ED 203 058

AUTHOR

TITLE

INSTITUTION

SPONS AGENCY

PUB DATE

NOTE

AVAILABLE FROM

DOCUMENT RESUME

CE 029 108

Barton, Paul E.: Frazer, Bryna Shore

Between Two Worlds--Youth Transition from School to

Work. Research on Youth Employment and Employability

Development. Youth Knowledge Development Report

2.3.

National Inst. for Work and Learning, Washington,

D.C.

Employment and Training Administration (DOL),

Washington, D.C. Office of Youth Programs.

May 80

314p.: For related documents see CE 029 106.

Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing

Office, Washington, DC 20402 (Stock No.

029-014-00124-4, 37.501.

ED RS PRICE MF01/PC13 Plus Postage.

DESCRIPTORS Adolescents: *Demonstration Programs: *Disadvantaged

Youth: Economically Disadvantaged: *Education Work

Relationship: *Employment Programs; Environmental

Influences; Evaluation Methods: *Federal Programs:

Labor Market: Legislation: Program Descriptions:

Program Effectiveness: Program Evaluation; Public

Policy: Research Design: Research Methodology:

Research Utilization: Work Experience Programs;

Youth: *Youth Employment

IDENTIFIERS *Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act

ABSTRACT

The Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act

of 1977 (YEDPA) authorized a range of research, evaluation, and

demonstration activities to increase understanding of the employment

problems of youth and to help determine the most effective policies

and programs to address these problems. A major knowledge development

objective under YEDPA was to first take stock of what we know about

youth employment and employability development problems and the

approaches to overcoming them. This report provides an interpretive

analysis of the information on the subject as well as guidance

concerning directions for further knowledge development under YEDPA.

Part 1 of this report addresses the problem and its multiple

dimensions. In contrast to many other analyses that focus primarily

on statistical measures of the dimensions of youth unemployment and

participation levels under employment and training programs, this

review emphasizes the underpinnings--developmental factors and how

they impinge on each individual's preparation for the world of work:

the linkage and transition institutions and how they operate,

including the critical role of laws, regulations, and other public

policies affecting youth employment: the multiple forces shaping the

youth labor market, and yorth preparation for ;.t; and the underlying

labor market theories and research covering ti it validity. Part 2

reviews program evaluations concerning experic. le-based learning, and

education, training, and transition services. (KC)
U.S. Department of Labor

Ray Marshall, Secretary

Employment and Training Administration

Ernest G. Green, Assistant Secretary for

Employment and Training Administration

Office of Youth Programs

Material contained in this publication is

in the public domain and may be

reproduced, fully or partially, without

permission of the Federal Government.

Source credit is requested but not

required. Permission is required only

to reproduce any copyrighted material

contained herein.

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20102
YOUTH KNOWLEDGE DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2.3

BETWEEN TWO WORLDS - YOUTH

TRANSITION FROM SCHOOL TO WORK

Paul E. Barton

Bryna Shore Frazer

National Manpower Institute

April 1980

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, II.S. Government Printing OMNI. Washington,D.C. 20102

4
CONTENTS

PAGE

Overview

PART I. PROBLEMS AND CONDITIONS

Introduction 1

Individual ,Circumstances 4

lnetitutions4 Quality and Behavior 22

Changes in Society 41

Update: Youth Labor Market

Theory and Research 57

PART II. EVALUATIONS OF EXISTING PROGRAMS:

A SYNTHESIS

Occupational Education and Learning

Through Experience 78

Employment and Training 137

Links Between People and Jobs 214

References 277

5
OVERVIEW

Almost everyone agrees that there is a serious youth employment problem and that something must be done. Yet, there

is equally widespread agreement that we lack understanding

of the causes, consequences and cures--knowledge which is

necessary for effective action. As one editorial put it,

we have spent $40 billion on youth employment and employability development over the last 15 years, yet the problem

remains and we do not even know what works and what does not.

The Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act (YEDPA)

of 1977 reflected this ambivalence. It provided significant

resources to expand employment and training opportunities

for youth. Indeed, it accounted for almost all the emplpyment growth for minority teenagers in 1978 and 1979.

Yet, this was a "demonstration Act," premised on the notion

that we needed to experiment and evaluate further before

committing ourselves to permanent policies.

Without minimizing the importance of further knowledge

development in order to fine-tune public policies, one might

question this conventional wisdom that we lack the basis

for policy formulation. There are more data available on

the youth employment issue than almost any other social welfare subject. Thousands of careful experiments have been

conducted on all aspects of the problem over the last decade.

Evaluations and analyses can fill a fair-sized library. Compared with our understanding of other domestic issues--the

problems of older persons, of family status and change, of

undocumen..ed workers, of wealth distribution, or countless

other subjects--we have quite comprehensive knowledge about

youth employment. There was one year in the 1960's, for

instance, when the Congressional hearings on the Job Corps

were more voluminous than those on the entire defense budget.

It would appear that the problem is not the volume or even

quality of information on the subject of youth employment,

but rather the failure to translate and synthesize the

information for public policy formulation. Rather than a

knowledge deficit, there is, if anything, a knowledge and

information overload. The greater the inquiry into any social

science area, the more complex the subject becomes, the more

questions are raised, and the less satisfying the answers

because they are always subject to equivocation. Youth employment is also a confoundingly interrelated subject. It does

not just concern jobs. It involves education, family status,

developmental patterns, and much, much more. The problems

of youth unemployment are intertwined with economic changes,

the welfare problem, illegitimacy, drug abuse, inadequate

schools, declining cities and almost every other social

pathology. Any discussicn tends to quickly lose focus and

6
and to be impervious to resolution because there are so

many perspectives which can be and have been applied to

the same information.

A major knowledge development objective under YEDPA was,

therefore, to first take stock of what we know about youth

employment and employability development problems and the

approaches to overcoming them.

Between Two Worlds - Youth Transition From School to Work

provides an interpretative analysis of the information on

the subject as well as guidance concerning directions for

further knowledge development under YEDPA. The study by the

National Manpower Institute was commissioned by the Office of

Policy, Evaluation and Research in the Employment and Training

Administration. The original volumes have been reordered somewhat for inclusion in this series, separating those parts

recommending a research and experimentation strategy from those

analyzing problems and programs. The original volumes are

available from the National Manpower Institute.

Part 1 of this report addresses thy: problem and its multiple

dimensions. In contrast to many other analyses which focus

primarily on statistical measures of the dimensions of youth

unemployment and participation levels under employment and

training programs, this review emphasizes the underpinnings- -

developmental factors and how they impinge on each individual's

preparation for the world of work; the linkage and transition

institutions and how they operate, including the critical

role of laws, regulations and other public policies

affecting youth employment; the multiple forces shaping the

youth labor market and youth preparation for it; and the

underlying labor market theories and research covering

their validity.

Part 2 reviews program evaluations concerning experiencebased learning, and education, training and transition services. While the separate studies rarely provide reliable

and rigorous conclusions, together they are suggestive of

the state-of-the art and provide some sense of the effectiveness of alternative interventions.

This volume is one of the products in support of the "knowledge development" effort implemented under the mandate of the Youth

Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977. The

knowledge development effort consists of hundreds of

separate research, evaluation and demonstration activities

which will result in literally thousands of written products.

The activities have been structured from the outset so that

each is self-standing but also interrelated with' a host of

other activities. The framework is presented in A Knowledge

Development Plan for the Youth Employment and Demonstration

Projects Act of 1977, A Knowledge Development Plan for the

Youth Initiatives Fiscal 1979 and Completing the Youth Agenda:

A Plan for Knowledge Development, Disselpation and Application

for Fiscal 1980.
ii i Information is available or will be coming available from

these various knowledge development efforts to help resolve

an almost limitless array of issues. However, policy and

practical application will usually require integration and

synthesis from a wide array of products, which, in turn,

depends on knowledge and availability of these products.

A major shortcoming of past research, evaluation and demonstration activities has been the failure to organize and

disseminate the products adequately to assure the full exploitation of the findings. The magnitude and structure of

the youth knowledge development effort puts a premium on

structured analysis and wide dissemination.

As part of its knowledge development mandate, therefore, the

Office of Youth Programs of ..he Department of Labor will

organize, publish and disseminate the written products

of all major research, evaluation and demonstration activities

supported directly by or mounted in conjunction with OYP

knowledge development efforts. Some of the same products

may also be published and disseminated through other channels, but they will be included in the structured series

of Youth Knowledge Development Reports in order to facilitate

access and integration.

The Youth Knowledge Development Reports, of which this is one,

are divided into twelve broad categories:

1. Knowledge Development Framework: The products

in this category are concerned with the structure of knowledge

development activities, the assessment methodologies which

are employed, the measurement instruments and their validation, the translation of knowledge into policy, and the

strategy for dissemination of findings.

2. Research on Youth Employment and Employability

Development: The products in this category represent analyses

of existing data, presentation of findings from new data

sources, special studies of dimensions of youth labor market

problems, and policy issue assessments.

3. Program Evaluations: The products in this category

include impact, process and benefit-cost evaluations of youth

programs including the Summer Youth Employment Program, Job

Corps, the Young Adult Conservation Corps, Youth Employment

and Training Programs, Youth Community Conservation and

Improvement Projects and the Targeted Jobs Tax Credit.
iv -

4. Service and Participant Mix: The evaluations and

demonstrations summarized in this category concern the

matching of different types of youth with different service

combinations. This involves experiments with work vs. work

plus remediation vs. straight remediation as treatment options.

It also includes attempts to mix disadvantaged and more

affluent participants, as well as youth with older workers.

5. Education and Training Approaches: The products in

this category present the findings of structured experiments

to test the impact and effectiveness of various education and

vocational training approaches including specific education

methodologies for the disadvantaged, alternative education

approaches and advanced career training.

6. Pre-Employment and Transition Services: The products

in this category present the findings of structured experiments to test the impact and effectiveness of school-to-work

transition activities, vocational exploration, job-search

assistance and other efforts to better prepare youth for labor

market success.

7. Youth Work Experience: The products in this category

address the organization of work activities, their output,

productive roles for youth and the impacts of various employment approaches.

8. Implementation Issues: This category includes

cross-cutting analyses of the practical lessons concerning

"how-to-do-it." Issues such as learning curves, replication

processes and programmatic "batting averages" will be

addressed under this category, as well as the comparative

advantages of alternative delivery agents.

9. Design and Organizational Alternatives: The

products in this category represent assessments of demonstrations of alternative program and delivery arrangements

such as consolidation, year-round preparation for summer

programs, the use of incentives and multi-year tracking of

individuals.

10. Special Needs Groups: The products in this category

present findings on the special problems of and the programmatic adaptations needed for significant segments including

minorities, young mothers, troubled youth, Indochinese

refugees acid the handicapped.

9
v

11. Innovative Approaches: The products in this category

present the findings of those activities designed to explore

new approaches. The subjects covered include the Youth

Incentive Entitlement Pilot Projects, private sector initiatives, the national youth service experiment, and energy initiatives in weatherization, low-head hydroelectric dam

restoration, windpower and the like.

12. Institutional Linkages: The products in this category

include studies of institutional arrangements and linkages

as well as assessments of demonstration activities to encourage such linkages with education, volunteer groups, drug abuse

agencies and the like.

In each of these knowlodge development categories, there will be a range of discrete demonstration, research and evaluation

activities focused on different policy, program and analytical issues. In turn, each discrete knowledge development

project may have a series of written products addressed to

different dimensions of the issue. For instance, all experimental demonstration projects have both process and impact

evaluations, frequently undertaken by different evaluation

agents. Findings will be published as they become available

so that there will usually be a series of reports as evidence

accumulates. To organize these products, each publication

is classified in one of the t.alve broad knowledge development categories, described in terms of the more specific

issue, activity or cluster of activities to which it is

addressed, with an identifier of the product and what it

represents relative to other products in the demonstrations.

Hence, the multiple products under a knowledge development

activity are closely interrelated and the activities in

each broad cluster have significant interconnections.

Between Two Worlds r Youth Transition From School to Work

provided the informational basis for recommendations by

Barton and Frazer concerning knowledge development approaches

under YEDPA. These recommendations are contained in A

Research and Experimentation Strategy in the "knowledge

development framework" category. The findings in this volume

are closely related to all the other products in the "research

on youth employment and employability development" category but

particularly Employment and Training Programs for Youth -

What Works Best for Whom? and A of Youth Employment

Problems, Programs and Policies.

Robert Taggart

Administrator

Office of Youth Programs

10
PART I

PROBLEMS AND CONDITIONS

11
INTRODUCTION

Based on project staff investigations, three factors seem to

encompass the range of problems, interactions, and conditions which

affect youth's transition from school to work.

1. Individual Circumstances

Individual youth are blessed or handicapped by the

experiences they accumulate before the transition

takes place. They have acquired a particular set

of attitudes, have been reared in families with

different levels of education and income, and are

differently positioned with regard to the work

world.

2. Institutions: Quality and Behavior

A number of institutions have important impacts

on the school-to-work transition. These institutions house the resources, services,and experiences which are so critical to a successful

transition. Their success is a function of the

quality of their performance and the degree to

which they successfully relate to and complement

each other as well as the extent to which they

are responsive to the needs of youth versus other

groups in the population.

3. Changes in Society

Broad social and economic trends affect the ability

of youth to make a successful work transition.

These trends shape the extent and nature of youth

opportunity.

The interaction among these elements is a dynamic process in

which the alteration of one element will significantly change the

nature of the process. If individual circumstances have been unfavorable, youth-serving institutions will strive to make up for

those handicaps but will not always be able to overcome them. The

Coleman and Jencks Reports, for example, indicate that the educational

12
2

institutions have not been successful in making up for deficiencies

resulting from family or community circumstance. If basic economic

trends are adverse, those institutions which are involved in the

transition process in some way find it more difficult to relate

effectively to young people. Emplo. ,z institutions, for a host of

reasons, tend to focus on hiring those over 21 for adult type jobs,

and youth-serving institutions, which provide such services as career

guidance, counseling,and job placement, find it hard to be helpful

because of an inhospitable economic environment. This, in turn, can

result in an increasing disenchantment on the part of youth with

those institutions involved in the transition process. When the

quality of institutions' involvement with youth changes, there is

inevitably an impact both on the individual circumstances of youth

and on broad social and economic trends. So, these three factors of

individual circumstance, institutions, and societal change affect

the youth transition and each other.

Public policy regarding the transition from school to work must

necessarily be concerned with all three of these factors and their

interrelationships. To the extent that public policy can be informed

by improved research knowledge, a research office is also concerned

with all three areas.

Having identified these factors as "umbrella" concepts, the

components of each were identified and available information was

organized accordingly. The information search proceeded from this

13
3

organization, but the final components used in Part I were also

influenced by the search. Where information was not available, a

component arbitrarily selected at the outset was either eliminated

or merged with another component. The final set can be seen in the

Table of Contents for Part I, since it served as the basis for

presenting the findings.

In the title of Part I, both the words "problems" and "conditions"

have been used. "Problems" only was deemed both insufficient and

limiting. What is a problem to some would not be considered so by

others. In addition, the approach of simply identifying problems

leaves out a body of needed information about the dynamics of the

process of youth transition; we need to know what's ping on even if

it is not properly classified as a "problem." The information search

therefore broadened out to include "conditions" as well as "problems."

The previously identified three factors guided the information

search and literature review, and the results are reported in the

first three sections of this Part.. There is also a fourth section

entitled "Update: the Youth Labor Market." The introduction to that

section explains its existence and why it was included. Briefly, it

was felt that it would be useful to synthesize what economists have

determined about the behavior of the youth labor market in the years

since Edward Kalachek summarized the state of knowledge in 1969.

This is done in Section Four, although time and resources did not

permit the inclusion of all of the recent research identified by project

staff.

14
4

SECTION 1

INDIVIDUAL CIRCUMSTANCE

Self-Esteem

The influence of self-esteem upon the functioning of youth in

society and in their relationships with the work world has been the

subject of a growing body of research.

In 1959, the case was made for the crucial need of adolescents

for high self-esteem and the too common lack of that quality among

the youth population (Friedenberg, 1959). Citing the built-in threats

to self-esteem of youth (especially those with lower social status) in

the society as a whole and in. the schools in particular, Friedenberg

states:

The most tragic thing that happens to lower-status youngsters

in school is that they learn to accept the prevailing judgement of their worth. They accept and internalize the

social verdict on themselves...the school is merely the latest

in a series of social institutions...that have been transmitting to the youth the same appraisal of himself.

This phenomenon of "negative labeling" has been cited as a major

hazard to youth development in modern American society by the U.S.

Department of Health, Education and Welfare's Office of Youth Development.

According to a recent HEW sponsored report, such social institutions

as the schools, the family, and juvenile justice system can and do

contribute to the problem (Johnson, 1975). One study goes so far as

to suggest that society's emphasis on the unique problems of adolescence

15
5

and the highlighting of young people's assumed maladjustment can act

in themselves as an umbrella negative label for the entire sec ent of the

population known as "youth" (Lipsitz, 1977).

A comprehensive review and synthesis of research on self-esteem

can be found in the National Institute of Child Health and Human

Development's book entitled Perspectives on Human Deprivation (DHEW,

1968). Referring to various studies, the report links the development

of low self-esteem in youth to family disorganization, economic disadvantage, racial prejudice and social rejection, and lists lower

achievement levels, lover vocational expectations, and general lack

of confidence as more common to youth with low levels of self-esteem.

Self-esteem as related to racial group has been the topic of

several studies reviewed for this report. The findings vary and are

not comparable due to differences in the age groups studied. One survey

of low income black youth 16-21 years concluded that the subject in

the low socioeconomic bracket was more likely to exhibit low selfesteem; this in turn "impairs his ability to seek and hold jobs, erodes

his commitment to work and depresses his aspirations" (Herman, 1967).

A later survey of high school seniors disputes the negative labeling

theory mentioned earlier, at least in terms of labeling based on

racial discrimination. According to this study, a low level of selfesteem did not seem to be associated with whether or not a black youth

identified himself in externally imposed racial terms, and class of

occupation (white-collar, blue-collar, etc.) did not seem to be linked
6

with racial self-image (Cummings, 1975). Another study, this time of

disadvantaged black fifth graders, concluded:

It is probably indisputable that race and socioeconomic

level are variables that can affect self-esteem when

mediated by negative social attitudes. What seems clear,

however, is that their influence is more situation specific

and that with positive home, peer and school relationships

it app. ors possible for some black disadvantaged children to

maintain high self-esteem (Morse and Piers, 1973).

The issue is obscured even further by a study done by Morris

Rosenberg in 1971 which compales the self-esteem of black and white

students and concludes that racial segregation in school and society

does not damage the self-esteem of black children. The study suggests

that segregation provides a "contextual consonance" in which black

youth in a sheltered environment can inflata their socioeconomic and

racial status, thereby protecting their self-esteem. Citing the findings

of 12 earlier studies and comparing them with his own, the author

concludes: "...that there are no appreciable differences in racial

self-esteem" (Rosenberg, 1971).

There obviously exists some substantial variation in conclusions

drawn by research into this area, but the studies do agree that degree

of self-esteem is a factor that affects youth's interactions with the

broader society.

Parents

Research has been conducted on the effects of various parental

variables on the work orientations and aspirations of teenage children.

17
7

Although the studies reviewed differ in method, parental variables

tested, and sex and socioeconomic status of the children involved, their

conclusions nevertheless support the hypothesis that the attitudes and

life situations of parents are an important factor in the development

of their children's relationships with the work world.

In the national longitudinal survey of the high school class of

1972, sons of fathers who did not attain a high school diploma were

found more likely to report a Door sense of contLc1 over their environments, a feeling that they lacked the ability to complete college,

and lower grade point averages in school. These students mare often

perceived a lack of parental interest in their situation and lower

parental aspirationF for the length of their education. In addition,

those youth with lower parental education-kevels reported that they

were in vocational or general rather than academic programs and that

counselors and teachers encouraged them to go into all areas but college

(DREW, 1975e). A study of family background factors that predict

dropping out of school found a high correlation between socioeconomic

family level, parental punitiveness, and dropout behavior. It concluded

that if a boy is the son of dropouts, he stands a better than average

chance of becoming a dropout himself, and that the better a boy reports

getting along with his parents, the higher will be his self-esteem,

his self-concept of school ability, his attitudes toward school,and his

feelings of personal efficacy (Bachman, 1971).

Several studies address the special problems of the black family,

particularly the absence of a father in the home and the greater

18
8

possibility that the family may be on welfare, thus depriving the

children of any working parental role models. A study of work orientations of sons of welfare mothers as compared with sons of outer-city

white families shows that welfare mothers have certainly no less

influence and, in many cases, more influence than outer-city white

parents on identification of their sons with the work ethic. The

welfare experience and lack of working role models were shown not to

destroy sons' positive orientations toward work. However, the study

also showed that welfare mothers tend to transmit a lack of confidence

and an acceptance of welfare dependence which together create obstacles to academic and work achievement (Goodwin, 1972). A similar

study found that parental satisfaction levels with their own lives

and occupational status will better predict their sons' occupational

aspirations and expectations than will parents' present income or

occupational status. Also, the study reported that the availability

of an adult male role model, not necessarily a present father, is

positively correlated with high self-esteem, school performance,and

aspirations of black male youth (Rosenthal, 1971).

An abundance of material is available on the effects of working

mothers on their children's attitudes toward work. The commonly

shared conclusion is that, for both blacks and whites, the effect of

the working mother on daughters' work orientations was not detrimental

and, depending on the amount and quality of mother/daughter interaction,

19
9

was often positive (Morgan, 1976). Studies found correlations between

working mothers and their daughters' tendencies toward independence,

self-reliance, higher academic and career aspirations, and higher achievement levels (Hoffman, 1974; Lipsitz, 1977). One study cited negative

modeling effects on black girls whose mothers worked in blue-collar

jobs (Macke, 1975). All of the studies reviewed agree that the mothers'

behavior was a crucial variable in the determination of the attitudes

of their daughters toward work.

It is important to mention here a bias in the research which

became evident during the course of this review. Much of the work

done on the effects of parental variables on children's work orientations

groups the sexes - father/son, mother/daughter. This may be an area

for expanded research on father/daughter, mother/son impacts.

Economic Disadvantage

Economically disadvantaged youth, especially in the central cities

and in rural areas, are faced with an environment full of roadblocks to

success in the work world. The urban situation is summarized succinctly

by a recent Congressional report:

In low income areas, the labor market prospects for teenagers

are especially bleak because there is a whole confluence of

negative factors at work. The local economies are weak.

Family incomes are low and family structures may be weak.

The welfare system accentuates dependency and discourages

efforts to earn. The quality of education available to

youth is inadequate, and examples of success for young people

are few. Crime abounds to plague the reeidents and to tempt

the young with financial gains that are greater and easier

than those from legitimate pursuits(CBO, 1976b).

20
10

Mai.y of these points are echoed by other sources in the recent literature.

Educational quality is more likely to be poor in low income areas

(Downs, 1970). Vocational education is limited in scone and effectiveness (Mangum, 1971). Failing tax bases in very urban and very rural

areas, where the greatest numbers of economically disadvantaged children

reside, result in an inequality of education which a few years later

aggravates income inequalities (Downs, 1970).

Job opportunities in poor neighborhoods are primarily concentrated

in the secondary labor market of poorly paid, transient work without

potential for upward mobility (CED, 1970). The movement of employers

to the suburbs aggravates the problem (Wallace, 1974; NCMP, 1976;

CBO, 1976b). Public transportation to the work area is not always

available (Downs, 1970). The effectiveness of economic development

programs within low income neighborhoods is questionable (NCMP, 1976).

In response to the lack of conventional labor market opportunities

and in a daily atmosphere of crime and violence, disadvantaged urban

youth often turn to the street life or "hustling" to make money

(Matthews, 1971; CBO, 1976b). This increases the likelihood of

obtaining a police record which then becomes a f'irther barrier to legitimate employment.

Poverty often forces youth out of school at an early age and into

poorly paid work to supplement family income (Downs, 1970). According

to a recent study, a relatively high percentage of unemployed and

out-of-school teenagers come from families with low incomes (CBO, 1976b).

21
11

Inadequate diet and poor physical health also go hand in hand

with insufficient income, with obviously negative effects on the inschool performance of poor children (DREW, 1968; CED, 1971).

According to a National Institute of Child Health and Human

Development study:

What makes the culture of poverty unique is not simply the

concentration of these characteristics among the poor, but

in addition and perhaps more importantly, the fact that

these behavior patterns are rational responses to the

condition of deprivation, are part of their life style, and

are handed dcwn through generations. The degradation,

continuity and segregation of the poor serve to identify

them as a separate cultuie (MEW, 1968).

Racial Discrimination

Racial discrimination as an important factor affecting the

socioeconomic position of minorities is demonstrated by various

studies and reports.

Several sourcer cite inadequate educational attainment and

inferior skill acw,isition among minorities as the result of a discriminatory social structure affecting schools and training institutions

(Levitan, 1975; NCMP, 1976a). According to recent Congressional

Budget Office reports, both lower educational levels of blacks and

other minority groups and the low quality of schooling received by them

contribute to the large unemployment rate differential between minority

and white labor force participants (CBO, 1976 a and 1976b). Views

do differ, however, regarding the degree to which racial discrimination

22
12

affects educational attainment. It has been proposed that the overall

difference between black and white educational attainment levels is

narrowing and is not linked to minority group membership (Jencks, 1972).

The high proportion of non-whites employed in low-status jobs

also is attributed in part to racial discrimination (CBO, 1976a).

Although some progress has been made in this area, particularly among

black women, the greatest gains were made in the least prestigious and

lowest paid occupations. The rising black teenage unemployment rate,

howevET, has balanced the progress made by other age groupi (Levitan,

1975). Employer discrimination in the form of tests and reference

checks Liao affects the ability of minorities to break out of the

secondary labor market (CBO, 1976a). One recent article argues that

employers consciously or unconsciously support the current economic

status system by trying to "make the race-sex pattern in (the) workplace conform to the general social pattern of hierarchical relations"

(Bergman, 1976).

These patterns of discriminatory practices and structures have

been cited as an important factor in the lowering of aspirations and

expectations among minority group members (Wallace, 1974; Bergmann, 1976).

Discrepancies between the high aspirations and low expectations of

black high school students have been attributed to a realistic selfassessment of social barriers to their success in the current economic

system (MacMichael, 1974).

23
13

Access to Information

Recent research into the provision of useful and accurate

occupational/labor market information for youth indicates that the

problem can be broken down into two categories: (1) a lack of certain

types of data, specifically data geared to local labor markets, and

(2) often ineffective delivery systems for available information.

Lack of localized labor market information is cited by several

authors as one of the most pressing and practical needs to be filled in

the resource systems available co youth entering the job market (Wirtz,

1975). This is true especially for non-college bound youth who tend

to function within a more limited geographic labor market (Barton, 1976;

Wolfbein, 1976). Also, there is a need for expansion of existing

federal occupational data to reflect the unique information requirements of youth as a special population subgroup (Wirtz, 1975; NCLC,

1976). There is room for increased interagency cooperation in provision and use of data; in certain cases the current tendency is for

agencies to ignore potential opportunities for cooperation (Wirtz, 1975;

Wolfbein, 1976).

The other half of the problem is insuring delivery of available

information to unemployed youth. Most students get little exposure to

written information or career counseling within the school setting

(Wolfbein, 1976). Traditionally, where guidance is availlble, the

vocational focus of the program is secondary in importance to academic

counseling for college-oriented youth (Kaufman, 1967). A 1976 report
14

makes similar observations on the current situation regarding in-school

exposures of atudents to quality vocational guidance (Wolfbein, 1976).

Parnes, in a recent study, summarizes his findings on the contribution of school system guidance to the meriting of students' occupational

information needs as follows:

From the standpoint of public policy, the absence of a relationship between the extent of vocational counseling

in the high schools and occupational information test

scores is disheartening. While this clearly does not mean that vocational counseling in American high schools offers no benefits, it does suggest that if counseling makes a contribution it is not by enhancing to any perceptible

degree the general understanding students have of the

world of work (Parnes, 1975).

The school is the major p-ovider of occupational information for

youth in the community. Other .ourrles outside the school, including

tho t.1. Employment Service, provide varying degrees of service; the

need for more or.k..ive and comprehensive services from extra-school

delivery sys'7ems is crucial, particularly for youth who are no longer

formally affiliated with the schools (Wolfbein, 1976).

An excellent summary of the current status of research in this

area is Lois-ellin Datta's 1975 a,,ticle "Improved Labor Market Information and Career Choice: Issues in Program Eveluation." It points up

the need for reliable measures for evaluating outcomes of exposure to

various types of occupational information from different sources. Current studies are not standardized in regard to what is being

measured, age groups involved, etc., making comparison difficult and

valid corroboration of results very rare.

25
15

Young and Female

The participation of women in the labor force has been the topic

of substantial research in recent years. Most of the literature

discusses the status of women as a group, without drawing distinctions

between age subgroups. A few studies, however, do address the special

probleus that young women encounter in their transition to economic

adulthood. This summary of a cross section of the literature will

draw from studies dealing with both, the larger and more age-specific

groups.

The literature suggests two major reasons for the acknowledged

disadvantages of women in the work world. The first is sex role

socialization, a process which begins at birth, continues throughout

life,and is reinforced by social institutions, particularly the schools

and the family. In addition, the structure of the American labor market

and the biases of employers relegate women, for the most part, to

narrowly defined work opportunities and compensation levels.

Sex role socialization is cited repeatedly as having an extremely

strong impact on the individual woman's interaction with her surroundings,

especially her dealings with work. "Pressure to conform to one's

sexual stereotype pervades schools, media, jobs, social situations as

well as family life and continues from infancy through adulthood"

(Goldberg, 1974).' One theory links a pattern of underachievement of

high school girls to societal emphasis on intellectual achievement as

being unfeminine (Goldberg, 1974). The result is a lack of confidence
16

and low self-esteem. "They (young women) are channeled, not only by

overt discrimination but also by an internalized sense of their own

inadequacy, into secondary, non-initiating, serving roles in the work

force and in the home" (Goldberg, 1974).

The schools tend to encourage this destructive societal stereotyping in a variety of ways: through restrictive course offerings,

stereotyping in curriculum materials, guidance and counseling biases,

and personal attitudes of teachers and administrators (DHEW, 1975f).

Vocational education in particular is heavily criticized for its

failure to adapt to the new realities of a growing female labor force.

Vocational programs tend to channel young women into traditional female

tracks (clerical and homemaking programs) and to provide only limited

opportunities for exposure to trade and industrial programs. Vocational

school programs indicate an acceptance of the larger society's

attitudes regarding the appropriate role of women in the labor market.

This message is passed on to the female student, thus restricting her

vocational self-concept and dampening her aspirations to develop skills

useful tb society and essential to personal satisfaction (Kaufman, 1967;

DHEW, 1975f).

The labor market situation of women is analyzed by several

researchers, with the general conclusion being that for various reasons,

women have been and are grossly underutilized and discriminated against

with respect to their potential for contribution to the economy. Factors

which serve to relegate women to a very limited and lower status range

of the broader occupational "spectrum include the follcwing: lack of

27
17

access to training courses available to male workers; employer discrimination on the basis of perceived higher turnover rates; lack of

stability attributed to women workers; cultural biases against opening

up opportunities for women in traditionally male occupational areas; and

lower levels of unionization (Sawhill, 1974; Bergman, 1976; and DHEW,

1976). This situation in turn is responsible in large part for extreme

disparity in earnings of male and female workers (Sawhill, 1974;

Bergman, 1976).

Sex discrimination has especially severe impacts on economically

disadvantaged women, especially those with children. At the very

bottom of the labor market status lineup are black female teenagers.

Their difficulties in securing work are attributed to a number of

factors, including:

1) poor service by public employment and training agencies;

2) low quality in-school counseling;

3) employer perceptions of young black women as "employment risks;"

4) perceived and actual racial discrimination;

5) lack of occupational information;

6) tendency of programs for the economically disadvantaged to

be geared toward present or future male heads of households

(Wallace, 1974).

Inadequate attention by the federal government to the problems of

low income women is cited as a serious block in the development of this

group's potential for societal contribution. "The fact that low income

women are almost invisible in statistical terms suggests that they are

all but unseen programmatically as well -- a suggestion that seems

borne out by examination of particular federal programs" (DREW, 1976d).
18

For example, a major difficulty for young women with children

is the absence of child care. Obtaining day care is a logistical

problem, especially for mothers in rural areas (DHEW, 1975e).

Difficulties cited, regardless of geographic location, include transportation arrangements, lack cf services for infants, and the general

inadequate capacities of centers (Hoffman, 1974; Wallace, 1974). Also,

child care centers do not fill the need for temporary or drop-in care

for the woman who works part-time (DREW, 1975e).

Much-used alternatives to formal day care include a variety of

informal arrangements; placing children with relatives or friends and

having older children care for the younger ones are two common options.

A study of Brooklyn women found that most of them used this informal

system rather than licensed day care centers (Wallace, 1974).

The effects of increased formal day care are not clear. One recent

study concludes that the provision of free and adequate day care services to low income mothers would lead to an increase in their

labor force participation rates of about 10% (OEO, 1973). This was

seen as representing a fairly low level of response on the part of the

mother to the opportunity to re-enter or enter the work force and was attributed by the researchers to four factors:

1) mothers of young children have a generally low desire to

enter the labor force;

2) the wage-subsidy effect of the provision of day care is low;

3) the AFDC structure offers inadequate incentives to work;

4) the addition of the working role may be too great a strain

on the mother (OEO, 1973).

29
19

Rural Environments

According to Marshall (1976), the transition problems of rural

youth are shaped by certain major conditions in the areas in which

they live. The breakdown outlined here of some of the most crucial

and widespread barriers to full development and utilization of young

rural manpower is upheld by numerous studies made during the past

fifteen years. The literature reviewed indicates that there are three

critical problem areas affecting the fit of rural youth into the work

world.

The rural economic base creates a number of problems for rural

youth. The lack of occupational diversity means that few job and

on-the-job training opportunities are available and that role models

for jobs other than farmwork, marginal,and blue-collar positions are

scarce (Marshall, 1976). Private sector employment opportunities

are severely limited, and although the increased location of manufacturing plants in rural areas, especially in the Southeast, has

resulted in somewhat more diversified employment opportunities, a large

proportion of the new jobs are going to workers imported from urban

areas (Miles, 1973). The problem is compounded by inferior labor

market information systems and inadequate educational preparation.

The need for more accurate and complete labor market information

and occupational counseling in rural areas has been stressed by several

researchers (Nelson, 1963; Rogers, 1969; Miles, 1973; Marshall, 1976).

Responses from a 1974 survey of rural youth indicated that the 800

30
20

male and female high school seniors in the sample had: very limited

understanding of the world of work; insecurity and suspicion about

their future labor market participation; and lack of familiarity with

the federal-state employment service. The study went on to recommend

that more effective use be made of the schools as a major world-of-work

information channel (Darcy and Kauffman, 1974). A recent survey of

job placement services provided by public school systems in the United

States reveals that only 35% of the school districts with less than

2,500 students have such services .as compared with 71% of districts

with 25,000 students or more (DHEW, 1976b). Federal and state placement agencies (including the U.S. Employment Service) have limited

coverage of, and thus limited effectiveness in, rural areas (Marshall,

1976).

Adequate educational preparation is crucial to a smooth school-:owork transition; unfortunately, researchers agree that the quality of

rural education is relatively inferior (Rogers, 1969; Belding, 1974;

Marshall, 1976). Vocational schools, in many instances, are still

tracking students into traditional rural job paths, mainly agriculture

or homemaking. During the period between 1950 and 1966, when farming

jobs declined to the lowest point in decades, enrollment in vocational

agriculture rose to new heights (DOA, 1969). Moreover, the strong

urban bias of the public school system often conflicts with traditional

beliefs held by adults in the community. This problem is especially

acute for certain rural populations, e.g. Native Americans, Appalachians,

and Spanish-Americans (Belding, 1974). Finally, the depleted rural

31
21

tax base has proved inadequate as the sole support for quality

educational services for youth (Marshall, 1976).

The studies reviewed cite further problems unique to rural areas.

Geographic isolation (Miles, 1973), inadequate medical and social

services support (Marshall, 1976), and a pattern of out-migration to

urban areas (Rogers, 1969; Miles, 1973; Belding, 1974; Marshall, 1976)

all contribute to the difficulties rural youth experience in negotiating the school-to-work transition.

32
22

SECTION 2

INSTITUTIONS: QUALITY AND BEHAVIOR

Educational Preparation for the Transition

One of the critical questions in the debate regarding the

school-to-work transition is the adequacy of the educational experience

being offered young people - particularly at the secondary school

level. In the past twenty years,.an imposing number of panels,

commissions,and councils have examined the state of American secondary

education and found it wanting. Proposals for change have ranged from

the radical "deschooling of society" proposed by Ivan Illich to the

equally radical suggestion that education (defined as "that which

helps people understand the meaning of their lives and become more

sensitive to the meaning of other peoples' lives and relate to them

more fully") become the responsibility of "social groups that are

secure enough to be more concerned with their present life and its

meaning than with their future chances" (Friedenberg, 1967). However,

despite the broad range of perspectives represented in the secondary

school literature, there appears to be a considerable degree of con- sensus about what the problems are and what must be done to address

them. Passow, in Secondary Education Reform: Retrospect and Prospect

(1976), reviews the major documents in the school reform debate and

concludes that all evince general agreement on a number of major

problem areas:
23

1. the high school does not and cannot provide a complete

environment for youth education;

2. the age-segregation of youth must be overcome if they are to be provided a more complete environment for transitiun

to adulthood;

3. an effective education-work policy must be developed;

4. citizenship education should be moved into the larger

community while, at the same time, it is developed in

school through exercise of students' rights and responsibilities;

5. a variety.of educational options and alternatives should

be provided both within and outside school with public

financial support for students exercising choice among

the alternatives;

6. the range and kind of nonformal educational opportunities

should be extended;

7. compulsory attendance laws should be changed so as to

lower the school-leaving age and individuals should be

offered alternatives to the conventional twelve-year

schooling pattern;

8. the learning and teaching sources of school and community

should be integrated;

9. secondary education should be designed as an integral

part in a lifetime contin'um of education;

10. the size of the high school should be drastically reduced

and its functions made more specialized.

These very broad recommendations are intended to open up, decentralize,

and reorganize an institution - the public high school - that is

commonly viewed as inadequate to its task of bringing youth into

adulthood. The Coleman Report describes the school system as

inducting the young person into an environment in which "the

student role has become preeminently one of segmental relation

to specialists in a setting of bureaucratic procedures" (Coleman,

34
24

1973). The report characterizes the schools' structure as designed wholly for self-development, particularly the

acquisition of cognitive skills and of knowledge. At their best, schools equip students with cognitive and

non-cognitive skills relevant to their occupational

futures, with knowledge of some portion of civilization's cultural heritage, and with a taste for ac- quiring more such skills and knowledge. They do not provide extensive opportunity for managing one's

affairs, they seldom encourage intense concentration

on a single activity, and they are inappropriate

settings for nearly all objectives involving respon- sibilities that affect others (Coleman, 1973).

And for some students, the school has failed even in these limited

objectives. The comprehensive high school (which had been thought to

be a major institutional resource for fostering democratic values and

equal opportunity) has not lived up to this promise.

"Reality has gone the other way; educational inequity, always with us

in history, has become structurally fixed in the institutions of

public schooling" (Coleman, 1973).

Recent studies indicate that the schools are not adequatcly serving

the disadvantaged. For example, it has been reported that

42% of the nation's black 17 year olds are functionally illiterate

(NAEP, 1977) and that employers cannot fill hundreds of skilled industrial jobs each year because too often job applicants do not have

basic knowledge of English and mathematics (Lusterman, 1977; Udell,

1977).

Other studies state that the schools do not teach marketable

skills, self-management skills, and consumer capabilities. Proponents

of this view hold that the school systems are too narrowly intellectual

35
25

and that new curricula less exclusively cognitive and more directly

related to life experiences are needed (Tyler, 1968; Armistead, 1969;

Brown, 1973; NASSP, 1975). One study concluded that, during the

1960's, schools had done little to improve their students' preparation

for labor market realities (Thal-Larsen, 1970). The inadequacy of the

curriculum in meeting student needs is reflected in the fact that,

in 1970, 45% of the students surveyed reported that about half the time

or more, "I feel that I am taking courses that will not help me much in

an occupation after I leave school" (Flanagan, 1973).

Moreover, despite the fact that more and more young people are

attending school and working simultaneously, there has been relatively

little attempt to adapt the school and work environments to facilitate

the increasing movement back and forth between tne classroom and the

workplace. With the exception of a few established programs, such as

cooperative education and distributive education, both the schools and

employing institutions have been slow to viapt their practices to meet

youth's work or service experience needs (Wirtz. 1975).

On the secondary level, two fundamental problems confronting the

educational institutions are compulsory attendance laws and the prevailing system of allocating funds to schools based on average daily

attendance figures for September through June. Traditional definitions

of what constitutes school attendance do not often accommodate programs

in which the student's education includes part-days, days, or weeks

outside the school (Delaney, 1975). The structure of contemporary

education does not encourage teenagers to acquire some of their

36
26

education in such settings and often inhibits the process by attempting

to confine students to the school premises or to the presence of a certified teacher. In addition, class schedules, homework assignments,

and other school practices limit a young person's opportunities for

any work outside the school's perimeter (Martin, 1976).

Recently, there have been calls on both the secondary and postsecondary levels for increasing the educational options and flexibility available to youth (Newman, 1971; White 'Louse Conference on

Youth, 1971; Brown, 1973). Proponents of this view recommend implementation by the schools of an open entrance-exit policy, allowing students to move easily between education and employment without penalty.

Current graduation requirements and the nine-month school year should

be changed, they assert, to allow for more flexible, individualized

programs for students and for a wider range of job possibilities

throughout the year. This could involve making each school's facilities available at night, on weekends, during the summer, and even

during the school day to all youth and adults in the neighborhood ror

educational, recreational,and oLher activities. Educational institutions need to become far more imaginative in developing flexible

time-and-location arrangements for bringing educational opportunities

to young people on a convenient, dispersed basis (Bailey, 1976).

Suggestions for reform and proposals for alternatives are not

lacking - as this brief review demonstrates. However, it has been

noted (Passow, 1976) that "the details of implementation (of all these

37
27

proposals) are generally untouched." The

reports do not deal with the prime residents of

schools - students, staff, and parents. There

is no attention given to the life and the climate

of the school, the intricate networks of social

interaction involving individuals and groups which

comprise the school's social system. The classrooms are but one part of the school's social

system - affected by the hierarchies and the exercise of power; by learning environments, structured

and unstructured; and by formal and informal transactions - all of which exercise considerable influence on learning and socialization.

Passow concludes that school reform efforts must begin to take into

account "the school as an institution with a life, a climate and ongoing transactions of its own" (Passow, 1976).

Employer Hiring Practices and Union Requirements

No less than the schools, business corporations have been slow

to adapt their practices to the needs of young people seeking work

experience (Wirtz, 1975). The structuring of most jobs on a full-time

basis and the growth of increased employee benefits and job-security

practices which tend to favor hiring full-time employees over casual

labor constitute significant barriers to youth participation in work

environments (Delaney, 1975). Employers point to added administrative

and legal burdens as reasons for not hiring youth or placing them in

work experience slots. Yet the success of cooperative education programs

indicates that accommodations can be made in the workplace, as does

38
28

the growing interest in part-time employment on the part of employers

and workers (Committee on Alternative Work Patterns, 1976). A recent

study concluded that the amount of part-time employment is already

considerable (45% of workers under 20 work part-time) and that new

policies and practices are needed to provide incentives, job security,

equitable treatment, and development opportunities for part-timers.

The researchers concluded that almost any job could be successfully

scheduled on a part-time basis, there being no absolute technological

barriers or major economic costs of part-time employment (Nollen, 1977).

Full-time employment of youth may an even larger problem.

