

SYEP Only 12 38% 15 47% 27 42%

YETP Only 2 6% 4 13% 6 9%

TOTAL SUBGRANT

CITIES 32 32 64
TABLE 12

Type of Youth Programs Operated by Small Cities by Type of Prime Sponsor

PRIME SPONSOR TYPE

Local StateType of Single County. Consortium Administered TOTAL

Youth Program Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

YCCIP 7 YETP 10

SYEP 27

All Three 4

YCCIP Only 2

SYEP Only 18

0

1.1 YETP Only 2

23% 7 47% 2 11%

32% 8 53% 11 61%

87% 11 73% 14 78%

13% 5 33% 2 11%

6% 1 7% 0

58% 3 20% 6 33%

6% 1 7% 3 17%

16 25%

29 45%

52 81%

11 17%

3 5%

27 42%

6 9%

TOTAL SUBGRANT CITIES 31 IOW 15 18 64

119
TABLE 13

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of Local CETA Policies by

Prime Sponsor Type

Method of

Participation

PRIME SPONSOR TYPE

Single County TOTAL

Local

Consortium

StateAdministered

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

No Participation 66 48% 20 33% 29 29% 115 38%

Advisory Council 44 32% 36 59% 43 43% 123 41%

Prime's 43 31% 35 57% 28 28% 106 35%

Governor's 1 1% 1 2% 15 15% 17 6%

1-1 0

Other 28

7 20% 18

1

30% 23

-7

23% 69

22

23%

A-95 Clearinghouse 5% 13% 7% 7%

Other 21 15% 10 17% 16 16% 47 16%

No Response 9 7% 0 19 19% 28 9%

TOTAL CITIES 138 61 101 300 OP MI

120 121
TABLE 14

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of Local CETA Policies by the City's

Perception of Problems Associated with the Structure or Function of the CETA Youth Advisory

Council

Method of

Participation

STRUCTURE OR FUNCTION OF ADVISORY COUNCIL

Moderate

Not a Problem Problem Major Problem No Response

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

TOTAL

Number Percent

No Participation 34 30% 30 26% 16 14% 35 30% 115 100%

Advisory Council 60

Prime's

Governor's 5

Other 32

A-95 Clearinghouse IT

Other 21

No Response

49% 49

rif TO" 29% 9

46% 26

RI' IT

44% 15

1 4% 5

40% 10 8% 4 3% 123 100% 1 5 Tol

53% 2 12% 1 6% 17 100%

38% 4 6% 7 10% 69 100% M b

IIVM b. .. "i'i TOT

32% 4 9% 7 15% 47 100%

18% 2 7% 20 71% 28 100%

TOTAL CITIES 115 38% 92 31% 29 10% 64 21% 300 100%

122 123
TABLE 15

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of

Local CETA Policies by City Subgrantee Status

SUBGRANT STATUS

Method of

Participation

Subgrantee

Non -

Subgrancee TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

No

Participation 20 31% 95 40% 115 38%

Advisory Council 39 61% 84 36% 123 41%

Prime's 55% 71 ToT 106 131

Governor's 4 6% 13 6% 17 6%

Other 23 36% 46 19% 69 23%

A-95 Clearinghouse 7 11% 15 6% 22 7%

Other 16 25% 31 13% 47 16%

No Response 0 28 12% 28 9%

TOTAL CITIES 64 236 300 11=11.11M

-124

-104-
TABLE 16

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of

Local CETA Policies by City Subgrantee Status

SUBGRANT STATUS

Method of Subgrantee.

Participation Number 4 er6ent

1.

No

Participation 20 17%

Advisory Council 39 32%

Prime's

Governor's 4 24%

Other 23 33%

A-95 Clearinghouse 7 32%

Other 16 34 %f

No Response 0 a -J . TOTAL CITIES 64 21%

NonSubgrantee TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent

95 83% 115 100%

84 68% 123 100%

71 W7T DT TOW

13 76% 17 100%

46 67% 69 100%

15 68% 22 100%

31 66% 47 100%

28 100% 28 100%

236 79% 300 100%
TABLE 17

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of

Local CETA Policies by City Population Size

CITY SIZE

Method of

Participation

050,000 ?..50,000 TOTAL

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

No

Participation 86 44% 29 27% 115 38%

Advisory Council 66 34% 57 54% 123 41%

Prime's 56 29% 50 47% 106

Governor's 10 5% 7 7% 17 6%

Other 40 21% 29 27% 69 23%

A-95 Clearing

House 11 6% 11 10% 22 7%

Other 29 15% 18 17% 47 16%

No Response 21 11% 7 7% 28 9%

TOTAL CITIES 194 106 300 MINNS.
TABLE 18

Method of Participation by Small Cities in the Development of Local CETA Policies by the City's Perception of Problems Created by the Program Operator

zROBLEMS CREATED FOR CITY BY

PROGRAM OPERATOR

Method of "es No TOTAL

Participation , Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

No Participation 31 57% 46 36% 77 43%

Advisory Council 17 31% 56 44% 73 40% Prime's 26% 49 67 35% Governor's 3 5% 7 5% 10 5%

Other 10 19% 30 24% 71 40 22% A-95 Clearinghouse 6% 9 7% Other 7 13% 21 17% 28 15%

No Response 2 4% 4 '3% 6 37%

TOTAL CITIES 54 127 181 IMM 1=1
0

0

12S

TABLE 19

Problems of Implementing CETA Youth Programs in Small Cities by Severity of Problem

SEVERITY OF PROBLEM

TOTAL

Moderate

Not a Problem Problem Major Problem No Response

Issues Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

Restrictions on

Funding 64 21% 97 32% 101 34% 38 13% 300 100%

Availability of

Suitable Sites 96 32% 114 38% 54 18% 36 12% 300 100%

Adequacy of

Supervision 79' 26% 106 35% 82 27% 33 11% 300 100%

Availability of

Transportation 59 20% 131 44% 82 27% 28 9% 300 100%

Access to

Career Counseling 77 26% 138 46% 55 18% 30 101 300 100%

Access to Labor

Market Information 69 23% 143 48% 58 19% 30 10% 300 100%

Availability of

Employment

Opportunity 42 14% 124 41% 104 35% 30 10% 300 100%

Availability of

Local Industry 77' 26% 122 41% 67 22% 34 11% 300 100%

Lack of Occupational Choice 64 21% 135 45% 69 23% 32 11% 300 100%

Availability of

Occupational

Training 60 20% 150 50% 58 19% 32 11% 300 100%

12j
TABLE 20

Problems Associated with Implementing CETA Youth Programs In

Small Cities by Rank Order

RANK

ORDER

PERCENT

GENERAL RANKING OF PROBLEMS

INDICATING

PROBLEM ISSUE

1 76% Availability of Suitable Employment

Opportunities

2 71% Lack of Transportation

3 69% Availability of Occupational Training

4 68% Lack of Occupational Choice

5 67% Lack of Labor Market Information

6 66% Restrictions on the Use of CETA Funds

7 64% Access to Career Counseling

8 63%- Availability of Local Industry

9 62% Adequate Supervision

10 56% Lack of Suitable CETA Work/Training

*)

)

Sites

RANK

ORDER

RANKING BY MAJOR PROBLEM AREA

PERCENT INDICATING

MAJOR PROBLEM ISSUE

1 35% Availability of Suitable Employment

Opportunities

2 34% Restrictions on the Use of CETA Funds

3 27% Lack of Transportation

4 27% Adequate Supervision

5 23% Lack of Occupational Choice

r\ - 109 -

130
TABLE 21

Percentage of Small Cities Indi sting Problems with Selected Issues Associated with