Findings from several studies indicate that by and large, major

employers are not interested in hiring applicants under the age of

21 for full-time "adult" jobs (SRT, ;:1'70; Diamond, 1971; The Manpower

Institute, 1973; Delaney, 1975). The; c studies conclude that private

employers, particularly large corporations, tend to hire few males

under the age of 20 for what are generally considered entry-level jobs

with career advancement potential. This situation holds true even in

regard to jobs generally considered as requiring no more than a high

school education. No distinction is being made between those with and

those without a high school diploma (Wirtz, 1975).

One view of the current hiring situation maintains that although

employers frequently pay lip service to the need to entrust youth with

more responsibility and with greater access to adult roles, they reveal

their own unwillingness to do so by their reluctance to hire young

39
29

people or to redesign jobs to accommodate work experience for them

(Silberman, 1975). When faced with a choice, employers will frequently

opt for the older worker,since young people often lack their skills

and experience (Dayton, 1977). Disadvantaged and minority youth

suffer even greater handicaps, since employers have traditionally

relied on years of schooling, psychological tests, and reference checks

of items such as police records in the selection of new employees.

Such screening devices often serve to eliminate potentially capable

disadvantaged youth from even the most basic, ground-floor jobs (White

House Conference on Youth, 1971).

Union practices and attitudes also have a significant impact on

youth employment. In many cases, the apprenticeship age requirements

and costs of union membership work to limit the number of youth able to

qualify for such membership. In addition, labor unions tend to resist

accepting youth as members, particularly when the economy is depressed.

The unions are understandably concerned about providing their current

members with jobs. Thus, when the economy is performing poorly and

more adult workers are competing for jobs, young people find it difficult

to obtain jobs in unionized industries (Dayton, 1977).

Although union leaders have been involved in various aspcets of

work experience, particularly career education, their actions often seem

to be governed more by their concern that students may displace adult

workers rather than by their interest in offering work experience

opportunities for youth (Silberman, 1975; Kemble, 1976). Additionally,

part-time employment is seldom available at unionized work sites. This

40
30

situation results not so much from union policies against part-time

employment as from contract provisions which are specifically designed

to protect full-time workers. These provisions mitigate against parttime workers and have a substantial impact on youth, 45% of whom work

on a part-time basis (Nollen, 1977).

Laws, Regulations, and Restrictions

Much attention has been focused recently on the role that legal

and regulatory restrictions play as impediments to youth employment

and work experience. Although none of the research questions the

original intent of these rules -- to prevent abusive practices in the

hiring and employment of young people -- many studies question their

appropriateness to contemporary conditions and express concern about

their funct4)n as barriers to youth in negotiating the transition from

school to work.

It is unclear whether the laws themselves act as barriers to

employment or whether employer confusion about the laws results in the

exclusion of teenagers from work experiences. A 1965 Stanford Research

Institute study found that the "many variations and intricacies of

child labor laws probably have little effect on the work opportunities

of youth except insofar as they serve to confuse labor and school

officials and employers" (SRI, 1965). In contrast to this finding,

however, several later studies revealed that legal restrictions were

cited by both employers and Employment Service placement personnel as

41
31

the most serious employer objection to hiring youth under the age of

18 (DOL, 1970). Data gathered for a 1975 study of the effect of

child labor laws on youth employment acknowledge that the laws act as

a potential restraint "mainly because some respondents said that such

restraint was operative and because the firms surveyed hired so few

persons under 18" (Delaney, 1975). In sum, however, there are no

good measures of the impact of these laws on the actual employment and

unemployment of teenagers (CBO, 1976b).

Despite the lack of hard evidence relating teenage employment

difficulties to the child labor laws, several studies have called for

review of the laws in order to strengthen those that provide needed

protection and liberalize those that serve as deterrents to employment

opportunity (Cohen, 1971; Coleman, 1973). According to Delaney, such a

review would be in keeping with the original intent of the Fair Labor

Standards Act, which went far in trying to accommodate work situations

of value to young worker (Delaney, 1975).

Studies reviewed agree unanimously that the overlapping coverage

of federal and state laws and regulations with minimum age requirements,

together with the numerous special exceptions and conditions, have

resulted in substantial confusion as to what a particular youth can or

cannot do and encourage caution on the part of employers in hiring

decisions (NCMP, 1976c). Wider dissemination information and

simplified guidelines with respect to federal, F,tate,and local child

labor laws and regulations are recommended in an effort to eliminate

this confusion and its possible adverse effect on the hiring of teenagers

42
32

(DOL, 1972; Delaney, 1975; Martin, 1976).

Other restrictions cited as barriers include occupational entry

requirements, such as formalized apprenticeship and occupational

licensing (CBO, 1976b). The impact of licensing requirements on the

employment of youth is found in the minimum age requirements of many

licensing laws. Although the qualification requirements for specific

occupations may include education and/or training which cannot realistically be completed before the minimum age, in some occupations the age

restriction acts as a separate limitation on youth participation

(Delaney, 1975). Further, there is little consistency in the minimum

age requirements for various occupational licenses within and across

jurisdictions (ETS, 1972). Insistence on credentials as a device to

effectively practice age discrimination in hiring is cited as an

additional impediment to youth employment (Silberman, 1975). Data on

the use of credentials to provide job shelters by limiting the number

of acceptable job applicants (Freedman, 1974) as well as data on the

lack of congruence between required credentials and actual job requirements (Berg, 1971) raise the concern that such credentials do not

serve as a genuine indicator of proficiency in many of the jobs for

which they are required. Both the Panel on the Education of Adolescents

and the Newman Task Force on Higher Education criticized the "credentials monopoly" of high schools, colleges, and universities and called

for new paths to certification that would permit less emphasis on grades,

more independent work, credit for off-campus experience, and greater

use of equivalency examinations to prevent irrelevant job qualification

43
33

restrictions on students and dropouts (Newman, 1971; Martin, 1976).

As discussed in Section 4 of this report, the effect of the minimum wage on teenage unemployment remains a controversial issue.

Despite much effort, there has been (and likely will be) no consensus on the quantitative effect of minimum wage legislation, as evidenced

by the recent debate on Capitol Hill in regard to the proposed hike in

the minimum wage. Representatives of organized labor, who argued for

the proposed increase and against a special subminimum wage for teenagers, claimed with justifiable concern that a subminimum rate would

encourage employersto substitute youth for adults. Representatives

of industry, on the other hand, argued that an increase in the minimum

wage would result in lessened employment opportunities for youth, with

employers demanding more skilled workers at the higher pay scale ("Higher

Minimum Wage," 1977). Classical economists would generally agree that

"public regulation of the labor market, by means such as minimum wage

laws, adds to teenagers' problems in finding and in acquiring job

experience" (CBO, 1976b).

Job Placement Services

The transition from school to work is generally agreed to be one

of the most difficult passages that youth today must attempt to negotiate. Yet, according to our research, it is also one of the loneliest passages; neither schools, employers, Employment Service, nor any

other institutions effectively aid in this transition (Martin, 1976;

44
34

Reubena, 1977). Youth who do find work almost invariably do so without institutional assistance. Existing institutions, with their

conflicting responsibilities and allegiances, do not view themselves

as young people's agents vis-a-vis the adult world (Wirtz, 1975). There

is little evidence that schools help young people in negotiating this

transition; students lack information on occupations, employment prospects, and job requirements (Gardner, 1968). They know very little

about their own abilities, have few jobseeking skills, and receive

little assistance from any institution (Stern, 1977). In a 1972 survey, 77% of high school seniors felt that the schools should help

leavers find jobs, while only 29% felt that their own school's placement serviceb were good or excellent (DHEW, 1976c).

The evidence seems to indicate that youth rely on friends, family,

other significant adults, and the "grapevine" to find work (White House

Conference on Youth, 1971; Martin, 1976). This system is particularly

ineffective, however, in the central city. where there is little

information to be had (Bullock, 1972; Friedlander, 1972). This is

significant in light of the fact that research indicates that the lack

of occupational and labor market information lessens the chances for

success in achieving specific employment goals for youth (Parnes and

Kohen, 1973). Access to accurate and complete labor market information

is important for both the individual worker and for the smooth functioning

of the labor market (Mangum, 1971; Walther, 1976).

Lack of access to such information is directly related to the lack

of job development and placement services available to youth. Until

45
35

recently, schools were not expected to be responsible for job placement. Today, although there are no data available on the scope of

placement services in the public secondary schools (AIR, 1973), it

has been documented that the number of school-sponsored job placement

programs for students has been increasing rapidly, particularly within

the last five years (DHEW, 1976b). This may be in response to recent

legislation as well as to the demands of youth themselves and to the

calls of recent commissions and panels to expand such services to

youth (Princeton, 1968; White House Conference on Youth, 1971; Brown,

1973; Coleman, 1973; Martin, 1976).

The failure of the Employment Service to reach substantial numbers

of in-school youth may also have contributed to the increase of schoolsponsored placement services. Historically, the Employment Service has

only rarely emphasized student job placement (Wirtz, 1975). The

cooperative school program of the Employment Service - under which ES

counselors came to the schools to test, counsel, and take job applications -- was offered in 1963 in 50% of the public secondary schools with

two-thirds of the total number of graduates. At best, however, the

program was a one-shot deal, which declined from the mid-60's on.

Recent figures indicate that only one out of six teenagers (16-19) looking

for a job contacts the Employment Service - one out of four among those

out of school (DOL, 1975). Data regarding the number of jobs obtained

through the assistance of the Employment Service refer only to youth

under the age of 22, making it impossible to gauge the Service's

effectiveness in serving youth of different ages. In short, there is

46
36

presently no single institution charged with the primary responsibility

for youth job placement and youth development.

This situation likely reflects the lack of coordination of youthserving activities by local institutions, particularly between the

traditionally separate education and employment establishments (Wirtz,

1975). Educators fear the intrusion of business into the education].

arena (Kemble, 1976), often discouraging the more active involvement

of employers in work experience and job placement efforts (Delaney,

1975). Employers, on the other hand, express disappointment in the

graduates of the education institutions, often preferring to conduct

hiring and training programs independent of the schools (Lusterman, 1977).

Recently, however, as more attention is paid to the problem of increasing teenage unemployment, there has been a growing number of

attempts at cooperative community-based efforts to ease the school-towork transition, stimula.4 both by legislative mandate (witness the

Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977) and by local

initiative (such as the community councils in the Work-Education

Consortium).

Guidance and Counseling

Much of the recent literature on guidance and counseling is

concerned with defining the profession's goals and objectives, discussing current and future roles which could most usefully be performed

by counselors, and evaluating, through various surveys, the effective47
37

ness of past and current guidance and counseling strategies. The review of this literature indicates that the guidance needs of youth may

be better served within a broader and more cooperative institutional

framework.

One of the frequent charges cited is that the ratio of counselors

to students is too low. A recent study of 30 large cities revealed

that ratios ranged from 1 counselor to 148 students in San Diego to

1 to 1200 in New York City, with most cities falling between 1 to 300

and 1 to 500 (AED, 1972). Moreover, the presence of a counselor in the

school does not mean that all of his/her time is devoted to counseling

students. According to a 1968 survey of counselors, the "median" time

spent counseling was only 40%, yielding one person year of counseling

for every 1,000 students (Campbell, 1968). Results from another study

indicated that the typical counselor was involved 10% of the time in

record-keeping, 50% in conducting interviews, 8% in administering tests,

2% in handling disciplinary problems, 19% in communicating with teachers,

and 11% in other general activities (Kaufman, 1967). A more recent

study revealed that only 16% of a high school counselor's time was

actually spent on vocational guidance and job placement and referral

(Hilton, 1973). Ginzberg's three-year study of guidance found that a

":suburban high school student, who generally has the greatest access to

guidance services, sees a counselor on the average of two to four times

a year for less than 20 minutes at each session in his six years of

junior and senior high school" (Ginzberg, 1972). The study went on to

48
38

state that most guidance counseling focuses primarily on helping

students make "life adjustments" ane achieve emotional maturity. This

tends to ignore the need of many students for substantive advice on jobs, skill training, community college programs, and additional information with strong vocational input regarding the school-to-work

transition (Campbell, 1968; Ginzberg, 1972; Hoyt et al., 1972). A

related criticism is that counselors are more interested and competent

in guiding youth towards college attendance than towards vocational

training (Rhodes, 1970; Ginzberg, 1971; NACVE, 1972).

Concern is also expressed in the literature regarding the emphasis

on one-to-one counseling -- "it is very seldom that large numbers of

students have real and significant personal contact with the counselors"

(Mahler, 1969). Proponents of this view stress the need for greater

use of group counseling and better occupational information (Hoppock, 1970;

NACVE, 1972). Support for this view is found in a nationwide study of

student career development conducted in 1973. Researchers found that

student-expressed need for help with career planning was in sharp contrast to the amount of help students felt they had received; the study

concluded that "the traditional one-to-one counseling model for

Johnny chose his life's work' is no longer viable" (Prediger, 1973),

Additional studies determined that students rarely seek or obta,n

occupational information from counselors and consult with them iafrequently on career or job decisions (Grasso, 1975); only 19% w" 18,0.%

high school seniors said that a teacher or counselor had had 0 k7:7. deal of influence on post-high school plans (DHEW, 1976c). Anol

study, utilizing Project Talent data, indicated that vocational

49
39

guidance, or the lack of it, had a negative impact on a large percentage of the youth sampled. Some lacked needed career information;

others, who had access to vocational counseling, indicated that they

did not receive appropriate encouragement and guidance. In addition,

a large number did not understand the educational requirements of

various jobs (Russ-Eft, 1976).

The issues cited above are supplemented by concerns regarding: the

credentialing practices of the counseling profession which Often preclude the use of individuals with other than school experience

(Wirtz, 1975); the quality of counselor preparation (Brim, 1969; Rhodes,

1970; Ginzberg, 1971); the burden of administrative duties placed on

counselors (Campbell, 1968; Mahler, 1969; Borow, 1970); and the use of

technology in counseling (Loughary, 1971). The solution to strengthening

the "weakest link in any of the present bridges between the worlds of

education and work" cannot be achieved by professional guidance personnel

working in isolation from the rest of the community (Wirtz, 1975).

Suggestions for improvement include more training of faculty by

counselors (Silberman, 1976); expanding vocational and educational

counseling programs both in schools and in institutions outside the

schools (White House Conference on Youth, 1971); and greater use of

paraprofessionals and volunteers knowledgeable about the world of work

(Sttenland, 1973; Lewis, 1977).

A detailed review of literature since 1968 on practical career

guidance, counseling and placement for the non-college bound student
4

was conducted by AIR in 1973; the researchers reached the conclusion

that:

In general, it appears that women, minority students, and students from poor families need different personal and occupational information and help than they have been receiving. Furthermore, the education-community relationship needs renewed attention and improvement. Media used

in guidance and counseling generally need study to determine

their cost-effectiveness. Counselors need to become more

aware of the world of work and its demands on individuals,

and paraprofessionals need incorporation into the guidance

and counseling framework (AIR, 1973).

51
41

SECTION 3

CHANGES IN SOCIETY

Technological Change, Energy, and Environment

There has been considerable debate, particularly from the mid1950's to the early 70's, on the impact of automation and technological

change and, more recently, on the effect of new policies regarding

energy and environment on employment and unemployment. Not unexpectedly,

there are several schools of thought regarding i.hese issues and their

impact, short-term and long-term, on the economy.

Technological change, according to Haber et al., includes six

areas which affect the number of jots and influence the skills required

by the industrial system: (1) scientific management (time and motion

studies), (2) mergers and consolidations, (3) changes in plant locations,

(4) shifts in product demand, (5) changes in machinery and technology,

and (6) automation. Haber claims that mechanization accounted for the

extensive decline in U.S. agricultural labor and also led to a decline

in employment opportunities for blue-collar workers. While recognizing

the negative short-term impact on displaced workers, Haber goes on to

point out that "population growth, a higher standard of living, insatiable

wants, basic needs, and research and development will all create jobs

for the long-term absorption of these displaced workers." He concludes:

"one would have to be blind to the lessons of recent economic history to

be pessimistic about the long run job outlook" (Haber et al., 1963).

52
42

The Report of the National Commission on Technology, Automation,

and Economic Progress agrees that technological change has been a major

factor in the displacement and temporary unemployment of particular

workers but states that "technological change does not bear major

responsibility for the general level of unemployment" (Technology and

the American Economy, 1966). Fabricant maintains that it is a misconception to assume that increases in productivity or the introduction

of automation are creating a vastly difficult problem. Although a

problem does exist, he argues that those industries in which productivity has risen most rapidly are the industries in which employment

has risen most rapidly and, conversely, that those industries in which

increases in productivity have lagged most are usually those in which

increases in employment have lagged most or in which employment has

actually fallen. In addition, he states that rapid increases in

productivity can mean more jobs via reduced costs, lowered prices, and

increased demands (Fabricant, 1964). Brozen asserts that technological

change has created more jobs than it has destroyed (Brozen, 1968).

The results of a nationwide survey conducted in 1967 indicate "that

the impact of advances in machine technology on employment is largely

indirect" and is limited, percentagewise. The survey findings support

the contention that "aggregate demand is the key to the economy's

ability to absorb technological unemployment " (Mueller et al., 1969).

Others maintain, however, that the impact of technological change

has been profound and that a steady increase in job dislocation can be

predicted, with a substantial part of the national employment succumbing

53
43

to technological advance and with many jobs facing the high likelihood

of technological elimination (Venn, 1970). Supporters of this view

debunk as myth the notion that for every job destroyed by automation,

two new ones are created (Kassalow, 1962; Seligman, 1968). They assert

that unemployment is, in part, caused by the introduction of technological means for economizing the use of labor at a pace which outruns

the discovery of new uses for that labor. Estimates of the number of

workers displaced each year by automation run at about one and a half

million people, who "become difficult to absorb in a labor market

already burdened with unemployment and an increasing number of jobseeking youth" (Venn, 1970).

Concerns are also expressed regarding the relation of increasing

automation to skill and educational requirements; it is feared that

more education and higher skills will be required of workers (Levine,

1965). Several studies addressed this issue and found that: (1) although

the demand for increase in skills may be very real and significant, it

stems only in minor part from the use of automatic machines (Bright,

1966); (2) in a study of five industries, the overall or net change

in the skill requirements of occupations in these industries was

remarkably small, despite the 15 years covered (Horowitz and Hernstadt,

1966); (3) empirical case studies of automation did not reveal any

general tendency toward either the upgrading or the downgrading of job

skill requirements (Simon, 1965); (4) in a study of the impact of

technological change on manpower and skill demand, it was determined

54
44

that "on the average, technological change tends to decrease the skill

demand of the process-related work force in manufacturing and service

industry" at the same time that "the newer technology required a better

educated labor force than the old...though differences were small, and

the general nature of the process had more effect than the technological

change itself" (Crossman and Laner, 1969).

an attempt to resolve the debate, one analysis determined that:

productivity increases tended neither to depress nor to stimulate employment; the skill composition of workers in specific industries were not

affected by changes in productivity; the level of education of workers

bore no relations to changes in productivity per worker; and, most

importantly for youth, there was no direct relation between technological

change and employment opportunities for young and old workers (Jaffe

and Froomkin, 1968).

More recently, the debate has centered on the impact of the energy

problem and pollution control on employment. According to a recent

study, a reduction in the energy growth rate to 2% per year would not

adversely affect the economy. Slower energy growth, accompanied by

more efficient use of energy, would expand the total number of jobs

and improve environmental quality as well (Ford Foundation, 1974).

Another study indicated that energy production could grow at the low

annual rate of 1.5% through the year 2010 without adversely affecting

the economy (Grossman and Daneker, 1977). An analysis conducted for

the Federal Energy Administration examined the prospects of providing

55
45

34,000 private homes with energy efficiency improvements and concluded

that over 7 years, 487,000 jobs would be created, most of which would

he local, low to moderately-skilled, and concentrated in or near urban

areas (FEA, 1976). The Senate Commerce Committee Staff recently

estimated that $1.6 billion in interest subsidies and loan guarantees

for zonservation projects would generate 400,000 jobs (Critical Mass,

197) . Another -tudy maintained that "reducing oil imports by 2 million

barrels a day would generate 500,000 to 800,000 new jobs in the U.S."

(americans for Energy Independence, 1976). Thus, studies seem to

indicate that even if the energy industry sought to emphasize COGservation rather than expansion, a broad range of econnnic benefits

would be generated and a large number of jobs would be created.

In addition, according to a summary of recent studies on pollution

control, the impact of pollution control costs generally does not threaten

the long-run economic viability of any of the industries examined (U.S.

Council on Environment Quality, 1972). Other findings indicate that

many plants which close as a result of environmental laws would have

closed anyway within a period of several years, and a disproportionate

share of closures occur in areas of chronically high unemployment

(Institute of Publir. Administration, 1972).

56
46

Job Requirements and Educational Achievement

There have been many debates about the extent of underemployment,

resulting in a body of literature on the concept of underemployment as

well as ...a the problems of its measurement. There is increasing evidence, however, that more people are acquiring higher levels of formal

training and education than numbers of jobs are being generated to

accommodate them To the extent that this is true, it may mean: a

disjuncture in the transition from school to work; long searches for

jobs not there; lowered sigl-ts in terms of occupational status and

expected pay; and increased dissatisfactions at the work place.

A few studies make the case in rather clearcut fashion. To our

knowledge, the work of Folger and Nam (1964) was the first systematic

study to find that a disjuncture was occurring. Over the last 25 :rears,

the occupational distributions for men show little change (Barton, 1975),

although we know that education has advanced considerably. Between 1950

and 1970, the increase in jobs at the highest skill level moved from

only 7 to 9 percent (Scoville, 1969). When the Dictionary of Occupational

Titles is used to identify the real educational requirements of jobs, the

results show that the average amount of schooling required by 1970'1 jobs

was only 10.5 years, compared with 10.0 years three decades earlier

(Erkaus, 1964; Scoville, 1969). Perhaps the best summation of the

situation is found in Adkins' study which concluded "that if we take the

1940 level of educational attainment in individual occupations and

(roughly) calculate the proportion of the maenumber of male college

57
47

graduates in 1969 that would be needed to meet 1940 educational attainment standards for occupations, we will account for only 45% of the

stock of male college graduates in 1969," which means that 55% of the

increased employment of college graduates was due to raising the education requirements of the same occupation (Adkins, 1974). It is, of

course, widely known that sex stereotyping and discrimination have

required a large proportion of women to take jobs below their educational

achievements and abilities. BLS and the National Planning Association

indicate a continued gap between abilities and opportunities (Wool, 1973).

Recently, the debate has been consideralle as to whether the cure

is less education (Freeman, 1976) or improving the quality of work to

make better use of developed abilities (O'Toole, 1977).

Shaping Attitudes

AGE SEGREGATION: There is increasing evidence that contemporary youth

are more isolated from (i.e. have fewer contacts with) adults than

their predecessors. Perhaps the most exhaustive discussion of the

phenomenon of age segregation was that of Coleman et al. in 1973.

A cursory examination of trends in public education over the last 25

years reveals an increased emphasis on compulsory public schooling

and a concomitant rise in the median number of years of educational

attainment (Wirtz, 1975; Osterman, 1976). This development, according

to Martin, has resulted in a marked decline in the number of

significant contacts between youth and adults. The study notes that

58
48

the introduction of the school as the socializing agent for many

aspects of adolescent development has resulted in "a decoupling of

the generations" and has in effect facilitated the evolution of a youth peer culture (Martin, 1976).

Another study which uses attitude changes and increased incidences

of drug usage, suicide,and overt anti-social conduct as quantitative

measures of alienation finds that "for perhaps twenty-five years,

America has witnessed a steady growth of alienation among adolescents

and youth," and that there is some correlation between youth's feelings

of estrangement and the evolution of what is known as "modern formal

education." The study concludes that modern educational systems con- tribute to social disintegration, for they segregate youth from adults

and from other youth of differing ages, ability levels,and socioeconomic

backgrounds (Wynne, 1976).

As the Martin study notes:

The treatment of adolescents in schools is similar to that

which they receive in the rest of society; in fact, schools

are the primary institutions for the age grouping of youth.

For most of each working day, adolescents are physically

isolated from the rest of the community in structures where

at least half--those under 17--must remain by law. Within

the schools themselves one finds the most comprehensive

age grouping ever developed in society. Although there are

teachers and administrators who re?resent different age

groups, they are engaged in activities fundamentally different from those of students (Martin, 1976).

There has been much debate as to whether the best approach to

this prbblem is an increase in the quantity of youth-adult contacts

(Coleman, 1973; Bronfenbrenner, 1974) or an improvement in the quality

of contacts (Timpane et al., 1976).

59
49

SEX STEREOTYPING: The effects of sex stereotyping on the work orientations of youth have been the subject of increasing research and

discussion in recent years. There is growing evidence that sex

stereotyping is a factor of considerable importance in shaping youth's

attitudes toward work and the work world.

According to the national longitudinal study of the high school

class of 1972, women in general reported a lower orientation toward

work than their male counterparts (DHEW, 1975a). The study goes on

to note that women enrolled in postsecondary educational institutions

tended to gravitate toward the academic fields of education, social

science, and humanities and fine arts, while men appeared to be more

oriented toward the fields of business, social science,and natural

science (DHEW, 1975b).

Another'study on the work orientations of college students clearly

shows that women differ from men in their occupational expectations and

in their emphasis upon certain salient characteristics of work and

the work environment (Gottlieb, et al., 1974). The literature on

adolescent development also suggests that sex stereotyping has considerable influence on occupational expectations and work orientations

of youth. A recent Institute for Social Research publication reports

that females tend to underplan their future occupational and educational

goals in terms of their academic ability compared to males. For example,

girls who anticipate working in the lowest status occupations earn a

higher grade average than do boys who anticipate working in medium status

occupations ("Teenaged Boys and Girls", 1977). Another report concludes

Eo
50

that "the early socialization of young people into occupational roles

is unduly limited by sex, ethnicity and social class, and schools contribute to this problem." It further notes that girls more often

than boys attribute academic failure to a pervasive feeling of innate

inferiority rather than to a lack of work and discipline (Stern, 1977).

Although time limitations have precluded the synthesis of the majority

of information on sex stereotyping and its relation to the work

attitudes of youth, the evidence seems to be conclusive that sex

stereotyping greatly influences the attitudes of youth toward the

world of work.

DECLINE OF CONFIDENCE: Public confidence in our major institutions

is a crucial factor that must be addressed in the formulation of policy

and in the development of programs designed to ease the transition

from school to work; without trust in those major institutions serving

the public's need, an education-work policy will .ck both impetus and

efficacy. The Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal contributed to

declining public confidence in major societal institutions, apd there

is increasing evidence that both youth and adults 'ave grown more

skeptical of these institutions.

A 1974 survey study of the political views of nor-college vs. college youth reveals that college youth are markedly more critical

of major American institutions than their non-college counterparts.

The study goes on to show that both college and non-college youth are

more skeptical of big business and the country's two major political

61
51

parties than comparable members of the youth cohort in 1969

(Yankelovich, 1974). Another longitudinal survey of students at

Cornell University conducted over a period of 14 years shows "a

declining interest in business as a career preference" (Maher, 1971).

A longitudinal study of 10th grade males revealed that, like

their elders, "these young men shared an increasing impatience with

government" (Bachman, 1971). As for minority youth, it is widely

recognized that they are even more cynical and skeptical of government and the other major American institutions than their white

counterparts (Yankelovich, 1974). When it comes to political party

affiliations, youth (both college and non-college) seem to lean

more toward the Democratic Party.

What is true of youth, moreover, seems to be mirrored in the

views of many adults, although the disaffection of adults is not quite

as acute. According to two studies of attitudes toward public education,

the most pressing problem facing public educational institutions, from

the adult point of view,.is lack of discipline (Elam, 1973). Another

study of the public's attitudes toward government concludes that, in

the past few years, there has been a sharp decline in "voter confidence

and trust in almost all national institutions." Public attitude surveys

also show that 6 out of 10 Americans believe that "something is morally

wrong in the country" (Yankelovich, 1976). According to a study of

Americans' perceptions of life quality, adults have mixed feelings about

the standards and values of today's society, particularly as evidenced
52

by protests, lifestylcs,and generational ,atinicr.z.:

The general mood of adults toward the couut::: s lefL,:.:u(1 in the

following statement:

We have lost our shared moral vision of what America

stands for beyond "chasing the buck" and the pursuit

of individual satisfaction. We no longer have proper

regard for the needs of the community, the country,

the rest of the world and future generations

( Yankelovich, 1976).

DIFFERING GENERATIONAL ATTITUDES TOWARD FULFILLMENT AND GRATIFICATION:

The decade of the 60's was a period of enormous social and political

turmoil, catalyzed in large part by the country's youth and characterized

by their questioning of traditional values and norms. These events

have led many to believe that contemporary youth have renounced the

basic tenets of the work ethic. However, a survey of the relevant

literature indicates that work is still central to the lives of our

youth and that there appears to be emerging a "new" work ethic

characterized by greater demands that work provide personal satisfaction

and social benefit.

The studies conducted by Yankelovich between 1969-1973 are

among the best known research on youth and their attitudes toward work.

His studies, which contrast the work attitudes of four basic subgroups

(college, non-college, 'women and minority youth), reveal that all of

the subgroups place considerable importance upon work (Yankelovich, 1974).

The findings of the national longitudinal survey of the class of 1972

indicate that the work orientations of this sample of high school students
53

were still strong despite a net decrease relative to other psychological

variables. Minorities (as defined, blacks and hispanics) were even

vare work oriented than whites, and white males were more oriented

toward work than their female counterparts (DHEW, 1975a). Another

etudy which contrasted the work orientations of the sons of welfare

and non-welfare families clearly demonstrated that both groups of

sons had very strong orientations toward work, that "welfare and nonwelfare sons are more similar than dissimilar in their orientations"

(Goodwin, 1972). A recent study conducted by the University of

Minnesota's Center for Youth Development and Research found that the

majority of high school students in the state "echo adult ideas about

employment and jobs." Of particular interest is the fact that those

young people polled "appeared relatively unaware of social factors

influencing occupational success--such as social class, parents'

education and occupation, and the nature of the occupational structure"

("Young People Hold Traditional Views," 1977). Gottlieb summarizes his

conclusions regarding the work orientations of college youth as follows:

There appears to be an emerging work ethic which

places a much greater demand upon work. The expectation is that work can and should be of greater

significance to the individual and of greater value

to the society. The higher and different expectations for the content and form of work probably

signal a change in the expected fit between work

and other life activities...Again, work is not considered to be a means to an end, but rather as a

potential source for embracing self-sufficiency and

family relationships (Gottlieb et al., 1974).

To say that work remains a central value in the lives of youth

is not to say that what youth expect from work has remained the same.

64
54

Indeed, there is some evidence that youth's expectations of work are

in a relative state of flux. A work ethic may be emerging among youth

which places less emphasis upon the extrinsic benefits traditionally

associated with work (such as money, security, etc.) c.lid places more

emphasis upon the intrinsic values of work. No one i. sue,gesting

that the sole motivation for contemporary youth to work is altruism,

for in many respects they reflect the views and economic aspirations

of their parents. It is true, however, that our society affords our youth much more time to engage in creative, personally satisfying

endeavors, and a great number of them desire to bring all of their

talents to the workplace. In sum, youth appear to be seeking fundamental changes in work and the workplace--changes which will allow

them to bring their vitality and creativity into the work world. The

feasibility of this for many groups of youth is questionable and could

possibly have some serious ramifications. Yet, the fact remains that

youth desire more from their work and the wcrkplace than the incentives

of money and status.

The "intrinsic benefits of work" are cited by several authors

as being extremely high on the list of work expectation priorities

among many college youth (Maher, 1971; Gottlieb, 1973; Yankelovich,

1974). College women in particular seem to place considerably more

emphasis upon career and self-realization than their non-college

counterparts (Yankelovich, 1974). Ps one study clearly points out,

however, the work expectations of college youth are more in keeping

with their occupational opportunities; the "fit" between expectations

65
55

and opportunities for college youth appears to be a much better one.

On the other hand, those non-college youth who have expectations

similar to their college counterparts (amounting to roughly 42% of

the non-college majority) may find it extremely difficult to bring

their creative energies to occupations with little or no room for

such talents (Yankelovich, 1974).

PEER PRESSURE: The effects of the peer group on the value orientations

of youth have been the subject of many studies in recent years. Although the studies differ in methodological approaches and, particularly,

in the age sub-groups being examined, the evidence seems to support the

hypothesis that there is a correlation between peer group influence and

the work orientation of youth.

Peer influence is cited by many iuthors as being an important

factor in the shaping of values among younger adolescents, although

the literature does not clarify what these values are (Conger, 1971;

Coleman, 1973; Martin, 1976; Timpane et al., 1976). In general, the

peer group appears to play considerably more of a role in the socialization of adolescents who are the products of extreme or negligent

parenting styles (Conger, 1971; Lipsitz, 1977). Although most studies

concede that the shift away from the family to the peer group is, in

fact, a natural occurrence in the adolescent drive for autonomy

(Conger, 1971; Lipsitz, 1977),there is very little evidence that peer

influence is in any way monolithic in value formation during late

adolescence and, moreov4 , no evidence to support the belief that the

eG
56

influence is deleterious. A study of the employment-related

problems of black female teenagers in New York City revealed that peer

group influence operated in a "strong and positive" way, counteracting

some of the negative influences of the home and the community (Wallace,

1974). Another study of the adolescent experience demonstrated that

"adolescents who have fewer ties to peers evidence less autonomy."

The study goes on to note that "male adolescents who associate more

intensively with peers and reject their parents more, but identify

more with adults, are better prepared for the adult world. They seem

to use the peer group to dissociate from parents, but not from adulthood" (Timpane et al., 1976).

In many cases, moreover, there is considerable overlap between

parental and peer values (Conger, 1971; Lipsitz, 1977), and quite often

this overlap may serve to reinforce adult values (Conger, 1971).

According to several other studies, peer influence is much more likely

to affect youth in matters of taste, fashion, and language, than in

the areas of moral and social values and in understanding of the adult

world (Conger, 1971; Timpane et al., 1976). Other research reveals

that youth usually differentiate between parents and peers in terms of

specific needs fulfillment (Lipsitz, 1977).

What seems to emerge from this brief discussion of the peer group

and its effect(s) on the value orientations of youth is that very

little is actually known about its complex workings. In some cases

it may reinforce parental values,while in others, it may act as the

source of completely new values.

6"
57

SECTION 4

UPDATE: YOUTH LABOR MARKET THEORY AND RESEARCH

Policy research and applied research generally must start out by

looking for what seems to be wrong and needs fixing. Policy research

and policy making also must be informed by more basic research -- research conducted largely by academics in development of the most general

theories possible, the development of hypotheses from those theories,

and the collection of empirical evidence to test those hypotheses.

There is, however, considerable disagreement about how best to proceed

with research in order to have the most social benefit. It is argued

by some that basic research is the only sound approach, and it is argued

by others that federal agencies charged primarily with policy responsibilities should not be supporting basic research at all.

This dilemma was thoroughly debated in the Brookings Dedication

Lectures for 1961: "Research for Public Policy". The view underlying

this report is that of Pendleton Herring who pointed out in these lectures that research is stimulated by both the urgent need to solve practical problems and the curiosity that leads the researcher t' take the

steps that theory and method indicate are most probably significant

(Herring, 1961). But the view of Morton Grodzins would not be uncommon:

that the problem is to recruit people with high intellectual ability,

train them well, and then "let (them) be. Let them choose their own

routes to significance" (Grodzins, 1961).
58

In any event, a very large share of systematic knowledge does result from the work of those researchers who have chosen their own routes

to significance. Unfortunately, their work is too seldom brought together in a synthesis - perhaps because this is not an easy task and

not well-rewarded. Researchers most often receive recognition for

adding to knowledge, not synthesizing it.

An example of the kind of synthesis that is necessary for both

policy and research planning is Herbert Parnes' book, Research on Labor

Mobility: An Appraisal of Research. Findings in the United States, published in 1954, under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council.

Edward Kalachek's The Youth Labor Market, published in 1969, represents

a similar attempt at synthesis and is relevant to the topic of this

report. However, since 1969, more research has been conducted on the

youth labor market than was conducted in the prior two decades. Yet

that research has not been brought together.

A complete synthesis of recent labor market theory and research is

beyond the scope of this project. However, we considered the task too

important to ignore completely and have attempted here an incomplete

and selective synthesis.

69
Youth Labor Market Theories

Youth seek their jobs and employers seek youthful employees in a

market that includes both youth and adults. The degree to which youth

and adults are in continuous markets or in segmented markets becomes a

key matter, almost basic to any generalizable explanations of youth

employment behaviors. But the degree to which youth and adults are

coterminous or separate is.still a matter of considerable contention.

In the following pages, we will briefly outline the major youth labor

market theories. Particular reference will be made to the work of

Peter Doeringer who has described competing theories in contrast with

e own. The Keynesian influence on labor market theory is most strongly

seen in the "Queue" theory, which links youth unemployment primarily

to inadequate total demand in the economy. According to the Queue

theory, employers look upon workers as a heterogeneous mass, with each

worker having a rank based upon both objective factors (how well they

perform a task) and subletive factors (how well employers, fellow

workers, and customers like dealing with them) (Stevenson, 1973).

Workers are chosen by employers according to their relative rank, or at

least where they are perceived to rank, along a schle of these factors.

In this view, youth are located at the end of the hiring queue,

and thus they are lent hired, first fired. Unemployment in the

Keynesian system is defined as demand deficient unemployment, for in a

system of a continuous rank order,

'0

with youth being of lower rank, the
60

only way they will be reached is to expand the total number of jobs.

The jobs are to be created through government policy which stimulates

expansion. If expansion is insufficient and fails to keep pace with an

increasingly productive labor force, unemployment rises -- and fewer of

the people at the tail end of the queue are employed (Doeringer, 1975).

Labor market theories based on the "human capital" approach view

unemployment as linked to the determinants of earnings. Unemployment

like income, is affected by differences in ability, levels of training,

education, and work experience. Education and work experience are investment decisions of time and money. In the human capital model,

youth are unemployed because their abilities, skills, and productive

capacities are insufficient to make it worthwhile for employers to hire

them at the prevailing market wage (Doeringer, 1975). This theory is

implicit in much of the debate on the minimum wage and its effect on

youth unemployment (to be discussed in the following sections). While

the Queue theory recognizes differences in ability, its 'iphasis would

be more on enlarging demand than on changing abilities.

The "job search" theory grows out of Charleb Holt's and the Urban

Institute's concern with the tradeoff between unemployment and the

rates of change in wages. People who begin looking for employment

lack information about the labor market and have higher pay expectations at the outset of their search than they do during the course of

their search. The "job search" theory postulates that the wage adjustment process continues over the duration of the search for work until

the marginal benefit in expected improved wages and working conditions
63.

equals the marginal cost of further search; the seare,r La-n accepts

the best job offer encountered (Fischer, 1973a). This ..hcnry seeks to

explain the duration of job search and the effect of the search on

youth's reservation wage. Barron finds that the average duration of

unemployment is inversely related to the number of vacancies, but

directly related to the probability of accepting a wage offer (Barron,

1975). Gronau and McCall each show that unemployed job hunters reduce

their minimum asking wage over the unemployment duration, but find

different reasons for doing so; Gronau thinks that the reduction is

linked to anticipated reduction in future job duration and income as the

search continues, while McCall attributes the decline in the minimum

asking wage to new information acquired through the job search process.

On the other hand, Mortensen finds no change in the minimum asking wage

over the unemployment duration (Barnes, 1975).

Another theory which describes the youth experience is the "dual

labor market" theory. This theory assumes two independent labor markets.

The primary labor market is the internal labor market for adult white

males. They are able to obtain jobs at a few points of entry. Once

hired, these workers are sheltered from competitive pressures and gain

Secure employment with steady promotions. Because of discrimination

and other structural barriers, most non-whites, women, and teenagers

are relegated to the secondary labor market where. jobs are frequently

dull, unsatisfying, low paying, and have little job security, poor

working conditions, little chance for pt.-lotion, and capricious supervision. There are frequent spells of unemployment, and high unemploy72
62

ment rates are explained by high turnover rates. Undesirable jobs are always available, so unemployment is voluntary (Fischer, 1973a).

Osterman, a proponent of the dual labor market theory, criticizes

the human capital approach: "the human capital model holds up very well

for upper tier workers, but has little explanatory power for workers in

the secondary labor market" (Osterman, 1975b). In the secondary labor

market, earnings depend only on the amount of time worked. Experience

does not contribute significantly to earnings, nor does education.

"The problem of youth unemployment is rooted less in individual behavior

than in the character of institutions and the social patterns that derive

from them," states Peter Doeringer, in defense of the dual labor market

view (Doeringer, 1975).

On the basis of considerable empirical study, Freedman has developed the concept of "work establishment." She has tracked this process and concludes that establishment is not complete until "the ages

of 25 and 35, and the differentials that exist among workers in that

age group are likely to last a lifetime" (Freedman, 1969). Using

1970 census data, Freedman, in another study, found that "the typically

brief job tenure of young workers reflects the interaction between

the sectors where they are concentrated and their own job-shopping

tendencies" (Freedman, 1976).

These are the theories in contention. The extent to which any one of them achieves validation, or the extent to which it is determined

what mixture among them accounts for observed labor market outcomes,

will greatly affect the choices public policy has to make.

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63

Determinants of Youth Participation in the Labor Force

The identification of the factors which influence the supply of

youth labor is essential to the understanding of the dynamics of the

youth labor market. Economists generally view decisions to supply

labor as a matter of the optimal allocation of time to maximize an

individual's lifetime preferences between work (or looking for work)

and leisure. Youth's particular reasons for working are based on their

own set of motivational forces, the strength of which can vary significantly among youth and have differential effects on their decisions

to work. If the youth is a secondary income earner, his/her income

may be needed for financial support. The amount of youth labor supplied,

in this case, is a "function of the youth's wage, the wages o!". other

family members, and family income as well as prevailing emplu:;1,,,,,!.

conditions and the employment status of other family metit:9" (Le).an,

1970). The several factors affecting supply, which have teen 64,.1

with in recent research, are discussed below.

FAMILY INCOME: One study of 18 and 19 year old males has explored

the relationship between family income and the ley+A of their employment, as well as favorableness of,the occupational distribution of those

=plc, 4. While it was predicted that the higher the family income,

the less would be the need for teenagers to work, the results were that

fami.4 income ha') no i-pfr.t. 7t was found, however, that the higher

the family income, the better the tpenager did in terms of the occups,-

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64

tion attained, and that "higher family inzomes...were associated very

strongly with improved occupation positions for Black yours" (Stevenson,

1973).

FAMILY BACKGROUND AND LIVING STANDARD: Family barA;round and

living standard are supply determinants. Herbert Parass' Career

Thresholds Study, based on a survey of 5000 youth, firds that older,

better educated individuals from more prosperous fmiLles know more about the labor market, have higher educational and occupational ac,ctations, obtain more education, experience less unemlloyment, end get

better jobs with higher pay. Ornstein, Sewell and HauNer, ar-1 Blau

and Duncan report similar findings -- the respondent's ,,:lacaLlon and

father's education have only an indirect effect, which is t7ansmitted

through two other variables. Parnes also finds that oceunational aspirations of blacks are greater than those of whites, uhrIn parental occu- pations and curriculum are separately held corsnxt. Thus, for black

and white youth with parents of the same occuT?t!.onal status, black

youth have higher occupational aspirations than white youth (Ornstein,

1976). Phyllis Wallace (1972) finds that both positive and negative

work experiences of parents strongly affect the work attitudes of

teenage children.

PROCESS OF JOb HUNTING: Thin actuni process of job hunting affects

the supply decision. The literature pre6ents two views on how youth

find jobs -- tae life cycle approach and job search behavior approach.

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65

Osterman's life cycle approach (developed from Kalachek's regressions

which show that as young people age, their unemployment rates become

increasingly more dependent on the rate and less predetermined)

concerns the process of aging, i.e os yn,th age, they move through

the labor market and take jobs with different kinds of firms at

different ages. The labor market operates as a teaching and channeling

mechanism. Three major stages in labor market behavior of youth an be identified. The moratorium stage is characterized by young people

who are occasionally in the labor market, but for most of whom work is

not a primary concern. This covers 16-19 year olds who hold part-time

after - school jobs, summer jobs, or temporary jobs for extra money or

additional support. The jobs are in the secondary labor market as

described by dual labor market theory.