Implementing CETA Youth Programs by Region

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR REGION

ISSUE I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X NEL

EMPLOYMENT 71% 73% 96% 84% 66% 80% 66% 64% 90% 80% 76%

OPPORTUNITIES

TRANSPORTATION 70% 63% 77% 82% 66% 80% 66% 61% 73% 80% 71%

OCCUPATIONAL 71% 63% 86% 68% 62% 80% 50% 53% 83% 60% 69%

TRAINING

0

OCCUPATIONAL 65% 63% 90% 68% 60% 75% 59% 38% 81% 80% 68%

CHOICE

LABOR MARKET 65% 70% 81% 71% 61% 80% 59% 38% 73% 60% 67%

INFORMATION

FUND RESTRICTIONS 79% 63% 76% 60% 62% 75% 58% 46% 71% 40% 66%

CAREER COUNSELING 68% 63% 76% 65% 57% 85% 50% 39% 69% 80% 64%

INDUSTRY 59% 70% 85% 66% 53% 65% 42% 46% 75% 60% 63%

SUPERVISION 70% 60% 86% 64% 62% 50% 67% 54% 58% 40% 62%

SUITABLE SITES 73% 56% 90% 45% 49% 55% 58% 31% 59% 20% 56%

131

,immi.1immmin

132
TABLE 22

Percentage of Small Cities Indicating :Major Problems with Selected Issues Associated with

Implementing CETA Youth Programs by Region

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR REGION

ISSUE I II

EMPLOYMENT 15% 43%

OPPORTUNITIES

1 TRANSPORTATION 29% 33%

H

H

H OCCUPATIONAL 9% 13%

1 TRAINING

OCCUPATIONAL 9% 20%

CHOICE

LABOR MARKET 12% 17%

INFORMATION

FUND RESTRICTIONS 41% 30%

CAREER COUNSELING 12% 13%

INDUSTRY 6% 17%

SUPERVISION 26% 27%

SUITABLE SITES 26% 13%

III

67%

29%

24%

33%

43%

38%

24%

33%

38%

14%

IV V

42% 24%

50% 22%

13% 19%

26% 16%

24% 14%

34% 25%

26% 14%

34% 18%

32% 25%

16% 16%

NATIONAL

VI VII VIII IX X AVERAGE

45% 33%

15% 8%

30% 8%

40% 17%

25% 17%

30% 33%

30% 17%

40% 17%

30% 25%

20% 25%

33% 38% 60%

15% 23% 60%

15% 31% 40%

23% 31% 40%

15% 23% -

38% 46%

8% 21% 40%

15% 25% 40%

23% 25% 20%

8% 21% 20%

35%

27%

19%

23%

19%

34%

18%

22%

27%

18%

133 134
APPENDIX B

Summaries of Model Youth Programs

Operating In Small Cities

135
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OFFICII Rs:

Model Youth Programs in Small Cities

As discussed in the previous section, local officials and program

operators who are charged with the responsibility of plsnning and

implementing CETA youth programs in small cities are fated with some

very complex and difficult problems. It was with these problems in

mind that programs were selected for designation as a model program or

program feature.

Programs were not selected on the basis of placement rates or some of

the more conventional tests of success. Rather, programs, and features

of programs, were selected on the basis of how the program addressed

one or more of the problem areas identified in this report.

Because small cities are served under such a wide variety of prime sponsor

and subgrant arrangements, the technical framework and other program

structures are often not transferable from one small city to the next:

Since small cities do not receive CETA grants directly from the Labor

Department, small city programs do not have the programming flexibility

that prime sponsors have. In contrast, small cities and other local

program operators often find themselves locked into an allocation

structure, a program planning process, or a youth delivery system that

is unyielding to small city needs. To implement programs, small cities

often find that they must tailor their programs to fit an existing administrative structure rather than molding the administrative structure to fit

their programming needs. Consequently, the conceptual framework and the

program strategy tend to be the most useful and the most transferable

information.

A more detailed description of these model programs was prepared in a separate report to the Department of Labor, entitled "On-Site Visits and Model

Youth Programs in Small Cities."