The exploration stage covers ages 20-24. Now the young person

actively explores the labor market. Jobs are "bridge jobs" in that

they provide training, occupational information, and work habits. They

are often in small businesses, because youth are less dependent on a

steady income, will accept lower pay, and desire training. Exploration

encompasses both job search and the sampling process.

At the end of exploration, the individual discovers what he /the

likes to do and secures a job through a reciprocal arrangement between

the smaller and larger (primary job's) firm. This is the third stage

of settling in, which occurs at about age twenty-five. Statistics reveal that unemployment rates decline rapidly at this age. "Peer relations, marriage, and social relations of production play a role" in

'76
66

this youth labor market behavior, observes Osterman (1975a).

According to the "job search behavior" approach, a model of the

behavior of unemployed youth who are conducting job searches can be

devised and tested empirically. In one such effort, Stephenson constructed a model consisting of four simultaneous equations which

examined four endogenous variables: the cost of job search (for such

things as transportation, newspapers, fees to employment agencies, etc);

duration of unemployment; relative reservation wages*; and anticipated

time on the new job (Stephenson, 1976). These factors lead to

differences in search behavior, and Stephenson's hypothesis is that

"differences in search behavior help account for youth unemployment

differences." Despite the admittedly restrictive size and nature of

the study sample, Stephenson concluded that

Differential job search costs between white and

black youth were found in this study. Search

costs were defined as the sum of foregone income,

travel costs, and miscellaneous expenses...Whites

(were) more likely to have quit their last job and

more likely to have a car. Both reasons cause

their weekly search costs to be greater than blacks.

Yet blacks search longer and they have larger total

search costs (Stephenson, 1976).

Search length for white youth averages 4.6 weeks, for black youth,

8.9 weeks, although white youth have search expenditures seven dollars

per week greater than black youth. The Stephenson study also reveals

that black youth rely more heavily on state employment services.

The Department of Labor, however, finds that the proportion of job

seekers using informal connections, i.e., friends and relatives, is

"Reservation wage is optimal in that it is that wage rate which

equates the marginal cost of future search with the expected marginal

benefits of continued search" (Stephenson, 1976).

77
greater among non-whites than whites (Ornstein, 1976).

SCHOOL ENROLLMENT AND RETENTION: The supply of youth labor

depends significantly on the decision to remain in or to leave ,-chool.

In fact, the high rate of entry and exit from the labor market is

frequently a function of returning to school. "Male teenage participation in the market has fallen, reflecting higher school attendance,

which in the long run raises productivity," states Kalachek (Kalachek,

1973). Labor market participation. is an option, but mandatory school

attendance limits youth emelzdyment availability -- it is often difficult to arrange hours or part-time work around a school schedule.

The decision to remain in or leave school is related to the

overall business cycle. Edwalds'examines the response of school enrollment and retention rates to changes in overall business conditions.

Results for sixteen to seventeen year old males (all races) show no

significant relationships between the unemployment rate and school

retention and enrollment rates. Non-white young males are more likely

to remain in school during periods of high unemployment -- they react

to cyclical variations in the economy. Female youth have a strong

negative relationship between unemployment rates and the enrollmentretention rates; when unemployment is high, school retention and enrollment rates are low. Edwards explains this sex difference on the

basis of opportunity cost (foregone earnings). The opportunity cost

of remaining in school for girls varies less over the business cycle

than the opportunity cost for boys. Therefore, during an economic

78
68

downswing (a period of high unemployment), the opportunity cost of

remaining in school for girls will be much higher than for boys, because

girls' opportunity costs decrease at a slower rate. This difference

results, according to Edwards, from the higher home productivity for

girls; girls have three choices, -- school, work, or home, while men

(traditionally) have only two -- school or work (Edwards, 1976).

Education also contributes to the labor supply decision in an indirect way. It provides youth with valuable labor market information

and increases workers' productivity and wages -- education creates

human capital (Kalachek, 1973). Ornstein shows that youth with more

education use indirect employment methods less often than their lesseducated counterparts. Welch studies the returns from schooling and

finds that four additional years of schooling, high school or college,

increase white and black incomes by 40 petk_ent and 30 percent respectively. Maximum returns to both races occur in the 9-12 years of

school interval. The correlation Welch found between the extent of occupational information and years of schooling and hourly wage rate leads

Parnes and Kohen to suggest that "part of the return to additional

education may be a reflection of education's contribution to labor

market skills and know-how as distinguished from purely vocational

skills and know-how" (Parnes and Kohen, 1975).

OTHER FACTORS: Economists acknowledge a variety of other factors

in supply decisions; t,owever, gaps exist in empirical research. This

is perhaps the case because these factors are attitudinal and, there0,9
69

fore, reflect individual tastes and preferences. An example of the

significance of attitudinal factors is "the discouraged worker phenomenon." That undefined set of circumstances which leads to discouraged

young workers who give up the search for work altogether is a reel

concern, because 200,000 white youth and 123,000 black youth fell into

this category in a recent official measure. Although percent_dges are

small with respect to the total youth population, 1974 saw a 4i per6ent

increase in discouraged white workers and a 78 percent increase for

blacks (Wescott, 1976).

Wallace's study of Black Females in Urban Poverty Neighborhoods

(1972) provides insight into the discouraged worker phenomenon. Young

black women see themselves as the least preferred, the marginal of

the marginals. How this perception is translated into non-participction by an individual is unclear, however.

Another factor in the youth supply decision is the availability

of transportation. Because youth are "transit dependent," they are

limited in their job search to areas well served by public transportation. The problem of youth mobility is greatest in rural and

poverty districts. Due to the movement of industry to areas outside

the central city, transportation is not always available, so that jobs,

if they do exist, are inaccessible (Falcocchio, 1974). Central city

employment has declined in every sector except selected services

(Mooney, 1969). A more recent study, however, comes to the more hopeful conclusion that "during periods of strong national aggregate

demand,` central city job losses are much less severe" (Harrison, 1974).

so
70

Another often cited factor in the youth supply dccision is federal

and stars regulation. It is argued that legal barriers with respect

to age, permitted hours of work, and protective provisions restrict

youth to certain jobs. Jobs for which they do qualify often become

overcrowded (Reubens, 1976). This proposition has been heatedly debated,

and little by way of established fact is available.

Factors Influencing the Demand for Youth Labor

This section summarizes research on the demand side of the

employment of youth.

AGGREGATE ECONOMY: A determining factor in the demand for youth

labor is the state of the aggregate economy. Perrella states, "in

general, business conditions have been the most important factor in

the employment and unemployment of young people" (Perrella, 1971).

Spring asserts that "there is no wa'i in which training and community

organization can substitute for job availability" (Spring, 1976).

Dual labor market economists view the overall economy as a

catalyst in the adolescent transition to stable life. If the labor

market is slack, people cannot find stable jobs, so the teenage group

continues its adolescent behavior (Doeringer, 1975).

The youth labor market is sensitive to the cyclical variations of

the economy, As employment expands, the youth labor market expands

(Lerman, 1970). Osterman reach,..s similar conclusions, but his study

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71

includes two age groups. He finds that when the economy is slack, 18-19

year olds gain relative to 22-24 year olds, but when the economy is

strong, the reverse occurs. This is because the unemployment rate

of the older group is more sensitive to the cycle than the younger group.

"Thus, in a slack economy, the unemployment rate of the older group

rises relatively more than that of the younger group and in an upswing it falls relatively more" (Osterman, 1975a).

In economic downturns, Bednarzik's regression analysis showed a

strong potitive relationship between the level of part-time employment

(which youth engage in heavily) and the unemployment rate. The magnitude of cyclical effects are greater in the downswing than in the

recovery period -- employers reduce workers' hours more readily than

they reestablish their hours (Bednarzik, 1975).

The degree of cyclical sensitivity of the youth labor market

raises important policy questions. Godwin cites Lerman and Marshall:

...exclusive reliance upon monetary and fiscal

policies to achieve full employment is self-defeating mainly because these strategies have the

effect of generating inflationary pressures in the

labor market for highly skilled workers long before

they can reduce unemployment in the markets for the

unskilled and semi-skilled where most young workers,

racial minorities and other disadvantaged workers

are concentrated. Therefore, both are convinced

that full employment without inflation is possible

if monetary and fiscal policies are supplemented with

a wide variety of selective employment and training

measures to eliminate specific structural barriers

in specific labor markets and to create public jobs

for workers who do not have adequate employment

.opportunities (Godwin, 1976).

Mooney also finds that federal fiscal and monetary policies have a

disproportionate effect on central city employment for blacks. During

82
periods of high unempLoyment, .inderutilization factors are likely to

have an effect on the distr:tbution of employment. Firms tend to remove

their least productive firms from production first, and less efficient

plants are often located in inner cities. Thus, black youth lose employment opportunities in the central cities (Mooney, 1969).

AREA OF RESIDENCE: Area of residence is related to the demand

for youth labor. ,Employment opportunities and unemployment rates

vary throughout the four major regions of the country, reflecting

different populations and industrial bases. The North Central and

North East areas are more sensitiN,e to economic downturns, because of

their dependence on manufacturing. The decline in Western employment

opportunities is the result of cutbacks in aerospace and defense re- lated production. Southern regions are characterized by light manufacturing and service jobs and consequently have experienced smaller

declines in employment opportunities (Gellner, 1974).

Occupations of teenagers appear to be more related to area of

residence than to race, according to one study. Traditional youth

jobs are more available in suburban and non-metropolitan areas (Wescott,

1976). The concentration of youth, especially blacks, in central

city residences causes a geographic separation from growing employment

opportunities in the suburbs and metropolitan rings. Noll states,

however, that "all findings indicate that jobs, particularly for the

less skilled, are easier to find in the central city", so there is

some debate over this point (Kain, 1974).

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73

EDUCATION AND EXPERIENCE: Education and experience play a large

role in the demand for youth labor. Education is thought to be a

factor in the employer's hiring decision, because it creates human

capital and develops the ability to learn quickly and to adjust to new

experiences and environments (Kalachek, 1973). In fact, out-of-school

unemployment rates are closely related to the years of schooling

completed (Hedges, 1976). Ornstein asserts that the most important

characteristic of a person who enters the labor force is his/her level

of educational attainment. He finds, however, that for whites, a

greater level of education secures a better job, while for blacks, a greater level of experience makes the difference (Ornstein, 1976).

Stevenson's regression analysis shows that more schooling for the total

popeiation raised the employment share for black youth and the occu- pational share for both white and black youth. But for black youth

alone, an increase in schooling had no effect on their level of

employment and had a negative effect on occupational shares in managers,

operatives, laborers, sales, and crafts (Stevenson, 1973).

High unemployment rates for minority youth led Young to

explore unemployment among Snanish-speaking youth. She found that

their school dropout rate was more than double that for whites. She

attributed this to language barriers, financial needs of their families,

and limited/inferior education in their native countries. If level

of education is a factor in employers' hiring decisions, the high

dropout rate among Spanish-speaking youth could explain their high

unemployment rate (Young, 1973). Before the Joint Economic Committee

84
74

in 1976, Anderson reported that employers' labor demand is changing in

favor of greater skill and education. Dual labor market economists'

find little value in educational attainment and experience for youth

because they are assigned to the secondary labor market despite their

education or experience (Doeringer, 1975; Osterman, 1975b).

SEX, RACE, AND AGE DISCRIMINATION: How do sex, race, and age of

youth affect. employers' hiring decisions? Researchers agree that

sex discrimination is exhibited toward young women, especially young

black women (Wallace, 1972). When age and race are controlled, sex

has an important effect on the jobs in which youth are employed (Wescott,

1976). Because of the type of work performed, hourly wage rates are

greater for young men than for young women (Perrella, 1971).

Age also functions within the demand for youth labor. Osterman's

entire study is based on the statistic which reveals a dramatic decline

in unemployment rates at age twenty-five. Stuaies indicate that hourly

rates of pay increase with age (Perrella, 1971, and the promotions are

explained by age and seniority (Osterman, 19750.

According to one study, racial discrimination acts more as an

impediment to finding a job in the first place (Welch, 1973). The

effect of racial discrimination on employment opportunities is examined

by many economists through the evaluation of housing segregation.

Mooney and Kain see geographic constraints on residential choices of

blacks as a factor which limits their employment opportunities (Mooney,

1969; Kain, 1974). Masters and Harrison find that housing segregation

85
75

has no effect an black earnings levels. Harrison finds that white

earnings are highest in the suburbs, second highest in the central city

non-poverty areas, and lowest in central city poverty areas, while

black male earnings are greater in central city non-poverty areas

than in the suburbs (Harrison, 1974; Masters, 1974).

MINIMUM WAGE: The effect of minimum wage legislation on the

demand for youth labor and unemployment has become an unresolvable

debate. raditionally, minimum wage legislation is assumed by most

economists to reduce employment in covered labor markets when

legislated wages increase. The academic debate can be illustrated

by two studies. King calculates that a small increase in the minimum

wage will improve the welfare of youth. Katz, on the other hand,

finds a higher elasticity of demand; therefore, an increase in the

minimum vage reduces youth's welfare (King, 1S14). Others suggest

that fair employment legislation and minimum wage legislation have no

effect on the employment situation (4tevenson, 1973). This type of

controversy characterizes minimum wave literature. Authors and researchers on this subject include Lovell, Fischer, Katz, Brozen, Adie

and Chapin, Kosters and Welch, Thurow, Sully, Barth, Easley and Ferns,

Burns, Hashimato, and Mincer and Gavett. (Fischer's article,

"Minimum Wage and Teenage Unemployment," provides an excellent synthesis

of the literature.)

Other types of studies concerning minimum wage legislation find

that youth suffer greater emplo.ment problems in low wage areas than

4111116 86
76

in high wage areas, since the national minimum wage prevents youth

wages relative to adult wages from dropping as much in low as in high

SMSA's (Lerman, 1970). Other researchers direct their attention to the

effects of suspending minimum wage legislation. Doeringer asserts

that suspension of minimum wages to help youth might man t..!!e

supplanting of adult women and minorities in secondary sector emliAoyment opportunities (Doeringer, 1975).

There is considerably more economic researcIl w,!lable than is

covered in this section. These few pages, it is tw.7ed, will illustrate

the value of careful and thorough integration and &.,s1thegis of the

whole of youth labor market research.
PART 11

EVALUATIONS OF EXISTING PROGRAV.S:

A SYNTHESIS

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SECTION 1

OCCUPATIONAL EDUCATION

AND

LEARNING THROUGH EXPERIENCE

Career Education

The Office of Education defines career education as "the totality

of experiences through which one learns about and prepares to engage

in work as part of her or his way of living" (An Introduction to Career

Education, 1975). The "career education movement" for educational reform was formally initiated in 1971 by former U.L. Commissioner of

Education, Sidney Marland, in response to the widespread perception of

a serious mismatch between educ_:ional preparation and work requirements.

Following several years of administrative initiatives undertaken

by the Office of Education, Congress in 1974 appropriated $10 million

for development and implementation of the career education concept.

The objectives of Congress in allocating these funds were the following:

(1) by the time every child has completed secondary school,

he should be prepared for gcinful or maximum employment

and full participation in society according to his or her

ability, (2) local educational agencies have ar. obligation

to provide such preparation for all students, and (3) each

state and local agency should offer programs of career

education which provide a wide variety of optioAs designed

to prepare each child for maximum employment and participation (Annual Evaluation Report on Programs Administer-A

by the U.S. Office of Education, 1975).

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The activities mandated to achieve these objectives were:

1. Develop information on needs for career education.

2. Promote a national dialogue which will encourage state

and local agencies to determine and adopt the best career education approach for children they serve.

3. Assess the status of career education programs stici practices, including a reassessment of stereotyping of

career opportunities by race or sex.

4. Provide for demonstration of the best current career education programs and practices by developing and

testing exemplary programs and practices based on varying

theories.

5. Provide training and retraining of persons to conduct

career education programs.

6. Develop state and local plans for implementing career

education programs.

At the present time,evaluation studies on the implementation and effectiveness of the career education concept-are sparse; there is as yet no body of

quantitative or qualitative data on the impact of career education programs

throughout the country. However, scholars and observers appear to agree

that career education is having a generally salutary effect on the educational clima:e. Ellis (in A Report to the Nation on Vocational Education, 1975)

states that

The introduction of the career education concept,

which emphasizes the necessity for both vocational and

academic instruction, has apparently had a positive effect

on vocational education. Leaders promoting the introduc.7..lon

of career education in the schools have generated swpore

for the notion that all persons need to know about the

world of work and that all persons should have some kind

of saleable skill.

The long-held misconception that vocational education attracts less

academically able students has been somewhat dispelled. A recent national

survey (1975) on the status of career education undertaken for the National
80

Advisory Council on Career Education concludes that:

Throughout the country, the words "career education"

were being heard ever more frequently, and the USOE

guidelines were receiving much discussion and were having

an impact in many localities. In the one-quarter of

responding districts in which career education efforts

were described as based on those guidelines, the level

of career education activity was higher than in the

other three-quarters of the districts. In terms of

a pervasive reform of education, career education was

beginning to have a visible impact on schools across

the country in 1974-75. Its acceptance and implementation were still tentative, however, as many school

districts waited to see whether "it really works"

(McLaughlin, 1976).

In regard to what is actually happening in school programs across

the country, the survey analysis points to limited implementation of the

career education concept.

The majority of local school districts surveyed indicated

that program activities directed specifically toward career

education goals were "limited".

Only 3% were engaged in state development activities that

meet OE guidelines.

20% of teachers had been involved in career education activities.

The most innovative programs are occurring in the earlier

grades; traditional activities predominate at the secondary level

and tend to be carried out by counselors rather than teachers.

Levels of career education activity were higher where representatives of the work world were reported involved.

The most effective activities for students were reported to be

those in which students and work world representatives were brought

together in one way or another (McLaughlin, 1976).

Information on the status of career education efforts at the state

level is provided by the 1975 CEEB State-Level Study in Career Education.

The final report of this analysis focuses on education-to-work linkages,

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81

documents the variety of existing linkages, and proposes new and improved

mechanisms. Four states with a high level of career education activity

(California, Florida, New Jersey, and Ohio) were sAected as survey sites

to investigate the range of existing school-to-work linkages at the

secondary and postsecOndary level.

The investigators found that advisory councils or work experience

programs were the most common linkage mechanisms; additionally, they found

that educational institutions typically focus on efforts

to solicit information about the nature and characteristics of specific occupations through the advisory

council and other more informal mechanisms. In settings

where participation and collaboration on program evaluation and curriculum development occur, students are

more likely to be engaged in work experience for some

period of time (Ferrin and Arbeiter, 1975).

Of particular interest is the authors' finding that "in general, educators

appear to be placing greater emphasis on bringing the processes of education and work closer together and relatively less emphasis on efforts to

align the exit requirements of one'system with the entry requirements of

the other"(Ferrin and Arbeiter, 1975).

A significant number of innovative career education programs at the

local level have been funded through Part D of the Vocational Education

Act of 1963. These projects serve as democstration sites within each

state and are intended to provide operational examples of career education

activities at the local level.

The first cycle of such projects was initiated in 1971; results of

these efforts were reported in An Evaluation of Vocational Exemplary Projects,

Development Associates, 1975. (No updated reports are currently available.) The

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82

study reports that the program did not achieve its desired impact:

"... the negative findings were attributed to a lack of clearly defined

objectives, definitions, m,aagerial requirements, and procedures at

both the Federal and local levels" (Annual Evaluation Report, OE, 1975).

Based on analyses of student responses, the investigators concluded that

the greatest impact of the program was at the elementary school level.

The primary focus was found to be elementary and secondary familiarization activities. The authors found:

Little work-experience or exchanges of personnel;

Skill-training offered only to non-college bound students;

Little assistance in obtaining employment;

insufficient counseling available to students(Development

Associates, 1975).

The locally based exemplary projects reviewed above have not been the

only pilot programs in career education supported by the Office of Education. During the early 70's, four models of career education were

developed, and demonstration projects to test their effectiveness were

established in sites across the country. These models are the Comprehensive (school-based) Career Education Model; the Experience-Based Career

Education Model: the Home-Community Based Career Education Model; and

the Family - Residential Career Education Model.

The Comprehensive Career Education Model is conceived as a systemwide plan that will show how to modify the present curriculum (K-12) so

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83

that children are exposed to career-related activities throughout the

first twelve years of school. Six sites were selected to develop and test

this model: Los Angeles, California; Hackensack, New Jersey; Atlanta,

Georgia; Jefferson County, Colorado; Pontiac, Michigan; and Mesa, Arizona.

Evaluations of the projects indicate that participants are enthusiastic

about the program(Brickell, 1973), but no studies are available which

evaluate the model's effectiveness in terms of work experience, employment opportunities, and earnings.

Evaluations of the Home and Family-based Models are in progress

and not available at this time; preliminary studies report, however, that

participants in the programs believe them to be beneficial. A cost

effectiveness analysis of the Family/Residential project of the MountainPlains Education and Economic Development Program, Inc. found thatlabsence

of good program data essentially precluded any reliable estimate of costs

and benefits. (See Stromsdorfer, 1975,)

Experienze-Based Career Education

An important and closely watched innovation in the area of career

education is the EBCE model. The purpose of this program is to integrate

experience and knowledge about the world of ork with a strong academic

education.
84

Under the auspices of the National Institute of Education, four

regional educational laboratories and cooperating school systems have

developed variants of the experience-based model in Charleston, West

Virginia; San Francisco, California; Portland, Oregon; and Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania.

These programs share a number of key elements which make them significantly different in focus and structure from the traditional vocational

or cooperative education program:

an emphasis on using community sites as the principal

bases for learning experiences;

an integration of the traditional role of teacher and

counselor and a sharing of these roles with other adults

in the community;

an individualized instructional system based upon assessment of student needs, prescription of experience-based

learning activities and synthesis of community experiences;

a basic skills component that focuses on reading,

writing and mathematics as they are used by adults in the

broad community;

a life skills component that allows students to obtain a variety of real experiences in political and civic activities, personal finance and maintenance of personal health;

a career development component that guides each student

through a sequence of career-oriented learning activities

at various levels (exploration, indepth investigations, erc.);and

a system of accountability that fosters students' assumption of responsibility and assures the program's educational integrity (Burt, 1974).

Although most of the evaluative studies of EBCE to date have been designed

to assist in program develdpment and modification, some data on outcomes

are available. The EBCE pilot programs were studied to determine outcomes

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85

in three areas: community support, academic quality, and programmatic

effects. Results of the studies (as reported in Bucknam, "The Impact of

EBCE - An Evaluator's Viewpoint", 1976) are as follows:

COMMUNITY SUPPORT: Three hundred and eight parents of EBCE students

were surveyed about their reactions to the program in which their child

was enrolled. They were asked to:

1) describe changes in their children that they thought were

a result of the program;

2) indicate their opinions of the effectiveness of the program

in teaching effective communication, responsibility, career awareness, and basic academic skills;

3) indicate whether they would want their child to participate in

EBCE, if they had it to do again.

The responses of the parents to all three questions were overwhelmingly positive. For example, in answer to question 2, it was found that:

- - More than 93% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

either highly (63%) or somewhat (31%) effective in having

students learn to communicate effectively with others.

-- More than 91% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (59%) or somewhat (32%) effective in having students

learn responsibility.

-- More than 95% of tAtz parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (63%) or somewhat (43%) effective in having students

learn about and be more aware of career opportunities.

-- More than 87% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (41%) or somewhat (46%) effective in having students

learn basic academic skills such as reading, writing, and math.

Resource persons in the community associated with the program were also

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85

in three areas: community support, academic quality, and programmatic

effects. Results of the studies (as reported in Bucknam, "The Impact of

EBCE - An Evaluator's Viewpoint", 1976) are as follows:

COMMUNITY SUPPORT: Three hundred and eight parents of EBCE students

were surveyed about their reactions to the program in which their child

was enrolled. They were asked to:

1) describe changes in their children that they thought were

a result of the program;

2) indicate their opinions of the effectiveness of the program

in teaching effective communication, responsibility, career awareness, and basic academic skills;

3) indicate whether they would want their child to participate in

EBCE, if they had it to do again.

The responses of the parents to all three questions were overwhelmingly positive. For example, in answer to question 2, it was found that:

-- More than 93% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

either highly (63%) or somewhat (31%) effective in having

students learn to communicate effectively with others.

More than 91% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (59%) or somewhat (32%) effective in having students

learn responsibility.

-- More than 95% of th.z parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (63%) or somewhat (43%) effective in having students

learn about and be more aware of career opportunities.

-- More than 87% of the parents thought the EBCE program was

highly (41%) or somewhat (46%) effective in having students

learn basic academic skills such as reading, writing, and math.

Resource persons in the community associated with the program were also

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86

questioned about their responses to the EBCE program. Again, a majority

of the respondents indicated positive reactions to tLa program and a desire to continue working with it.

ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT: Evaluation results show that the students were

not academically hurt by participation in the program. In testing the

hypothesis that there would be no significant difference on three sub-tests

of the CTBS for experiential and control students, findings were that of 12

possible comparisons, 10 were not significantly different and 2 were significantly different in favor of the control groups.

PROGRAMMATIC OUTCOMES: These are most diverse, since each of the four

programs used measures of most relevance to its particular program.

For those instruments that were used at more than one program, it was

found that:

1) the experimental group scored significantly higher than the

control group on oral communication skills and career planning attitudes;

2) student attitudes toward the school environment improved

significantly over controls since involvement in the program

(as measured by the assessment of student attitudes);

3) experimental students drop out of school at a rate of 5%

while control students drop out at a rate of 15%.

STATUS OF PROGRAM: NIE is currently testing and examining implementation strategies to make the program available for wider use in communities across the country; in addition, OE is : -.Tutoring EBCE demonstrations under Part D of VEA (Buckram, 1976).

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Vocational Education

The passage of the Vocational Education Act of 1963 represented a

significant reappraisal of vocational education programs in this country

and an attempt to redirect the thrust of such programs toward a broader

conception of vocational education and toward service of a much wider

population of youth and adults. The stated objective of the 1963 legislation was that:

...persons of all ages in all communities of the

State - those in high school, those who have com- pleted or discontinued their formal education and

are preparing to enter the labor market, those

who have already entered the labor market but need

to upgrade their skills or learn new ones, and those

with special educational handicaps - will have

ready access to vocational training or retraining

which is of high quality, which is realistic in

the light of actual or anticipated opportunities

for gainful employment, and which is suited to

their needs, interests, and ability to benefit

from such training(Mangum, May 1968).

To implement this goal, two major changes in vocational education

programs were mandated by the new law: first, that unified programs reuacr

than categorical occupational training should be implemented to better

serve the needs of all people; and second, that vocational training should

be available to all those who could not succeed in regular programs because

of economic, educational, or other handicaps.

Five years after the passage of the Vocational Education Act of 1963,

an evaluation of the impact of the legislation undertaken for the Ford

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88

Foundation (Mangum, 1968) found that little had been accomplished to

meet the objectives of the Act. The study reviewed major evaluations that

had been completed during the five year period under consideration and

noted (as did most of the later evaluations) that lack of adequate reporting and data seriously handicaps efforts to achieve definitive evaluation

of the results of vocational education programs. In summary, Mangum's

study reports the following conclusions:

Retention Rates and Relevance

Vocational education dropout rates are higher than

those of other programs when controlled for ability

and socioeconomic status.

More generalized training appears to increase the

likelihood of students' attaining a training-related

job; specialized training reduces the probability of

training relatedness.

Employment and Earnings

Short-term (up to 6 years) employment and earnings

experience of vocational graduates compares favorably with graduates of academic or general curricula.

Benefits and Costs

The type of high school training in general appears to

make little difference in employment and earnings.

Vocational graduates tend to have an initial advantage which is overcome and surpassed in time by the

more broadly trained academic student. However,

when the lower average ability and relatively unfavorable

socioeconomic backgrounds of the vocational graduates

are considered, they do appear to retain a net advantage from their training. This does not mean that

present vocational education methods are the best

derivable, however. It justifies only the conclusion

that, for those not continuing beyond high school,

preparation for employment is better than no preparation for employment.

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89

The Mangum study includes reviews of a number of innovative programs

undertaken at the local and state levels following the passage of the 1963

legislation. An encouraging number of such projects were working to

implement integrated programs of academic and vocational education that

simultaneously provided personal, social,and career development for the

student. Mangum concludes, however, that:

the public system is not well designed to make the

need for change and adaptation apparent and attractive.

Discontent and, therefore, experimentation and innovation

seem to come primarily from outside the system. The

need to structure the availability of public funds so as

to motivate adoption of available "best practice" adapted

to the needs of particular communities, population groups

and individuals is apparent.

The conclusions cited by Mangum in his 1968 study point to concerns that continued throughout the 1960's about the effectiveness of vocational

education in preparing youth for the world of work. New legislation, in

the form of amendments to the Act of 1963, was passed in 1968 to provide

more funds and clearer direction to vocational education programs. The

broad objectives of the Vocational Education Amendments of 1968 were to:

increase vocational education funding to curb the

influx of underprepared people in the labor market;

reorient home economics to the needs of the disadvantaged

begin preparation for employment at an earlier age, ps,4

cularly for the disadvantaged;

encourage the growth of technical programs at the postsecondary level;

sponsor new and innovative concepts thrc'igh earmarked

funds for exemplary and cooperative programs, residential

schools, curriculum development and teacher training; and
90

encourage long-range planning on the national and state

level, applying leverage for change by mandating

independent national and state advisory councils,

and providing for more aggressive Federal leadership

through a tighter system of state plans (Ellis, 1975).

In the last eight years, numerous studies have been undertaken to determine

both the effects of these major pieces of legislation on the vocational

education system and the success of vocational education programs throughout the country in achieving the goals of the legislation. In the following

pages, we will present the conclusions of the important studies done

during this period with particular emphasis on their findings with regard

to the school-to-work transition.

Policy Issues and Analytical Problems in Evaluating Vocational Education,

National Planning Association, 1972.

Nature of Study

An analysis of current and available information on the

evaluation of vocational education and its policy implications.

Findings

Based on the National Longitudinal Survey data, analysis

indicates that vocational education has a small effect on

earnings vis-a-vis the secondary academic and general curricula.

...For a variety of major socioeconomic subgroups there is

no statistically significant difference (in employment rates)

between vocational students and college preparatory, general and

commercial students....There may be no net employment benefits

to the vocational high school curriculum.

Students in the vocational curriculum are much less likely to

receive some college education than are college preparatory

students.

The gross drop-out rate for vocational education students is

higher than for college preparatory or general curriculum

students.

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The percentage of secondary and postsecondary vocational

graduates unemployed and looking for work is the same for both groups.

75-80% of postsecondary graduates gain training-related work; 50% of high school graduates do.

A much larger proportion of junior college graduates gc on to

further education, often full-time four-year colleges, as compared with those in other postsecondary institutions. Thus, if a high value is also placed on flexibility with regard to career goals and the possibility of continued education for even those who may consider themselves to be in a terminal

vocational program, then higher marks must be given to

vocational education at the junior college level.

The Effectiveness of Public and Proprietary Occupational Training, A Tech- nical Report submitted to the National Institute of Education, Wellford W. Wilms, 1974.

Nature of Study

This is a study of postsecondary students enrolled at almost

1000 commurity colleges ..nd technical schools and in 10,000

proprietary schools across the country. The purpose of the

investigation was to test the effectiveness of public and

proprietary schools by following a large sample of graduates

into the labor market and assessing their success and to see if

there were systematic differences in the public and

proprietary students' backgrounds that could have affected

their employment experience. Data were gathered on a

random sample of 21 public and 29 proprietary schools in 4

large metropolitan areas. (Samples of students and graduates from 6 large and growing occupational programs were selected

to study.) 85% of the graduates of the schools were contacted

and interviewed by the National Opinion Research Center.

Findings

The author's major hypothesis - that after controlling for

differences in backgrounds of graduates, proprietary

graduates would have more labor market success than public

school graduates -- was not confirmed. Additional findings of

interest (based on the survey of graduates) include the following:

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Only two out of ten graduates from both public and

proprietary schools who chose professional or technical-level

training ever got those jobs. The rest became clerks or

took low-paying, unrelated jobs.

Almost eight out of ten public and proprietary graduates

from lower-level clerical or service worker programs got those

jobs but, with the exception of secretaries, barely earned

the federal minimum wage.

Public and proprietary graduates had about the same

occupational success, after controlling for differences in

their backgrounds.

There was no relationship between public schools' characteristics and the success of their graduates.

There were limited associations between proprietary schools'

characteristics and their graduates' later success. Graduates who earned the most generally went to proprietary

schools that were moderately large with higher-paid teachers

who spent fewer hours in class.

Neither kind of school compensated for less-advantaged

students' backgrounds. Women always earned less than men,

andin all but one case, ethnic minorities earned less than

whites in the same jobs.

Wilms concludes, on the basis of these findings, that "post-secondary

occupational education, both public and private, maintains class and income

inequalities rather than overcomes them."

A Report to the Nation on Vocational Education, prepared for Project

Baseline, Dr. Mary Ellis, November 1975.

Nature of Study

The report is an outgrowth of Project Baseline, the first

national study attempting to identify the accomplishments

of vocational education since the passage of the 1968

Amendments. Of the several components of this study, the one

most relevant to our purposes is its analysis of the extent

to which the objectives of the 1968 vocational legislation were

being met during the 1971-1974 period.

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Findings

Quantitative evidence suggests that vocational education

programs have been serving greater numbers of persons during

the 1971-74 period, but there is a dearth of qualitative

evidence indicating the extent to which programs have achieved

specific objectives mandated in the legislation. In regard

to particular "transition" issues, the author reports that

"vocational education has developed greatly improved

relationships with the employment community primarily through

the mechanism of national, state, and local ddvisory bodies."

As regards the adequacy of efforts to provide vocational

education to disadvantaged groups, the study reports that

"educational services to persons with special needs have

not grown to the extent anticipated."

Like Wilms, Ellis concludes on the basis of this extensive survey of

all vocational education programs that "vocational education...has

had no appreciable influence in changing the social structure..."

The Contributions of Vocational Education, Training, and Work Experience to

the Early Career Achievements of Young Men, John T. Grasso, Ohio State

University, July 1975.

Nature of Study

Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Young Men

for 1966-1969, the author has studied high school graduates

who did not attend college to determine whether there are differences in the effectiveness of the several high school

curricula-- either alone or in conjunction with post-school

training programs -- in preparing young men for work.

Findings

Vocational students show no more general knowledge of the work

world than other students.

Analysis of skill level of jobs did not support, the view that

commercial vocational graduates are more able than others to

obtain skilled job.:.

Over 80% of all graduates reported desire for further training;

over 50% received such training; for backs, 90% desire further

training; 40% receive it.

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There is no clear superiority in terms of wages earned for any

curriculum for those who do not attend college.

In terms of career potential, the commercial and college

preparatory students have the most favorable erospects.

The author's conclusion is that "analysis of the relationship between career

preparation of youth and a wide variety of career-relevant performance

criteria fails to support the case that vocational education is superior

preparation for the world of work for those graduates who do not go on to

college."

Work-Stud and Cooperative Education

The federal government supports two major programs of school-based

work experience for secondary and postsecondary youth: the Cooperative

Education Program and Work-Study. The overarching goals of both programs

are similar in that their efforts are directed toward assisting needy youth

te remain in school through the provision of remunerative work opportunities

and toward providing work experience that will better prepare them to

enter the full-time job market following graduation. The programs differ

in the emphasis given these goals.

The primary purpose of the federally-sponsored Work-Study program is

to "assist economically disadvantaged full-time vocational educational

students, ages 15-20, to remain in schools through the provision of parttime employment with public employers" (Annual Evaluation Report on Programs

Administered by the U.S. Office of Education, FY 1975). During FY '75,

approximately 37,000 secondary and 10,000 postsecondary students participated

in Work-Study under Part H, VEA, working typically at clerical and unskilled

blue-collar jobs.

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The major evaluation of work-study currently available (An Assessment

of School-Supervised Work Education Programs by Steven M. Frankel,

System Development Corporation, 1973) reports the following findings:

Dropout prevention (work-study) programs are limited

by their basic objective which is to keep students

in school by providing them with financial assistance.

While many of these programs have additional goals such

as improving disadvantages youngsters' attitudes toward

school and work, practically none of these programs attempt to offer students -elated classwork or intensive

vocational training. Wh-a viewed in terms of their

limited objectives, dropout prevention programs appear

to be successful. It was found that they are more likely

than any other type of program to offer students jobs

paying at least the minimum wage, but they were second

by a slight amount to specific occupational training

programs as most likely to improve students' attitudes

toward school.

Perhaps the most negative finding of the study is the evidence that the

work-study experience,for most students, contributes little to their

understanding of the world of work or offers few opportunities for career

exploration. Seventy-five percent of the secondary work-study students were

located in the lowest category of the job responsib:dity scale.

CO;LEGE WORK-STUDY PROGRAM: In addition to the vocational work-study

program funded under VEA, College Work-Stuffy (funded under Higher Education

Act, 1965, Title IV) provides grants to higher education institutions

"to stimulate and promote the part-time employment of students with great

financial need...who need earnings to finance their courses of study"

(Annual Report, OE, 1975). The program is directed primat?ly toward achieving

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the social goal of equal opportunity and access to higher education for

poor students and is not directly relevant to the school-work transition

issue. However, an important (1973) evaluation of the program does indicate

that the employment opportunities provided under the program may have

positive effects beyond financial assistance for students. The Federal

College Work-Study Program, 1973, reports that:

Generally, financial aid administrators -- together

with employers -- are actively attempting to provide students

with work that goes far beyond the provision of tuition

dollars. Despite chronic insufficiency of funds, despite

the administrative uncertainties and complexities,

some schools are successfully placing students in interesting,

responsible,challenging jobs -- both on- and off-campus --

jobs which link student and professor, which create feelings of worthwhileness, which support community action

programs, which offer students an opportunity for fture

employment(Friedman et al., 1973).

Although these goals have not been adequately realized in many settings,

students. in this program appear to feel that CWS has offered them a chance

to learn useful skills and attitudes in the course of their employment,

in addition to receiving the crucial benefit of financial assistance. In

regard to tEe major objective of the program -- enab1ing needy students

to attend college -- the Federal Work-Study ProgrsA e,,..Lluation concludes

that CWS has been successful in providing such assistance. However, the

United States Office of Education in its 1975 Annual Evaluation_ Report,

indicated some concern that CWS was serving a relatively middle-class

and non-minority population (67.5% of CWS participants were from non-minority

groups; over 17% were dependent undergraduates with family incomes in excess

of $11,999).

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COOPERATIVE EDUCATION: When the first cooperative education program

was introduced at the University of Cincinnati seventy years ago, it was

intended to provide students with an opportunity to alternate academic

studies with relevant work experience in which they would apply what they

had learned in the classroom. This general purpose -- the educational

integration of theory and practice -- is still commonly taken to distinguish

cooperative education programs from work-study. In fact, however, contemporary cooperative education programs often are not easily distinguishable

in purpose and structure from work-study programs. According to a recent

report, "there is no single, universally accepted operational definition

of cooperative education" -- beyond the general concept of "combining

class-room studies and work-experience as par,-. of a post-secondary education

program" (Consad, 1975). This definition unfortunately excludes the

secErAIEE "cooperative work-study" programs in which over 140,000 students

were enrolled in FY 1975. The Office of Education program guidelines at both the secondary and postsecondary level stipulate that

the work experience aspect of the programs must be related to the

instruction received in school. In addition, postsecondary projects

funded under the Higher Education Act of 1972 (P.L. 89-329) must alternate_,

full-time academic study with periods of full-time employment. It is

important to note that studies of cooperative education generally tend to

include but are not limited to programs that meet the criteria of the Office

of Education.

Despite the definitional ambiguities noted above, evaluations of

cooperative education programs report positive results. Summaries of major

studies follow.

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Executive Summary, An Assessment of School-Supervised Work Education

programs, Steven Frankel, Ed. D., System. Development Corporation, 1973.

Nature of Study

Study objectives were to examine 't'P different configurations

of work education programs to dett .mne how well they were meeting their objectives and to make recommendations for modification or expansion. In the course of the study, the authors

examined 30 cooperative education programs (including two Job

Corps programs) at the secondary and postsecondary level.

Findings

Cooperative education programs are more likely than either career

exploration or work-study programs to:

provide job placement services

have a high rate of job-related placements

provide students with jobs that offer formal on-the

job training

help students in deciding on an occupation

provide students with jobs that fit into their

career plans

provide students with jobs that have a high level

of responsibility

provide students with jobs that afford a high degree

of satisfaction

provide students with job-related instruction in school

have a followup program for their graduates

have an advisory committee

Cooperative education programs are perceived by students,

employers, and school officials to be meeting their needs and

objectives.

Negative Findings

Cooperative education programs are most likely to discriminate

against students on the basis of attitude.

Cooperative education programs are less effective in

reducing student absenteeism.

Cooperative education programs are more apt to interfere

with other activities.

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Cost-Effectiveness of Selected Cooperative Education Programs as Compared

with Vocational Programs without Cooperative Component, Batelle Columbus

Laboratories, June, 1973. (As reported in Annual Evaluation Report on

Programs Administered by the Office of Education, 1975.)

Nature of Study

An examination of data from 11 school districts in 3 states was

conducted to obtain cost comparisons between two types of programs.

Findings

Although effectiveness comparisons based on school data showed

no significant difference between the two groups in terms of

work experience, a survey of employers showed an important

difference in employer attitudes. 59% of employers favored

graduates of coop programs; school data supported this, showing

that coop students had little trouble finding jobs and that

46% remained full-time with their coop employer.

"Employer Experience with the Recruitment of Cooperative Education

Employees, An Analysis of Costs and Benefits", Richard A. Hayes and Jill

H. Travis, The Journal of Cooperative Education, Vol. XIII, No. 1, Nov.,

1976.

Nature of Study

Using data supplied by 70 private sector employers of cooperative

education students, for the year ending 1974, the investigators

studied recruiting costs and yields, Equal Employment Opportunity

experience, employee work performance, labor costs, salary and

promotional progression, and employee retention. Nine out of

the 70 participating employers were studies in depth; they

are referred to below as "Case Study Employers".

Findings.

77% of the 60 respondent employers termed their experience

in recruiting new cooperative education students as either

"excellent" or "good-very good."

Costs of recruiting cooperative education students were from

30-95% less than those of recruiting college graduates

among Case Study employers.
100

Almost two-thirds of cooperative education graduates received

offers of regular employment from their coop employers and

about four-fifths accepted them.

The authors conclude "that it is clear that cooperative education presents employers with excellent opportunities to decrease recruitment costs and

increase recruiting yields".

An Economic and Institutional Analysis of the Cooperative Vocational

Education Program in Dayton, Ohio, Ernst W. Stromsdorfer and James S.

Fackler, March, 1973.

Nature of Study

This important case study was undertaken to determine the

educational and economic effects of cooperative vocational

education at the secondary level. The authors state their

hypothesis in terms of research questions to be answered

with descriptive impact statements:

To what extent does the program aid in the transition

from school to work?

To what extent does the program increase the relevance

of formal schooling to one's ultimate career or occupational goal?

To what extent does the program have a comparative

advantage in achieving the above for disadvantaged persons?

To what extent can the program be generalized for

the overall population of high school students, such

as students in the general curriculum?

What is the extent of demand among industries in the

event that the program is significantly expanded?

To what extent does the program affect civic and

social attitudes in a positive way?

To what extent is a student's immediate employability

affected by the program?

To what extent is a student's future education and

employability and earnings affected by the program?

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Findings

The authors preface their conclusions with the caveat that this

study (and previous studies) have methodological problems due

to self-selection bias and non-response bias.

EDUCATION EFFECTS

With regard to senior year or last full year Grade Point

Average, cooperative students perform at a lower average

level than do academic students. Cooperative vocational

credits have no different impact than vocational credits

in terms of GPA.

There is no difference in average probability of graduation

between coop and non-coop students after controlling for

curriculum structure.

EARNINGS AND EMPLOYMENT

Coop education does have favorable labor market effects.

However, it is the earning of vocational credits that is

important for labor market purposes, not whethe! these were

earned at a coop or non-coop school.

Stromsdorfer, in his conclusion, cautions against generalizing the

Dayton study results, citing the prosperous, middle-class nature

of the city and the high level of community support accorded the

vocational and coop programs.

The studies reviewed here focused primarily on secondary level

cooperative education. In 1975 Congress mandated a nationwide study of

cooperative education et the postsecondary level which has recently

been completed. The findings of this important study are summarized

below.
102

Cooperative Education - A National Assessment: Executive Summary,

Applied Management Sciences, Inc., Office of Education, Department of

Health, Education, and Welfare, 1977.

Nature of Study

The major purposes of this study were to determine the degree

to which cooperative education is a viable educational and/or

financial aid mechanism for institutions of higher education

to adopt and to determine the effectiveness of the federal

role in supporting cooperative education through Title IV-D

of the Higher Education Act. A number of substudies were

carried out to achieve these purposes:

an examination of the costs and benefits of cooperative

education for the three key sets of participants:

student, employer,and educational institution;

a determination of the degree to which cooperative

education is a viable career education mechanism;

an assessment of the national p3tential for expanding

cooperative education in postsecondary institutions; and

an assessment of the federal role in promoting the growth

of postsecondary cooperative education programs.

Findings

The study showed that the great majority of the undergraduate

programs are viable for nearly all types of undergraduate

institutions and students, as well as for virtually every

kind of employer included in the study.

In the case of undergraduate institutions, the coop programs

appear to be able to operate in most schools in such a manner

that the income they generate at least covers the program

expenses, provided that the programs are either relatively

small in size or else are comparatively large. It is primarily

when programs are just getting started, or when they are

caught between the optimum size ranges, that outside funding

is needed for them to operate on a break-even basis. Within

the institutions, the programs appear to be highly regarded

as career education mechanisms and to be providing valuable

service as financial aid mechanisms as well.

By using lifetime earnings stream data, the study showed that

for every program area in the 4-year and 5-year schools

included in the study, participation in coop resulted

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103

in graduates more than recovering the opportunity costs of

participating in coop and being hired into higher paying

jobs which were more closely related to their vocational

interests. Similar results were obtained for some program

areas in 2-year schools. In fact, the only group which

appeared not to benefit from coop participation was students

entering college uith significant employment experience

gained prior to entry.

In regard to employment, coop students typically perform as

well, or even better, than their non-coop counterparts and,

in about half of the cases, receive lower pay and benefits.

Pay differences are more common among smaller firms, but

larger firms reap additional benefits through the use of

coop as a recruiting mechanism. Over one-third of the

coop graduates included in this study eventually accepted

jobs with one of their coop employers.

The most valuable service which the IV-D legislation has

rendered to the educational community in the past is providing

support for coop programs which are either just getting

established or else are trying to make the transition from

being a small program to becoming a large one.

The major negative finding was that career counseling is one

of the weakest components in the coop system, when student

expectations are contrasted with institutional resource

allocations.
10.4

Work Experience and Career Exploration Program (WECEP)

The Work Experience and Career Exploration Program of the Department of

Labor is one example of how the ideas demonstrated in the postsecondary

cooperative education movement have been transformed through their

application in secondary schools. WECEP was established by an amendment

to Child Labor Regulation #3, issued pursuant to the Fair Labor Standards

Act (effective November 5, 1969, to August 31, 1972). This amendment

provides for necessary deviations from the child labor standards to permit

students to participate in the program. The pilot program, designed

as a research experiment, expired in August, 1973. the amended regulation

has been extended beyond the original experimental period.

WECEP students during the experimental period could be employed as many as 28 hours (since revised to 23 hours) during any week and as many

as four hours (now three hours) on a school day while school was in session.

maximum number of hours a person 14 or 15 years of age could be

.mployed when school was not in session was eight hours a day and 40 hours

a week. The experimental program was set up in terms of units of 12

to 20 students under the direction of a teacher-coordinator. The program

provided for both a course of study and actual job experience. School

classes included academic courses stipulated by state requirements for

graduation as will as instruction in job-related and employability skill

development. Individualized or remedial instruction was given where needed.

Credits toward graduation were awarded for both in-school related

instruction and on-the-job work experience.

1 11

t".

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105

We have reviewed what appears to be the only major study of WECEP,

Ernst Stromsdorfer's "economic analysis" (1973). The use of this

phrase is somewhat misleading in that the author carefully notes that

no attempt was made to define the program's benefits and costs as these

impacted on student participants, school staff, employers, parents or

society at large. The economic analysis was used to test the principal

hypothesis that the allocation of time for WECEP enrollees would tend

toward an optimal mix of formal education and work experience.

An Economic Analysis of the Work Experience and Career Exploratica

Program: 1971-1972 School dear, Ernst W. Stromsdorfer, Bloomington, Ind.:

Indiana University, July 1973.

WECEP Program Goals

To help school-alienated or disoriented youth (ages 14 and 15)

see purpose and value in education. Selected youth are considered to be potential dropouts and the WECEP program is intended

to eliminate this probability for participants;

To do the above by providing a vital core of educational programs

involving school-supervised work experience and training with

exposure to real jobs and careers.

WECEP Program Objectives for Youth Participants

Reduction of the absence and truancy rate and, ultimately, the

drop-out rate for "school-alienated or disoriented youth"

(ages 14-15);

Improvement of scholastic performance or, at least, no

adverse effects on the health, safety, welfare and scholastic

performance of the participants due to the relaxation of Child

Labor Regulation #3; and

A greater appreciation of occupational alternatives.
106

Research Objectives

Stromsdorfer's "economic analysis" of WECEP was intended to:

Provide the DOL Employment Standards Administration with

information to determine whether certain provisions in the

child labor regulations regarding hours and occupations

should be modified permanently;

Provide education administrators with an opportunity to test the

academic effectiveness of school and work experience programs

for this age group (14-15).

Research Hypothesis

There is some optimal mix, at any given time in a person's life

cycle, between formal education, on-the-job training, labor

market activity,and leisure;,

For WECEP enrollees (age 14-15), educational benefits will

increase up to a point as hours worked increase, then reach a maximum, after which benefits will decline and sometimes

become negative.

Research Methodology

Stromsdorfer notes several methodological problems encountered in the

sample selection which compromised the desired experimental design:

Quality of the control group: There was no guarantee that an

experimental design (randomly assigning comparable students to

the participant and control groups) was used across the

participating states. Self-selection bias was an obvious factor:

program participation was voluntary. Interview data indicated

that WECEP participants were much more likely to have had prior

work experience.

Socio-demographic data: Participant ethnic origin and prior

academic achievement data essential to determination of com- parability across participant and control groups were lacking.

Data on students' parents were entirely lacking.

Drop-out factor: Records were available only for those WECEP

students who completed the school year or semester. Causes of

dropping out are unknown. Because it is reasonable to assume

that some of the dropouts should be considered program failures,

their exclusion from the analysis imparts an unknown degree of

upward bias to the results.
107

Non-response data: Lack of response had particular impact in the

personal participants interview sample and in the samples of

teacher-coordinators and WECEP employers.

Findings_

Hypothesis of a curvilinear relationship between hours worked and

indices of educational performance was confirmed. That is,

performance increased as hours worked increased until a point of

diminishing returns was reached. This point was estimated at

between two and three hours worked per day during school hours.

Risk of physical injury to WECEP participants was not great. During 1971-72 no WECEP students sustained injuries resulting ir

more than one day's absence.

Employers sawWECEI. students as quality equivalent to regular

employees and generally paid students the same wage rate. "WECEP

students were able to meet the market test and perform effectively."

Generally, WECEP students received no formal on-the-job training,

although a few exceptions existed.

Employer evaluations of WECEP students improved over time; the

results indicated that the students gained additions to entry

skills which increased the value of the student to the business.

Employers indicated a willingness to hire more WECEP students if

the minimum wage were lowered.

Employers were largel' satisfied with the program: 44% thought

no changes were necessary and an additional 13% supported expansion of the program. The largest (11.1%) single area of employer concern focused un the sche,iuling of student work and school

hours.

Students did not sample a wide variety of jobs and within jobs

sampled only low skill levels were required. Overall results

indicate that the career exploration goal of WECEP was not well

implemented.

Females were less likely to experience positive program effects.

The small sample size for females may have influenced survey

results.
108

The study was unable to develop models predicting the impact of

WECEP on truancy or suspension behavior. Lack of data on program

dropouts was also a critical problem in developing behavioral

impact models.

Research Conclusions

The program appeared to have no negative effects. Positive effects were measured on educational performance indices of grade

point average and days absent. On other indices zero effect was

measured.

Hypothesis of curvilinear relationship between education and

work experience was confirmed. Evidence suggests that four hours per day and 28 hours per week were not optimal for the

population as measured on the mean prior WECEP grade point

average (GPA). A higher prior GPA appears to imply a higher

opt!mum number of hours and a lower prior GPA, a lower

optimum number of hours.

Alternative Education

Alternative education, although often identified with the Free School

movement which burgeoned in the 1960's, in fact encompasses a variety of

educational innovations and approaches which have been undertaken both

4 without and within the public school systems in this country. Many of

these alternative programs are attempting to bring school and

community closer together and to break down the theoretical and practical

distinctions between "education" and "work."

Some of the most common alternative secondary programs supported

within the public system are:

"Schools without walls," where students work and study in museums,

businesses, hospitals,and other places in the community and

learn that learning is not limited to a school building;
109

Mini-schools or "schools within schools," which subdivide huge

high schools of 3,000 or more students into small, personal

units of, for example, 150 students and six teachers who may

focus their studies around a special interest such as aviation,

art,or anthropology.

Dropout centers, where school dropouts can get the basic education

and vocational skills they missed in regular schools. With

about 35% of the nation's students leaving school before

graduation, many communities could use such a center.

Schools for students with special problems, such as academically failing, disruptive,or pregnant students who, without such

special programs, would probably leave or be forced out of school.

Open schools for able students frustrated by typical, traditionally organized schools. Individualized study and self-direction

are stressed but, unlike "schools without walls," the program is

centered in one building.

Schools for racial or ethnic groups who feel victimized by

traditional schools. While supported by their proponents as

necessary for the educational and spiritual rehabilitation of

their students, some of these schools have been attacked as

discriminatory.

Of the alternatives described above, the most thorough student exposure to the community and the work place appears to be provided by the

"Schools Without Walls;" this alternative, pioneered in Philadelphia,

Pennsylvania as the Parkway Program in 1969, is now being tried in a number

of American cities.

The Parkway program (and most schools without walls) use their

community as classroom:

Courses are offered all around the city -- in churches,

corporate offices, cultural institutions or out in the

community. Students help hire and evaluate teachers and

aid in curriculum planning.
110

During a typical day, a student might spend from 9 a.m. to 11 a.m. at a local business or museum, either on his own or as part of a group led by a teacher. After lunch, with a "management group" of other students where Parkway programs and plans are often discussed, he may spend two hours in one of eight tutorial units where he studies the normal

state-required subjects. From 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. he might visit another Parkway institution where he is learning while doing (NSPRA, 1972).

Parkway has been fully integrated from the start and has enrolled a student body representative of the school system as a whole. The average

attendance at Parkway is significantly higher than at other Philadelphia

high schools,and the dropout rate is very low. In addition, the percentage of students attending college is somewhat higher than the average

throughout Philadelphia.

Pt.her cities that have adopted the, "School Without Walls" concept

include Chicago, IllinolQ (The Metro School); Boston, Massachusetts;

New York City (City as L;chool); Madison, Wisconsin; and Cincinnati, Ohio.

A self-evaluation )f Metro, conducted after only one semester of operation,

indicated that moat students showed "marked progress in basic reading

skills and seemed to have much more positive attitudes about themselves,

their teachers and other students, particularly those of another race"

(NSPRA41972).

Cincinnati's program, (City-wide Learning Community) has made considerable efforts to integrate career exploration and academic learning.

For example, as a math project, a group of students are

exploring careers in aviation in meetings with FAA staff

at the airport. Eventually they will learn to fly a plane.

on the other hand, another math project involves the student

in a math seminar to discuss careers in mathematics. As a
111

social studies project, with career exploration experiencF3,

a group of students is studying the powers and duties of

the police department, role plays the decisions a police

officer must make, investigates the arrest procedure, and

learns about their individual rights (Burt, 1974).

In addition to these local or foundation sponsored efforts, a small

number of experimental programs were developed in the early 70's with

federal (NIE.i support. Three school systems (Berkeley, California;

Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Franklin Pierce School District, Pierce

County, Washington) were awarded funds to test the hypothesis "that if . you try to change a whole system, K-12, all at the same time, starting

with a base of between 2,000 and 5,000 children, then maybe...you'll

have some kind of change, some kind of reform..." (Binswanger, as quoted

in NSPRA, 1972, p. 60). Unfortunately, evaluations of these experiments

were not available to lib.

Community Education

The Community Schools Act, the first federal legislation for

community education, was enacted by the 1974 Amendments to the Elementary

and Secondary Education Act, Sections #402 and #405 of Public Law 93-380.

The purpose of this legislation is:

...to provide educational, recreational, cultural and other

related community services, in accordance with the needs,

interests, and concerns of the community, through the

establishment of the community education program as a

center for such activities in cooperation with other

community groups (The Community Schools Act, Public Law

93380, Section #405B).
112

The legislation defines a community education program as one:

in which a public building, including but not limited

to a public elementary or secondary school or a community

or junior college, is used as a community center operated

in conjunction with other groups in the community,

community organizations, and local governmental agencies to

provide educational, recreational, cultural and other

related community services for the community that center

serves in accordance with the needs, interests, and concerns

of that community (Section #405).

Although the number of community education programs has increased

substantially over the past decade from 357 in 1967 to 4,344 in 1975

(Migocki, 1976), there appears to be a dearth of evaluative studies.

A recent study of the status of evaluation efforts regarding community

schools concluded that:

the practice of program performance evaluation can

be broadly characterized as follows:

1. Performance criteria that can be measured in

objective terms are scarce.

2. In both internal and external evaluations,

performance "findings" are typically consensual

judgments established by discussion among evaluators

who have prepared themselves for the discussions

by (a) reviewing evaluation criteria, (b) reviewing

program documents, (c) interviewing a number of

people who stand in different roles in relation to

the program, and (d) reviewing survey instruments

used to collect information from persons in one or

more key roles related to the program (not always

used).

3. Findings that actual program performance has fallen

short of criterion performance, in a moderate share

of a relatively long list of criteria, is seemingly

a normal state of affairs that is troublesome to

neither the evaluators nor the evaluatees.

4. The absence of recommendations for program improvement, following the evaluation, would be regarded as

a surer sign of shortcomings of the evaluation than

of excellence of program performance (Boyd, 1977).

1 93
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Internships

Throughout the country, a constantly increasing number of students

are receiving part of their education through participation in government,

business. and social service operations. The rapid growth of interest

in internships on both the secondary and postsecondary levels has given

rise to expanded opportunities for youth to supplement their classroom experience with structured internship programs in the community.

Students may now be found in all levels of government bureaucracy,

service agencies, and volunteer organizations as well as in a wide variety

of private sector enterprises (Zauderer, 1973).

Among the potential benefits of an internship experience to the

student are:

academic benefits - the opportunity to interpret learning

through experience and develop a personal learning strategy

(Zauderer, 1973); to apply theoretical concepts in a reallife setting (Sigmon, 1972a); and to acquire information

not available from academic sources (Sigmon, 1972b);

personal growth - the opportunity to clarify values and

goals (Humphrey, 1973) and to test out coping and human

relations skills (Zauderer, 1973);

career development - the opportunity to explore particular

occupations without making a long-term commitment (Davis,

1971).

There are numerous examples of both preprofessional and general

education internships but few evaluations exist of these diverse programs.

What follows, therefore, is a brief attempt to provide examples of some

exemplary internship programs on the national, state, and local level.
114

EXECUTIVE HIGH SCHOOL INTERNSHIPS OF AMERICA: In operation in 28

school districts in 17 states and the District of Columbia, the Executive

High School Internship Program places high scl,00l juniors and seniors as special assistants to senior officials in government, private nonprofit

agencies, civic organizations, educational and cultural institutions,

mass communications, and the private sector. Executive Sponsors include

city, state,and federal commissioners; judges; museum curators; directors

of civic organizations; business executives; directors of community-based

programs; administrators of programs in the performing arts; newspaper

editors and publishers; and radio and television producers. Executive

Interns attend policy meetings and conferences with their sponsors,

follow up on special assignments, prepare memoranda and reports, and

occasionally even travel with their sponsors.

Interns are with their individual sponsors four days a week during

regular business hours. On Fridays, all of the interns meet as a group

for seminars on executive behavior and organizational analysis, in which

they discuss readings, meet with officials, make site visits to programs

in operation,and often make their own presentations. The program combines classroom analysis with actual experience in the world of executives and organizations. Although Interns receive no pay for their

semester's work, they do receive a full semester of academic credit

for participation in tile. program. Each year EHSIP enrolls approximately

3,000 students, with a program dropout rate below 1%.

Participant assessments of the Internship experience appear to

be generally positive, although no systematic evaluation of either

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115

outcomes or participant attitudes toward the program is presently

available. (NIE is currently funding a nation-wide evaluation of the

program.)

According to proponents of the program, however, students gain

from the experience in several ways:

1. Opportunities for career exploration. "(The program) gave

me an opportunity to experience and analyze the profession

I plan to pursue," states one enthusiastic participant.

2. Increased confidence in one's ability to function well in

responsible positions.

3. Employment opportunities following participation in the

program (Hirsh, 1974).

THE VIRGINIA PROGRAM: Since 1970, Virginia colleges and universities have jointly participated in efforts to provide opportunities

for their students to work in public service as a part of their total

education.* The administrative agency for this cooperative effort is

The Virginia Program. The components of The Virginia Program are

the Virginia Off-Campus College Work-Study Program and the Virginia

Internship Program. Programs are administered under one of these two

titles, depending on the objective of the particular program.

The Virginia Internship Program was initiated in 1970 by the

State Council of Higher Education for Virginia with a mandate to promote, through a variety of means, opportunities for students to work

in the public interest as a recognized part of their educational program.

* The following description is reproduced, in large part, from

Cooperation in Service and Learning, A Report of The Virginia Program

for September 1, 1975 - August 31, 1976, Petersburg, VA: October 1976.

L. 6
116

With this mandate, the Virginia Internship Program has been involved in

a variety of activities, including providing internships for students

with state government agencies and providing technical assistance and

fiscal support to institutions and agencies in developing their own

internship programs.

The objectives of the Program are to provide opportunities for

students in public service employment in order to:

1. generate income to help defray the cost of continuing their

education;

2. develop work-related skills and competencies;

3. preview and explore vocational interests;

4. provide meaningful service to citizens of Virginia; and

5. have access to knowledge generally unavailable in the

campus setting and apply classroom learning in real life

situations.

Student participants in the Program have reported that their work

experience has been invaluable in their career development by:

1. providing information about career opportunities in particular service occupations;

2. aiding their development of work-related skills and

competencies; and

3. establishing contacts with professionals employed in

particular service occupations and public agencies.

During the summer of 1976, the Program provided eleven weeks of public

service employment for 100 rising seniors and Spring 1976 graduates from

twenty-three Virginia colleges and universities with the objective of

helping these students prepare to enter the work force. Students

participating in the Program had pursued academic programs appropriate
117

to certain occupations (e.g., sociology and corrections, psychology and

mental health) but had not acquired work experience in these occupations.

These students were employed by the Virginia Departments of Corrections,

Health, Mental Health and Mental Retardation, and Welfare in activities

of these departments across the Commonwealth. Compensation for these

students was provided from a grant under CETA.

The Program also sponsored the Virginia Legislative Internship

Program in which students worked as administrative assistants during

the 1976 Session of the Virginia General Assembly with members of the

Assembly, state agencies, citizen groups, and trade associations. A

total of fifty-one students served as interns during the 1976 Session.

From the inception of the Program, student participants have

reported receiving a variety of benefits from their work experience

in addition to monetary compensation. Evaluations were made during or

immediately following the work experience. The long-range value of the

work experience has not been studied. In 1975-76, the Program conducted a study to determine how former participants evaluated their

work experience after graduation and entrance into the work force. The

study was concerned with identifying the benefits that accrued to

students from their work experience, the extent to which these benefits

occurred, and the conditions that tend to provide particular benefits.

Responses to a questionnaire were solicited from 815 former participants

who completed a four-year undergraduate program. Responses were

received from 412 former participants (50.6 pert._.::).

An analysis of responses indicated that the work experience was
118

valuable in three areas:

1. aiding the student's personal growth and development;

2. providing information about vocational possibilities; and

3. securing permanent employment.

Respondents cited the most benefits in their ability to respond

to different kinds of people, in a better understanding of public

agencies, and in increased ability to work well and communicate

effectively with others.

Based on these data, the 1975-76 Report of The Virginia Program

concludes:

The debate now occuring in American higher education

between liberal learning and vocationalism (liberal

learning focusing on course work in academic disciplines, vocationalism focusing on practical knowledge

as a technical base for particular vocations and professions) is an artificial debate...the objectives of

both liberal learning and vocationalism can be jointly

pursued through work-learning programs.

THE GEORGIA GOVERNOR'S INTERN PROGRAM: The Georgia Governor's

Intern Program provides college students an opportunity to combine

academic studies with internships in the executive branch of state

government, state and local agencies, the legislature, and public and

private non-profit organizations.*

From its establishment in 1971,. the Program has become a major

educational activity in the State of Georgia. College students have

benefited from alternative learning opportunities while performing

This description is taken from Education, Service and Work,

Federal Interagency Committee on Education, Sub-Committee on

Education and Work, 1977.

129
119

public service. Colleges have re-examined their curricula as they

sought to offer credit for off-campus education. Likewise, public and

private agencies have responded by designing and funding projects for

student interns.

The program was sanctioned by the Board of Regents of the University

System of Georgia in 1972. In their statement of policy, the Board of

Regents stated:

The intern program offers students an opportunity to

address real life problems under the supervision of

professionals in the problem areas and under the guidance of faculty members. It has the potential of providing students with educational experiences different

from, but no less valuable than those encountered in the

classroom.

The intern program now operates year-round, with students participating during each academic quarter. Students from a variety of

academic majors representing colleges in Georgia and around the

nation have participated in the Governoi's Intern Program. Most of the

interns have received academic credit. The benefits of student

involvement and input have reached nearly all public agencies throughout Georgia.

The specific objectives of the program are as follows:

1. to broaden the scope of undergraduate and graduate

curricula by offering students a unique type of

learning experience -- the academic internship;

2. to give assistance, through the work of interns, to

public agencies expressing service needs in the form

of special projects (Intern projects stress the completion of specific tasks and the attainment of knowledge and skills.);

3. to provide cc atructive service opportunities for

g to participate in efforts toward

so %. .ems facing all the citizens of Georgia;

130
120

4. to make the resources of the colleges and universities more accessible to the community (This provides a means for keeping curricula, teaching, and

research relevant to the needs of society.); and

5. to encourage students to evaluate career goals,

consider citizen leadership in public programs,

and acquaint sponsoring agencies with possible

candidates for future employment.

During 1976, a total of 384 students participated in the intern

program, the largest number of participants in its history. Internships were split equally between men and women, and approximately

one-third of the participants were members of minority groups. The

program experienced a 100 percent completion rate (no dropouts). An

attempt is now being made to follow up on former interns to determine

whether the program has had an effect in steering participants into

public employment or related work.

UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY OFFICE FOR EXPERIENTIAL EDUCATION*: In an

effort to demonstrate the effectiveness of experiential education to

traditional liberal arts faculty, the University of Kentucky Office

for Experiential Education has developed an experiential program exploring the ethics and values of decision making in the public sector.

The program has been developed on the premise that a central objective

of liberal arts instruction is to develop citizens who base their

decisions on a soundly developed ethical philosophy. It is suggested

that traditional instruction in liberal arts (interaction with faculty

The following description is taken from Robert F. Sexton,

"Experiential Education and Community Involvement Practices at the

Postsecondary Level: Implications for Career Education," November 1, 1976.

131
121

through lectures, reading materials, and discussions) may not always

be the most effective means of instruction; many students may not be

able to grasp general ethical concepts from their limited base of

experience. Consequently, the program places students in public agencies,

so that they can analyze, among other things, the values inherent in the

decision making process.

Each student in the program undertakes a one semester internship

in a public agency of his/her choice. Activities include working with

local planning boards, city council members, and social srvice agencies.

Concurrent with the internships, all students participate in a broadly

conceived, humanistic seminar taught by a team of faculty members drawn

from the fields of political science, philosophy, and educational

psychology. In this seminar, students are expected to draw upon observations from their work for discussion and to reach conclusions about

the implications of the activities they have observed. The program relies

heavily on personal development as an aim of education and consequently

uses evaluative processes designed to assess developmental changes in

the students during the course of a semester.

The program is related to the career and personal objectives of

some students and to the academic aspirations of others. For example,

for students in professional fields such as architecture or social

work, the internship provides the necessary preprofessional experience,

while the reflective component provides an interesting excursion into

liberal arts. Students in the fields of philosophy, sociology, or

English also participate in the program; for them, the internship pro-

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122

vides an exposure to an occupational fiald, while the primary objective

is to satisfy their interests in the ethical questions. It is assumed

that preparation for careers, if approached narrowly, is not the sole

purpose of the educational institution. The preparation for careers

defined broadly, involving an interaction of job and work and leisure

time and commitment to community, is the ultimate purpose of the

institution.
123

VOLUNTEER/SERVICE AGENCIES AND ORGANIZATIONS

ACTION

In 1961, the Congress created the first government volunteer agency

to administer the Peace Corps; in 1965, Volunteers in Service to America

(VISTA) was created as a domestic counterpart to the Peace Corps.

Finally, in 1971, all the government-sponsored volunteer programs were

brought together under the aegis of one agency, ACTION. Since then, the

agency's programs have increased both in size and scope. In addition to

the two programs cited above, those with particular emphasis on youth

include the Youth Challenge Program, the University Year for ACTION, and

the Program for Local Service.

The Youth Challenge Program provides young people with the opportunity to serve low-income communities on a regular part-time basis. A

1976 evaluation of the program described, among other factors, the potential benefits to volunteers, service agencies, educational institutions,and the community in general (ACTION, 1976). The most frequently

reported benefit of program participation to the volunteers (most of

whom were between the ages of 14-21) was academic credit from participating educational institutions. Other benefits cited included summer

jobs, job references,and sclf-satisfaction. Almost 44% of the volunteers

indicated that, for them, the most valuable aspect of the program was the

chance to learn how to work with people and to communicate with various

groups. Other valuable gains mentioned were self-growth, career skills,

and career exploration opportunities. The report maintained that the
124

most successful projects were those which focused on benefits for

volunteers first and community service second and which were located

in school districts already providing career education or work-study

and exploring rider opportunities for service-learning as part of the

curriculum (ACTION, 1976).

The University Year for ACTION (UYA) program, established in 1971,

provides a year's academic credit and a subsistence allowance to fulltime students working in poverty areas. The students serve as full-time

volunteers for local organizations which define the job and supervise the

volunteer's work. A 1975 evaluation found that "the UYA experience has

a major impact on the volunteer, strongly inflt, Icing career choice and

development, and stimulating intellectual growth" (Sartsbuy, 1975, p.2).

Based on a survey of former UYA volunteers, it was found that one third

continued to engage in volunteer work; 6:% felt ?hay had learned more

practical skills during their UYA experience than in the academic year

prior to their participation; and 89% stated that their attitude toward

learning had been influenced positively. Ninety-seven percent indicated

that their UYA participation had a significant or moderate degree of influence on their career choice (Sansbury, 1975).

In 1973, ACTION initiated the Program for Local Service in King

County, Washington. Over 300 youth between the ages of 18-25 worked fulltime on high-priority social problems identified by local organizations

which served as sponsors. The participants were encouraged to negotiate.

assignments directly with potential sponsoring agencies. The value of the

services performed by PLS was estimated by the sponsors at $2,150,000,

1 3 5
125

twice the amount awarded by ACTION to fund the program (Eberly,. 1976).

Based on the success of the demonstration program, ten separate

replication models were developed across the country. An evaluation,

Applying PLS through CETA: A Summary of Programs and Models, measured

the impact on volunteers of 10 Program for Local Service projects in

eight states. This 1975 study determined that the various projects of

the Program for Local Service had the following common features:

Programs were conducted locally with participants

recruited from the local area.

There was a universal opportunity for service; everyone who met program requirements had an equal opportunity to participate.

Placement was non-directive; insofar as they were

consistent with program regulations, the decisions

of participants and the sponsors with which they served

as to placement and work responsibilities were respected.

Volunteer service was accompanied by living allowances;

each participant received cash payments and benefits

sufficient to permit a year of full-time service without other sources of income.

Other costs were minimal; high proportions (typically

over 90%) of PLS operating budgets went directly to

participant benefits.

Sponsor agencies participated in the cost of the program;

the agencies and organizations in which the volunteers

served contributed a cash payment in support of the

cost of the program as well as in-kind training, workspace, transportation allowances, etc.

Data from the first of three Washington State projects in which

18 to 25 year olds participated indicated that 71.1% of the 372 PLS

applicants who were placed with sponsors were unemployed at the time

of application. Six to eight months after separation from the program,

a survey of 263 of the 372 participants indicated that 40% were employed
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twice the amount awarded by ACTION to fund the program (Eberly,. 1976).

Based on the success of the demonstration program, ten separate

replication models were developed across the country. An evaluation,

Applying PLS through CETA: A Summary of Programs and Models, measured

the impact on volunteers of 10 Program for Local Service projects in

eight states. This 1975 study determined that the various projects of

the Program for Local Service had the following common features:

Programs were conducted locally with participants

recruited from the local area.

There was a universal opportunity for service; everyone who met program requirements had an equal opportunity to participate.

Placement was non-directive; insofar as they were

consistent with program regulations, the decisions

of participants and the sponsors with which they served

as to placement and work responsibilities were respected.

Volunteer service was accompanied by living allowances;

each participant received cash payments and benefits

sufficient to permit a year of full-time service without other sources of income.

Other costs were minimal; high proportions (typically

over 90%) of PLS operating budgets went directly to

participant benefits.

Sponsor agencies participated in the cost of the program;

the agencies and organizations in which the volunteers

served contributed a cash payment in support of the

cost of the program as well as in-kind training, workspace, transportation allowances, etc.

Data from the first of three Washington State projects in which

18 to 25 year olds participated indicated that 71.1% of the 372 PLS

applicants who were placed with sponsors were unemployed at the time

of application. Six to eight months after separation from the program,

a survey of 263 of the 372 participants indicated that 40% were employed

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full-time, 12% were employed part-time, and 12% were full-time students.

Almost 18% were not in the job market and 18% were unemployed and

seeking work.

In general, PLS volunteers in the first demonstration project regarded the program as very closely connected to their career plans or

hopes. Eight months into service, over two-thirds reported that the

program had already "influenced their career and educational plans."

At enrollment, one-third of the volunteers answered "don't know" to the

question, "What will you do after PLS?"; eight months into service only

6.4% still did not know, while the number expecting to find a job or

return to college had increased.

The study also sought to measure impact in terms of the participants'

future educational plans, value of the program to future employment, and

occupation related topics such as motivation, understanding of organization, career exploration, and development of specific skills and competencies. Among the significant impacts found were the following:

career plans generally tended to gel during the year of

service;

many volunteers changed educational plans or planned to

return to school;

volunteers perceived PLS service as an extremely valuable

experience for future employment;

the opportunity "to try different types of jobs" was very

important to a plurality of participants;

participants considered the status of their current employment(as volunteers) significantly "higher" that it would have

been had they not been in the program; and

participants developed increased awareness of human needs

(ACTION, 1975b).

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Although the studies detailed above provide useful data on the

impact of the various ACTION programs on participants, there are few

evaluations that address longitudinal programmatic effects on volunteers.

This results from ACTION's mission and its primary focus upon the delivery

of volunteer services to various disadvantaged groups. Facilitating the

volunteer's transition to the world of work is not a major ACTION objective.

In contrast, many programs conducted by the Department of Labor have focused

upon the impact of the program on the participants and have tended to pay

less attention to the value of the work being peiformed by program enrollees.

These differing foci make comparative evaluation of programmatic

effects difficult. A possible solution to the dilemma would be the development of a common set of evaluative criteria that measures the benefits of a

program in terms of both the impact upon participants and the value to

society of the tasks performed by them.

Volunteer/Service Organizations

According to a 1974 Census Bureau Survey commissioned by ACTION, one out of four Americans does some volunteer work. Nearly 37 million people

volunteered an average of nine hours a week, the equivalent of 3,500,000

people working full-time for one year. Twenty-two percent of teenagers from

14 to 17 years old volunteered, while 18% of youth aged 18 to 24 did some

volunteer work (ACTION, 1975a). Many of these young people participate

through school youth groups and voluntary organizations which are increasingly involved in career education and the school -to -work transition. Both
128

the school-affiliated groups and the community-based voluntary organizations

supplement classroom learning by providing hands-on experience through

learning-by-doing programs and actual work experiences. They provide

for direct contacts between youth and community actors and offer opportunities for young people to observe various career areas and receive occupational information in specific areas of interest. The voluntary organizations

fulfill an additional vital role by offering participation in these areas

to out-of-school youth as well.

Some of the school groups designed specifically to help prepare students

for careers are the Distributive Education Clubs of America (DECA), Future

Business Leaders of America (FBLA), Future Farmers of America (FFA), Future

Homemakers of America (FHA), Office Education Association (OEA), and

Vocational Industrial Clubs of America (VICA). These groups offer a

variety of career programs, implemented by local chapter personnel.

Because many of the voluntary organizations have been providing schoolto-work transition programs for some time, we determined that a more detailed

description of some of these efforts was warranted.* Although few evaluations

of these activities were available, we have included those which were most

relevant to our study.

BOYS CLUBS OF AMERICA: Individual local chapters can elect to particiate in a "Building Employment Skills Today" and a "World of Work" program

which is open to boys and girls aged 14-18. The locally developed delivery

system provides for recruitment, vocational counseling and career exploration,

* These descriptions are based on materials provided by Larry Brown, National 4-H Council, Washington, D.C.
129

placement, follow-up,and supportive services. By participating in this

program, youth have an opportunity to:

participate in group interaction

learn reasons for working, now and in the future

decide what kind of work is best for them

learn how to fill out job applications

develop job interview skills

learn about job adjustment and behavior

experience the importance of good communications

learn about fringe benefits and employee rights

find out about local job openings and transportation

EXPLORING/BOY SCOUTS OF AMERICA: Exploring brings young men and

women voluntarily into association with adults who, by the example of

their character, citizenship traits, and knowledge, provide a positive

force in the lives of young adults. Explorer posts are formed to help

young people investigate specific career areas such as aviation, law,

health,and sea exploration under the guidance of business, associations,

trades,and institutional sponsorships. The following program is representative of the training provided:

Typical Law Explorer Post Program

Explorer methods of operation are self-motivated, mature, and democratic. The activities are selected, planned, and conducted by the

Explorers within the framework of the sponsor's resources and member

interest. Techniques used in conducting this program include role

playing, simulation games,and debate.

Examples of subjects included in a Law Explorer Post Program include:

function of the Court of Common Pleas

no-fault insurance

operation of the district attorney's office
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investigation of a criminal case and trial

presentation by the state attorney general

trial of case by Moot Court

trip to Washington, D.C. -- observation of Congress,

Supreme Court,and F.B.I.

mock trial involving all members

trip to state capitol -- observation of state senate,

state legislature, and Appellate Courts

military law

the Bill of Rights (movie and discussion)

law day luncheon (guests of the county bar association)

trip to university law school

the Bill of Rights (role playing, debate)

environmental law and policy

ecology service projects

4-H CLUBS: The primary aim of the 4-H program in the area of

economics, joba.and careers is to develop a young person's capability

to manage, with minimum help, his or her own occupational and educational development, and to provide opportunities for youth to:

perfect their skill in project-related areas;

engage in volunteer work in a wide range of community

and human service situations;

cooperate with local businesses, 1.1ustries,and institutions in a program of work sampling; and

take part in job and career exploration and preemployment training.

In 1973, the Michigan 4-H program established a 4 -H Community

Center in Detroit and commissioned the Michigan State University Center

for Urban Affairs to evaluate the effectiveness of the program. Of

particular interest is the impact evaluation which measured changes in

the community including:

1. the effect 4-H and the 4-H Community Center had upon

the community;

2. the effect 4-H had upon the family life of those involved

in the program;

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3. the effect of the 4-H program on the behavior of youth

involved in the program;

4. the effect on the social network of youth involved in

the program;

5. the extent to which volunteers were used in the program; and

6. the effect of 4-H involvement on youth selection of and

preference for role models.

Findings, with regard to the impact evaluation, included the following:

1. Youth involved with this program:

a. exhibited less asocial behavior than youth not

involved with this program;

b. had a significant reduction in juvenile offenses;

c. had parents who perceived e. positive change in their

children's choice of friends.

2. The 4-H program seemed to have its greatest impact upon

teenage boys.

3. Involvement with this program caused:

a. the friendship networks of youth to change significantly,

with members identifying most of their friends as

fellow 4-H members;

b. the number of their friends who engaged in asocial

behavior to decline significantly after the youth

joined the 4-H program.

4. The program has been shown to be highly attra'Aive to aduktE

in the community. Many of the adult volunteers working

with youth did not have children of their own involved in the

program.

5. 4-H members looked to 4-H leaders and other adults as their

models for behavior.

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GIRL SCOUTS OF THE U.S.A.: The Girl Scouts received a grant from

the U.S. Office of Career Education to develop a career awareness project for adolescent girls. The project, entitled "From Dreams to

Reality," emphasizes the following objectives:

to display a large number of female role models in a wide

range of careers;

to encourage/stimulate career decision-making behaviors

and expand a sense of self-awareness;

to provide career exploration activities as well as encouraging "hands-on" on-site experience; and

to stimulate non-stereotypic thinking and creative

approaches to careers.

The project will seek to expand the career potential of women.

Girls will be given the opportunity to view the many careers they can

choose from, so that they may become aware of options they might never

have considered.

In planning for the future, young women often see only a very

limited number of career models: housewife, teacher, nurse, librarian,

or secretary. This project intends to expand the scope of career

choice for adolescent girls by providing them with 160 different female

career models and with the ides that a girl can expand her own thinking

to include all the careers that exist.

The program inzludes a -acticum aspect, where young people can

acquire paid and un1411.4 experience in local business and industry, as

they try out a variety of career roles. For younger Scouts, the program

would include field trips, guest speakers, and activities that would

expand a younger person's awareness of available options. Sex stereo143
133

typing would be discuesa, in order for young women to become more aware

of the choices they actually have, and for them to meet the challenge of

using their options as fully as possible.

GIRLS CLUBS OF AMERICA: The JIFFY Program which started in Memphis,

Tennessee, and is now expanding to other locations, provides girls 14-

18 with the following:

Career opportunities and education: Young women are helped

to explore a wide range of job vistas and specific career

areas. Advanced education programs are also offered, so that

they may become familiar with school campuses and learn

about financial assistance programs.

Job preparation: Workshops include obtaining a social

security card, looking for a job, employer expectations,

tips on taking tests, and other topics. Young women are given

a battery of tests to assess interests and aptitudes.

Community and cultural activities: Participation in community

activities provides additional opportunities for the participants to test themselves and enhance their feelings of

community pride and self-esteem.

Job practicum: Practical on-the-job experience is an integral

part of the program, although the participants are not paid

by their employers. They practice job-seeking skills, including

filling out forms, making phone calls, taking tests and interviews. On the job they are treated as ordinary employees. If
134

a practicum fails, the young women are offered a second work

experience and special help so that a pattern of failure is

not established.

Follow-up: Counseling and referral services are offered on

an individual basis. Special efforts are made to reach those

who have dropped out of school or are about to, who are unemployed or underemployed, or who wish to continue their education.

AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS: The American National Red Cross,

through Youth Service Programs, provides the opportunity for youth of

any age to study and explore career potentials by:

Working with schools and community youth groups to help

them develop career day or career week programs.

Providing individual young people in schools and community

youth groups the opportunity to explore careers by actively

doing related career tasks as volunteers.

Providing young people, through involvement in the volunteer

process, with experience in completing applications, :sing

interviewed, making decisions regarding nommunity asegnmanta, receiving task/skill oriented training, working, prescribed hours, and being evaluated on their performance.

Providing exposure to professionals in a wide varies; of

career fields.
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Providing counseling with regard to future volunteer assignments, post high school training/schooling, and career possibilities.

YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE U.S.A.: In the summer

of 1967, the YWCA implemented a demonstration project for the U.S.

Department of Labor. The Summer Youth Demonstration Project used the

resources of the YWCA and its affiliate branches to plan, develop, and

implement and evaluate enriched programs of work experience and employability services to disadvantaged youth and to gauge the feasibility and

identify the values and problems of such a program for possible future

efforts of this nature by this and other such organizations. Major

goals were to encourage returning to school, promote enrollment in the

Neighborhood Youth Corps or other manpower programs, or prepare participants for stable, gainful employment.

Demonstration projects, including 357 disadvantaged, out-of-school,

out-of-work 16-19 year old young women, were carried out in six cities:

Atlanta, Georgia; Cleveland, Ohio; Washington, D.C.; Pittsburgh,

Pennsylvania; St. Louis, Missouri; and Tacoma, Washington. These young

women were provided with:

an orientation to the world of work;

paid, supervised work experience at the YWCA or at a

cooperating non-profit organization;

supportive services including:

counseling and guidance

remedial education

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individualized, personal development services

health examinations and health counseling

follow-up services

clothing and transportation financing

job development and placement.

Program outcomes were as follows; Of the 357 young women:

100 returned to school full-time

35 returned to school part-time

123 were referred to NYC or other training

56 were employed

29 were unemployed.

The brief descriptions outlined above provide an indication of the

wide variety of school-to-work efforts sponsored by many volunteer/service organizations. It is likely that hundreds of similar programs are

being offered on the local level, arguing for a closer look at the range

and quality of these efforts.

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SECTION 2

EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING

Neighborhood Youth Corps

Seeking to address the social and economic problems of youth in

poverty areas, the Congress enacted a work and training program for

youth as part of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964*. The purpose

of this legislation was to provide "useful work and training opportunities" to assist low-income youth to remain in school or resume

their education. Similar work and training opportunities were to be

provided to help unemployed or low - income youth (out of school) to

obtain and hold regular competitive employment. The legislation mandated the provision of experience and training programs for low-income youngsters in school and out of school. The programs for inschool youngsters were also intended to provide financial assistance.

As a result of this legislation, the Department of Labor established the Neighborhood Youth Corps (NYC). Although the program no

longer exists as a national effort, it is available to local communities as an option under CETA. The NYC program had three major com- ponents -- in-school, summer,and out-of-school programs. The NYC

In-School Program was designed to provide part-time jobs (from 8 to

15 hours a week) to youth from low-income families. The purpose of

this program was to keep potential dropouts in school and encourage

* The program description which follows is taken, in large part,

from Robert S. Smith and Hugh M. Pitcher, The Neighborhood Youth

Corns: An Impact Evaluation, Technical Analysis Paper No. 9, DOL,

September 1973.

log
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dropouts to return to school. Participants earned the minimum wage

and were provided with such supportive services as remedial education and

counseling. To be eligible for the In-School Program, applicants had

to be in the 9th through 12th grade and from a low-income family.

The NYC Summer Program provided summer job opportunities for

youth from low-income families. The objectives of the Summer Program

were similar to those of the In-School Program in that enrollees were

encouraged to stay in school or return to school in the fall. Participants in the In-School Frogram were given priority for inclusion in

the Summer Program. Enrollees usually worked 26 hours a week for 9

weeks and earned at least the minimum wage.