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136
MODEL YOUTH PROGRAMS OPERATING IN SMALL CITIES

1. American Falls, ID

Student Store

2. Lewiston, ID

Mobile Career. Information

3. Charleston, SC

Prepare-A-Youth (PAY) Program

4. Altoona, PA

Agricultural Resources and Environmental Project

5. La Habra, CA

Diversion-Restitution Program

6. Austin, MN

Alternative Education Program

7. Redondo Beach, CA

Vocational Exploration Program

8. Mansfield, OH

YETP Model Programs
1. Program: Student Store

City: American Falls, ID

Program Operator: American Falls School District No. 381

Prime Sponsor: Idaho Manpower Consortium

Contact Person (s): American Falls Superintendent of Schools

School District No. 381, Administrative Offices

827 Fort Hall Avenue

American Falls, ID 83211

(208) 226-5173

Laura Holt, Youth Coordinator

Idaho Manpower Consortium

P. O. Box 35

Boise, ID 83735

(208) 334-2051

Funding Sources: CETA-IV, YETP

Program Summary: An example of youth entrepreneurship, the

youth-operated store offers skill training,

work experience, counseling and supportive

services to full-time, in-school students

and youth attending ABE/GED classes. Academic

credit is received for participation. Youth

combine classroom training in sales, merchandising, and management techniques with

actual operation of the store. A portion of

the training curricula involves field visits

to local merchantile establishments for wellsupervised vocational exploration. Individual

progress monitored under a system of pre-testing

and post-testing for each of the 18 stated

merchandising objectives.
2. Program:

City:

Program Operator:

Prime Sponsor:

Contact Person(s):

Mobile Career Information

Lewiston, ID

Caieer Information Center

Lewis-Clark State College

Idaho Manpower Consortium

Peter Reynolds, Coordinator

Career Information Center

Lewis-Clark State College

529 - 11th Avenue

41pwiston, ID 83501

(209) 746-9629

Laura Holt, Youth Coordinator

Idaho Manpower Consortium

P.O. Box 35

Boise, ID 83735

1 (208) 334-2051

Funding Source(s): / CETA II/B

d

Program Summary: Serving a 5-county planning region in the

Idaho panhandle region, the Career Information

'Center (CIC) serves 17 outlaying cities which

wouidnot otherwise have access to the youth

occupational informational and counseling

services of the CIC. Services include audiovisual and written materials, job attitude

and interpersonal skills information, jobseeking skills training, occupational counseling,

and individuilized consultation and guidance.

The Center is experimenting with a computerized

career information system, which may eventually

be used in conjunction with the Center's

mobile services. Local private and public

employers work closely with Center staff on developing local labor market and career

information for use in the audio-visual component

of the occupational and career counseling service.

139

- 116 -
3. Program:

City:

Program Operator:

Prime Sponsor:

Contact Person(s):

Funding Source(s):

Program Summary:

Prepare-,a-Youth (PAY) Program

Charleston, SC

City of Charleston

Employment and Training Department

County of Charleston

Manpower Department

(Prior to FY 80, the State of South Carolina

CFTA Consortium served as Prime Sponsor for

all CETA activities state-wide.)

Charles Daniels, Director

Ronnie DuBose, YETP Program Manager

Employment and Training Department

City of Charleston

60 Lockwood Drive

Charleston, S.C. 29401

(803) 723-9834

John P. O'Keefe, Executive Director

Manpower Department

County of Charleston

P.O. Box 91

Charleston, SC 29402

(803) 577-7800 Ext. 305

CETA IV, YETP

An out-of-school work experience program, the

PAY Program offers well-supervised work

experience in skilled oncupations together with

a high level of support 7e services and client

testing and assessment. Using the Naval Supply

Center as the primary work-site, training is

structured around a work simplification process

that include a supervisor training, youth

porformanc valuation, counseling, and placement

assistance On-the-job work experience is

suppleme d by classroom training provided in

conjunct n with the County and the Adult

Education Program. The County provides for the

teachers and books, while the Naval Supply Center

provides classroom space and equipment.

-117 -140
4. Program:

City:

Program Operator:

Agriculture Resources and Environmental Project

Altoona, PA and surrounding communities

Altoona Area Vocational-Technical School and

Prince Galitzin State Park

Prime Sponsor: Southern Alleghenies Consortium

Contact Person(s): Stephen Mandes, Executive Director

Marsha Lawther, Youth Program Specialist

Bill Miller, Special Program Specialist

Southern Alleghenies Consortium

1506 - 11th Avenue

Altoona, PA 16602

(814) 946-1673

Funding Source(s): CETA IV, YCCIP

Program Summary: To accommodate a need for vocational training

in agricultural and environmental resource

occupations that existing vocational education

programs could not meet, an alternative youth

training program was designed to combine

classroom training and work experience through

joint efforts of the local vocational education

school and a local state park. Eligible high

school students were required to complete all

formal high school curricula by their senior

year. The senior year was then spent training

in this structured agricultural resources

program.
5. Program: Diversion - Restitution Program

City: La Habra, CA

Program Operator: La Habra, Manpower Department

Prime Sponsor: Orange County Consortium

Contact Person(s): Robert Burns, Director

La Habra Employment and Training

Civic Center

P.O. Bbx 337

La Habra CA 90631

Funding Source(s): LEAA and CETA -IV, YETP

Program Summary: The Diversion - Restitution Program is an

alternative method of providing juvenile

offenders with professional guidance and

creates a system by which juvenile offenders

can repay the damage to victims. The youth

Service Center serves youth from a working

group of seven cities in North ()range County

and utilizes a multi-agency staff drawing on

the resources of the cities in the work group

as well as the resources of the county. A

major emphasis of the program is the involvement of parents in whatever services are

provided. CETA's role in the program is to provide

suitable work and training to youth offenders

and to provide linkage with private sector

employment; while the juvenile justice

system gmovides referral counseling,

professional services, and monitoring of

restitution.
6. Program: Alternative Education Program

City: Austin, MN

Program Operator: Austin High School

Prime Sponsor: Minnesota SOS

Contact Person(s): Richard White, Director

Alternate School Program

Austin High School

301 Third Street, NW

Austin, MN 55912

(507) 437-6631 Ext. 204

Funding Source(s): CETA IV, YETP; State foundation funds;

and voc. ed. monies.

Program Summary: The Alternate School offers youth a combination

of well-supervised classroom training activities

with work experience and on-the-job training,

as well as counseling. Academic credit toward

high school credentials may be earned for

approved work experience outside the classroom

setting. Emphasis is placed on career awareness

and exploration.

Serving high school drop-outs and potential

drop-outs' who are 16-21 years old, funding

for the program is provided by a combination

of sources: CETA-Title IV, state foundation

funds, and vocational education monies. The

average annual cost per youth is estimated

at approximately $1,500.
7. Program: Vocational Exploration Program

City: Redondo Beach, CA

Progran Operator: Reuondo Beach Training and Job Development Dept.

through subcontract with Community Development

Center

Prime Sponsor: County of Los Angeles

Contact Person(s): Leonard Hendricloc

Title IV Program Coordinator

City of Redondo Beach

CETA Job Training Center

710 Pier Avenue

Hermosa Beach, CA 90254

(213) 372-1171 Ext. 400

Funding Source(s): CETA -IV, YETP

PrograM Summary: As a subgzantee of the Los Angeles County Prime

Sponsor, the City of Redondo Beach subcontracts

with a community-based organization, the Community

Development Inter, a Vocational development

center, for vocational exploration program (VEP).

The VEP consists of.testing, evaluation and assessment services, counseling, job sampling, and

work experience. Upon completion of the VEP

phase, a youth participant may enter into an

on-the-job training program with a private

employer The Targeted Job Tax Credit is also

used to facilitate placement of the youth.
S. Programs: YETP Model Programs

City: Mansfield, Ohio

Program Operator: Mansfield Neighborhood Youth Corps

Prime Sponsor: Richland-Marrow Employment & Training Admin.