The third NYC component was the Out-of-School Program. This

program had as its objective to increase the employability of unemployed, low-income youth who were not in school. In addition to

providing work experience, the NYC Out-of-School Program provided

counseling, remedial education and occupational exploration. The

Out-of-School Program was divided into two segments -- NYC-1 and

NYC-2. The NYC-1 Program was located primarily in rural areas and

small communities and emphasized work experience and needed supportive

services. The NYC-2 Program focused on youth in urban and high

unemployment areas and emphasized training, career orientation,

counseling, cultural enrichment,and other supportive services. Work

experience was limited to a maximum of one-third of the participants!

time. Enrollees in the Out-of- School Program were mainly between

the ages of'16 and 17 and remained in the program a maximum of 2 years.
139

They spent no more than 40 hours a week in the project and were paid

the legal minimum wage.

According to Brown et al (1972), the goals of NYC, both explicit

and implicit, can be summarized as follows: (a) to redistribute income to the poor, (b) to increase the employment of youth, (c) to

reduce teen-age-related crime,and (d) to increase the lifetime earnings

of enrollees through training, incentives to stay in school, and work

experience.

In the following pages, we present the conclusions of the important studies of the Neighborhood Youth Corps conducted during this

period, with particular emphasis on those findings which relate to

the school-to-work transition.

A Ifaitudinal Study of Selected Out of School NYC-2 Programs in Four

Cities, Final Report, by Regis H. Walther and Margaret L. Magnusson,

Manpower Research Project, The George Washington University,

Washington, D.C., June 1975.

Nature of Study

The study sought to investigate the effectiveness of

out-of-school employability of enrollees. In 1970,

when the study was undertaken, the NYC had just been

redesigned to place more emphasis on education, skill

training, and supportive services, to put less emphasis

on work experience,and to concentrate on 16-and 17-yearold dropouts. One purpose of the research was to

compare the new design (NYC-2) with the old (NYC-1).

A sample of 502 entering NYC enrollees was selected

from programs in four cities: Atlanta, Georgia;

Baltimore, Maryland; Cincinnati, Ohio; and St. Louis,

Missouri. Information was obtained at the time of enrollment, at monthly intervals while still enrolled, at

time of termination, four months after termination,and

over one year after termination. Interviews and

questionnaires were used to gather information. A control
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They spent no more than 40 hours a week in the project and were paid

the legal minimum wage.

According to Brown et al (1972), the goals of NYC, both explicit

and implicit, can be summarized as follows: (a) to redistribute income to the poor, (b) to increase the employment of youth, (c) to

reduce teen-age-related crime,and (d) to increase the lifetime earnings

of enrollees through training, incentives to stay in school, and work

experience.

In the following pages, we present the conclusions of the important studies of the Neighborhood Youth Corps conducted during this

period, with particular emphasis on those findings which relate to

the school-to-work transition.

A Ifaitudinal Study of Selected Out of School NYC-2 Programs in Four

Cities, Final Report, by Regis H. Walther and Margaret L. Magnusson,

Manpower Research Project, The George Washington University,

Washington, D.C., June 1975.

Nature of Study

The study sought to investigate the effectiveness of

out-of-school employability of enrollees. In 1970,

when the study was undertaken, the NYC had just been

redesigned to place more emphasis on education, skill

training, and supportive services, to put less emphasis

on work experience,and to concentrate on 16-and 17-yearold dropouts. One purpose of the research was to

compare the new design (NYC-2) with the old (NYC-1).

A sample of 502 entering NYC enrollees was selected

from programs in four cities: Atlanta, Georgia;

Baltimore, Maryland; Cincinnati, Ohio; and St. Louis,

Missouri. Information was obtained at the time of enrollment, at monthly intervals while still enrolled, at

time of termination, four months after termination,and

over one year after termination. Interviews and

questionnaires were used to gather information. A control
140

group was selected in Cincinnati that was the same size

as the study group, i.e. 125. NYC-2 data were compared

with NYC-1 data in Cincinnati and St. Louis where

longitudinal data had been collected during the existence

of the NYC-1 out-of-school programs.

Findings

The researchers found that the redesigned NYC-2 program,

which included a combination of services including

counseling and testing, remedial education, assistance

in re-enrolling in school, skill training, and work

experience, was no more effective than NYC-1 in enhancing

the employability of participants. The data indicated

that job development and placement, skill training, and

provision of more employment opportunities at worksites

were effective means of increasing employability. Nevertheless, even if the training and placement resources of

each of the site programs had been greatly expanded, it is

doubtfnl whether the employment outcomes would have been

improved dramatically, because a large proportion'of the

study subjects did not take advantage of the resources

which were available to them.

In the authors' view, the limitation of NYC-2 programs to

16-and 17-year-olds was a major flaw in program design,

because it resulted in very high concentrations of poorly

motivated and low-achieving trainees in each site. In

such circumstances, failure, rather than success, tended

to become the norm of the training groups. The site

programs were thus lacking in both success models and a

program atmosphere that would reinforce desirable workrelated behaviors.

Black Teenage Girl Project, In-School Neighborhood Youth Corps,

Memphis,Tennessee, Final Report by Andrew Fox, W. Theodore May

andPaul L. Schwartz, Social Service Delivery Systems, December

31, 1973.

Nature of Study

A specially designed work program was offered to 14/15 -

year-old black teenage girls, which provided them with

support in their work settings, well-defined tasks,

supervisors,and regularly scheduled peer interaction

groups led by a young black woman considered to be an

appropriate role model. The experimental group was

1 52
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given work assignments as assistants to teachers and leaders

in after-school day care centers. They were directed by

job-supervisors in each center and participated in regular

discussion groups.

The study was based on the hypothesis that positive outcomes would result if 14/15-year-old girls were involved

in a work program two years earlier than is usual for NYC

and were supported by peer interaction groups led by

effective tack female role models.

Two kinds of data were collected and analyzed: (1) personality assessment data on the experimental and two

control groups; (2) external source data - school grades,

attendance, court contacts, pregnancies, and on-job

performance evaluations. The older controls were a group

of 16/18 year old black female In-School NYC youths; the

younger controls were a group of 14/15-year-old black

girls from '',1e same population as the experimental group

who didn't participate in work activities or 1.11 peer

support groups. All three groups were tested, sLudied,and

evaluated over a 9-month period from November 1)72 to

August 1973.

Findings

The most generally consistent finding of this study is that

the experimental group and the older working control group

maintained their levels of functioning. This maintenance

outcome was most noticeable in school grades, good self

concepts, and the individuals' sense of control of their

own destinies, as opposed to feeling at the mercy of fate,

chance or luck. By contrast, the younger control group

and those who dropped out of the program (particularly the

younger ones) diminished in their levels of functioning

in the same areas.

The positive outcomes for the experimental group become

significant w'.an contrasted with the changes in a negative direction found among the younger controls. Similar

negative changes also characterized the leavers from the

program. The findings ''pus suggest that the project had

a substantial impact.

In brief then, the placement of 14/15-year-old black

adolescent girls in a youth employment program, supported

by peer interaction groups, produced positive outcomes

for those included in the program. At the same time, those

who were not included in the program (or who dropped out)

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showed negative changes in school grades and self concepts,

as well au an increased perception of themselves as being

at the mercy of chance or luck rather than controlling

their own destinies.

The Neighborhood Youth Corps: An Impact Evaluation, by Robert S. Smith

and Hugh h. Pitcher, Technical Analysis Paper No. 9, Office of

Evaluation, OASPER, DOL, September 1973.

Nature of Study

This evaluation undertook to analyze the effects of NYC

with respect to the attainment of four goals: (1) redistribution of income to the poor; (2) increase in

employment of youth; (3) reduction of teenage - related,

crime; and (4) increase in lifetime earnings of enrollees

through training, incentives to stay in school,and work

experience.

Findings

The NYC Program is essentially redistributive in that income is transferred from middle- and upper-income groups

to the poor. The Summer Program appears to be slightly more

redistributive than the In-School Program, at least in the

short run.

Evidence on the employment effects of NYC is not at all

conclusive or credible. At this point, there is insufficient data with which to evaluate changes in teenage

employment which may have occurred as a result of NYC.

The effects of NYC on teenage crime rates are essentially

unknown and, with data currently available, unknowable.

The evidence on this goal to date is very tentative and

speculative.

Evidence with respect to the long-run impact of NYC on

earnings is likewise unconvincing. The estimated effects

on earnings alternate between rates of return which may

be inordinately high and rates of return which are zero.

Evidence with respect to educational attainment is likewise

conflicting. The researchers therefore conclude that the

long-run effects of NYC are also unknown; as with the

shorter-run impacts, more conclusive evaluative efforts

await the development and exploitation of better data.
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A Study of the Effectiveness of Selected Out-of-School Neighborhood

Youth Corps Programs: Implications for Program Operations and

Research, February 1969, and A Study of the Effectiveness of Selected

Out-of-School Neighborhood Youth Corps Programs (A Study of Selected

NYC-1 Projects), by Regis H. Walther, Project Director; Margaret L.

Magnusson,Research Associate, Social Research Group, The George

Washington University, Washington, D.C., April 1971.

Nature of Study

This study of selected urban out-of-school NYC programs

was undertaken to investigate the extent to which these

programs enhanced the employability of enrollees and to

determine elements of effective program operations. The

study had three data collection components:

1. An interview survey of former NYC enrollees and

controls was conducted in Cincinnati, Ohio;

Durham, North Carolina; East St. Louis, Illinois;

and St. Louis, Missouri. During this retrospective

study, persons who had been program enrollees in

1965-66 and controls were first interviewed in the

winter and spring of 1967 and interviewed again the

summer of 1968.

2. A study group of entering enrollees was selected

for interviewing at the four sites,and information

concerning their NYC experience was collected during

the course of their enrollment.

3. A study of enrollees terminating from two Pittsburgh

programs and the Cincinnati program in the last half

of 1966 followed up enrollees through mailed selfreport questionnaires.

Findings

Although there was no clear evidence that the NYC effectively enhanced the employability of the average enrollee,

there was evidence that some program components were having

a significant effect. Formal skill training, work sites

with training and employment opportunities, job development, and job placement assistance appeared to be associated

with increased post-NYC employment.

The attitudes of enrollees were associated with their

employability. In the study of work-relevant attitudes,

it was found that attitudinal questions differentiated

on the basis of sex, race, and school status, with the

largest proportion of the variance associated with school

status.

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The continuation of program counseling responsibility

into the post-NYC period improved the employment

adjustment of former enrollees.

NYC enrollment policy that. concentrated on "hard core"

youth tended to limit program effectiveness.

A Cost Effectiveness Study of the In-School and Summer Neighborhood

Youth Corps, by Gerald G. Somers, Project Director; Ernst W.

Stromsdorfer, Principal Investigator; Center for Studies in Vocational and Technical Education, Industrial Relations Research

Institute, The University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin, July 1970.

Nature of. Study

The study investigated the impact of the NYC In-School

and Summer Programs primarily on: (1) enrollee dropout rates and (2) enrollee earnings and employment

experiences after leaving high school. A geographically

distributed interview survey selected a total study

sample of 436 NYC enrollees at 60 in-school and summer programs through a random process. A control group of

344 individuals was also selected for comparison. To

increase response rates, mail questionnaires and telephone contacts were used when personal interviews were

impossible. The survey gathered work-related, demographic, attitudinal,and financial data from the study and

control groups while also collecting data on the NYC

experiences of the study group.

Findings

Overall, NYC-2 did not significantly increase high school

graduation rates among children of low- income families.

Nevertheless, the graduation probabilities for certain

sub groups, most notably blacks, were enhanced. Relative

to the control groups, NYC high scnool graduates had an

increased probability of obtaining further education.

By whetting the appetites of enrollees for full-time jobs

and larger incomes, an NYC job may have encouraged some

to drop out of high school at the same time as it permitted and motivated others to continue their education.

The improved attitudes toward work reported by the NYC

participants and the actual evidence of labor market

benefits may have facilitated the transition from school

to work for some even before their graduation.

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145

The authors believed that intensive counseling was needed.

The NYC students' high school jobs would serve to further

their education only if they were convinced that an even

better job awaited them after additional years of schooling.

Without inculcation of such beliefs, the mere provision of

a job under the NYC might have negative as well as positive

effects on the educational plans of teenagers from lowincome families.

Regardless of the objective facts of their NYC work and

their post-high school employment, the NYC participants

evaluated their experience in the most enthusiastic terms.

They were highly satisfied with the kind of work assigned

to them, their hourly rates, and their supervisors.

Survey of Terminees from Out-of-School Neighborhood Youth Corps

Pro ects, Final Report prepared by Dunlap and Associates, Inc.,

Darien, Connecticut, June1968.

Nature of Study_

The study sought to determine the extent to which former

NYC out-of-school program enrollees were successful in

obtaining and holding gainful employment or engaged in

skills training or educational pursuits related to gainful

employment. At 50 sites, an interview survey of 601 rural

and 1$425 urban NYC out-of-school program terminees was

conducted to gather data on postprogram activity. A

control group of 507 was selected and interviewed for

comparison. This study is similar in scope and objectives

to one conducted during the previous year (1966-67).

The earlier study did not include a control group. All

three samples were compared.

Findings

While the study presents numerous analytic results that

give a statistical profile of the post enrollment experiences of NYC out-of-school participants, as well as the

experiences of the control group, no rigorous comparison

of participants to controls was made to adequately determine program impact.

156
146

THE VOCATIONAL EXPLORATION IN THE PRIVATE SECTOR PROGRAM; The

U.S. Department of Labor, the National Alliance of Businessmen (NAB),

and the Office of Education of HEW cooperated in the development and

demonstration of a full-year pilot program "Vocational Exploration

in the Private Sector" (VEPS) for Neighborhood Youth Corps in-school

youth. The time frame of the experimental program was June 1, 1971,

to June 30, 1972.

VEPS program goals were to:

reduce high school dropout rates;

reduce the flow of untrained, unskilled youth into the

labor market; and

provide enrollees with the widest possible exposure to

the world of work.

VEPS program objectives for youth participants were:

To provide youth with incentive to remain in school and

earn a high school diploma. The incentive to remain in

school was to be provided by intensive cov^seling, remediation, and work experience components ti . would

demonstrate the need for and value of education.

To facilitate the smooth transition upon high school

graduation into the full-time work force. Utilizing

private sector work sites with three separate work

experiences, coupled with career exploraticA, the

VEPS program sought to provide a broader and more

transferable NYC work experience by using private rather

than public sector work sites.

To provide youth with part-time employment while in

school. A major objective of VEPS-1 was for employers

to continue employing enrollees on a full-time basis

during the summer following the initial program year

and on a part-time basis during the enrollees' high

school senior year. Upon graduation, it was hoped that

the enrollees would be employed by the participating

company as a regular full-time employee or by another

employer seeking labor skills possessed by the enrollees.

157
147

To dramatize the need for and utility of a sound high

school education for success in the world of work.

Through example, experience,and counseling, it was

hoped that enrollees could draw linkages between the

opportunities provided through formal education and

the requirements for employability in the private

sector.

The VEPS program operated in ten cities, two of which terminated the program after the first 12-week summer phase. The fullyear VEPS program had three segments (summer, first school semester,

and second school semester), each of which had an "NYC Phase" and

and "Employer Phase." During the "NYC Phase," enrollees received

wages paid from NYC sponsor funds. During the "Employer Phase," wages

were paid entirely by the private sector employer.

At the start of each segment, the enrollee was to move to a new

work station either at his present employer or with another employer.

At the conclusion of the program each enrollee was to have had three

separate VEPS work experiences.

The major components of VEPS were: counseling and remediation,

orientation, career exploration, non-productive on-the-job training,

and productive work experience. The first four components were conducted during the "NYC Phase." The fifth component defined the

"Employer Phase."

Youth participants in the VEPS program were recruited by NYC

sponsors; potential enrollees were in-school youth at least 16 years

of age who were economically disadvantaged as defined by NYC guidelines. Candidates were referred to special high school counselors

for certification that the students would be 11th graders in

153
148

September 1971, and that they were "probak

Work sites for enrollees were to be ide.;1,1:4ed ap.;. ,Abl,tcted by

NAB metro offices. Criteria for participating private sector

companies included a demonstrated interest in training and employing

in-school youth and a capability for training youth personnel. As

conditions for participation in the program, a company was to agree to:

1. provide, at its own cost, necessary staff, space, equipment, supplies,and access to the principal worksites;

2. make these resources available to enrollees and high

school counselors; and

3. absorb the salaries of enrollees when each "NYC Phase"

terminated.

Additional responsibilities of private sector participants

under terms of the program included: (a) identification of training

and employment positions; (b) development of orientation and career exploration curricula with local NYC and school officials; (c) assignment of supervisory personnel to train and work with enrollees; (d)

development of procedures governing payrolls during training periods

where the employer bore the full cost of the enrollee's salary; and

(e), designation of a company coordinator to assist the NYC sponsor

and high school counselor in developing program curricula and

schedules.

In addition to the recruitment and referral of youth, NYC

sponsors were responsible for program administration, including

record keeping, paying NYC wages to enrollees, maintaintng liaison

with the company coordinators and high school counselors, working

with the metro NAB youth director to provide for joint monitoring,
149

and establishing a program review committee.

L.2gitudinal Impact Assessment of the 1971-72 Vocational Exploration

:.o,-the Private Sector Program,by Donald P. Sprengel and E. Allan

Tray, Manpower Administration Report, U.S. Department of Labor,

.Ju ly 1974.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this assessment was to determine the

extent to which the VEPS-I program attained its

several objectives. Although research hypotheses

are not explicitly stated in the longitudinal impact

assessment report, several key hypotheses can be

deduced from the test. The VEPS emphasis on intensive

counseling coupled with paid work exploration and work

experience would have positive impact on:

academic indicators such as grade point average

and attendance patterns;

graduation rates (and negative impact on dropout

rates); and

employability of youth upon graduation.

Findings

The impact of VEPS-I upon grade point performance was

both significant and widespread. Dramatic improvement

over the 1970-71 base year was characteristic of the

VEPS-I youth during the experimental year; the impact

of this change persisted through the following (senior)

year. Both frequency distributions and t-score tests

confirmed this observation at a statistically significant level. Overall improvement in grade point

performance from 1970-71 through 1972-73 was also

statistically significant. The net result was that the

VEPS-I Program was instrumental in improving the grade

point averages of VEPS-I youth to the point where they

assumed a superior position over the control group in

contrast to their inferior position during the baseline

year.

Much the same findings occurred in analysis of attendance

data. In 1970-71, the baseline year, the control group

was significantly superior to the VEPS-I completers in

terms of attendance patterns. Through each of the
150

fcllowing two years this significance was eliminated, and

the data indicate a slightly superior position for the

VEPS-I group. Analysis of change in attendance patterns

also yielded high statistical significance. The implications of the change data are that VEPS-I had a significantly positive impact upon VEPS-I youth attendance

patterns.

Significant as these quantifiable indicators are, the

ultimate test of the academic impact of the VEPS pro^ram

rested with only one outcome -- whether the youth graduated

or dropped out of school. Virtually no difference existed

between the control group and the VEPS-I group itii terms

of either graduation rates or dropping out. Therefore,

given the fact that VEPS was targeted for youth who were

probable dropouts as evidenced by lower preprogram indicators, the conclusion is forced that the VEPS program

reduced the propensity for VEPS youth to drop out of school

and materially contributed to their earning high school

diplomas.

The employability data are no less striking than those on academic performance. VEPS was intended to provide parttime employment during the VEPS-I year, full-time summer employment iu the summer intervening between the VEPS-I

year and the senior year, part-time employment in the

senior year, and full-time employment upon graduation

from high school. Part III of the report contains data

indicating that the program was successful in the first

three of these four employment objecLies; part of

this success can, however, be attributed to a continuation of VEPS into a second year. No control group information was pertinent to these VEPS objectives. The ultimate objective for which, comparative data can be generated

is employability upon graduation, rLetesentative of a smooth transition from high school into the full-time

labor force. Regardless of the combination of cities

analyzed, at least half of the VEPS youth were employed

full-time compared to approximately thirty percent of

the control group. Unemployment among the control group

was nearly double that of the VEPS group. VEPS youth were

employed at a significantly higher rate than was the

control group. The general conclusion drawn by Sprengel

and Tomey was that:

the VEPS program proved to be an effective,

significant, and lasting experience for the

youth who completed the program, resulted in

significant improvement in academic performance and attendance in school, and contributed significantly to the ability of the

VEPS-I youth to obtain full-time employment

upon graduation from high school.

161
151

You...conservation Corps

The Youth Conservation Corps, administered jointly by the

Department of Agriculture and the Department of the Interior, has

three stated objectives:

1. to accomplish needed conservation on public lands;

2. to provide gainful employment for 15-18 year olds

of all backgrounds; and

3. to instill in participants an understanding and

appreciation of their natural environment and

heritage.

As authorized under the Youth Conservation Corps Act of 1970,

as amended, all young people between the ages of 15 and 18 are

eligible for employment (not exceeding 90 days' duration) on

conservation projects on federal and non-federal public lands. Most

of the projects are concerned with thy: development, preservation,

and maintenance of natural resources on public lands and waters

within the states. The program also provides an educational component which seeks to develop in participating youth a concern for

their natural environment.

In FY 1976, approximately 23,000 young men and women were employed in fifty states for about eight weeks during the summer

months. Although the Youth Conservation Corps does not aim specifically at dealing with the youth transition to work, results from

one study do provide some information, particularly on the acquisition of work skills.
152

Youth and the Environment: An Evaluation of the 1971 Youth Conservation

Corps,by Robert W. Marans, B.L. Driver and John C. Scott, Survey

Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1972.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this evaluation was to assess young people's

responses to their summer experience in terms of:

1. their attitudes toward and evaluation of the Youth

Conservation Corps program and various attributes

of it;

2. changes in their understanding )f and concern for

environmental and ecological issues and problems;

3. changes in their attitudes toward and relationships

with peers and adults;

4. changes in recreational and work skills; and

5. changes in their self-concept or perceptions of self.

This report presents the results of a study of approximately 2400 young people who, in the summer of 1971, participated in the first part of a three-year Conservation

Corps pilot program. The evaluation is based on questionnaires given to all Corps members and camp directors and on

visits to a representative number of camps. Questionnaires

were administered to Corps members at the beginning and

end of each camp session to observe changes in their

responses. Information from camp directors concerned the

camp environments and programs and was considered in

relation to the Corps members' responses.

Findings*

From the point of view of the young people involved, the

Youth Conservation Corps was a highly successful program.

When asked about their experience,.86% said they liked it

and 94% said it was worthwhile. In general, girls were*

more enthusiastic about the program than boys. White and

Spanish American Corps members rated their experience highly,

while black and Native American youth were less satisfied

with their experience. Lower levels of satisfaction also

were expressed by the 15-year olds while 18-year-olds were

the most satisfied with their experience.

Although the primary foci of this report do not relate directly

to the transition of youth to employment, sections do address the

work experience component of the YCC.

1''3
153

In considering specific attributes of camps, Corps

members tended to evaluate favorably the quality and

the quantity of the work accomplished during the summer.

Less favorable ratings were given to coordination efforts

between the work assignments and environmental education

and to the education they received while working.

Change was observed in the level of work skills developed

as a result of the program. Whereas most Corps members

entered camp with moderate levels of experience in using

a wide range of tools, the proportion who said they felt

very skilled in using tools increased substantially.

10411,4!
154

The Comprehensive Employment and Training Act

CETA, as the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1973

is commonly called, has increasingly become the mechanism for

providing services to youth in their transition from school to work.

It was the intent of the law to decentralize and decategorize man- power programs previously administered nationally. Locally elected

officials of governmental units of 100,000 or more persons, called

Prime Sponsors, now have responsibility for developing and implementing comprehensive training and employment programs for "economically disadvantaged, unemployed and underemployed persons."

Title I (Sections 101 and 106) outlines the services to be

provided at the discretion of the local Prime Sponsors and of the

Governors of states in "balance of state areas." These services

include outreach, recruitment, counseling, assessment, skill

training -- both institutional and on-the-job -- job development

and placement, supportive services, labor market information, and

transitional public service employment. Local manpower planning

councils are mandated (Section 104) which are representative of

"the client community and of community based organizations, the

employment service, education and training agencies and institutions,

business, labor, and where appropriate, agriculture." Similar

state councils are mandated to advise on programs administered by

the state in the "balanc^ of state" areas, and a further state

manpower services council (Section 107) is provided to coordinate
155

all local efforts. Prime Sponsors may administer programs directly

or subcontract part or all of the programs to local agencies.

Approximately 60% of Title I participants are under 22 years of age.

Title III describes the special federal responsibilities of the

Secretary ,f Labor to provide services to particular target groups,

including youth; to conduct research, training,and evaluation; and

to provide labor market statistics and a job bank.

Title IV provides for the continuation of the Job Corps residential training centers whose programs also affect youth directly.

Title II and VI provide for public service employment, Title

VI having been added in 1974 as the "Emergency Jobs Program" because

of the recession.

The new Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977

(YEDPA) provides for significant amendments to Title III and a new

Title VIII. Among the Title III amendments are provisions for

entitlement projects, community improvement programs, and youth

employment and training activities. Title VIII establishes a Young

Adult Conservation Corps, designed to provide jobs for unemployed

youth and accomplish needed conservation work. All of these efforts

will bear close examination as they impact on the youth transition

to work.

At this time, due to CETA's relatively short existence as well

as its emphasis on local administration of programs, there are few

studies available addressing the impact of CETA on the transition

from school to work. The major exception is the Job Corps, which
156

predated CETA and was subsumed under Title IV.

Descriptive materials are available for projects funded under

Title III and Title IV. Documentation of the National Program of

Selected Population Segments, Phase I Report, July 22, 1977, by Abt

Associates, is the first in a series of reports tracking NPSPS.

The Phase I Report includes a preliminary summary of the goals,

services,and target groups, as well as one-page abstracts of 82

projects. More detailed information on program operations and outcomes will be provided in future reports. Of the 82 projects funded

under Title III, sixteen are youth-oriented, with work experience

the most common service provided, followed by counseling and job

readiness workshops.

CETA Title VI Project Description Reports, June 1977 by MDC,

Inc., is also part of a series designed to provide information on replicable activities in operation within the national CETA delivery

system. The report provides 50 descriptions of different types of

projects which are replicable under Title VI. In addition to a narrative regarding program operation and implementation, there is a brief

summary analysis of the value and potential of each project. Several

of the projects have targeted eligi%le youth as their special emphasis.

In the following pages, the results of several specific

evaluations of CETA programs are cited, including evaluations of

the Job Corps predating CETA and several studies which, although

they do not address CETA efforts directly, relate to the effects of

manpower programs or the lack thereof.
157

The Comprehensive Employment and Training Act: Impact on People,

Places, Programs, An Interim Report by William Mirengoff and Lester

Rindler, National Academy of Sciences, Washington, D.C., 17)76.

Nature of Study

The premises supporting decentralization and decategorization -- the two basic tenets of CETA -- are: (1) that

local authorities know best local needs and how to

respond to them and (2) to deal effectively with those

needs, maximum flexibility in the use of manpower resources

should replace the present system of categorical programs.

To examine these premises and assess the social, economic

and political effects of this new approach to the delivery

of manpower services is the broad-ranging purpose of the

NAS study. The data for this study come primarily from

a sample of 28 units of government that encompass all

types of Prime Sponsors (six cities, nine counties, nine

consortia and four states). The sample has also been

designed to represent variations in population and degree

of unemploymcInt.

Twenty resident field research associates have been selected

to follow the implementation and operation of CETA for

three years in the 28 Prime Sponsor jurisdictions. Several

interview waves are planned. The focus is on six substantive concerns in Title I (Comprehensive Manpower

Services):

Distribution of resources

Planning process

Administrative process

Delivery systems

Mix of manpower programs

Type of people served

To obtain information, the field research associates

interviewed a minimum of seven key persons in each area

representing officials responsible for implementing CETA,

as well as others with a more independent interest in manpower development. The research associates summarized

and interpreted the formal interviews and supplemented

them with additional information and insights. These

28 field research associate reports provided the basis

for this study. The field work and much of the data used

in preparing this interim report relate to the early

transition period (January-April, 1975).
158

Findings

Given the interim nature of the report, the range of

findings is limited. Findings t*lat are broken down by

age indicate that in fiscal year 1974 63.1% of CETA

Title I participants were 21 years of age or under.

Also, it was found that of the four types of Prime

Sponsors (cities, counties, consortia, and the balance

of state Prime Sponsors), the balance of state programs

reported the highest proportion of white clients, youth,

persons with less than a high school education, and those

not in the labor force, reflecting an emphasis on youth

work-experience programs.

While this study does not focus primarily upon youth

transition problems, when completed it might be a useful

guide to understanding CETA manpower programs -- many of

which are heavily involved in the transition of youth

to employment.

Continuous Longitudinal Manpower Survey, Report Number 4:

Characteristics of Enrollees Who Entered CETA Programs During

Calendar Year 1975, November 1976. Prepared by Westat, Inc., 11600

Nebel Street, Rockville, Maryland 20852. Prepared for: Office of

Policy, Evaluation and Research, ETA/USDOL, Washington, D.C.

Nature of Study

As part of the overall evaluation plan for CETA-funded

programs, the Continuous Longitudinal Manpower Survey

(CLMS) was developed under the auspices of the Employment

and Training Administration (ETA) of the Department of

Labor. CLMS is a continuous, longitudinal survey with

no specified cut-off date, designed to collect and analyze

data on a national sample of enrollees in employment and

training programs funded under CETA Titles I, II, and VI,

and under Title III summer youth programs. The primary

long-range goal of the survey is to provide measures of

the impact of CETA programs on enrollees. Impact will be

determined through assessment of the nature and extent

of differences between pre-program and post-program

periods for CETA program participants, and these differences

will be compared with similar changes in earnings for

a comparable group of nonparticipants in order to estimate

changes due to program participation. The CLMS also permits determination of relationships between post-program

outcomes and manpower services received or activities

engaged in by participants. This will help to measure the

effectiveness of var ous manpower development activities

and services delivered.

1A'j
159

In addition to information for evaluation purposes, the

CLMS provides considerable participant characteristic

data not available from the national Prime Sponsor reporting system. Data in CLMS are available by major

program activity, while reported data on characteristics

in the Prime Sponsor reporting system are available only

by CETA funding Title, which is not a consistent reflection of specific activities. Data on labor force participation histories of CETA participants are obtained from

CLMS for periods before and after program participation.

Similarly, histories of CETA participants' reliance on

various other forms of public assistance are available

from the CLMS data. Finally, estimates pertaining to

demographic characteristics and family composition of

CETA participants are available from CLMS in somewhat

more detail than from sponsor reports.

The Continuous Longitudinal Manpower Survey is a

survey of persons newly enrolled in employment and training programs administered by state and local governments

under the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of

1973. CLMS produces national estimates on CETA

participants based on samples of approximately 3,750 new

entrants selected each quarter. Data on sampled enrollees

are gathered by Bureau of the Census personnel from records kept by the program operators and from personal

:7"erviews with the sampled participants. The CLMS design

specifies initial interviews with all sampled enroll.:.,

and up to three follow-up interviews with some of

individuals over a three-year period. The sponsor data

on individuals are collected at the time of samp114 aid

are updated before each interview until terminaL- a of

enrollment.

Findings

Based on preliminary data to be reported in Reporc , 41% of the total 2.1 million CETA enrollees in 19, ;:re summer youth work program participants -- a total o,

850,000. Youth participants in nonsummyr work experience

programs numbered 312,000. Overall, 68% 'f CETA enrollees were youth aged 21 or less. Although most young

people participated in summer and school-year work

experience programs, they also represented 25% of the

enrollees in training courses and public service employment.
160

TITLE IV - JOB CORPS: The Job Corps was established as part

of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. Its purpose was to remove

poor youth (16-21 years old) from their poverty neighborhoods to

residential centers and provide them there with educational and

vocational training designed to improve their employabiaty. In

1969, responsibility for the program was moved from OI to DOL,and

emphasis was placed more on industrial occupations Lnd job placement

than on conservation work, the original focus.

Job Corps is a predominantly residential traildnp program designed to develop a person's employability, responsipi.:ity,and

productivity through training that is conducted at centers remc,;td

from the participant's previous environment *. In Lt is

aimed at reaching those youth who might profit from a chary;:

their physical environment and need individual counsel-1n and help

in order to develop the talents, self-confidence ,and ml,ivation

necessary to improve their economic status.

The program concentrates on providing com7Lehensive training

geared toward basic education, skill training ,and useful work experience. The basic education component includes reading, mathematics, English, consumer education, and w(Jilt orientation. The

vocational component prepares enrollees for specific occupations

currently in demara, while the work experience emponent provides

them with an opportunity for actual training on the job. Emphasis.

is also placed on the personal and cultural development of the

The following description is taken, in large part, from Ellen

Searcy, Work Experience as Preparation for Adulthood, Washington,

D.C.: social Research Grout, The George Washington University,

May 1973.

171
161

trainees. Support services offered under the Job Corps program include

the provision of clothing, living, and readjustment allowances, room

and board, medical and dental care, and job placement. Eligible parti-

:.4ants include young men and women, aFill sixteen to twenty-one, who

are permanent residents of the United States; come from low-income

families, and lack education and skills to hold meaningful employment

or successfully participate in 'egular school work. In addition,

enrollees must be living in a poverty environment, be free of major medical or behavior problems,and have the basic capabilities and desire

to complete the program.

Job Corps centers were originally of three types: 10

large (1,000 - 3,000 enrollees) men's centers, about

80 smaller (100 - 250) conservation centers -- also

for men -- and 17 women's centers of medium size

(300 - 1,100). All forms of centers were residential

and provided health care and counseling in addition to

their basic educational and vocational programs. In

1969, many of these centers were closed and smaller

inner city or near city residential manpower centers

were opened. In addition, eight residential support

centers were started. While these were live-in and

provided counseling, corps members were to receive

training and education elsewhere in the community.

All the support centers were closed in 1974, however

(Levitan, 1975).

Under CETA Title IV, there are presently about 60 Job Corps centers in

operation with openings for about 22,000 enrollees at a time. A year

from now, the Corps is expected to have a trainee capacity of 44,0001

with 70 new training centers being added.

"Success for the Job Corps program is gauged by the extent to

which participants become more employable, increase their earning

capacity, satisfy Armed Services requirements, raise their basic
162

educational levels, and are more capable of coping with a complex society"

(Searcy, 1973). These program goals can be assessed in part by the

trainee's post-program performance, with the caveat that there have

been few follow-up studies in the 70's,and aggregate data on the experience of enrollees after separation from the program are available for

a maximum of only 18 months.

The effectiveness of the Job Corps was the subject of great debate

in the 1960's, with several studies yielding mixed results; more recent

studies point to more positive outcomes. The following summary of these

study conclusions is drawn from the works of Levitan and Johnston (1975)

and Taggart (1976) who synthesized results of numerous studies conducted

in the 60's and 70's.

According to Taggart, Levitan, and Johnston, the Job Corps was the

most ambitious of all federal manpower efforts and also one of the most

costly -- in FY 1974, direct-costs per person-year were $6,800, with

indirect costs bringing the total to $9,200 (Center for Naval Analyses,

1972). Costs were cut in 1967 by eliminating such activities as trips,

extensive counseling,and recreation. In addition to being costly, the

Job Corps approach is effective over a lengthy period of exposure, and

many enrollees drop out before they can benefit from the program. In

1974, a quarter of the enrollees left after less than 30 days; half did

not stay the three months considered a minimum for completion. This

was a problem for both residential and non-residential centers.

Despite the variety of service strategies implemented, no one

model proved to be more successful than the others, and there was
163

little indication of which type of center or services most benefitted

a particular type of participant. Increased emphasis on placement,

however, did seem to have a positive impact on participants, as did

the development of union training contracts to provide pre-apprenticeship training in the centers. Completers of this training move into

jobs at union wage scales, significantly raising placement rates and

average wage gains of enrollees.

Technical follow-up studies in the 1960's indicated that earnings

rope by 4/5 for enrollees between the time of program entry and 6

months after termination. After 12 and 18 months, however, these gains

declined and enrollees did only somewhat better than those who had been

accepted but had not participated in the program. In regard to whether

the benefits equaled the high cost of Job Corps assistance, an 0E0

study found that benefits exceeded costs (Cain, 1967), while a GAO

study concluded that the cost outweighed the benefits (Resource Management Corporation, 1969). However, uncertainties in the data and the

lack of a truly random control group, as well as analyst biases,

rendered cost-benefit analysis of the Job Corps imperfect at best.

The situation has improved in the 1970's, as witnessed by the fact

that in FY 1974, 2/3 of the program terminees were employed upon

termination and a fifth went into the military or back to school, as

compared with 53% being employed and 11% returning to school or entering

the military in FY 1969. In regard to educational gains, average

learning rates rose from .18 grades per month to .26, with 10% of the

enrollees getting GED diplomas. With average monthly reading and
164

arithmetic gains of over 2 months per month of stay, and average length

of stay at about 5.5 months, "the typical enrollee emerged with his

skills advanced by more than a 10-month school year of education"

(Levitan and Johnston, p. 87).

The admittedly subjective reports of enrollees, relatives, friends,

and employers testify to other benefits. According to one set of

surveys, 2/3 of former enrollees stated that the vocational training

had been helpful to them; 3/4 gave positive ratings to the education

component of the program. These proportions were even higher among

those who completed the program. Sixty-two percent of terminees'

relatives, friends,and employers felt that returning participants had

changed for the better, with the greatest change among blacks and program completers. All these survey results tended to support the claim

that the Job Corps was helpful in providing corpsmen with a "sense of

motivation, with an ability to plan for the future and with a capacity

to take action" (Harris, 1969, p. 32).

Levitan concludes that:

Taken as a whole, the assessments of the program

give a clearly positive reading. Almost all

studies have found that corpsmen are better off

after the program than they were on entrance,

whether this standard of measurement is employment,

earnings, educational level, motivation, or work

habits. The longer the stay, the greater the

beneficial impacts seem to be. Whether these

benefits outweigh the high cost per person, it

seems indisputable that at least for some of these

hard-core disadvantaged youths, the Job Corps

succeeded wherf other educational and vocational

efforts had failed (p. 101).
165

Other Manpower-Related Studies

An Evaluation of Manpower Programs for Young Men, 1964-1972: Based

on the National Longitudinal (Parnes) Labor Market Surveys, by Gerald

G. Somers and Jennifer L. Warlick, Department of Economics, University

of Wisconsin, Madison, 1975.

Nature of Study

The purposes of the study were: (1) to determine the characteristics of young male enrollees in manpower programs;

(2) to estimate the probability of enrollment of young

men with specified characteristics; (3) to evaluate the

long-term effects of enrollment on their future earnings;

and among the enrollees, (4) to determine the longitudinal

effects on earnings of (a) completion of the program, (b)

duration of enrollment, (c) the year of termination, and

(d) the length of time since termination. Using a sample

from the Parnes National Longitudinal Surveys and social

security numbers, approximately 3,500 white and 1,500 black

young men were matched with Manpower Administration program

enrollee records to measure the frequency of program participation and its long-term economic effect on individuals.

Findings

The probability of program participation was inversely

related to age, education, family size, total assets,

family income, and earnings in the 12 months preceding

the interview dates. It was positively related to nonwhite status and the number of dependents.

In the regression analyses, the simple enrollee/nonenrollee

comparison showed an earnings advantage for nonenrollees.

However, a more detailed analysis of the nature of program

participation and the timing of program termination

.provided a more favorable view of manpower enrollment:

a, Program completers more thin noncompleters and 4. nonenrollees showed an earnings advantage.

b. Combined coefficients for program enrollment, weeks

of enrollment, program completion, year of program

termination, and years since termination indicate

benefits in earnings for those who terminated in

1966, 1967, 1968,and 1969. For those who terminated in 1964-65 and 1970-71, the sample size and/or

brief time period render the results less reliable.
166

c. Increases in earnings reached their peak in the

third year after program tdrmination; however,

benefits continued to accrue after the third year

for those who terminated their program in the 1966-

69 period.

A Study of Negro Male High School Dropouts Who are Not Reached by

Federal Work-Training Programs, Final Report, by Regis H. Walther,

Principal Investigator; Margaret L. Magnusson, Research Associate;

and Shirley E. Cherkasky, Research Associate; Social Research Group,

George Washington University, Washington, D.C., 1972.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this study was to investigate those characteristics of Negro male high school dropouts that might

inhibit their participation in federal manpower programs.

Two study groups totaling 665 young men, born before 1952,

who left school in 1966-67 before graduating from high school,

were constituted in Baltimore and St. Louis. These young

men were interviewed in the summer of 1969. Interview

information was secured for 58% of all subjects, and an additional 25% were determined to be in military service,

in jail, deceased, or in a hospital and could not be

interviewed. Of this sample, 129 individuals or 20% were found to have participated in manpower programs (11% in the

Job Corps, 6% in the Out-of-School NYC program, 2% in

MDTA, and 1% in two or more programs).

Findings

The study found a widespread lack of knowledge concerning

available programs and where and how to apply. It also

documented the variety of positive and negative impressions

that respondents had toward individual manpower programs.

A large portion of the dropout population in the two cities

qualified for manpower programs under poverty guidelines.

However, subjects who did not meet the poverty guidelines

appeared to have as great a need for enhanced employability

as those who did.

Unawareness of the NYC and the MDTA programs could account

for most of the non-participatior. in these programs by

individuals with salient employability needs.

The following conclusions were reached regarding the

nature of the needs for employability assistance:
167

a. Unemployment did not result primarily from lack of

available jobs.

b. Job turnover resulted primarily from a lack o2 fit

between the subject and the job.

c. There was a wide discrepancy between the ten-year

occupational goals and the current jobs held by

the subjects.

d. Employability needs did not decrease as age increased

among the age ranges in this study.

e. Lack of education or training was reported as the

principal barrier to occupational goal achievement.

The apparent success of the widespread use of the media

announcements of the Job Corps suggests that this means

of reaching youth in need of the services of manpower

programs might increase the awareness of other programs.

Rural Oriented Research and Development Projects: A Review and Synthesis,

Gene S. Leonardson and David M. Nelson, R&D Monograph 50, U.S.

Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, 1977.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this report was to review and summarize

previously funded research on employment and training

problems and programs in rural areas in the United States

and to extract general lessons and program guidelines to

direct future research and nrogrammatic experimentation.

One section of the study, "Employment and Training Programs

for Rural Youth," proposed recommendations for rural youth

program development which are summarized below.

Findings

Migration is and will continue to be necessary for a large

percentage of rural youth.

Primary problems for rural-to-urban migrants are: (a) insufficient training to allow effective competition in the

urban job market and (b) lack of social skills and values

necessary for adjustment to life in an urban environment.

A 'trip to the city' program of familiarization with urban

centers will nut help subsequent migrants in their adjustment to urban life.
167

a. Unemployment did not result primarily from lack of

available jobs.

b. Job turnover resulted primarily from a lack o2 fit

between the subject and the job.

c. There was a wide discrepancy between the ten-year

occupational goals and the current jobs held by

the subjects.

d. Employability needs did not decrease as age increased

among the age ranges in this study.

e. Lack of education or training was reported as the

principal barrier to occupational goal achievement.

The apparent success of the widespread use of the media

announcements of the Job Corps suggests that this means

of reaching youth in need of the services of manpower

programs might increase the awareness of other programs.

Rural Oriented Research and Development Projects: A Review and Synthesis,

Gene S. Leonardson and David M. Nelson, R&D Monograph 50, U.S.

Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, 1977.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this report was to review and summarize

previously funded research on employment and training

problems and programs in rural areas in the United States

and to extract general lessons and program guidelines to

direct future research and nrogrammatic experimentation.

One section of the study, "Employment and Training Programs

for Rural Youth," proposed recommendations for rural youth

program development which are summarized below.

Findings

Migration is and will continue to be necessary for a large

percentage of rural youth.

Primary problems for rural-to-urban migrants are: (a) insufficient training to allow effective competition in the

urban job market and (b) lack of social skills and values

necessary for adjustment to life in an urban environment.

A 'trip to the city' program of familiarization with urban

centers will nut help subsequent migrants in their adjustment to urban life.
168

The urban bias of program regulations (in the definition

of "disadvantaged") is a major problem in implementing

federal programs in rural areas.

Part-time jobs as part of an in-school program have no measurable impact on the subsequent employment experience

of program participants.

Programs need to teach both occupational and social skills.

The need for an out-of-school program is regional and

depends on school dropout rates.

Meshing a rural program with a program in a growth center

will provide added services for rural youth. Complete

integration should be avoided in order to maintain individualized attention necessary for rural programs.

Meshing with other employment and training programs,

including those providing on-the-job institutional training,

should be pursued.
169

The Youth Work Experience Process Model

During the period June 1974 to June 1976, the National Office for

Social Responsibility (NOSR) developed and put into operation a Model

Youth Work Experience Program under contract to the U.S. Department of

Labor, Offender Rehabilitation Division*. This effort, funded under

the Manpower Development and Training Act, was implemented with twohundred youth participants from the Oakland, California,area, together

with local school and government officials, a staff of eight on site,

several people in Washington at the NOSR headquarters, and an evaluation team based in Boulder, Colorado,that made regular visits to the

Oakland site.

The purpose of the grant was twofold:

1. to develop a conceptual model utilizing the work experience

concept for the use and benefit of delinquent and predelinquent youth (ages sixteen to eighteen years); and

2. to disseminate the successful aspects of the model on a nationwide basis for use by local Prime Sponsors eager

to meet the employment and training needs of disadvantaged youths.

The intent of the program was to assist delinquent and disadvantaged youth in increasing their employability through education, vocational

training, work experience,and counseling (BRI, 1976). A major objective in demonstrating the Youth Work Experience Process Model was to

teat the hypothesis that youth would "begin to reject problem behavior

and deviant roles and to accept conforming behavior and conventional

* The following description is based on the Final Report: Youth

Work Experience Process Model Program, The National Office for Social

Responsibility, 1976.
170

social roles" if they were able to find satisfactory work opportunities

(BRI, 1976). Underlying this hypothesis is the assumption that "solving

youth problems lies in the examination and remolding of institutional

structures and attitudes which either facilitate or impede access to

socially acceptable and personally gratifying roles" (NOSR, 1976).

The program model specified process goals at three levels:

Individual: The Youth Work Experience Process will

provide individual youth participants with a placement in continued education, permanent employment,

or skilled training, Hopefully, the evaluation

will measure the reduction of delinquent and antisocial behavior among participants in the program.

Community: A program and process of community involvement will be demonstrated which will be compatible with and helpful to the local CETA administration. A new and meaningful working relationship will be established among at least three groups

of the community: the private sector, the public

sector, and young people. Adult volunteers will

participate in training and guidance, making their

experiences personally gratifying while addressing

the needs of the community and increasing the probability of their continued involvement in social

service. The private sector will have an avenue

to transfer its skills and tezhnology to social

issues and in the long run help prepare a labor

supply for meaningful roles in the work market.

National: A youth training and employment model

will have been designed, implemented and tested

which will receive nationwide distribution among

CETA Prime Sponsors (NOSR, 1976).

PROGRAM OPERATION: As implemented in Oakland, the program included elements of both the Neighborhood Youth Corps in-school and outof-school strategies and the Vocational Exploration in the Private

Sector (VEPS) approach which stresses classroom training and work site

182
173.

experience in support of specific occupational goals. There are stipends for classroom work and work site time. In Oakland, the public

school programs for PED and remedial education classes were used. The

program's work stations were tied as much as possible to he classroom

instruction to insure job related learning.

Youth and adult volunteers worked throughout the program as

counselors, identifying community resources and tie-ins to the local

1.aor market. They provided continuous educational, social, and vocational support.

PROGRAM SUPPORTIVE SERVICES: Close working relationships were

established with health, mental health, legal assistance, and counseling

agencies, au well as juvenile diversion programs, zecreationll organizations, and community and culturally based agencies. The goal of these

supportive services was to bring a comprehensive prescription approach

to the basic physical, social,and psychological needs of program participants.

An Evaluation of the Oakland Youth Work Experience Program, Behavioral

Research Institute, Boulder, Colorado, November 1976.

Nature of Study.

An outside evaluation of the Oakland Youth Work Experience

Program was carried out independently by the Behavioral

Research Institute (BRI) of Boulder, Colorado,under subcontract with the NOSR. In order to test the hypotheses

underlying the development c: the YWEP Model, BRI

developed and tested a senes of socio-psychological

scales measuring:

1. youth's perceived access to educational and occupational

goals;
172

2. youth's perceptions of negative labeling applied to

them in school, in their families, and among their

peers;

3. youth's alienation as indicated by three sub-scales

measuring powerlessness, normlessness, and societal

estrangement;

4. youth's self-esteem; and

5. youth's self-reported delinquency.

The evaluation implemented a classical research design with

matched experimental and control groups which utilized preand post-tests on dependent variables. All of the youth

applying for admission to the program wet,: -A.ainistered the

evaluation questionnaire as part of the ap?A caption process.

They were told that more youth were applying th7n there were

positions in the program and that the final s:!:.:(Aons would

be made randomly by a computer. Each youth, thcs.fore, had

the same chance of being selected. This process s.led to

be clear and fair to the youth.

After the initial tests had been conducted, a

procedure was used to match pairs of youth who were very

similar on their Initial scores on all the scales anc

similar in terms of age, sex, ethnicity, and referral

sources. One member of each pair' was then randomly selected

to participate in the program and his or her counterpart

became a member of the control group. Both the experimental

group (those in the program) and the control group were

administered the same test again at the end of the program

twenty-six weeks later and again after six months had expired since the end of the program..

To enhance the, precision of the analyses:, a typological

analysis was performed urIng only the initial scores on

scales. This analysis 7ti:aitified seven distinct "types"

of youth in the prograr and permitted assessments to'be

made of differential ft !act of the program on different

kinds of youth. The types ranged Lrom those essentially

normal with very nearly average scores on all the scales,

to the highly successful with desirable score!: on all the

scales, to the highly delinquent with very undesirable

scores on all the scales.

1613
173

Findings

STUDY I:

There W" no empirical evidence of favorable program impact

on participants (Experimentals) in general during the

first six month evaluation period.

There was limited evidence that participation for a full

year had some beneficial effects for experimental respondents. In particular, powerlessness was found to decline

between the first and second follow-ups and self-esteem

appeared to increase between the pre-test and the second

follow-up.

In general, control respondents showed little change during

the first six month evaluation period and appeared to show

some evidence of unfaVorable change by the time of the

second follow-up, particularly an increase in parental

rejection.

There was only limited evidence that particular types of

youth experienced differential program impact over time.

The vast majority of program participants evaluated the

Youth Work Experience Program positively at the first followup when the largest sample of participants was avaKlable.

STUDY II:

Experimental respondents again reported no favorable char.,es

and, in fact, showed unfavorable change in self-r( Jrted

delinquency and parental rejection. Relative to Control

respondents, the Experimentals reported greater normative

pressure at the follow-up.

Control respondents yielded a a.kngle significant change by

the time of the follow-up -- a decreased occupationt.

aspiration.

A large proportion (50%) of the Controls worked during the

evaluation period, again confounding the results somewhat.

Controls who did not work reported several significant

unfavorable changes at the follow-up but only a single

difference (reduced educational aspiration) relative to the

Experimentals.

Direct comparisons of Controls who worked and Controls who

did not work yielded a number of significant differences,

all favoring those who worked.
174

Although the study findings are somewhat disappointing in

regard to the impact of the program, they do lend support

to the hypothesis that job satisfaction is positively

correlated with favorable changes in attitudes and perceptions (as measured by the impact scales). "Virtually all

of the significant correlations are in a description which

reflects the fact that a desirable change on the impact

dimensions is related to greater job satisfaction on whichever dimension. Among the controls, for example, change on

Normlessness correlated - .35 with Satisfaction with the

work itself. That is, the greater the satisfaction with

intrinsic aspects of one's job, the greater the relative

decline in Normlessness from time 2 to time 3"(BRI, 1976,

p. 80).

In addition to the BRI evaluation, NOSR asked YWEP participants to provide their personal evaluations of the program,

including assessments of all program components, work assignments, etc. NOSR reported that tabulations of participants'

assessments demonstrate that the majority of participants

rated each of the program components as interesting and

useful (NOSR, 1976, p. 50).
175

The Work Incentive Program

The Work Incentive (WIN) Program, authorized by the 1'67 amendments to the Social Security Act, is specifically designed to help

welfare recipients find employment*. Prior to 1971 amendments, program emphasis was placed on job training; after 1971, the program

focused on immediate job placement. All persons over the age of 16

who receive Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) benefits

must, under the law, register to participate in the WIN program unless

they are specifically exempted. Those chosen to participate are

required to accept employment, training,or other job preparatory services or face denial of further welfare benefits.

In Portland, Oregon, the Bureau of Social Science Research has

been conducting a demonstration project involving the use of vouchers

to enable WIN participants to "buy" up to a year of skill training in

a local vocational training institution of their choice. The experience thus far indicates that the voucher system is most successful

with the younger, better educated , and the women among the program

.participants.

Vouchered trainees successfully managed their own

training plans and negotiated with institutions

with little, if any, intercession from WIN. Few

returned the vouchers or opted for agency assistance.

Clients made decisions on training and arranged

admission to programs within an average of eight

days, which was well under the maximum of six weeks

the program allowed for this negotiation (BSSR

Newsletter, Winter-Spring 1976).

* The following description is based on the Employment and Training

Report of the President, 1976, pp. 116-121.
176

The researchers conclude that the Portland project has shown the use

of vouchers to WIN to be administratively feasible but are still concerned with the difficulty posed by evaluation of their effectiveness.

Youth in the WIN Program: Report on a Survey of Client Backgrounds,

Program Experience, and Subsequent Labor Force Participation, by Ann

Richardson with the assistance of Bruce B. Dunning, Bureau of Social

Science Research, Inc., Washington, D.C., November 1975.

Nature of Study

The authors investigated the reasons for the apparently

greater difficulties the WIN program had experienced in

dealing with youthful clients and the apparently higher

dropout and low placement rates for young (under 22)

participants. The study was carried out in two phases.

Phase I was deigned to provide a data base for the intensive Phase II investigation of WIN program experiences

with enrollees under 22 and the backgrounds, attitudes,

WIN experiences, and recent .histories .of the enrollees.

themselves. In the first phase BSSR analyze.. associations between program characteristics and success rates.

The data for Phase I were obtained by means of a mail

questionnaire which was completed in 1971 by a random

sample of 100 WIN project directors, from among the

278 local WIN projects then in operation. Phase II

involved interviews with 518 young people in 13 cities

across the United States who were in WIN at some time

between July 1971 and the spring of 1973. The objectives of the analysis were to examine patterns Jf program

exposure and to assess their effects on the post-WIN

labor force behavior of these responden.

Findings

PHASE I:

Phase I was completed in November 1972*. The most

important findings, which guided the design for Phase II,

included the following:

Project directors felt that the greatest barrier to place-

* J. David Roessner and Gloria S. Hamilton, Youth in the WIN

Program Phase I, Final Report (Washington: Bureau of Social Science

Research, November 1972). At the time of review, this document was

not available to NMI. The above findings were reproduced in toto

from the Phase II report.
177

ment of very young enrollees (16-17) was age itself. A

combination of laws, regulations and restrictions made it

almost impossible to place anyone in this age group in a

meaningful job, according to project directors.

Project directors did not find a great deal of difference

in the problems faced in placing 18-21 year olds from

those faced in placing older enrollees, except that socalled "personal problems" of the enrollees increase with

age. "Personal problems", as well as arrest records and

poor employment records, were not reported to be common

barriers to placement for very young enrollees. Thus, the

project directors' perceptions did not coincide with the

notion of young enrollees being a "problem population";

in fact, except for the employment restrictions which

affected the youngest group, they were described as less

problem-prone than older enrollees.

There was some evidence that extensive use of OJT was

associated with improved placement rates for younger

enrollees.

High placement rates or low dropout rates did not appear

to be two sides of the same coin. High staff turnover

and high instructor/enrollee ratios in classes seemed

to be associated with higher dropout rates, but staff

characteristics had very little importance for success

measured by placement rates for young people.

Projects which relied heavily on sending all or most clients

through basic education, orientation and institutional

vocational training seemed to have high dropout rates for

all enrollees.

No consistent relationships could be found between aggregated enrollee characteristics within a project (such as

race or sex) and success, although the general level of

education of a project's clientele was associated with

both high placement and low dropout rates.

The study found no significant correlation between loca3

unemployment rates and either placement or retention of

enrollees in the program.

PHASE II:

Results of multiple regression analyses indicated that

participation in one or another program cDmponent differed

widely from city to city, that these site effects were
178

independent of the work experience and that they were

clearly more important than the effects of individual

client characteristics. This finding tends to correspond

to observations contai.ied in other WIN evaluations that

were not specifically targeted toward youth. The WIN

program had undergone major legal and administrative

changes during its relatively short existence, and one might

expect this to cause wider variance in serv'ca provision

at the local level as compared to certain other federal

manpower programs.

In addition to thr. large site effects, there is evidence

that WIN staffs tended in general to assign clients who

were better prepared for employment (by virtue of preWIN education and employment experience) to high-employment potential program components, such as on-the-job

training (OJT).

Specific aspects of WIN program exposure and termination

which had discernible effects on the proportion in the

labor force immediately after leaving WIN--OJT, vocational

training, staff sponsorship and dropping out--had very

little effect, if any, on the longer-run post-WIN patterns.

Furthermore, in only one case did BSSR observe an indirect

chain of influence of program exposure on these outcomes:

OJT, by influencing whether the participant worked immediately

after having WIN, enhanced somewhat the probability of stable

labor force attachment in the longer run. In general, however, the most plausible conclusion is that various sorts of

exposure to the WIN program (or disadvantages, in the case

of dropouts) are later swamped by the more immediate circumstances of day-to-day living--factors such as employers'

attitudes toward young, relatively inexperienced workers,

labor market conditions and child-bearing -- which probably

overwhelm most of the impact of WIN program participation

for this group of young people.
179

Supported Work Programs

MANPOWER DEMONSTRATION RESEARCH CORPORATION SUPPORTED WORK PROJECT:

The Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation (MDRC) was established

in 1974 to oversee, monitor, and evaluate employment demonstration

projects for people who have traditionally had difficulty getting or

holding regular jobs: women on welfare with dependent children, out-ofschool youth, former drug addicts, and ex-offenders recently released

from prison.

In addition to MDRC, which was specially created to serve as the

management arm of the experiment, this undertaking involved: a private

sponsor, The Ford Foundation; five federal sponsoring agencies, the

Employment and Training Administration of the Labor Department, the

Law Enforcement Assistance Administration of the Justice Department,

the National Institute on Drug Abuse ,the Office of Planning and

Evaluation of HEW, and the Office of Policy Development and Research

of HUD; 13 original project sites; and a principal research contractor,

Mathematics, Inc., with a closely aligned subcontractor, the Institute

for Research on Poverty of the University of Wisconsin.

The program being carried out is called supported work. It is a

transitional program; participants leave at the end of a fixed period

of time, whether they have obtained a regular job, as is hoped, or not.

While in the program, supported workers earn entry level wages, with

opportunities to increase their earnings through good performance and

attendance. The program takes place in thirteen cities or rural areas
180

across the country and is paid for by a combination of public and

private dollars, through federal grants at the national level and city,

county,and state monies at the local level.

The concept that underlies supported work is that some people,

because of the workings of the economy and labor market, because of

inadequate motivation or training, or because of the reluctance or

discrimination of employers, have never been able to make a successful connection with the world of work. They haven't the habit of work;

the discipline, however rudimentary, to get to work on time and remain

there all day; the education skills or the confidence to gain employment in a competitive society. Supported work offers such people two

things: a job,and the opportunity to make good in it, and a chance to

gain permanent employment.

While the local projects have great flexibility in the design of

the work sites, some program features have been standardized. These

relate to: eligibility criteria, wages and bonuses, length of employment, and intake procedures.

Because of the staggered start-up dates of local operations,

the first full year of the national demonstration of supported work

ran from March 1, 1975 through July 31, 1976. During that period, a

total of 2538 people entered the thirteen local projects; as of July

31, 1976, there were 1242 people remaining in the program, including

449 ex-offenders, 260 AFDC women, 224 ex-addicts, 207 youth,and 102

mentally disabled and alcoholics. The last two groups were added

pursuant to local project initiatives.
18 1

The cost of employing these people and of operating the individual

sites in the demonstration ranged from $500,000 to $1,300,000 per

site, depending on program enrollment and other factors. MDRC, as the

agent of the funding group, provided approximately 60% of the total

funds required to run the demonstration sites; local program operators

raised the remainder of their budgets from local funding sources and the

revenue producing work projects.

Because the project is so new, only preliminary evaluative results

are available. Extensive data are being collected on the operation of

the projects and the effect of the projects upon participants. Data

are being gathered tiv:ough interviews with participants, project staff,

client referral sources, employers and labor, community and political

leaders; through written reports from local project and MDRC field

staff; and through the MDRC management information system.

Analysis of Nine-Month Interviews for Supported Work: Results of an

Early Sample, Mathematics Policy Research and the Institute for

Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin, September 1977.

Nature of Study

This early and preliminary report on the MDRC program is

based on interviews with a sample of 691 ex-addicts,

ex- offenders, and youth at seven program sites -- 356

experimentals" (program participants) and 335 "controls"

(persons eligible for the program but assigned by lot

to non-participant status). Interviews were administered to the entire group nine months after the experimentals enrolled in the program.

Findings

Analysis of the interviews suggests that "for a good many

(of the participants), the pro3ram is thus far working

as intended." Findings are that:

la2
182

1. participants earned an average of $3,333 in the fine

month period in contrast to the average $1,298 earned

by controls;

2. participants worked approximately 75% of the available

working hours, whereas controls worked about 25% of

the available hours;

3.. the average experimental group member received half

of the amount of welfare benefits received by the

average control group member;

4. participants experienced a 26% reduction in arrests;

and

5. in the youth group, supported work resulted in an

almost 20% lower incidence of drug use among

participants.

(All of these results were found to be statistically significant at the 95% level.)

The authors state that "although these initial results deserve attention, they should be viewed mainly as a preliminary illustration of the kind of analysis we shall, be

undertaking in our evaluation of the Supported Work Program."
183

Apprenticeship Programs

The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates that approximately 400,000

new craftworkers are needed each year in this country. However, only

45,000 new journeymen come out of registered apprenticeship programs

annually, despite the general acknowledgement that significant advantages accrue to participants in apprenticeship programs. Workers who

come through this system "enjoy greater employment stability, have

higher lifetime earnings, and are more successful in advancing beyond

the journeyman level" (Mitchell, 1977).

A number of reasons have been advanced to account for the fact

that the supply of new journeymen is not commensurate with the nation's

need for them. One important factor appears to be the low esteem

accorded blue-collar work by American society.

The American working man has lost relative class status

with the growth of higher education. Changes in the

nature of the labor force have dramatized the professional

and technical experts to the relative detriment of the

skilled worker...Schools tend to reinforce this tendency, since most teachers know little about bluecollar work. So do the media; the only publicity

given to workers is when they are out on strike and

there they are often shown in a bad light (Rosow in

DOL, 1971).

The effects of these pervasive social attitudes on young people

are illustrated by the findings of a Manpower Administration study on

apprenticeship, undertaken at Purdue University in the late 60's. In

surveying more than 2,000 high school students in 22 public school

systems, the researchers found that:

1 4
184

Most students planned to enter white-collar occupations

as professionals, managers, clerical workers, engineers,

etc. rather than to become skilled tradesmen or other

blue-collar workers. The marked preference for whitecollar jobs was true regardless of the students' socioeconomic levels or grades in high school (DOL, 1971).

If white-collar bias is responsible for steering students away

from the craft occupations, it is also true that barriers exist within

the trades themselves that may have the effect of discouraging potential applicants, particularly female and minority youth. Accotding

to one observer, the following factors contribute significantly to

the lack of expansion of apprenticeship programs:

1. Unions in some hiring hall crafts have historically viewed apprenticeships as a means for (a)

regulating their labor markets and (b) controlling or protecting their trade jurisdictions. Industrial unions are concerned lest

the apprenticeship system disturb seniority

rights of workers and limit entrance into the

skilled crafts lines to a single method.

2. Many unions want to continue to accept anyone

who is "qualified" and to retain the right to

decide what qualified means in terms of the local

labor market. Unions, and to a lesser extent

employers, recognize demands of peak periods

and will not restrict achievement of journeyman

status only to completing apprentices.

3. In this country, participation in apprenticeship is largely voluntary. (Wisconsin is the

only State that requires apprenticeship for

workers learning an apprenticeable trade that

requires a year or more of on-the-job training

(OJT). At this point there is no special tax

dollar carrot of reward, subsidy, or other

financial inducement for an employer to conduct

an apprenticeship program. Conversely, there

is no special penalty, or uo law violated, for

not engaging in apprenticeship (Mitchell, 1977).

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18 5

Another factor that affects both employer and union behavior, as

well as the attitudes of potential applicants,is the vulnerability of

the trades to downswings in the business cycle. During periods of

high unemployment, when even skilled craftsmen are often laid off,

employers are reluctant to hire apprentices (DOL, 1971).

APPRENTICL.IHIP OUTREACH PROGRAM: Major initiatives have been

undertaken by the Department of Labor to address the problems cited

above, to strengthen the apprenticeship system, and to expand it to

establish apprenticeship as the basic avenue to skills acquisition in

all industries. Of particular interest for this review are the

Apprenticeship Outreach Programs which have been established to recruit minority applicants and to assist them in meeting the entrance

requirements of registered apprenticeship programs.

Begun in 1967, the Apprenticeship Outreach Program (AOP) operates

in 105 cities nationwide. Apprenticeship courses run from 4-10 weeks,

depending on the particular skill and the trainee's needs. Once a

trainee has passed an apprenticeship entrance examination, he or she

can enroll in a formal industry-funded apprenticeship program, lasting

from two to six years. Over 50,000 persons have been placed since

1967. The program also provides on-the-job training to upgrade the

knowledge and skills of persons who have varying degrees of experience

in the construction trades but who have not achieved journeyman status.

This program to assist such workers become journeymen and union members

operates in 73 cities and has helped over 17,000 trainees reach
18 6

journeyman status since 1968 (MIS, December 8, 1976).

Almost from its inception, observers of the AOP programs have

agreed that this program approach has been highly successful in

achieving its goals.

Apprenticeship Outreach Programs have been more

successful than any other approach (to the problem

of discrimination) in apprenticeship programs.

They have so far demonstrated the importance of a

comprehensive approach which recruits and prepares

Negro youngsters for apprenticeship programs. This

approach has also demonstrated its effectiveness in

getting Negroes into jobs outside the apprenticeship

trades more effectively and at lower costs than other

programs (Marshall and Briggs as quoted in MIS

Reference File, 1969, 21:1001).

In 1974, the Manpower Information Service reported that as a

result of the AOP programs, coupled with a more vigorous enforcement

of the anti-discrimination provisions of the apprenticeship regulations, the ratio of minority apprentices had increased steadily over

the past few years, from 6% of all new apprentices to 14% in 1974

(MIS, June 5, 1974). In 1976, this trend continued; at the end of the

year, statistics showed that minority group members accounted for 18.1%

of registered apprentices with women accounting for 1.2% (Burdetsky, 1977).

A recent ETA sponsored study, The Apprenticeship Outreach Program,

A Summary Review (1976), concludes that:

AOP has proven to be an effective mechanism for

facilitating entrance of minorities into the full

spectrum of the construction trades and to a lesser

extent, retention in the various apprenticeship

programs. Some researchers have concluded that

AOP represents the only practical mechanism available for many minorities to gain entrance into the

more skilled occupations (DOL, 1976).
187

The study notes, in addition, that AOP participants who become

apprentices and remain with the program show significant improvement

in employment and earnings compared to their prior history and when

compared with control groups drawn from different population types.

Moreover, AOP appears to be affecting significantly the accessions of

minorities to all registered apprenticeship programs (DOL, 1976).
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Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Programs*

The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention supports

two major programs which are relevant to the youth transition issue:

the Juvenile Delinquency Prevention Program and the Diversion of Youth

from the Juvenile Justice System Program. The objective of the

Prevention Program is to:

develop and implement new approaches, techniques,

and methods to prevent juvenile delinquency where

youth are in greatest danger of becoming delinquent through improving the abilities of not-forprofit private youth-serving agencies and organizations to implement programs which increase or expand social, cultural, educational, vocational,

recreational and health services for youth (LEAA,

1976b, p.59).

"Positive youth development" is the approach underlying LEAA

efforts to prevent delinquency. This can be defined as the "cultivation (in youth) of the sense of competence, the -sense of belongingness, and the sense of usefulness"(LEAA, 1976b, p. 7). To achieve

this goal, a variety of direct services is to be provided youth at

high risk of delinquency. These services focus on improving the coping

skills and self-concept of adolescents and on providing youth with

marketable skills and increased opportunity in society.

The Diversion Program is oriented to serve those who have been

apprehended by the police in the commission of a status offense or a

felony. The purpose of this program is to design and implement

* This summary has been *drawn largely from two sources; 'Maass

to Prevent Juvenile Delinquency, Office of Juvenile Justice and

Delinquency Prevention, LEAA, U.S. Department of Justice, November

1976; and Diversion of Youth from the Juvenile Justice System, Office

of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, LEAA, U.S. Department

of Justice, April 1976.

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189

demonstration projects which develop and test effective means of

diverting juveniles from involvement with the traditional juvenile

justice system at the critical points of penetration and to determine

the significance of providing effective and coordinated services to

a portion of those youth diverted. The design -f the Diversion

Program is based on recent research that indicated that most youngsters engage in at least occasional acts of delinquency and that most

of these "hidden delinquents" grow out of lawbreaking behavior without receiving any ministrations from the juvenile justice system (LEAA,

1976a, p. 2). Moreover, recent studies indicate that community influences and institutional factors (such as school experience and lack

of work opportunities) play a much larger role in fostering delinquency than had previously been thought.

As a result of these findings, new and more appropriate strategies

are being sought to deal with those youth who have been apprehended by

the police. Evaluations of "traditional treatment models" - recreation,

individual and group counseling, social casework, use of detached

workers - have consistently shown that these methods are not effective

in the treatment of delinquency (LEAA, 1976a, p. 12). In fact, there

appears to be "no convincing evidence that intervention into the lives

of delinquent youngsters will turn our to be more effective than policies

of minimal interference" (LEAA, 1976a, p. 12).

The current LEAA approach is focused on expanding social roles

for youth (including work opportunities) and increasing their sense

of self-worth. Diversion programs must not only remove youth from

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190

the juvenile justice system, they must also provide positive life

experiences that will lead to mean4igful and viable roles for youth.

A major purpose of this probzam is to test the assumption that

diversion from the juvenile justice system and the provision of positive experiences and services to youth will reduce delinquency.

Although some research has been conducted in this area, "no firm

statements are in order regarding the impact of diversion on juveniles"

(LEAA, 1976a, p. 14). This situation appears to apply to LEAA's

Prevention Programs as well. "Virtually no prevention program has

been able to document its impact on juvenile crime" (LEAA, 1976b, p. 5).

All that can be said is that local programs have been providing services

that fill important gaps in the lives of youth - gaps that are highly

correlated with delinquency.
191

Armed Forces Training

The Department of Defense annually provides initial and advanced

training to over one-half million men and women throughout the armed

services. Training is provided in 237 career or occupational fields,

many of which are related co or comparabl-. with civilian jobs. The

armed forces have long been leaders in developing and implementing

modern training techniques. Courses are practical and stress hands-on

instruction rather than theory. Self-paced instruction and performance

testing are essential parts of the instructional procedure in many

courses. After graduating from skill courses, the trainee receives

additional training on the job and continues developing skills by

actual work experience (Searcy, 1973).

While the Department of Defense conducts extensive training in

relation to the manpower needs of the different armed services, very

little of this training is intentionally structured to assist a person

in the transition to employment after separation from military service.

Certain benefits, such as educational assistance under the GI Bill,

veterans' preference in the civil service, and the services of the

Veterans' Administration are relied upon to assist in the transition

to civilian life and employment.

NMI has found no evaluations of the few, relatively small-s-ale

programs that engage in training for post-service employment.

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Private Sector Initiatives

As expressed in the report on the 1976 Conference on Youth Career

Development, sponsored by the Department of Commerce, the private

sector has a particular responsibility to help resolve problems and

increase opportunities for youth career development for the following

reasons:

The private sector is the major "user" of workers; more than

two out of three American jobs exist in the private sector.

The rapid and accelerating rate of technological change

in the workplace makes it even more essential that our workforce be prepared to work and adaptable to changing job

requirements.

The increasing rate of capital investment per job makes

it increasingly essential that workers be skilled and productive.

The problems of under- and over-education are pointed to as

major causes of worker alienation, with its significant costs

to persons, productivity and society (DOC, 1976).

The report Foes on to state that the private sector can help youth

'prepare for the school-to-work transition by acting collaboratively

with youth-related agencies in areas such as:

assisting in the formulation of career education pclic!,

providing observation opportunities and work experience

for students, teachers, avid counselors

participating in design of career-relevant curricula

developing support for career Aucation.

While there are many examples of private sector involvement in youth

transition efforts, few substantive evaluations of these efforts have

been conducted. We have included those available evaluations most

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relevant to this study as well as a sample of the kinds of programs

currently on-going that may bear closer examination and evaluation.

THI, J.:11 2PORTUNITIES IN THE BUSINESS SECTOR PROGRAM: The JOBS program

has wean built on a commitment by the business community in 50 cities

in 1968,and more recently made nation-wide, to hire and train the hardcore disadvantaged unemployed. The program is intended to:

enable contracting companies to provide immediate employment

at regular wages for the hard-core unemployed workers identified by the government, coupled with training and supportive

services;

provide payments to companies to cover the extra cost of

furnishing basic education, transportation services, corrective

health services, counseling, etc;

provide employment for persons who would be less qualified

than those usually hired by the contracting employer.

Theise persons would need more training than the typical

employee;

emphasize upgrading present employees caught in low-wage

dead-end jobs to higher-level positions in addition to

hiring unskilled disadvantaged workers for entry-level

jobs.

The National Alliance of Businessmen has developed an organization of

ten regional offices in the cities which have DOL Regional Manpower

Administrator's offices, and city offices (Metros) in 127 cities. The

NAB carries out its program through four national departments: Operations;

Job Procurement and Job Placement; Recruiting and Government Programs;

and Public Relations. The function of each Metro is to contact and

persuade companies to provide jobs for the disadvantaged; work with local

public and private organizations to identify and recruit disadvantaged

persons to fill these jobs; expedite contracts so companies may receive
194

the government subsidies for training programs; and work with companies

to provide training programs for supervisory personnel that will improve retention rates.

The Job Opportunities in the Business Sector Program, An Evaluation

of Impact in Ten Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas, Greenleigh

Associates, Inc., June 1970.

Nature of Study

The purpose of this study was to provide an assessment

of the economic, social, and psychological impact of

the JOBS program on trainees, terminees, bmployer-related

public manpower agencies, employer associations, unions,

the general community, and the target community. Included

were all National Alliance of Businessmen (NAB) JOBS

contract employer activities, but not the noncontract

employers nor those aspects of the JOBS program not

specifically related to Manpower Administration (MA)

contracts, in the following 10 Standard Metropolitan

Statistical Areas (SMSA): Atlanta, Baltimore, Dayton,

Detroit, Houston, Jersey City, Miami, Phoenix, Tulsa,

and San Diego.

The principal approach was a descriptive-analytical

study of the JOBS program during its actual operations

over a nine-month period during which the five field

analysts spent approximately four and one-half months

in each of the 1C SMSAs. After a week of special

training and orientation to the study and its methodology,

the five field analysts were provided with specially

devised research instruments to facilitate the systematic collection of data and information at a number of

levels. The fact that the NAB-Metro (local NAB organization) and contract programs in each SMSA were

structured differently and were at different stages of

development or reorganization made it possible to observe

directly almost all elements of the employer program.

Findings

The JOBS program in the ten SMSAs has had little impact

upon the statistical numbers of the unemployed. Any

reduction in unemployment has occurred because of

factors outside of the JOBS program.
195

In the great majority of cases, JOBS trainees enter the

program in occupations that place little emphasis on their

interaction with either data or people. In approximately

60% of the cases, they require some degree of understanding

of industrial tools.

In most SMSA's, the jobs offered were low-level dead-end

jobs that had little positive correlation to the skill

shortages reported by industries.

The program had positive economic and personal effects on

trainees who stayed with the program. When interviewed,

most trainees felt they were able to meet normal living

expenses and that family life was improved since participation in the program.

Retention rate of JOBS employees was highest (57%) in the

service, transportation, and finance industries. However,

only 10% of the jobs made available in the JOBS program

were in these categories.

In companies providing good job coaching and oupervisory and

human relations training, the retention rates among

trainees were alLost always far above the national average.

An appreciable number of local employer groups have been

sensitized to the needs of disadvantaged youth through the

JOBS program.

The JOBS program has not developed effective linkages with

other manpower programs, educational systems, and health and

social welfare organizations. The program, overall, has

not developed the capability to provide effectively the

full range of support services needed by trainees.

The authors conclude:

that the JOBS program should be continued as a federally

assisted manpower program. However, while its concept

and design enabled it to function with some success, the

study disclosed a number of administrative and operational

weaknesses which should be improved. On the positive

side, JOBS has demonstrated a viable role for business in

manpower training. In addition, disadvantaged unemployed and

underemployed persons have been elevated above poverty-income

levels, families of trainees involved in the program have

benefited, and other public manpower programs have increased

their role and have begun to provide additional services to

meet the needs of the disadvantaged unemployed and underemployed. On the other hand, the JOBS program has devellped

little local support except among those members of the business

community who are directly involved. The successful continuation

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and expansion of JOBS will require a broader base of local

support both in the business community and among those

who are in a position to influence the workers among the

hard-core unemployed to enroll in the JOBS program.

THE MEMPHIS VOLUNTEER PLACEMENT PROGRAM: The Memphis Volunteer

Placement Program (MVPP) was established in 1968 when Memphis, as well as many other communities around the United States, was experiencing civil

disturbances. Two local businessmen and a high school counselor

determined that the businessmen - among others in the community - had

special resources that could be of vital help to the guidance department

of an inner city school. Thus, MVPP was developed as a counseling program

operated by volunteers from the community to assist high school students

with career planning. In the last eight years, MVPP has become a vital

and vigorous effort in Memphis. The volunteer counseling program now

engages 110 community volunteers in the one-to-one and group counseling

of more than 1,000 high school students on general career planning.

Nearly 4,500 graduating seniors are provided guidance in preparing themselves for finding employment. MVPP has produced, in cooperation with

the Board of Education, a vocational guidebook entitled "Start Getting

That Job Now." It also conducts a Jobs Readiness Training Program in

conjunction with the Memphis Employers Merit Employment Program, a companysponsored program to promote non-discriminatory employment. Last year,

some 170 volunteers from business, industry, labor,and local government

were directly involved in the job readiness sessions conducted in 17 of

the 30 city high schools.

* The following descriptions are taken from U.S. DOC, Agenda for Action,

October 7, 1976.
197

These and other MVPP programs have received the enthusiastic support

of the Memphis Board of Education. The Board furnishes one of the four

paid staff members and contributes about one-sixth of MVPP's budget. The

City Council provides two-thirds of the budget; the remaining sixth comes

from organizations and individuals.

DENVER'S TECHNICAL ADVISOR PROGRAM: Denver's Technical Advisor

Program grew out of an idea conceived at Western Electric. The Western

Electric community relations director, observing the discrepancy between

what graduating students knew about electronics and the skills Western

Electric needed, sought to provide local students with increased career

awareness. In the school year 1971-72, Western Electric sent two

electronics technicians to local high schools to describe their jobs

and the skills needed for those jobs. These technicians also offered to

serve as a resource for the teacher, supplementing the curriculum with

demonstrations of new equipment and films on current innovations.

As more people became aware of these activities and as dialogue

increased between the private sector and those in the education process,

the effcirt expanded. With support and approval from the Denver Public

Schools, representatives from Western Electric asked the Denver Chamber

of Commerce to sponsor the program. The Chamber agreed, and shortly

thereafter five additional Denver corporations offered advisors. In

1975-76, fourteen local industries offered advisors to participate in eight

Denver schools in the areas of business and office skills, accounting,

drafting, machine shop, electronics,and construction.

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The main purpose of the Technical Advisor Program is to supplement

and enrich the high school curriculum by the use of advisors donating

one to two hours per week during the school year. While most of the

advisor's time in the classroom -; devoted to expanding the students'

career awareness, the advisor can also discuss with students their goals

and ambitions and eliminate some of the amieties the students encounter

when making the transition from high school to a career or college.

Coordination for the entire program is provided by the Denver

Chamber of Commerce. An Advisory Board acts as liaison between industry

representatives and the School Board.

EDUCATORS-IN-INDUSTRY: Since 1959, General Electric has been

involved in helping educators upgrade their information about the world

of work, vocational guidance,and career development.

GE's activities started with sponsorship of Summer Guidance Programs

at selected universities. These six-week programs combined professional

instruction in counseling skills with first-hand experience in GE

plants and other local industries. Over the past 17 years, there have

been approximately 2,000 alumni of the program who are better prepared

to counsel young people in career development. All programs provide

for graduate level credit, with additional credits available for implementation of plans developed during the summer.

In 1971, several GE plant locations took the initiative to better

expose their community's educators to the industrial environment and to

inform them of careers currently available in industry through orientation

2 Jo
199

in local plants.

Although GE was encouraged by the success of the Summer Guidance

Program and other local efforts, they felt that more help was needed

from other private sector organizations. In 1972, GE developed a

model called Educator-In-Industry Programs to be implemented at

the local plant by GE representatives in cooperation with nearby

colleges or universities. Following a needs assessment of the

career guidance activities of the community, the GE representative

tries to develop a community-supported advisory council to help plan

a program targeted at counselors.

The program format is a series if two- to three-hour sessions

conducted late in the afternoon for 12 to 15 consecutive weeks.

These formal sessions are supplemented by plant visits and "shadow"

experiences. The specific subject areas covered vary with the employment markets in each locale. These programs also carry graduate

level credit available through the cooperating institutions.

Participating educators say the results at both the summer

institutes and in-service programs have proved to be excellent.

Moreover, GE officials note that these programs have visible results

in the GE plant communities where they occur. With the exposure to

the world of work that they have obtained, participating educators

provide correct and up-to-date information about careers in commerce

and industry to students who have traditionally received less help

than their college-bound peers. Many of these young people are helped

to identify careers in which immediate jobs are available.

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200

EXPLORATORY WORK EXPERIENCE EDUCATION (EWEE): The Exploratory Work

Experience Education Program sponsored by Security Pacific National Bank

is an effort to assist the career development of youth in California.

Students 16 years of age or older who have expressed interest in banking

as a possible career choice are'selected by their schools to participate

in this program; these students are chosen from both inner city and

suburban schools--wherever a Security Pacific branch is located.

On-the-job observation and limited participation in bank operations

provide students with the chance to learn what duties a computer clerk,

a teller, or a new accounts clerk performs. Seven such positions are

observed, each for four hours during a.single week. In total, with an

initial two-hour orientation, each student receives 30 hours of actual

work cbservation. At this point, the student either elects to leave

the program or continue in a work area in which he/she expresses a career

interest.

For 'lope continuing, a period of up to 30 hours may be spent in

tip . %PleLted work area. (The State's Industrial Welfare Commission has

set the maximum of 30 hours.) If a student chooses, he/she can continue

for an additional 30 hours - up to a total of 90 hours in the program - but only if th :j rotate to a new area of specialty.

Formal guidelines for this program have been worked out in great

detail and with collaboration with both schools and organized labor. The

guidelines specify all arrangements, including the restriction that

students receive no compensation for their participation. For students

who desire employment at the completion of the program, a referral is

made to the bank's nearest recruitment office.

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NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF BUSINESSMEN YOUTH PROGRAM: The NAB Youth

Program consists of four components: Youth Motivation, Career Guidance,

* College/Industry Relations and Youth Employment. Each component is

designed to help needy, in-school youngsters acquire necessary attitudes

and skills that will permit them to qualify for private sector employment.

An essential element in each Youth Program component is employer participation and involvement. Employers are in the best position to inform

educators about the basic skill requirements for entry into the job

market. And they can offer students access to business facilities where

they can learn about "work" and "jobs" and gain on-the-job experience,

especially during summer vacations.

The Alliance partners - business, education, labor,and government -

have placed major emphasis on industry-education cooperation at the Metro

level. The basic effort of the Alliance has been to persuade business

executives to take a more active interest in the operations of local school

systems and to urge educators to familiarize themselves with the local

employment market and the companies that make up that market.

Youth Employment. The NAB Summer Jobs program has enabled more than

1.7 million needy youngsters to gain work experience and income during

the last nine years. The program is designed to give needy students

exposure to the basic rules of the work place. They gain experience in

a work environment where profit is the basic objective of the employer.

* The following description is taken largely from materials provided by the

National Alliance of Businessmen.
202

Students thus exposed should be equipper! to better understand the opportunities that exist in the labor market as well as employer expectations

regarding worker skills and experience.

In the summer of 1976, NAB Metro offices identified 210,205 jobs

provided needy youth by private employers. These summer jobs involved a minimum of 120 hours of work at or above the federal minimum wage.

The Business Management Fellowship Program, a special emphasis program

sponsored by the NAB, the National Football League, and the Department

of Commerce, produced summer fellowship positions for 903 high-achiever,

needy students in 21 Metro areas.

Youth Motivation Program. The NAB Youth Motivation program is

directed to both high school and college students who need positive

success images with which to identify. Since 1969, Alliance-sponsored

Youth Motivation programs have been conducted in more than 90 major cities

in the United States and on more than 80 developing college campuses.

During Fiscal Year 1976, Youth Motivation programs were conducted in 55

cities and involved nearly 830,000 high school and college students and

5,565 business "living witnesses."

Career Guidance Institutes. Since assuming responsibility for the

Career Guidance Institutes (CGI) program in 1969, the Alliance has underwritten the administrative costs of 437 locally sponsored institutes. The

CGI program has enabled more than 15,000 educators, primarily teachers

and counselors, to gain specific information about the local job market and

local employers who generally hire high school graduates. During Fiscal

Year 1976, NAB conducted 80 institutes serving 2,840 educational participants.
203

Nineteen institutes which involved 610 educators were conducted in the

Transitional Quarter. Since 1970, more than 4,000 businessmen and women

have participated in CGI's as speakers, guest lecturers, and resource

persons.

College/Industry Relations. NAB's College/Industry Relations

program has contributed substantially to upgrading the educational

programs offered by developing colleges, particularly the predominantly

minor:ty colleges which educate nearly half of the nation's black college

students. During Fiscal Year 1976, 64 developing schools were "clustered"

with more than 500 companies and 21 established institutions of higher

learning.
204

Non-Profit Initidtives

It is widely recognized that many of the most effective initiatives aimed

at providing ,youth with training, work experience, and employment skills

have been implemented through a national and local network of communitybased groups. Ranging from nationally-affiliated organizations such as the

National Urban League, Opportunities Industrialization Corporations, and SER

to locally sed groups such as Pride, Incorporated, and.Students, Incorporated, these diverse organizations sponsor a variety of programs aimed

at easing the transition fror school to work, particularly for those

youth suffering the grel,test disadvantages in making the transition. Most

of the programs sponsored by these groups are supported at least in part by

federal, state,or local funds, with the bulk provided out of CETA allocations.

The following descriptions provide a sample of programs offered by non- profit sponsors, including national organizations and local community groups.

Although few formal evaluations have been conducted of many of these

efforts, we have included summaries of those evaluations available to us. THE CAREER INTERN PROJECT: Developed by the Opportunities Industrialization Corporation of America, Inc., in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the

Career Intern Program is an alternative high school for 16-to-21 year olds

who are dropouts or are in serious risk of dropping out before high school

graduation. The goals of the program are to assist these students to complete

High school, aquire occupational knowledge, plan for a career,and improve

basic academic skills.
215

The first phase of the program (21 weeks) focuses on classes in the

basic academic disciplines during which each discipline is related to

occupations. Phase II provides students with from two to four job experiences

and with access to more coursework which integrates academic and career information. In Phase III, students are assisted in negotiating the transition from

school to work cr to more advanced education. Work-bound students are

counseled for six months after leaving the program; college-bound students

for a :rear.