Contact Person(s): Darryl Eyster, Program Director.

CETA Programs

Mansfield Neighborhood Youth Corps (NYC)

27 West Second Stteet

Mansfield, Ohio 44902

(419) 524-2626

Funding Source: CETA --IV, YETP

Program Summary: The city of Mansfield CETA Title IV youth

programs were developed into six individually

designed programs to meet the employment, skill

training, and educational needs of in-school

and out-of-school youth. The Neighborhood

Youth Corps administers the six Youth Employment

and Training Programs (YETP) to serve youth

aged 14-21. The programs are usually operated

on a forty week basis, although some programs

are funded for a year. Many of the programs'

activities have been coupled with Title II B

program activities for transition from OJT to

work experience and to provide special services

to Title II B participants.
NOTEWORTHY FEATURES OF YOUTH PROGRAMS IN SMALL CITIES

1. Greenville, MS

Utilization of Non-CETA Funds and a Family Strategy

Approach to Serving Youth

2. Altoona, PA

Rural Economic Development Component

3. La Habra, CA

Job Creation and Economic Development Activities

4. Weymouth, MA

Utilization of Private Foundation Funding

5. Highland Park, IL

Non-CETA Youth Employment Program

6. La Habra, CA

Creation of Small Cities' Work Group
1. Program Feature: Utilization of non-CETA funds to support CETA

youth program activities, with an emphasis on

serving youth through a family strategy

approach.

City: Greenville, MS

(and surrounding 3-county area)

Program Operator: Washington-Issaquena-Sharkey CAA

Prime Sponsor: BOS Mississippi

Contact Person(s): Eugene McLemore, Executive Director

Washington-Issaquena-Sharkey CAA

.P.O. Box 1407

Greenville,' MS 38707

(601) 378-8663

.Funding Source(s): CETA-IV, CSA DOE, ACTION, and HEW

Activity Summary: The CAA receives about $2,000,000 per year

from a multiplicity of Federal sources,

including CETA, CSA, DOE, ACTION, and HEW.

Federal funds from these various sources

are combined in imaginative ways to provide

support for the CETA Youth programs. Unlike

large urban areas, where poverty and unemployment tend to be concentrated among the

single-parent househcad, poverty in rural

areas, particularly in the South, tends to

be a family-oriented problem. Consequently,

effective employment and training programs

must be designed around a family strategy.

The CAA utilizes non-CETA funds to compliment

and support CETA-funded youth program

activities in several ways: (1) to provide

direct supportive assistance for clothing

and bill paying; (2) to hire counselors and

job developers for youth in CETA programs;

(3) to purchase building materials for youth

and (4) CETA youth workers provide labor for

home repair and weatherization projects.
2. Program Feature:

City:

Program Operator:

Prime Sponsor(s):

Funding Source(s):

Activity Summary:

Utilization of CETA monies to fund economic

development activities in a rural economy.

Altoona, PA

(and surrounding 6-county area)

1) Otto Enterprises

2) Small Business Development Center

Saint Francis College

Southern Alleghenies Consortium

Stephen Mendes, Exeuctive Director

Marsha Lawther, Youth Program Specialist

Bill Miller, Special Program Specialist

Southern Alleghenies Consortium

1506 - llth Avenue

Altoona, PA 16602

(814) 946-1673

Funding through CETA 11-B under Section 676.25-6

of the Federal Regulations.

Because of the narrow economic base of most

small cities and rural communities, the

availability of a range of occupational choice3

and employment opportunities is limited. This

situation carries especially critical implications for youth in small cities who must

make career employment and training decisions

in a local labor market that offers limited

opportunity. As a result, strategies for

effective implementation of employment and

training programs must include creation of

new jobs in the private sector as well as

maintenance of existing small businesses.