Five hundred and two students were served by the program from October

1972 to December 1975. Most were black inner-city youth in academic trouble;

almost one-half had already dropped out and the rest were identified as

potential dropouts by their counselors.

Executive Summary, The Career Intern Project: Final Report, Richard A.

Gibboney Associates, Inc., Washington, D.C., National Institute of Education,

1971.

Nature of Study

An experimental test of the effecti'reness of the program compared

the retention and graduation rates of 286 young people who

entered CIP between January 1974 and September 1975 with a control

group chosen at random from CIP applicants.

Findings

By December 1975, 67 percent of the CIP students but only 13 percent of the controls had graduated or were attending school. About

44 percent of the CIP interns had received high school diplomas

and 23 percent were still at their studies, while only 7 percent

of the control students had diplomas and only 6 percent were in

school.

Changes in reading and mathematics achievement and in career

development as measured by standardized tests, interviews,

unobtrusive indicators, and ethnographic studies also suggested

21.6
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benefits of CIP participation. While final levels of achieve- ment on reading and mathematics left room for improvement (for

example, 58 percent of the interns compared to 69 percent of the controls were reading at or below the seventh grade level)

and while some of the young people were still not fully

dependable and self-starting, the CIP interns were showing

very high levels of career planning and development skills.

Seventy-seven of these graduates were followed up in Fall 1975,

after having been out of CIP for six months to a year. Of

these, 71 percent of the CIP interns were employed, in college or in technical school, compared to 39 percent of the controls. Not a single young man who was in the control group had enrolled

in college or technical school, in contrast to 29 percent of the male interns. Thus, one of the biggest differences CIP

made was to enable youth to continue their education.

VOCATIONAL EXPLORATION PROGRAM:* The Vocational Exploration Program

(VEP) was a pile. educational program for disadvantaged youth which allowed

them t, explore various carcar options in the private :,actor during the

summer: of 1976. lq. empar-ied VEP project was conducted in the summer of

1977. vEe was co-sponsored by thet Na.!.onal Alliance of Businessmen (NAB)

and the AF;., -(.T U 4uman Resources Development Institute (HRDI).

The program was funded by the Employment and Training Administration

of the U.S. Department of Labor with Title III Comprehensive Employment and

Training Act monies. The objective of VEP was to ecpose disadvantaged youth

to specific lobs found in the private sector and educate them to the

realities of the world of work. This exposure was an educational experience

for the VEP youth, enabling them to become acquainted with occupations and

activities in the private sector to which they nofmally would not have

been exposed in order to better plan their own career coals.

* The description which follows is reproduced from materials provided by the National Alliance Businessmen.
207

A total of two hundred and thirty six CETA-certified youth between the ages of 15 and 21 participated in the 1976 program. The

majority of these students were entering their junior or senior year

in high school although the education level ranged from eighth grade

to college students. Almost two-thirds (149) were black, with fortythree white, forty-thrle Hispanic surnamed, and one Native American.

VEP youth were paid between $2.30 and $2.90 per hour. They were

also eligible for a maximum of $2.00 per day for transportation.

Employers were reimbursed at $2.90 per hour. The employer could use

the 60c differential between the minimum hourly wage and the amount

of the reimbursement for taxes, fringe benefits, coordinators' salaries,

overhead,or additional youth salaries.

Eligible employers for VEP were defined as companies, trade

organizations,or labor organizations. The employer was responsible

for all project costs through the duration of the program and was

reimbursed at the conclusion of the program after submission and

approval of a request for payment and backup documentation.

VEP exposed the enrollees to wide range of industries and

businesses. Among the participating employers were data processing

firms, furniture manufacturers, electronics firms, .per product

plants, radio stations, banks, health clinics, hospitals, retail stores,

insurance companies, union offices, labor studies centers, engineering

firms,and others.

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208

An employer was required to structure a program in which the

youth were introduced to various aspects of the free enterprise system

and of organized labor. Programs used a combination of educational

techniques. Youth explored the major functions of the employer's

operations, attended classroom sessions, and made field visits. The

VEP youth were prohibited from performing "hands on" work which would

result in the production of profitable goods and services.

The 1977 Vocational Exploration Program - A Lesson in Work Education,

A Report by Irving Lipkowitz, Trustee and chairperson of the WorkEducation Task Force, Public Education Association, New York, N.Y.,

December 8, 1977.

Nature of Study

This short article reports on student, parent,and VEP

coordinator evaluations of the 1977 New York City VEP

program. The New York City program was primarily a 4-week program (July 11 - August 5) for 120 students.

There was also an 8-week program (July 5 - August 26)

for another 10 student unit. The 10 student unit was

allowed to perform "actual work" at the work site,

whereas the other participants (in the 4-week program)

were limited to observation.

Findings

Following completion of the program, the students, their

parents, and the program coordinators expressed their

views through reports and questionnaires. All three

groups expressed a preponderantly favorable reaction

to the program. However, students, parents,and

coordinators agreed that the most serious shortcoming

of the 4-week program was too little actual work.

The report concludes: "the 1977 New York VEP undoubtedly

contributed to the work education of the students who

participated in it. It also demonstrated that this

contribution would have been much greater if all the

130 VEP students were given the opportunity to do real

work, instead of it being available to only ten of them."

2'J
209

THE LABOR EDUCATION ADVANCEMENT PROGRAM*: The Labor Education

Advancement Program (LEAP) was the National Urban League's attempt

to neutralize the racial barriers existing within the building and

construction trades. Its primary goal was to bring minorities into

high-paying union jobs. Since its inception, LEAP has both diversified

its efforts and expanded its goals.

In 1967, LEAP negotiated its first contract with the Department

of Labor. The program was funded at $57,000 and was assigned the goal

of recruiting twenty minority youths in Baltimore, Maryland, a goal

which LEAP met and surpassed within three months.

Today, LEAP is'operating with a $5.7 million Department of Labor

contract to recruit and place 3,547 minority men and women in highpaying, permanent employment within a variety of skilled industries.

LEAP placements have earned an estimated $496 million in income

over the past ten years and have paid over $124 million in taxes.

Thus, for every dollar the government has invested in LEAP, it has

received $4.60 in return.

The Labor Education Advancement Program includes the Apprenticeship Outreach Program which recruits and places minority youth between

the ages of eighteen and twenty-six in the construction and industrial

trades.

During the 1975-1976 contract period (ending October 31, 1976)

LEAP placed 2,560 apprentices in forty-three LEAP cities across the

The following description is reproduced from materials provided

by the National Urban League.
210

country. Under its most recent Department of Labor contract, LEAP

has expanded to now include 45 cities nationwide. Cumulative placements for all LEAP contracts were 22,971 at last count.

In addition to recruitment, LEAP offers applicants a full range

of services that include tutoring for union entry examinations, job

counseling, follow-up services, and counseling for the recruit's family

in the structure and goals of apprenticeship.

Journeyman Advanced Training Program (JATP) recruits and places

experienced, above-apprenticeship-age workers in permanent employment

slots. Shortly after LEAP began placing apprentices, it discovered

that there were many older workers with construction or other industrial experience who had never joined a union. LEAP started a

program to help these workers pass union examinations, receive their

union cards, and become either Journeymen or Advanced Trainees.

More than 2,300 individuals have been placed through LEAP's

Journeyman Advanced Training Program.

The Women's Component recruits, counsels,and places women in a

variety of high-paying jobs traditionally held by men. In response

to the scarcity of women in apprenticeship programs and other nontraditional occupations, LEAP, in 1974, began its Women's Component.

This special arm of Apprenticeship Outreach began in three pilot

cities and gradually expanded to include some twenty cities nationwide. Bringing a special sensitivity to both the demands of employers

and the needs of clients, the Women's Component has successfully
211

placed more than 2,300 women in non-traditional jobs.

As part of its ongoing program in recruitment, staff members

participate in special workshops and seminars relating to recruitment

and placement of women in newly-entered job markets.

The Spanish Component provides a full range of LEAP services to

Spanish-speaking workers. LEAP instituted this component in 1974

because the employment and training needs of the Spanish-speaking

community were not being adequately met. The component currently

operates programs in Miami, Florida, and in St. Paul, Minnesota.

PROJECT 70001: Founded by the Thom McAn Shoe Company, Project

70001 is now a national organization promoted by the Distributive

Education Clubs of America (DECA), which provides technical assistance

and other services to local 70001 programs. 70001 Ltd., a private

non-profit corporation headquartered in Newark, Delaware, currently

has 16 programs operating in nine states. A recent contract with

the National Programs Division of the U.S. Department of Labor has

launched a major national expansion with a goal of at least 50 programs and 12,500 members over the next four years.

The typical 70001 program is usually funded from CETA or vocational monies through a local educational institution, although other

agencies such as CAPs can also operate a program. 70001 Ltd. then

subcontracts with the sponsoring/operating agency to franchise the

use of the 70001 Ltd. name, instructional materials, training services,

youth organization activities, etc. 70001 Ltd., in essence, serves
212

as the "quality control" agent to ensure delivery of the 70001 concept

supported by the nation's businesses.

The target population of the 70001 program is school dropouts,

or "early leavers." Enrollees receive full-time work experience jobs

in the distributive education field and attend evening classes for

approximately six hours each week. The classroom work consists solely

of General Equivalency Development (GED) instruction. The classwork

is carefully related to the job experience, and although students

receive no special training on the job, written agreements with

employers stipulate that the 70001 enrollees must receive "added con- cern" and that employers must prepare written evaluations of the

enrollees' work.

The typical young person served by 70001 is in the 16-22 age

bracket and is an unemployed school dropout. Many of them are

economically, socially,or educationally disadvantaged. Ninety percent

are receiving some kind of public assistance before joining 70001.

Employers are impressed by such factors as the high retention

rate of 70001 employees. During the three-year pilot program, 71Z

of the youth were still on the job after a year or more. As

of December 1, 1975, 50% of all 70001 associates had surpassed the

CETA "permanent placement" regulation of 90 consecutive days of

employment.

A recent report on 70001 programs in Missouri noted a similar

71% retention rate in the 18-month-old St. Louis program, while

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213

statewide, 65% of the 70001 members achieved the CETA "permanent

placement" category. In addition, the report pointed out that nearly

nine out of ten of the 257 associates were working or preparing for

employment. A total of 114, or 44%, were on the job, and 121 (47%)

were in pre-employment orientation.

At the end of 1976, 70001 Ltd. conducted a follow-up survey of

graduates from the program. The study, completed in February of 1977,

involved thirteen 70001 programs in five states. Of 430 graduates

polled, 227 -- or 53% -- responded. Some of the findings of the

study include:

3 out of 4 -- 75% -- of the graduates were employed or

furthering their education.

Of those working, 9 out of 10 -- 91% -- were in full-time

jobs.

Full-time wages averaged $3.13 per hour; part-time $2.41

per hour.

Only 15% of those available for employment were without jobs,

and many of them had been employed since graduation.

30% were involved in some form of higher edw:ation, ranging

from courses in the military to four-year colleges.

Half of the graduates in higher education were attending

four-year, junior or vocational colleges, while 12% were

in trade or business schools.

7 out of 10 (70%) of the graduates rated the value of their

involvement with 70001 as excellent or very good.

73% rated as excellent or very good the youth organization's

effectiveness in helping them learn to work with others.

63% of those working were involved in occupations within

the field of retailing and distribution.
2.14

SECTION 3

LINKS BETWEEN PEOPLE AND JOBS

Placement Services

Several types of job placement services are available to assist

youth in their search for work. School-based placement programs provide employment-related services within the public high and postsecondary schools. Public placement offices are part of.a national

Employment Service network of state and local offices designed to

match youth and adults to jobs. Cooperative Employment Service-school

placement programs are services within the schools which combine the

technical facilities and placement resources of the Employment Service

with the school's career education and counseling programs. Some

community-based organizations offer youth work experience, on-the-job

training,or direct placement opportunities.

SCHOOL-BASED PLACEMENT: School-based job placement programs are

employment-related services within secondary and two-year postsecondary

public schools available to students -- college-bound or not -- who

desire or can benefit by work experience. A number of events led to

the emergence of school-based placement, a service which might be

considered as a natural extension of the school's formal education program for youth. These forces were identified in an 18 month study,

"School-to-Work Project" (1974) conducted by the National Advisory
215

Council on Vocational Education, and include:

a continued high rate of youth unemployment;

implementation of career education in the schools, end a

need for corresponding job placement opportunities;

a drop in the proportion of high school graduates

immediately entering postsecondary institutions;

recognition of the need for an appropriately skilled

labor force;

need for an expansion of school relations with employers

in the community to create jobs for youth;

need for public school accountability for the appropriateness and value of its education; and

recognition of school personnel as best equipped to

handle the special problems of school age youth desiring

to enter the labor market.

School-based placement services have increased significantly in

recent years. In the National Center for Education Statistics' survey

of job placement programs, 5,161 (44%) of the 11,600 school districts

with grades 11 and 12 represented in this study reported formal job

placement programs in the fall of 1976. Fifty-eight percent had been

in existence only five years or less. About 29% of the districts had

programs that were three or fewer years old. These placement programs

were more likely to exist in large rather than small school districts.

The survey identified that 71% of all districts of 25,000 or more students have placement programs, compared to 35% of the small districts

with less than 2,500 students (NCES, 1976).

Recent legislation has strengthened the imperatives and rationale

for job placement programs. In two states, bills have been passed

226
216

requiring all secondary schools to establish job placement programs for

non-college bound students.

The 1976 Education Amendments to the Vocational Education Act of

1963 may add impetus to the establishment of school-based placement

services. The amendments permit localities to use vocational education

monies for "placement services for students whose needs cannot be met

by other programs."

The transition from youth to adulthood involves the process of

identifying and securing satisfying work. A school-based placement

program can assist youth in this endeavor:. Students, aged 14 years and

up, including early school leavers, physically and mentally handicapped

youth, and graduates up to one year after leaving school, are served

by school-based programs. In 1976, almost all (92%) school-based

programs offered "referral to job openings," and 87% offered "instruction in job search techniques" (DHEW, 1976). Other services reported

by school districts were: teaching techniques in test-taking and com- pleting job applications, providing transportation to interviews,

giving instruction in employability skills,and providing an instruction

materials library.

School-based programs assist youth in finding suitable placements.

The educational significance, or degree to which a student can learn

from the work experience, is given careful consideration by placement

staff. Good placements match the individual student's interests,

abilities,and aptitudes and contribute to his/her educational growth and

career development.
217

The number and quality of job placements available to students

depend upon the program's relationship with the surrounding community.

Effective school-based programs continually seek to expand and strengthen

the linkages between the school and private and public sectors of the

community. Community involvement includes the support of industry,

business, public institutions, cultural, civic, and social organizations,

government agencies, armed services,and labor unions.

Follow-up of placements provides the schools with feedback on the

adequacies and weaknesses of their career education and employment-related services. Statistical and analytical reports on student success

and failure in the work world offer the schools an opportunity for

program redesign or development.

The services of a school-based placement program are often delivered

by existing school personnel. The placement staff typically consists

of guidance counselors or cooperative education and work-study coordinators already performing similar or related job placement functions.

Figures supplied from a survey of job placement programs reported that

about half (54%) of the districts sampled were using their own staff

to provide placement services. Another 38% of the placement programs

were utilizing local Employment Service staff as well; the remainder

had arrangements using local Employment Service personnel only.

Despite the wealth of information and service that a school-based

job placement program can provide, use of these services by students

is limited. Of 5,161 districts surveyed with placement programs, about

two-thirds estimated that fewer than 40% of their students and school

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218

leavers made use of their services each year. In fact, half of the

districts reported less than 30% use.

The future of school-based placement programs is unclear, in part

because the funds and resources available to schools to establish new

programs are limited. The placement needs of youth are complex and

cannot be met with traditional methods and approaches. An already

overburdened school system may not be able to assume this responsibility.

Additional evidence of resistance to school-based placement is

the lack of employer cooperation. An inflated ecotomy and a laid-off

workforce have contributed to employer and labor union reluctance to

provide support to the schools and to the recruitment of new youthful

employees. Lack of this essential cooperation between the schools and

the employing community greatly diminishes the effectiveness of a schoolbased placement program.

Evaluation of Three School-Based Job Placement Projects in Pennsylvania

by Merrill L. Meehan and Stephen J. Franchak, Pennsylvania Department

of Education, February 1976.

Nature of Study

The effectiveness of a school-based job placement service

model operating in three area vocational schools was

evaluated by examining the activities of the job placement

specialists relating to: (1) placing students in jobs;

(2) graduate follow-up; (3) preparing youth with employability skills; (4) cooperative relationships among school,

the Bureau of Employment Security (BES) and industry; (5)

attitudes of students, graduates, parents, AVTS administrators and faculty, employers, community agencies and

BES personnel toward the job placement project; (6) awareness of the Computer Assisted Placement Services (CAPS)

project; and (7) cost analysis of job placement services.

229
219

Findings

It was found that the job placement specialists did conduct

placement service activities in line with the project model.

It was proposed that the carrying out of certain activities

would increase the probability of placing graduates in jobs

commensurate with their ability and interests. Specifically,

the three schools consistently had higher placement percentages and lower unemployment rates than any comparable

group located in the literature review. Also, seniors and

recent graduates from the three pilot schools used the job

placement services more than any other comparable research

group used their own services.

Addressing the question of how effective were the projects

in preparing students in jobs related to training, two

significant results are offered. One, approximately 75%

of the placement specialists' contact time with students

was directly related to the issue of securing job related

placements. Further, the job placement project schools

reported 68% of their 1974 graduates were placed in

curriculum related jobs, a 10-point advantage over groups

studied in the literature review. However, it should be

noted that the investigators were cognizant of the many

other variables, such as social, economic, educational,

etc., which could have a significant effect on the placement

of individuals in training related or unrelated jobs.

In assessing the effectiveness of the job placement services

in establishing cooperative relationships with the local

BES and industry, the specialists spent 31 per cent of

their time at this activity. Moreover, the specialists

did conduct the majority of the planned cooperative activities with the local BES office.

When a sample 9f 1974 graduates and 1975 seniors was asked

to rate the job placement service on its performance in

providing job placement information, 75% of those individuals rated the performance as good to excellent. Fufther,

of the 1974 graduates who were asked if they used the services of the job placement specialists, 86% (45) said yes

and 14% (12) said no. When selected local employers were

asked if they used job placement services in hiring a

student, 84% (71) said yes and 14% (12) said no. For those

employers who answered yes, 96% (68) indicated that the job

placement services were satisfactory and 3% (2) said they

were unsatisfactory.

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220

The final question focusing on a cost analysis of the various

job placement service components resulted in the following

selected data. With respect to the time and project funds

spent on various categorical work items, it was found that

7% was spent on employability skills training; 25% on

communications with BES and industry; 26% on placement and

follow-up services; 42% on general administrative activities;

and 0.9% relating to nonjob placement duties.

A major conclusion based upon the results of this study is

that a formalized placement service can increase the

probability of a student finding suitable employment over

those schools that do not have such a service. Further,

the students use such a service if it is available and they,

along with their parents, employers and others, believe that

the school should provide for those. activities. Finally,

better cooperation between the school and BES can result if

there is a defined and formalized program. This can lead to

effective job placement for the graduates upo^ leaving

school.

Job Development Project, Cleveland, Ohio: The Job Development

Project provides an employment-oriented program at. thf, srL1.11ols for

work-bound graduates. The project's purpose is to assist youth's

transition from school to work through the development of employment

skills and habits. Project services also seek to strengthen ties

between youth and local employers.

The program was started in 1966 under Title I of the Elementary

and Secondary Education Act of 1965. Beginning in 1969-70, the program

was funded through the Disadvantaged Pupil Program Fund (DPPF) of the

State of Ohio. The program is presently operating in six Cleveland

high schools. These schools have the highest percentage of youth from

welfare families with some 99% of the students enrolled in the schools

being black.

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221

Program objectives are:

to develop employment opportunities for students of inner

city high schools;

to improve school achievement of students by increasing

motivation through increased employment opportunities;

to establish an effective communication channel between

the Cleveland Public Schools and the Cleveland business

community; and

to provide for close relationships between industrial

practices and curricular programs.

The Job Development Project involves 1400-1500 students per year.

The program is divided into two phases: job preparation and job placement.

Job preparation consists of weekly group sessions with job

counselors, mock interviews, and meetings with resource people. instruction is offered in filling out applications, taking job tests,

and using proper dress and deportment for job interviews. Classes

are held each week during regular class time or in concentrated block

periods.

Job placement activities include student interviews by company

representatives and Employment Service personnel. Staff programs are

conducted to locate job opportunities for youth. More than 400

Cleveland companies have been involved since the program began:

Additional supportive services of the program include the Speaker

Corps and the Advisory Committee. The Speaker Corps consists of recent

graduates who share their experiences in the work world with students.

The Advisory Board provides a mechanism for employers and school

2 2
222

personnel to meet to discuss ways to strengthen school services while

providing employers with better prepared students.

Case Studies In Practical Career Guidance, Number 9, Job Development

Program, Cleveland Public Schools, Cleveland, Ohio, American Institutes

for Research, June 1973.

Nature of Stud

This short case study is part of a larger study which

examines the practical career guidance, counseling, and

placement which is provided to noncollege bound secondary

level students.

Findings

The study cites the findings of two evaluations of the

program conducted by the Cleveland school system. The

results of these evaluations are summarized below:

1. In January 1973, a six-year evaluation study was

conducted on potential earnings of the graduates

of the inner city high schools participating in

the Job Development Program. The reported potential earnings were $81,603,900 over a six year

period. This figure is the product of the average

yearly wages ($4,200) of the 5,393 students employed

and the man-years of employment (19,425.5).

2. In August 1972, the Division of Research and

Development of the Cleveland Public Schools reported that the Job Development Program placed

95% of the June 1972 graduates participating in

the project. Other key findings were: (1) 31

companies participated in the Job Centers, enabling

663 seniors to be interviewed on an average of three

times each; (2) 1.35 second interviews per senior

were generated by the initial Job Center interviews;

(3) communication and math skills were weaknesses

of the graduates as indicated by employer-representative interview records; (4) approximately 520

students were taken on field trips to observe possible

employment sites; and (5) the success of the Job

Development Program has been nationally recognized

and has generated requests for information from many

communities.
223

THE EMPLOYMENT SERVICE(ES): The Employment Service is a federalstate system of free public employment offices, designed to match jobseekers to suitable employment and 10 assist employers in locating

competent workers. The Wagner-Peyser Act of 1933 mandated the

Department of Labor to establish a system of federal-state employment

offices for all workers, including youth. Section (3) (a) states:

It shall be the province and duty of the

bureau to promote and develop a national system

of employment offices for men, women and juniors

who are legally qualified to engage in gainful

occupations...

The Employment Service consists of a network of 2500 local offices

in 50 states employing more than 42,000 workers at an annual cost of

approximately three-quarters of a billion dollars. In fiscal year 1975,

about 40% of workers placed through the Employment Service were under

22 years of age (CBO, 1976). Forty-one percent of the 1976 fiscal

year placements were youth. In fiscal year 1976, 1,394,423 workers

placed through the ES were under 22 years of age, compared to 1,972,634

placements 22 years and older (DOL, 1977). The ES places youth in

permanent, part-time, summer,and vacation jobs.

Despite the availability of sufficient resources, the Employment

Service's ability to serve youth is diminished by its own internal

problems, which arise partly from an overloading of responsibility.

Today, the Employment Service is involved in the administration of 22

laws, 17 Executive Orders, and 14 agreements with various federal

agencies which provide for the performance of specific duties related

to special target groups. Such groups include veterans, the handi-
224

capped, food stamp recipients, women, minorities,and youth. Besides

being a labor exchange for these groups, the ES performs varied duties,

such as assessing and recommending individuals for special skills

training, alien employment certification, agricultural workers' housing

inspection, and other enforcement and compliance activities. The

ability of the ES to carry out these varied duties for all groups,

while serving the special needs of youth, is limited.

The quality of the ES's job placement service is also under

scrutiny. In June 17, 1976, testimony by the legislation division

of the AFL-CIO, the ES placement record was attacked:

GAO reported that only 3.1 million applicants, 17

percent of the 18.5 million total, were placed in

jobs. More than half of these jobs were shortterm jobs expected to last less than five months.

As a result, many of these so-called "successful"

job-seekers helped by the Employment Service got

the doubtful pleasure of coming back to the

Employment Service several times for help in finding

a job (NACO, 1976).

Other criticisms describe the placements as menial, mediocre job

opportunities.

The establishment of local Job Banks was the first step in

planned state and nationwide linkages and eventual computerized job

matching of applicants to job openings. A Job Bank system consists of

the use by the Employment Service of a computer into which Job Orders

are fed as they are received by local offices and the generation by

that computer of printouts on a daily basis which list all current

orders. Copies of the printouts are bound in a book or reproduced on

microfilm for daily distribution to ES offices and cooperating
225

community agencies. Certain employer information is suppressed, so that applicants must be channeled through Job Bank Control for referral

for placement.

The three basic goals of Job Banks stated by the Secretary of

Labor in March 1976 were:

1) to provide all interviewers of the Employment

Service and cooperating agencies with information on all job openings given to those organizations in the metropolitan area;

2) to eliminate excessive and wasteful referrals

of workers to employers; and

3) to eliminate excessive and wasteful job solicitation visits to employers.

An Evaluation of Results and Effectiveneb, of Job Banks, Volume I,

prepared by Ultrasystems, Incorporated, for the U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Administration, March 1972.

Nature of Study

An evaluation of the Job Banks component of Employment

Service offices was conducted in 1971 by Ultrasystems

based on a sample of fifteen offices in DOL Regions I

through VII. Over one hundred Job Banks were functioning

at the time.

Findings

Overall, the dissemination of Job Order Information was

being carried out, with exceptions for orders withheld

from the system (WIN, NAB, Veteran's preference). Also

not included were jobs developed by community agencies.

Although the Job Bank concept increased the probability

of unnecessary referrals due to wider dissemination of

information, various local control methods and procedures seemed to have been developed to prevent this

from happening.
226

There was no indication of limitation or elimination

of competition among manpower agencies as a result of

Job Bank system installation.

Referrals and placement and placement of disadvantaged

jobseekers increased.

There was no indication of effect on planning or

coordination of employer relations.

Management and supervisory control over volume and

quality of order taking, selection, referral and

verification of ES transactions improved qualitatively

due to computer printouts. However, inappropriate data

format, inadequate staff training and lack of sufficient

staff time limited use of Job Banks for management purposes.

A source of current information was established about job

opportunities for use in job market information, manpower

planning, vocational education planning, etc.

There was no improved community acceptance of ES except

where applicants had "independent access" to information.

Recruitment Job Search and the United States Emplo ent Service, Camil

Associates, Inc., R&D Monograph 3, Volume I, U.S. Depatment of Labor,

1976.

Nature of Stud

The objectives of the study included a description of:

Recruitment and job search activities during the last

six months of 1974 and the role of the Employment

Service (ES) in each activity.

Characteristics of job finders and employers who used

and who did not use the Employment Service, and the

reasons for use and non-use.

Use made of the Employment Service by employers and job

seekers and the extent to which the ES satisfied recruitment and job search needs.

Alternative ES configurations and services, and their

influence on either the degree to which the ES was used

by employers and job finders or the degree to which the
227

ES satisfied recruitment and job search needs.

The report was based on a July-December 1974 survey of

recruitment and job search in twenty representative

cities with populations of from 100,000 to 250,000 which

involved interviews of approximately 600 employers and

2,000 job seekers. Limitations to generalizing from the

report were:

Restriction to medium sized cities representing

only 15 million Americans. Twenty of 97 such

cities in U.S. were included.

Exclusion of those unable to find work.

Unusually high level of unemployment nationally

during period of study.

Exclusion of recruitment for government, domestic

day labor, and agricultural employment.

Pied_ LICE

During the study period the ES was consulted by about

25 percent of all employers and 28 percent of all job

finders in the cities surveyed.

About two-thirds of all vacancies were filled through informal methods, such as direct application to employers,

or consultation with friends, relatives,or business

associates.

Only about one worker in seventeen was placed through

the ES, which ranked second among formal placement methods.

Newspapers ranked first among formal methods in use by

employers and job seekers.

ES was used mainly by large, structured employers, not,

as commonly perceived, by the small, marginal employer.

The 25 percent of employers using ES represented 36

percent of all job vacancies because of their size and

their listing of most of their vacancies. Categories

not listed were usually in the professional, technical,

and managerial areas.

Employers using ES were generally representative of all

types of employers but with a lower percentage of financial and construction employers and higher percentage of

manufacturers.

2 )s
22?

Distribution of job categories listed was also generally

representative, but with a slightly lower than average

percentage of professional, technical, managerial, clerical,

and sales categories and slightly higher percentage of

service, machine trades,and bench mock orders.

Job seekers using ES were likewise similar to all job

seekers, but with slightly lower than average percentage

of persons with professional skills and slightly higher

percentage with clerical and sales skills using ES. The

proportion of clerical jobs listed thus was not in relation

to clerical jobs sought.

ES was only one of several methods (usually four or five)

used by both employers and job seekers.

Most ES users were "repeat" users, creating a stable market for ES services.

Penetration rates were not directly related to placement

rates; office size had a direct influence on the penetration rates, but an inverse relationship to successful

job matching.

Employers did not use ES due to no perceived need for its

services rather than because of lack of knowledge or unfavorable news.

Moat users, regardless of res.IL of service, had a positive attitude toward ES staff and a negative view of long

lines and lack of job opportunities.

ES activities were almost exclusively job referral related

and did not include employability development activities,

such as counseling and testing f job seekers, which were

prevalent in the late 1960's.

Persons with a high .school education were placed nearly

twice as often as those with 1 a than a ninth grade

education due primarily to tl fact that 45 percent of the

former, in contrast to r,: 1. percent of the latter, were

referred to employment.

Office variations may influence placement rates. The

more successful offices were small, had satellites,

and permitted only limited access to Job Banks.

The key to improved ES effectiveness appeared to be better

job matching. Employers hired only about one referral in
229

three and filled only one-third of their openings listed

with ES. One-third of the job seekers did not keep

referral appointments and one-fourth of those who did

found the job already filled.

The Employment Service: An Institutional Analysis, The Urban Institute,

R&D Monograph 51, Employment and Training Administration, U.S.

Department of Labor, 1977.

Nature of Study

This study investigated institutional factors affecting

the performance of the Employment Service (ES). The

focus was on (1) organizational characteristics conducive to high performance in state ES agencies and their

local operations and (2) the external linkages of the

ES with state and local politics, other agencies, and the

regional and national offices of DOL. The report was

based on field research conducted during 1976 in a sample

of nine state employment security agencies (SESAs), six

regional offices and the national Office of Employment

and Training Administration (ETA).

Findings

SESAs with high performance tended to differ systematically in their organizational structures and style with

low performance SESAs, and these differences appeared.

to be an important cause of performance variation.

Optimizing agencies were characterized by:

A clear and consistent sense of mission, with placement the primary objective.

Innovative and entrepreneurial professional leadership.

An open internal atmosphere and considerable lateral

and upward communication.

Wide supervisory span of control and few organizational levels.

Considerable delegation of responsibility to service

delivery levels.

"Lean" district and central office staffing.

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230

Dispersal of service delivery staff into many small

offices.

Close and informal relations with employers.

SESA's differed in their adaptiveness to change and their

receptivity to Federal assistance.

The generally low performance of ES offices in urban areas

seemed due in part to organizational factors. Although

many metro operations are inevitably handicapped by an

environment of high unemployment and stagnant growth, some

have significantly improved their performance by dispersing

staff to "satellite" or "mini" offices and by other

innovations.

SESA linkages to state level politics and other agencies

were a secondary but important influence on ES operations.

Although SESA's received little budgetary or legislative

oversight, state politics and government often imposed

constraints such as:

Disruptive political intrusions, which were found

more often in SESA's headed by single executives

rather than commissions.

Restrictions on ES salary levels due to state

budgetary constraints.

Civil service systems that hired or promoted on nonmerit grounds and constrained efficiency and

flexibility.

Public service unions which had effects similar to

those of civil service systems.

Sub-optimal local office locations due to political

interference or the policies of state general

services departments.

SESA linkages to local level politics and other agencies

were another secondary but important influence on ES

performance. Local government could present !..mportant

constraints or opportunities for local ES cYfices in the

areas of:

Office location: Communities typically resisted the

closing or relocation of offices.
231

PSE positions: Local offices of optimizing SESA's

typically sought PSE slots and used them productively.

Sub-optimal agencies tended to use PSE personnel less

effectively.

Participation in CETA: Optimizing SESA's in favorable

environments usually acquired a large role in local

CETA programs. Their arrangements with prime sponsors

tended to benefit their performance as measured by

the RAF. Sub-optimal agencies usually obtained less

work and profited less from it. This was especially

true in depressed metropolitan areas where prime

sponsors favored a more heavily developmental approach.

The USES has limited ability to guide and assist SESA's

because of organizational problems of its own. The most

important are:

Limited program expertise on the part of Regional

and National Office staff due largely to the HRD

(human resource development) legacy and little re- cent recruitment from state agencies.

National Office problems such as a history of organizational fragmentation and loss of direct contact with

SESA's.

Regional Office problems such as Federal representatives and OPTS units that lack ES expertise and

operational experience at the service delivery

level.

Political constraints and policy issues at the National

level must be dealt with if the ES as a whole is to

improve. The most important are:

Political intervention by state agencies which often

have used Congressmen or other intermediaries to

promote their bureaucratic interests.

Enforcement functions which are contrary to the main

labor exchange mission.

RAF incentives that currently may cause SESA's to

invest less attention and resources in troubled

metro operations.

Identification of the appropriate role for the ES

under such proposed innovations as welfare reform

or guaranteed jobs legislation.

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232

COOPERATIVE PLACEMENT SERVICES: Cooperative Employment Service -

school programs are arrangements in which the schools combine their

guidance and training facilities with the counseling services, occupational information, and placement resources of the public Employment

Service to assist in youth employment. The Employment Service's

affiliation with the schools began in the 1930's in response to the

need for more effective youth employment services. During the

depression, with thousands of youth unemployed, the ES offices were

deluged each year by additional thousands of high school graduates

seeking work. To alleviate this problem, the ES made arrangements

with the schools to provide counseling and job placement services to

prospective graduates while they were still in school. This arrangement provided more adequate employment services to youth as well as

cut down the cost of the ES,

The ES cooperative program first began on a national basis in the

1950's. Due to the scope of already existing services and each

locality's needs, the growth and development of cooperative programs

varied from state to state. In addition, cooperative programs have

not had specific funding. Their numbers have peaked and dropped,

according to budgetary demands and policy and priority changes at the

national, state,and local levels.

At its height in 1963, the ES-school program covered nearly 11,000

or 50% of the U.S. high schools and served about 600,000 prospective

graduates. In 1974, a special survey obtained through a regional

office of the Employment and Training Administration indicated that the
233.

number of cooperative ES-school programs had dropped sharply -- operating in about only 4,000 or 20% of 20,000 high schools (USES, 1977).

Renewed growth of ES-school programs may be realized in the near

future. FY '78 national ES guidelines to state offices call for a 15%

increase of FY '77 levels of youth placements (USES, 1976). State

ES agencies are encouraged to expand, develop,or reemphasize special

activities for youth, such as the ES-school cooperative program, to

meet this objective.

Cooperative ES-school programs offer youth a variety of employment-related services. Types of services provided are similar to those

found in any local employment office: guidance, counseling and testing

services, occupational information, placement, job adjustment,and

follow-up. These services are performed jointly by the schools and the

Employment Service.

Services provided in the cooperative program often include the

administration of the General Aptitude Battery (GATB). The GATB tests

for nine basic abilities -- verbal, numerical, spatial, clerical,

mechanical, form/perception, motor coordination, general learning,and

finger dexterity -- and relates these skills to more than 600 job titles.

The services offered through the cooperative program usually

follow a pattern throughout the school year:

initial counseling and aptitude testing;

group guidance sessions in occupational information and

job seeking techniques in the fall and winter;

subsequent counseling to discuss and focus on job

possibilities in the spring; and
234

employer interviews in the spring and summer.

Experience has shown that such a year round approach offers

youth several benefits. Graduates have more time and opportunities

to explore and test vocational choices and to develop job-seeking

skills. This process can help to avoid hasty and uninformed employment

decisions. Seniors can also obtain more personalized employment help

throughout the school year. Otherwise, recent graduates must compete

with hundreds of students who crowd the ES offices seeking summer jobs

in June and July.

Cooperative arrangements allow students who might otherwise be

excluded to take advantage of the services of the ES. In many situations, students are not permitted to visit the Employment Service

offices during school hours. Other students have part-time jobs whose

schedules do not allow them the time to visit ES and become familiar

with its services.

The cooperative program also affords youth an opportunity to take

advantage of a wide variety of Employment Service materials concerning

occupations and career information. A "Job Guide for Young Workers"

and "Occupations in Electronic Computing Systems" are some of the types

of information available through the ES. The ES, within the schools,

also provides useful resource functions in planning and carrying out

Career Day conferences and career education activities.

Another potential student benefit from school-based ES services

is better job placements. By being in the schools, the ES counselors

have easier access to a student's academic record. To make adequate
235

placements, the ES counselor needs this information as well as job

market and occupational data.

Although all youth can benefit from a cooperative ES-school

relationship, dropouts are a special group that can be served by

such a program. These youth often need special guidance and counseling

to understand the potential work value of a high school diploma. By

being in the schools, ES counselors can work with school staff to

urge the potential or actual dropout to complete his/her education.

In a number of instances, the ES counselor has assi3ted in motivating

youth to return to school or to enrol] in training courses.

Another type of dropout assisted by the ES-school program is the

youth with little academic potential. A number of special reports

made by the ES indicate that these youth can do a great variety of

work in the semi-skilled, unskilled,and service fields, as well as in

many clerical and agricultural occupations. With selective placement techniques, the ES has been able to place such youth in a variety

of both blue-collar and white-collar cccupations.

The ES-school relationship has helped the schools in their

organized work-study and cooperative education programs. While the

schools supervise the work experience, the ES assists the schools in

locating suitable work opportunities, selling the program to employers,

and assisting in the placement.

Cooperative arrangements can also provide the schools with

current job market information. The ES, through its job development

and job market activities, is well aware of job opportunities for

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236

youth. This knowledge is invaluable in planning school curricula and

expanding or contracting school training facilities and content.

There appear to be many advantages for both students and schools

in a cooperative ES-school program. A survey of school officials pinpointed the following benefits:

1. provides counseling by trained and experienced personnel

who are thoughly acquainted with the local employment

situatl-,

2. serves as a means of interesting prospective employers

in students who will he graduating;

3. makes vocational information presented by the schools

more accurate;

4. helps vitalize the school curriculum;

5. helps make the academic community more aware of problems

facing young people who are not going on to college;

6. makes members of the faculty more aware of the need for

presenting vocational implications of their respective

courses; and

7. encourages some potential dropouts to stay in school until

they graduate (DOL, 1969).

Cooperative Placement Program, Washington, D.C.*: The District

of Columbia cooperative placement program consists of a network of

mini-job service centers in 12 public high schools which provide labor

market and occupational information and placement opportunities to

in- and out-of-school youth. The centers, administered by the D.C.

Manpower Administration, serve student needs in the senior, junior,

vocational, and special education high schools within a designated

geographic area.

Unpublished information furnished by the D.C. Manpower

Administration.

2 I -1 .
237

Employment Service counselors place students in part-time and

summer jobs, while graduates and noncompleters are assisted in finding

full-time employment. The ES counselors, often working in conjunction

with school guidance counselors, also organize seminars to acquaint

students with the work world. The seminars provide resource people

and occupational in7ormatior to help students gain realistic outlooks

on career choices. Occupations explored include carpentry, medicine,

and public service positions.

In Fiscal Year 1976, the Employment Service registered 40,683 youth

filing new and renewed applicatiors and placed 15,859 individuals.

Figures Ia Fiscal Year 1975 were 45,679 and 20,842 respectively.

In-School Placement Project, Wisconsin*: The In-School Placement

Project is a cooperative venture of the Vocational Studies Center of

the University of Wisconsin, the State Department of Public Instruction,and the Wisconsin Job Service. Together, the three groups have

brought counseling, career planning,and job placement services to about

25,000 students in 140 schools. Each school is staffed by a team of

specialists, including a guidance rolinselor, a vocational education

coordinator, a Job Service placement specialist, and, on occasion,

another teacher.

The program was designed by the University of Wisconsin, which is

This description is taken largely from "Wisconsin Schools and the

Job Service Team Up to Prepare Youths for Work, " Manpower and

Vocational Education Weekly, September 22, 1977, p. 9.

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238

also assisting in the evaluation process. The Department of Public

Instruction is responsible for in-service training, equipment,and

extended contracts for school personnel who are involved. The Job

Service, jointly financed with state and federal money, supplies

the placement specialists.

The In-School program's four components are designed primarily

to aid potential dropouts and the 53X of high school graduates

who do not go on to college or vocational school. Phase one concertrates on job search preparation and helps students learn how

to prepare resumes, complete job application forms, and participate

in a job interview. C4i:er education is a second component, helping

students learn how to be successful on the job and providing

opportunities for part-time work experience. Students are also

counseled and provided with labor market information geared to their

own interests and abilities. Finally, efforts are made to place

graduating seniors into full-time jobs. Openings are compiled from

computerized Job Service listings and directly from employers. The

media, employer contacts, and mass mailings are used to publicize goals

of the program and search out more job opportunities.

One advantage of the program is its flexibility. In larger

schools, for example, the guidance/placement team is available all

the time, whereas smaller schools often share a team. Each team works

closely with a local advisory committee made up of community groups,

parents, students,and school administrators. The committee offers

advice on job placement, gaining community support,and suiting school

2'4
239

curricula to local labor market needs.

Though evaluation data are still sketchy, during the first six

months of the program, when orly 57 schools participated, it enrolled

11,600 students, provided assistance to 3,000 more, and was responsible for 2,664 placements.*

The preceding narrative on placement services was based, in

large part, on Job Placement Services for Youth, prepared by the

Work-Education Consortium Project, National Manpower Institute,

March 1978.

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240

Guidance and Counseling

Although there is much discussion of how effective current

guidance and counseling programs are, there are few empirical studies

because of the the difficulty of measuring what are often highly

individualized approaches taken by counseling professionals. As noted

in Volume 1, Part I, most of the literature on guidance and counseling

focuses on the role of guidance personnel and on discussion of the

effectiveness of guidance and counseling strategies as measured

through various national surveys.

Summaries of two major surveys are presented here, as well as

brief descriptions of several case studies conducted by the American

Institutes for Research in 1973. These case studies were part of a

series of thirteen conducted by AIR's Youth Development Research Program for the U.S. Office of Education. The case studies were part

of a larger undertaking whose purpose was to examine the practical

career guidance, counseling,and placement which were being provided

to noncollege-bound secondary level students. As part of this

effort, programs which were making an illustrative attempt to deal

with the particular needs of noncollege-bound youth were identified and

described in detailed case studies. In many cases, although formal

evaluations had not been conducted, programs were deemed to have

been effective, based on the information offered both by the program

operators and participants and on first-hand observation by the AIR

researchers.
241

Case Studies in Practice. areer Guidance, American Institutes for

Research, Palo Alto, California, June 1973.

The following summaries, taken in large part from the original

reports, describe several of the programs and their impact.

Career Guidance Program, Hood River Valley High School, Hood River,

Oregon, Thelma J. Scott, June 1973.

The Career Guidance Program at Hood River Valley High School is an

integral part of the total school plan. The purpose of the program

is to aid students in establishing realistic goals. The student,

parents, guide (a staff member), and guidance resource person (a

counselor) constitute a team for planning the student's future education. The overall goals of the program are to allow students to:

(1) develop learning skills and acquire the basic knowledge necessary

for performance within society; (2) pursue interests and aptitudes

leading to the development of an in-depth competency based on aptitudes, interests, and needs -- certifying students' readiness for

placement beyond high school (college, vocational/technical training,

or job entry); and (3) progress at their best rate and employ their

most effective learning style according to the task in which they

engaged.