Southern Alleghenies Consortium has addressed

these problems by using CETA funds to promote

local economies and industrial development

and to provide technical assistance and other

services to small businesses LI the private

sector.
3. Program Feature: Utilization of CETA-Title VII monies to

promote job creation and other economic

development activities within the local

labor market.

City: La Habra, CA

(and 4 surrounding cities)

Program Operator:

Prime Sponsors:

Contact Person(s):

City of La Habra

Orange County Consortium

Robert Burns, Director

La Habra Employment and Training Dept.

Civic Center

P.O. Box 337

Le. Habra, CA 90631

(213) 694-1011

Funding Source(s): CETA-VII, PSIP

Activity Summary: Under subgrant with the county-wide prime

sponsor, consortium, a 5-city work group

contracts to receive Title VII CETA funds

for economic development activities. The

economic development program focuses on

supporting and expanding the local economic

base within each small city. Surveys are

taken of existing private business to

determine what kind of assistance is needed

by local small businesses, and developing

training programs to meet the skill demands

of new businesses.
4. Program Feature: Creation of a private, non-profit organization

to obtain private foundation and other funds.

Weymouth, MA

Weymouth Youth Office

Massachusetts Balance-of-State

City:

Program Operator:

Prime Sponsor:

Contact Person(s):

Funding Source(s):

Activity Summary:

John F. Curran, Director

Weymouth Youth Office

1440 Commerical Street

Weymouth, MA 02189

(617) 331-1719

Local Funds

As a city department, the Weymouth Youth Office

is limited in its ability to solicit fund from

private foundations and other private sources for utilization in developing programs for youth.

To overcome this problem, the Weymouth Youth

Office, with permission of the town's Board of

Selectmen, created a private, non-profit

organization. As an incorporated non-profit

organization, the agency is able to apply for

a variety of private funds from foundations,

corporations, and fund-raising activities. These

funds can be used to create programs and services

that complement those available to youth under

the town's YOuth Office,
5. Program Feature: Help Youth Realize Employment (HYRE):

Utilization of non-CETA funds to operate

a summer youth employment program for nonCETA eligible youth.

City: Highland Park, Illinois

Program Operators: Highland Park Youth Committee

Prime Sponsor: Lake County

Contact Persoa: Jon Jackson, Director

Highland Park Youth Committee

1830 Greenbay Road

Highland Park, Illinois 60035

(312) 433-3090

Funding Source:

_Activity Summary:

Local city funds

Help Youth Realize Employment (HYRE) is a

unique non-CETA funded program which provides

summer jobs to the youta Highland Park.

The program is primarily J complementary

unsubsidized component to the CETA Summer

Youth Employment Program (SYEP) that enables

ineligible youth to obtain work experience

without grant funding from the federal

government or the city.

One of the major concerns of the current YEDPA

Legislation is that eligibility guidelines

disenables many youth who need jobs, but whose

family incomes are too high, from becoming

eligible for participation in the CETA programs.

The HYRE program, however, attempts to serve

all community youth who are "needy" or have an

interest in obtaining summer employment,

irrespective of family income.
6. Program Feature: Collaboration of small cities to create

the administrative capability to plan and

operate CETA youth programs.

City: La Habra, CA

(and 7 surrounding small cities)

Program Operator: City of La Habra

Prime Sponsor: Orange County Manpower Consortium

Contact Person(s): Robert Burns, Director

Employment and Training Department

City of La Habra

P.O. Box 337

La Habra, CA 90631

(213) 694-1011

Funding Source(s): CETA -All Titles

Activity Summary: Many small cities find it administratively

Unfeasible to operate CETA youth programs.

In Orange County, California, 8 smaller

cities within the County formed a "work

group" to apply for and receive CETA grants.

The work group receives a subgrant, with the

City of La Habra as the administrative agency

for the work group. By agreement among the

8 cities, the subgrant is re-allocated among

the 8 smaller cities under a fair share

formula. This arrangement allows the complete

decentralization of CETA planning and operations

to the small city level.

*U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE' 1980-329-379/6602

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