Major community involvement comes in the area of providing students

with on-the-job experience relevant to their career goals. That is,

businesses such as the telephone company and small retail stores

provide students with the job experience they need to obtain higher

skill levels or more detailed skills that the school cannot possibly

provide. There has also been repeated approval of local school budgets

by the Hood River community to support the goals of the school plan.

Interested citizens have devoted many hours of volunteer work such

as serving as members of community advisory committees.

Impact and Evaluation:

Although the evaluation aspect of the guidance program has not been

as extensive as the staff would like it to be, there have been several

follow-up studies within the past years. Yearly follow-up studies

are conducted for all graduates to find out if they are doing something

related to their career cluster choice. Results of one study conducted

by the HRVHS staff and guidance counselors (October 1972 survey) showed

that students feel more guidance is available to them that was the case

one and one-half years ago. Students were impressed with receiving

more attention from their guides and indicated guides really cared

about guidees. Briefly summarized, student response toward the guidance

2 5- 2
242

program indicated that: (1) the school offers a better guidance program

than other schools students had attended, (2) the guide system is

moderately effective, (3) students feel free to express opinions in

guide groups, (4) individual attention is almost always given, and

(5) guides show concern toward the student as a person most of the

time.

The AIR representatives were impressed with the students in terms of

their ability to proceed through such a flexible and innovative total

school plan at HRVHS. Several students indicated that the guidance

program had been beneficial to them in terms of helping them to

develop decision-making skills. Most impressive was the fact that

they perceived that guidance was available when it was needed.

Because of the training that guides receive and the way the program

is managed, time is not spared for guidance. Rather, guidance is the

main function and purpose of the program and is available at all

times. Counselors and staff members in the Career Guidance Program

seem to feel that their ability to effectively establish close

relationships Witt students has been a great asset for achievement of

the program's goa13. At the same time, they express a desire for

more training for the guides.

The program's goals appear to be clearly and consistently perceived

by the total school staff, district, and community. It is recognized

that students need guidance in developing decision-making skills and

exposure to the world of work. The general consensus was that the

program has had a positive impact on its students and that staff

members were using the available resources necessary to implement the

school's philosophy. Also evident is the fact that staff in the

guidance program and HRVHS work together as a team to achieve the

district's philosophy.

CompvteLLzed Vocational Information System, Willowbrook High School,

Villa Park, Illinois, Carol Ann Arutunian, June 1973.

The Computerized Vocational Information System (CVIS) at Willowbrook

High School uses the computer as a tool to help each student explore

a wide range of occupations and educational opportunities, with some

feedback from his/her own record of ability, achievement, and interest.

CVIS is not designed to replace counselors but to serve as a technological tool that assists students and counselors in collecting and

sorting information before the career decision-making stage. CVIS

provides information on command dealing with occupations, local entry

jobs, local apprenticeships, military opportunities, local technical

and specialized schools, area community colleges, four-year colleges

and financial aid for further education.
243

The goals and objectives of the program are:

1. Students who use the CVIS system will perceive a larger number

of occupations as possible options after use than before use.

2. Students who use the CVIS system will select an educationalvocational level after use which is in greater congruence

with objective data about school ability and achievement than

that selected before use.

3. Students .71,1 use the CVIS system will have greater range and

accuracy of information about tentatively chosen occupations

after use than before.

4. Students who use the CVIS system will exhibit increased vo- cational maturity as measured by the scales of the Career

Development Inventory, as a result of using the system.

Impact and Evaluation:

Summative evaluation data have been collected on CVIS over the years

of its operation. in a study conducted in 1971, most students gave

favorable response to the system in its offering of guidance information. About two-thirds of the students have an occupation in mind

when they come to use the system. The system therefore does not do

much to change or enlarge the choices of these students. Only a

small fraction who come to the system without a choice lack one or

still feel confused after using the system. Three quarters of the

students feel that CVIS does a good job of giving information.

Two studies have contrasted effects of using CVIS with those of using

a counselor for the same purpose. Melhus (1971) structured such a

contrast by asking his CVIS users to use the vocational exploration

branch only once and asking counselors to interview students in their

group about their vocational plans and to give them the best attention

possible thereafter. Melhus found that 11-13h-ability students showed

no difference whether they used CVIS or saw a counselor. With lowability students, the group with counselor attention made greater

progress in crystallizing their plans, which indicates a student's

ability may have some bearing on the contrast.

Price (1971) did a similar comparative study using the course

selection feature in CVIS. No significant differences in course

information, evaluated selections, or course changes or grades over

the ensuing year appeared with regard to treatment.

Students participate in the evaluation process. Some scripts have

evaluation items at the end to which students respond at the terminal.

Also, questionnaires en:a distributed yearly to a random sample of

users, and evaluation reports are beginning to come in from other

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244

sites. The results of these evaluations indicate that olo:Qcatc hay

favorable responses to CVIS (91%); students feel that CV:.':J t c. or fairly good job of providing information needed about oT.Qupstion.i

(76%); and students feel that CVIS does a good or fairly good job of

relating shinty, grades, educational plans, and interest to occupations (74,:).

The study concludes that CVIS is effective; its administrative systems

are used by high school principals and their assistants in the iaily

management of secondary schools organized for more individualized

education.

Guidance systems are used by students who give them credit for helping

them to make choices but indicate that they are not sufficient to help

them clarify initial decisions when choices have been made and implementation information is needed. Counselors find these systems

effective in relieving them of responsibility for information-giving

about education and occupation. Counselors like the added time that

they can give to individual counseling or group work of their choosing.

The system does not cause much change in occupational choice, but it

does increase vocational maturity of students anti the accuracy and

range of occupational information they possess. Finally, the course

selection program achieves results that equal those of counselors.

Kimberly Guidance Program, Kimberly High School, Kimberly, Idaho,

Carolyn Helliwell, June 1973.

The Kimberly Guidance Program is an example of the type of program

that can be implemented in a small rural school district. Tea:lhers

aid the guidance counselor by introducing career development units

in their classrooms.

All students in the Kimberly School District benefit from the program,

which is directed by the district's part-time counselor. Teachers

at each grade level in the three schools of the district present

career development units to their classes. These units require the

student to make decisions related to everyday living, educational

planning, and occupational outlook. Teachers also consult the

counselor on the problems of individual students.

Thirty-five classroom guidance units for career development were

written by the teachers and counselor for the Kimberly guidance program. Within each unit is a st3cement of its purpose, suggestions

to the teacher for implementing it, suggested student activities,

and a list of available resource materials. The units are broad,

flexible, and easily correlated and integrated with new experiences.

Students' learning experiences are not confined to the classroom, but
245

extend into the community.

The goals, objectives, and outcomes of the Kimberly guidance program

are as follows:

The first emeral objective of the small school guidance

program Is to develop a model or exemplary guidance program for th small rural school so that other educators

may examine the program with the view of introducing

I.nnovations at other schools.

The second major and overriding objective is to design

and implement a guidance service program that is developmental in natnre and serves the interests of students in

grades kindergarten through twelve.

A .hird key objective is to introduce a guidance attituct Into the total functioning of the school -- its

clubs, its curriculum and the work of the individual

staff members. Every teacher may be seen as a counselor

to students in the program and every teacher hopefully

will use the class activities in the accomplishment of

the total guidance function.

Impact and Evaluation:

The Kimberly guidance program has not been formally evaluated, but

the counselor in charge of the program evaluates it in a number of

informal ways. Follow-up studies of each graduating class since

1967 have been conducted, and the percentage of each class entering

college, vocational-technical training, the military, or employment

has been calculated. Student progress in the Kimberly guidance

program is illustrated by the fact that the student dropout rate has

decreased from 9% to 5% since it was instituted, and by the large

number of students who have obtained further education or training

and who have obtained scholarships or financial aid. A random sample

of individuals representing a cross section of professional leaders,

university professors, high school and elementary teachers, parents,

businessmen, and students were asked to express their opinion of the

program. All of these opinions were extremely positive. In addition,

the counselor examines the checkout sheet for materials in the

guidance room to see if students are using them. She also evaluates

eile reports produced in the English classes, using the guidance units

to determine how extensively students have explored career areas,

if they have evaluated their abilities and interests, and if they have

related the results of their evaluations to the world of work. All of

these data lead the counselor to believe that the three general

objectives of the Kimberly guidance program have been achieved. The

AIR representative felt that the guidance program is effectively

26G
246

serving most of Kimberly's high school students. Every individual

interviewed felt that the program was worthwhile, effective and

should be continued.

Summary of Vocational Guidance in Secondary Education: Results of e National Survey, Robert E. Campbell, Center for Vocational and

Technical Education, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, 1968.

Nature of Study

A national survey of vocational guidance in secondary

education was conducted in the fall of 1966. The survey

was designed to (1) describe the present status of

guidance in public secondary schools in terms of

services, counselor functions, and student, contact; (2)

provide a reference point for future surveys; (3) compare

the views of school administrators, counselors, teachers,

students and parents on guidance issues; (4) compare

guidance programs by type of secondary school (5) identify

needed changes in professional counselor education; and

(6) identify needed research and program planning. Six

types of public secondary schools were surveyed; urban

comprehensive, rural comprehensive, urban general academic,

rural general academic, urban vocational, and area

vocational-technical. A total of 6,484 completed questionnaires were obtained from principals, counselors, teachers,

parents and students representing 353 schools in 48 states.

The sample included 324 principals, 308 counselors. 1405

teachers, 1409 parents and 3038 students, 39% of whom

were in vocational education, 41% in college preparation,

and 20% in general education.

Findings,

The survey findings were reported in 62 tables. Detailed

comparisons were made both by type of respondent and type

of school as well as broader analyses of major issues.

Some of the major findings were as follows:

Guidance services. Counselors typically devoted the largest

block of their time to counseling with individual students

(a median of 40 percent) and budget,!4 the remaining time in

small portions to a large range of guidance activities.

The largest block of individual counseling was related to

college education. In most instances, the counselor was

greatly overextended in attempting to fulfill guidance

service expectations. Counselors reported a median
247

ratio of 380 students per counselor.

Student utilization of guidance services. Counselors

reported that educational guidance was sought most frequently,

followed by vocational guidance and personal adjustment

counseling. Students indicated that they have obtained

guidance from many kinds of persons other than the guidance

counselor, but most frequently from their teachers, parents,

and friends. Although students were aware of the availability of guidance services within their school, there

was a marked discrepancy between services available and

services used; much smaller proportions of students used

the services. Seniors who had been in the same school for

three of four years reported a median of four individual

counseling conferences for all years. The median length

of individual conferences was 16 minutes.

Pre-entrance guidance of students for vocational programs.

Although both teachers and counselors assisted in helping

students enter vocational programs, in most schools no one

assumed the prime responsibility for this task. Other

than student interest, there was no consensus among

counselors on criteria used in the admission of students

to vocational programs.

Program differences by type of school. For most guidance

services, each category of respondent was internally

consistent across types of schools in the degree to which

they endorsed the various services. When a difference did

occur, it typically occurred for the cluster of services

pertaining to "outside the school" activities, e.g.,

conferences with potential employers and job placement.

Area vocational schools gave more support to these services

than the five other types of schools. The findings suggested

that schools should be encouraged to shape their own

individual guidance programs as a function of their student

needs and that no attempt should be made to impose a

standard model on all programs.

The role of teachers in guidance programs. There was

close agreement between teachers and counselors on the

guidance services in which teachers "could" and "do

assist." Teachers reported that they "could assist" more

than they are currently doing. At present only a small

minority assist with specific services. To increase

teacher involvement, at least two problems would have to

be solved, i.e., the integration of class and guidance

activities and the development of classroom guidance

materials.

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245

Needed changes in guidance programs. A number of needed

changes were proposed by the respondents. These included,

for example, a reduction of student-counselor ratios to

200:1 or less, enlargement of guidance staffs, increased

services, and improved facilities. Anticipated changes

were far fewer than suggested changes, implying that

both principals and counselors do not anticipate fulfilling

their program needs soon.

The Role of the Secondary Schools in the Preparation of Youth for

Employment, Jacob Kaufman et al., Institute for Research on Human

Resources, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania,

February 1967.

Nature of Study

The general objectives of this study were two-fold. The

first was to study and assess, in their actual settings,

public (state and federal-aided or reimbursed) vocational

secondary school programs and the extent to which they are

meeting the needs of the students and the communities.

The second was to assess the vocational and technical

education curriculum in the secondary school when compared

with other high school offerings that "feed into the

employment stream": i.e., college preparatory curriculum

graduates who do not go on to college and graduates from

the general curriculum.

Findings

The typical counselor observed in this study was involved

10 percent of the time in keeping records, 50 percent in

conducting interviews, 8 percent in administering tests,

2 percent in handling disciplinary problems, 19 percent

in consulting with teachers, and 11 percent in other

general activities. The average ratio was 441 students

to one counselor in the senior high school and 497 to one

in the junior high school.

There was little evidence that achievement tests (other

than college entrance) were given at the senior high school

level, and few schools reported a program of group testing

as part of the senior high school guidance program.

Apparent weaknesses in the aims and objectives of guidance

programs were:

a. Lack of provision for disseminating labor market

information.

ti'j
249

b. Lack of provision for concerted effort to assist

youth to achieve desirable (and realistic) goals.

c. Failure to provide for adequate dissemination of

occupational information.

In regard to counseling staff, the major weakness noted

was the general lack of occupational experience outside

their field. Their major strength, on the ocher hand,

was on the item, "Personalities conducive to attracting

students." It also should be noted that guidance

counselors were not very active in community and civic

organizations and lacked an adequate preparation in the

interpretation and use of occupational data.

It was consistently found (except in the separate vocationaltechnical schools) that most of the guidance people were

college-oriented and that they depended on the student to

take the initiative in seeking information in order to make

a vocational choice. In fact, very few counselors interviewed had any education or experience in vocational

counseling techniques.
250

Occupational Information

Comprehensive valid occupational information is an essential

component for successful education and career planning. With the rapid

changes in technology and the increased mobility of the work force, the

horizons of youth must be raised beyond the neighborhood and the work

experiences of family and friends, which have been the dominant influences on career choices in the past. In many localities today,

however, adequate occupational information is not available either to

students or to other groups affecting their career decisions: educators,

counselors, employers,and economic development specialists. To be

most useful, occupational information should be current, provide local

as well as regional or national data, be easily understood,and include:

job descriptions, occupational projections, unemployment statistics,

job search techniques,and related educational and training programs.

The federal government has recognized the current serious problems

in the consistency, reliability, availability, and utility of existing

occupational information. Most recently, the Youth Employment and

Demonstration Projects Act of 1977 (YEDPA) included authorization at

three governmental levels -- local, state, and national -- for projects

to provide occupational information to support choice of a career

and selection among education, amployment,and training opportunities.

In addition, not less than $3 million and not more than $5 million for

any fiscal year are authorized under this Act for the establishment of

the National Occupational Information Coordinating Committee (NOICC)

2 u1
251

"to give special attention to the problems of unemployed youth." The

NOICC, consisting of representatives from DOL and HEW, is mandated to

improve coordination, communication,and cooperation in develcping

occupational information systems to meet the common needs of vocational

education and employment and training programs at the three levels of

government for persons of all ages and to assist in the establishment

of similar state-level committees in each sti.te.

A considerable quantity of occupational information exists, mostly

generalized at the national 1,:vel, and all too frequently not applicable

to the specific needs of a particular user. For instance, secondary

school students interested in exploring career options need information

presented in a manner quite distinct from that which is useful to

economic developers involved in attracting new corporate facilities to

their regions. One approath to dealing with these varying needs

separates those occupational information topics which include descriptive information about occupations, work sites, economic information,

and personal traits required for a job from education and training

topics, such as postsecondary education and training programs including

apprenticeships, and institutional characteristics of two and four

year colleges (Stern, 1975). Distinctions nre numerous and real.

As yet, there is no one standard classification system for

occupations. (The development of such a system is one of the mandates

of NOICC.) The Bureau of the Census is working with one classification

in publishing employment, unemployment and earnings data.

2 U2
Within the Department of L

second classification for

of Labor Statistics uses t

statistics and employment

not provide the degree of

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tional projectio

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compensation and

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other ES job sea

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Additional information sou

projections for particular

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personnel management assoc

regional development group

group reports, which can b

"Career Information S

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)yment Service relies on a

. activities, while the Bureau

as for occupational wage

Much of this information does

!lied for optimal local use.

at deal of information is

Lty (ES) agencies:

ailable are occupail employment statistrenticeship reports;

:s reports; monthly

ting summaries and

t; reports of graduate

.etions, education

identification of

t.*

idustry and labor reports and

groups of occupations,

, etc., and reports from

iic development commissions,

university or research study

:y government data.

rds for Organization and

Employment and Training
253

I. DESCRIPTIVE PUBLICATIONS

A. Dictionary of Occupational Titles (DOT): The Dictionary of

Occupational Titles (DOT) is a guide prepared by the Department of

Labor's Employment Service (ES) which is periodically revised to define

and describe the job duties and requirements of 20,000 occupations. The

fourth edition, published in December, 1977, combines into one volume

the previous two volumes and presents a new format from that of the

3rd edition (1965).

All occupations are now arranged in groups based on the interrelationship of job tasks and requirements.. For many jobs known by more

than one title, alternate titles are e_so indicated. An index contains an alphabetical listing of job titles.

Industry designations are provided for each occupation. The

designation is usually an abbreviation of the name of the industry

indicating the type of economic activity with which the job is

associated. However, if the job occurs in several industries, the

industry designation is the same as the particular type of activity.

DOT information is obtained from job analyses involving direct

observations of and interviews with workers and consultations with

supervisory personnel. Other sources of information include employers,

trade associations, labor organizations, professional societies, and

public employment offices.

The information from.the DOT can be used to define job duties,

career ladders,and occupational skill and training requirements.

2 ° A
254

B. Occupational Outlook Handbook (O.O.H.) and Occupational

Outlook Quarterly: The Occupational Outlook Handbook (O.O.H.) is an

encyclopedic guide providing non-technical descriptions on a wide variety

of white collar, blue collar and service occupations, and is a basic

reference source for career guidance programs. The first edition of

the O.O.H. appeared in 1950. The Handbook is now published biennially

by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), Department of Labor (DOL).

The periodical, "The Occupational Outlook Quarterly" provides supplementary occupational and job information between editions of the Handbook.

The Handbook is divided into two major sections: The Outlook

for Occupations and The Outlook for Industries.

The Outlook for Occupations section is divided into 13

groupings or clusters of related jobs in a single field. Physicians,

for example, are grouped in the same section with hospital attendants

and other health employees. The career clusters are: industrial production, office service, education, sales, construction, transportation,

scientific and technical, mechanics and repair, health, social service,

and art design and communications.

More than 850 occupations are discussed in the Handbook. All

together, the occupations in the Handbook account for about 95 percent

of all salesworkers; about 90 percent of all professional, craft, and

service workers; 80 percent of clerical workers; 50 percent of all

operatives and smaller proportions of managerial workers and laborers.
255

The Outlook for Industry section consists of reports

grouped according to major industry divisions in the economy. The

reports contain job types and employment outlook for the industry.

II. THE STANDARD OCCUPATIONAL CLASSIFICATIONS MANUAL

This manual is the result of an eleven year effort to standardize

government occupational statistics by the Office of Federal Statistical

Policy and Standards, recently shifted from OMB to the Commerce

Department. All occupations are grouped into 600 categories which

include and identify by DOT code the greater number of occupations

individually listed in the DOT. These categories will be incorporated

into future Census tabulations.

III. OCCUPATIONAL-EMPLOYMENT STATISTICS (OES)

The Occupational-Employment Statistics (OES) Program is a

cooperative federal-state effort to provide systematic state and substate data on current and projected occupational employment requirements.

The OES was created in response to the findings of the President's

Committee to Appraiie Employment and Unemployment Statistics (the

Gordon Committee, 1962). The report, "Measuring Employment and

Unemployment': describee, the lack of substantive and comprehensive data:
256

Except in a general way, we know relatively little about

current changes in the number of workers employed in each

important occupation and in the occupational structure of

industry as a whole...Data on the numbers of employed

and trends in employment for specific occupations can provide a basis for estimating future occupational requirements

and job opportunities and thus greatly aid in planning

educational and training programs and in vocational counsel:Hz.

In an effort to meet these needs, the OES Program was initiated in 1970

by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Today, the OES Program is jointly run by the BLS, the Employmeni

and Training Administration (ETA),and the State Employment Security

agencies. BLS is responsible for technical assistance needs and oweall development of the program, ETA administers the funding, and

State Employment Security agencies collect, analyze,and disseminate

the occupational employment data.

The OES Program is divided into three components: occupational

employment statit:tics survey, national/state industry-occupation

matrix system, and state and area occupational projections program

Uses of the OES data include providing a basis for emcLoyment

analyses of changing employment patterns by industry, the imppct of

technological and other changes on occupational requirements,and the

location and number of occupational skills within and among states.

A. Occupational Employment Statistics Survey: The Occupational

Employment Statistics Survey is a questionnaire survey of indltstries

and businesses designed to obtain estimate of total employment for nonagricultural wage and salary occupations for each state and sub-state
257

area. The surveys cover the U.S. economy every three years; manufacturing

industries one year, nonmanufacturing industries (except trade) the

second year, and trade the third. The OES survey began in 1971 with

10 states participating in the program. Currently, (1978) 42 State

Employment Security agencies and the District of Ce.mbia Employment

Security are collecting information on approximately 2,500 occupations.

The OES survey can be used to analyze the changing occupational

composition of business and industry and to project employment patterns.

B. National/State Industry-Occupational Matrix System: The

National/State Industry-Occupational Matrix System Program assists in

providing a systematic set of national, state,and sub-state occupational

employment estimates and projections by industry.

The system is designed to provide a set of 51 (all states and

District of Columbia) tables or matrices to present total national

and state employment cross-classilied by occupatior and industry for

a specific time period. The present national matrix shows employment

in 420 detailed occupational categories, cross-classified by 201

detailed industrial sectors and 6 class-of-worker categories. Matrices

are available for 1970, 1974,and 1985.

The data included in the matrix are derived from a wide variety

of sources. These sources include the BLS annual surveys of occupational

wage rates in the metropolitan areas and selected industries, OES

survey data, statistics based on licensing and membership records

of selected professional societies, U.S. Civil Service Commission figures
258

on employment by occupation in the federal government, and regulatory

agency statistics on specific occupations.

The Matrix can be used to make employment analyses and projections,

including the study of the impact of technology on occupational employment requirements to examine the changing utilization of workers by

industry over time and to relate occupational supply and demand data at

the sub-national level. The system also produces occupational data

needed for planning education and training programs.

C. State and Area Occupational Projections: The State and Area

Occupational Projections are estimates of current and projected occupational and industry requirements for state and sub-state areas. The

program was begun in 1972 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Today,

State Employment Security agencies collect data with BLS technical

assistance and consultation which are used to modify projections obtained

through the industry/occupation matrix program. Data are derived from

representatives of industry, labor,and government agencies.

The program has a broad scope and includes:

Research to improve the reliability of estimates and projections

of state and sub-state occupational demands.

Guidance and technical assistance to state staff in using

occupational demand and supply data in planning and implementing manpower activities.

Establishment of computer systems that permit the state agencies

to carry out the work related to the development of occupational employment data.

A communications network that permits states to express their

data needs, review and comment on technical and other matters,

and access a centralized data processing service.

2'.9
259

The projections provide a measurement of the magnitude of change

in occupational employment requirements over a specific time period.

Thc data are also useful in assessing the supply and demand of workers

in job development studies and in planning training programs.

D. Other: The Employment Service also provides three monthly

publications:

Job Bank Opening Summaries (JBOS)

Job Bank Frequently Listed Openings (Job-FLO)

Occupations in Demand (100 occupations most in demand nationally).

IV. CURRENT POPULATION SURVEY

The Current Population Survey (CPS) is a monthly national survey of

households conducted by the Census Bureau. The CPS provides data to the

Bureau of Labor Statistics for labor market analyses. A significant

amount of this labor market information appears each month in the BLS

publication Employment and Earnings.

The CPS data are derived from a monthly national sample of 461 areas

containing 932 counties and independent cities in every state and the

District of Columbia and containing approximately 57,000 households (BLS, 1976).

Part et the sample is changed each month to avoid problems of uncooperativeness and to reduce the possibility of a cumulative effect of bias in

response. The CPS provides statistics on the civilian noninstitutionalized
260

population 16 years of age and over.

The CPS also conducts 8 to 10 special surveys each year. Topics

surveyed regularly include the earnings and total incomes of individuals

and families, usual weekly earnings of wage and salary workers,and

prevalence of multiple job-holding. Inquir'es are also made as to marital

and family characteristics of workers, the employment of school age youth,

high school and college graduates,and the educational attainment of

workers.

Periodic surveys have been made on topics such as job mobility, job

tenure, job search activities of the unemployed,and the intensity of the

job search.

The ZrS provides information on the social and economic characteristics

of the total population. The survey is the source of monthly estimates

of total employment, both farm and nonfarm; personal characteristics of

the labor force; and occupational and earning data.

V. DIVISION OF CAREER INFORMATION SERVICES

The Department of Labor's Division of Career Information Services

(DCIS), formerly the National Occupational Information Service (NOIS),

is conducting a grants program to encourage the development, maintenance,and extension of state-wide computer-based career

information systems (CIS). The DCIS also serves as a clearinghouse of

information on current national, stata,and local efforts to develop and

disseminate zwcupational information.
261

The NOIS program was authorized under the Comprehensive Employment

and Training Act of 1973 (CETA), Title III, to provide current, accurate,

and locally relevant occupational information to aid youth and others

making career choices.

Specific DCIS program objectives are:

To help students learn about and understand the range of career

opportunities presently available and likely to be available

in the future;

To help entrants into the labor force become aware of occupations

that they would find acceptable and personally satisfying;

To encourage persons in the process of career exploration and

decision making to seek out vocational information on their

own;

To increase awareness of major sources of occupational information for the purpose of acquiring knowledge of occupations

and training;

To provide support for related programs, including career education, career and employment counseling, and manpower

and educational planning.

The DCIS is currently funding the development of CIS systems in

eight states: Alabama, Colorado, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio,

Washington, and Wisconsin. The eight state programs are operating under

a 3-4 year declining grant. After that, the states will support the programs

through fees charged to user agencies and/or state and local contributions. Each state CIS system will disseminate information to schools,

employment service offices, and vocational rehabilitation and social

service agencies, using such media as computers, microfilm, and audio

visuals.

A key element of each CIS is the development of a high quality

information base. The occupational information developed by these systems
262

will include: the nature of the duties of the occupation; personal,

educational, training, experiential, and legal requirements for entry;

wages and fringe benefits; current employment outlook; industries

that use the occupation; opportunities for promotion or career advancement; hiring channels; working and environmental conditions; availability, cost, and descriptions of educational or training programs

related to the occupation; and sources of additional information, such

as resource persons in the community, that can help with occupational

exploration and job placement.

Cooperation between the major producers and users of occupational

information is essential for the maximum effectiveness of theCIS

system. These cooperative efforts include the participation of

producers -- such as the State Employment Security agency, the state

education system, business, industry and labor groups, and planning

offices -- and users such as education, manpower training and socialservice agencies,and individuals.

The advantages of such a computer-based information system include

enormous information capacity, fast retrieval,and data banks which can

zibe updated frequently. Assistance to counselors in providing labor

market data allows them time for more direct contact with clients.

User benefits include increased awareness of occupational and

educational alternatives.

Problems encountered with the CIS and other computer systems

include: difficulties with person-machine interactions, inadequate data

inputs, high initial overhead costs, and lack of or insufficient

2'
263

counselor training.

DCIS has recently completed a Process Evaluation Plan to assess how well the state CISs are developing and disseminating information

in counseling, career education, and manpower and planning agency

settings, and whether they are creating systems that are financially

self-sufficient and are establishing effective cooperation between

key state and local agencies. Impact evaluations will focus on measuring the effects of the systems on increasing occupational knowledge.

A pilot impact evaluation effort, which involves a common core of

questions to be used by each of the eight grantee states, is now

underway.

VI. OTHER COMPUTERIZED SYSTEMS

Other examples of computer systems include the System of Interactive Guidance Information (SIGI) and the Computer-Based Educational

Opportunity Centers (CBEOC). SIGI is a client-operable college-based

system with emphasis on value clarification, pe.t4onal planning, and

career decisions. The CBEOC is a city-wide information system which

provides information on training programs, occupations and opportunities,

financial &.d, and even day care facilities.
264

Other computer-based systems are the Computerized Vocational

Information System (CVIS), Educational Career Exploration System (ECESIV), and the Guidance Information System (GIS). CVIS is designed for

grades 7-12 for the exploration of approximately 400 occupations and the

various entry paths to them. ESES-IV allows students from 9th grade

through college to explore career interests and talents. GIS offers

occupational information for personal use at the high school and college

levels.

Occupational Information Dissemination Project, Final Report, Carl

McDaniels, College of Education, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and

State University, Blacksburg, Virginia, January 1977.

Nature of Study

The purpose of the Occupational Information Dissemination

Project was to study the current status of the use of

occupational information and to recommend ways of improving

training at both the pre-service and in-service levels, to

help users become better informed about the existence of

current and future materials and their importance in helping

students make the transition from school to work. The

project was divided into three phases: (1) planning

(2) data collection, and (3) analysis of data and preparation

of report. Major efforts were made to maximize personal

contacts with those knowledgeable in the area of occupational

information, to collect data from users in fields concerning

their pre-service and in-service training experiences, to

review related literature, to draw implications, and to make

recommendations for improving training and dissemination of

occupational information.

Background data for this project were obtained through contacts

with users of occupational information in the field, counselor

educators, State Department of Education personnel, and independent consultants. A sampling of opinion was obtained from key

leaders in the field as well as counselors both in training and

on the job. Several hundred professionals from over twenty

states were involved through direct communication on the project.

An interview guide was developed during the planning phase of the

. project to obtain data regarding both the pre-service and in-
265

service training experiences of users of occupational information and the means of improving dissemination of occupational

information. Visits with community college and secondary

school personnel also provided information on innovative local

programs, including career centers and a school district

computerized occupational information dissemination program

operation. Counselor educators and State Department of

Education personnel responded through correspondence and

personal interviews relative to the project objectives and in

informal discussions with the Project Director.

Findings

Evidence from the literature review indicated that research on pre-service and in-service training programs for users of

occupational information is lacking. There has been no attempt

to seriously address the problem of what both employed and

prospective counselors need to know about occupational information

and the most effective ways in which they can be trained to gain

the necessary competencies to deal with this important aspect

of counseling.

The dissemination of occupational information has received

considerably more attention in the literature than efforts to

determine the effectiveness or even the content and extent of

pre-service and in-service counselor preparation activities.

Mechanized and computerized dissemination methods have emerged

along with an apparent increase in the popularity of studentoriented formats such as comic books, newspapers, magazines,

And cartoons. The research has been fairly extensive as to the

-effectiveness of various techniques, but more study is needed

to keep counselors and other users informed of the effectiveness

of new techniques that are developed. While there have been

some random evaluation studies, there has been no systematic

effort at evaluating dissemination methods.

The respondents indicated that their pre-service courses were

too theoretical. They suggested that more practical knowledge

of occupational information materials and delivery systems was

needed and that an occupational information practicum be made a part of all counselor education programs.

Most respondents indicated that they had little knowledge about

computerized and mechanized dissemination systems of occupational

information from their pre- and in- service training experiences

and that they would like to have the opportunity to explore the

feasibility of implementing the kinds of systems in their particular locales.

276
266

Generally speaking, the respondents were not aware of how occupational information programs had improved as a result of their inservice activities. They indicated that there was a need to provide

training that would help to integrate the knowledge gained from

in-service activities into their on-going occupational information

programs, as well as means of evaluating their efforts and a

systems approach to evaluating the ultimate use and usefulness

co students.

There was a general consensus that techniques to evaluate

occupational information materials have not been adequately

addressed in either pre- or in-service training experiences.

Respondents expressed a need for continued demonstrations of much

more imaginative production and use of occupational information.

A wide variety of approaches should be experimented with and

demonstrated to conrstlors for their use with students and others.

The respondents indicated that more occupational information materials and procedures are needed for working with minorities,

women, and the handicapped. Many respondents indicated that their

occupational information programs had not been dealing with the

unique problems of these particular groups.

There was concern expressed among those contacted in relation to

this project that the emphasis on occupational information centers

as separate entities in a school setting needs to be curbed. The

respondents felt that emphasis should be on integrating occupational

information into the school's total approach to career education.

This would mean that occupational information would become an

integral part of every school curriculum and that student needs

for occupational information would become the focal point for the

delivery of such information.

In reviewing the occupational information materials that are

available to schools, one can only conclude that the complexity

of the production and availablity of such materials presents a real

problem to counselors in deciding what to include in their programs,

in determining the quality of the materials available, and in

assessing the value of the materials to their clientele.

Project Implications

There is a very positive climate in the field for improving the

process of dissemination of occupational information at the preservice and in-service levels, as well as at the implementation

stage wire students.
267

There is a need for closer cooperation between the Department of

Labor and professional associations in the field.

There is an obvious lack of research in the area of occupational

information, and what has been done fails to provide a focus for

future directions.

Progress at the local level will not be made without some significant financial and professional support from both the

federal and state levels.
268

Community Education-Work Councils

Community Education -Work Councils represent a response to the

need for better mechanisms at the local level to help young people

move between school and work. Councils are composed of representatives of various community sectors concerned with this transition,

including education, employment, labor unions, local government, and

service agencies, in order to bring this collaborative front :-, '-ear on

a variety of planning, coordinating and project activities addrese3

the specific needs of the community's youth. The National Hanpo:zer

Institute's Work-Education Consortium Project (WECP) assists local

councils in 21 sites to achieve individualized community goals,

including developing local youth policies and implementing policy

recommendations, improving community involvement in youth transition

activities, encouraging better employer-school relations, and increasing

the number and effectiveness of opportunities to comtine work or service

experience with classroom learning. The WECP is fundeci by the U.S.

Department of Labor and operates in consultation with the Fttiral Interagency Steering Committee on Education and "!J:k, made up of the Departments of Labor; Health, Education and Welfcv.e; and Comerce.

The 21 councils in the Consortium-20 local councils and one

statewide initiative--represent a diversity of approaches to involviug

the community in youth transition from school-to-work issues. In terms

of development, at the beginning of the project a few councils had
'169

already been in existence for several years but most were just getting

started. The 21 members repres:-IA a mix of achievement and experience

as well as expectation of fui:are accomplishments.

Regarding the evaluation of these accomplishment*, the National

Institute of Education has recently issued an RFP for a third-party

evaluation of collaborative activities including the types repreuented

by the Work-Education Consortium. It is hoped that the experiences

of the Consortium communities will provide a set of models for other

communities to examine for possible application to their own youth

transition problems.

ACTIVITIES AND PROJECTS: Most of the councils have focused their

primary attention on developing a process of collaboration among local

leaders that can be supportive of youth in transition, and many of the

councils' contributions are in the policy, communications, and brokering arenas. There is, however, clear awareness among council leadersh47.

that, in most environments, sustaining the collaborative process requires

visible outcomes in the short term.

What follows is a selection of summaries of ct:rent couacil

activities. Only those activities for which councils can publicly

claim support or in which they have active involvement are listed.

280
270

Engaging Community Resources for Youth

ASSESSMENT OF COMMUNITY RESOURCES FOR CAREER EDUCATION

Oakland, California

A major project was undertaken by the Oakland Community Careers

Council with assistance from Community Resources for Career Education

of Portland, Oregon,to assess community resource needs and the

availability of career education resources in Oakland. The objectives

of the project were: (1) .t.0 collect information on organizations that

use community resources to provide career education services; .(2) to

collect information on who in the business community might provide the

needed resources for career education; (3) to analyze this information;

and (4) to make recommendations to the Community Careers Council on establishing a resource data bank and clearinghouse to serve youth agencies

and employers. Surveys were sent to 355 service agencies in Oakland and

Alameda County, including schools, social, civic, and youth organizations.

Three thousand employer establishments were also contacted.

A report based on the data, entitled "New Directions in Oakland for

Career Development," has been adopted by the Cc-al:unity Careers Council

and will La distributed to local and national Lsganizations and agencies

with an interest in youth. The report presents a formula for determining

the need for work experience programs and, by extension, the need and

means for engaging community resources. This is the first study of its

kind to be conducted on a city-wide basis in Oakland.

COMMUNITY VOLUNTEER NETWORK

Gratiot County, Michigan

In May 1974, the Mid-Michigan Community Action Council began to

develop an organized network of community volunteers to provide firsthand information to students on careers and the working world. The

Council's effort hcs expanded to include approximately 730 volunteers

county-wide and is still growing.

Volunteers participate as classroom sneakers. mock job interviewers,

and business site hosts for career exploration. All activities are

performed in collaboration with the Gratiot-Isabella Intermediate School

District and are available to the six Gratiot County school districts.

Activities are accessible to local teachers/schools through the Council's

DIAL-A-SPEAKER telephone service which matches the need of the student

group to the volunteer resources available.
271

Opportunities for Work and Service Experience

FIELD EXPERIENCE EDUCATION PROGRAM

Worcester, Massachusetts

As its primary project during 1977-78, the Worcester Area Career

Education Consortium is implementing its policy statement urging Worcester

area school districts to offer every high school student in the area an

opportunity to participate in some form of field experience education

before graduation. Implementation efforts have received considerable

support from the assignment of five CETA Title II employees to the Consortium staff and from the Consortium's successful proposal to the U.S.

Office of Career Education. Direct responsibility for the project is

handled by an almost full-time coordinator who is working with school

superintendents, school board members, administrators,and staff in the

Worcester area to plan for policy adoption in each district and to develop

localized implementation at specific schools. Project staff are primarily

responsible for identifying and securing the cooperation of area employers,

labor organizations, social service agencies,and parent groups. The

Consortium has developed a twelve page task force report which summarizes

the policy recommendations and current and proposed activities under the

field experience education project.

Employment Awareness - Skills Development

EMPLOYABILITY WORKSIVTI FOR STUDENTS

Gratiot County, Michigan

Since 1975, the Mid-Michigan Community Action Council has been helping

to develop and coordinate employability skills workshops for county

schools. The workshops give students on-site interview practice and

exposure to hiring attitudes of local employers in the students' specific

career interest areas. The Council has also developed a "14-hour plan"

workshop format currently in use to teach employability skills in county

skills center vocational classes and has put together a 60 minute video

tape illustrating the employment interview process and employer hiring

attitudes. In the 1976-77 school year, the employability skills program

was expanded to include the entire oenior class of one countyYachOol.
272

Occupational Information and Job ?lacement Services

COOPERATIVE EDUCATION CLEARINGHOUSE

California, State of

The Bay Area Cooperative Education Clearinghouse (BACEC) is a computerized job placement service developed to provide employers a one-stop listing of prospective student employees seeking work experience.

The service was developed in cooperation with the California IndustryEducation Council, theChancellor's Office of California Community

Colleges, and a consortium of San Jose area colleges, business, industry, and labor. The service's data bank contains information on students from

six area community colleges seeking work experience, including data on their past job experiences, educational goals and interests, and special

skills and abilities. The prospective employer need only call the

clearinghouse to have work experience job candidates identified through

a computerized "search and match" system. The system places approximately

300 students in work experience slots per year, each potentially worth

16 units of academic credit. Although BACEC currently deals only with

cooperative work experience at the postsecondary level, future plans

include expansion of the system to serve the secondary school population.

ACCESSING A STATEWIDE OCCUPATIONAL INFORMATION SYSTEM AT THE LOCAL LEVEL

Livonia, Michigan

The Work-Education Council of Southeastern Michigan initiated efforts

to implement the Michigan Occupational Information System (MOIS) through

the formation of the Western Wayne County Consortium for MOIS. The intent

was to link national and regional occupational information to 1.cally

developed employment, educational, and work experience opportunities.

The system will be accessed through the use of computer terminals

placed at various in-school and non-school sites throughout western Wayne

County. Information on the lob market will be provided to counselors,

placement specialists, teachers, students, out-of-school youth, and others

seeking information, work experience, and/or employment. The Western

Wayne County Consortium for MOIS'and the Wayne County Intermediate School

District have combined their resources to develop a MOIS delivery system.

Two CETA prime sponsors provide funding: the Wayne County Office of Manpower

(WCOM) is the principal source, with the Livonia CETA Office contributing

an additional $30,000. The prime contractor for WCOM funding will be

the Wayne County Intermediate School District which will purchase a computer

and 50 remote terminals and maintain the main computer equipment. The
273

Western Wayne County Consortium will allocate the computer terminals to

sites in the Consortium area and utlize them in conjunction with other

industry/education programs to expand the impact on employment and training

options for the region. MOIS later will be supplemented daily by updates

from the local Michigan Employment Security Commission, the Livonia Youth

Employment Service, and other sources. The state MOIS office will provide . programming support, including updates on statewide and national data.

Exposure to Business, Industry,and Labor for Educators

DEVELOPMENT OF A LABOR-MANAGEMENT CURRICULUM

Jamestown, New York

The Labor Management Committee of the Jamestown Area has developed

and implemented a training course for local school personnel which incorporates both the concepts of labor-management cooperation and of the

quality of working life into approaches for career education. During

August 1977, six local teachers were trained with this committee-developed

curriculum in a special two-week program. According to subsequent followup, five of the six have begun to integrate the curriculum into their

normel teaching assignments. Parts of the curriculum are being redesigned

based on the experiences of the six teachers. Plans are to make the course

available nationally.

TRAINING PROGRAM TO BRING EDUCATORS INTO CLOSER CONTACT WITH BUSINESS

AND OTHER COMMUNITY SECTORS

Mesa, Arizona

Project Linkage, which was developed by the Mesa Public Schools'

Career Education and Research Development Staff, establishes a 10 day

training program for up to 75 education personnel to increase their

knowledge of career education through interaction with the work world

and workingenvironments, to provide an introduction to the concept of

effective utilization of community resources, and to encourage collaboration between educators and personnel from other community sectors concerned

with youth. The training program will consist of site visits to community

resource centers and businesses, study sessions, and seminars. The Mesa

Public Schools' Center for Career Development, Project Transition staff

of the Mesa Community Council, the Director of Project Transition, and

members of the Mesa Career Education Business-Industry Council are working

together to implement the project.
274

Council Involvement in CETA/YEDPA Activities

COUNCIL INVOLVEMENT IN YEDPA ACTIVITIES

Bethel, Maine

The Bethel Area Community Education Work Council is involved in

several activities relating to YEDPA implementation: (1) the Council

participated in an effort involving county-wide planning among school

districts, vocational education regions, local government officials, and the

county Community Services Organization, which culminated in the submission

of a coordinated proposal for subparts 2 and 3 under the legislation to the

Balance of State prime sponsor. The effort represents the first unified

attempt of the Bethel area to improve its access into the Balance of State

CETA delivery system; (2) the Council has been active in trying to bring

together counselors of the State Talent Serarch program and enrollees in

the YACC program operating in the White Mountains National Forest. This

effort is designed to make available to the enrollees access to counseling

and guidance services with regard to postsecondary education opportunitie3,

financial aid, and career options; and (3) in addition, the Council is

serving as a source of information and application materials for the summer YCC programs in Maine.

PUBLIC WORKSHOP ON THE YOUTH EMPLOYMENT AND DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS ACT

OF 1977 (YEDPA)

Erie, Pennsylvania

On November 2, 1977, the Education and Work Council of Erie City

and County sponsored a public workshop on the new YEDPA legislation. The

workshop was attended by representatives of secondary, postsecondary,and

vocational schools, youth-serving agencies, business and industry, and other

community sectors. The workshop informed prospective program operators of

application requirements and legislative provisions and of ways of promoting

community participation in the planning of YEDPA programs. Also, the

workshop was the first public event to introduce the Council and its activities to the community and to promote awareness of youth transition issues.

It served as a forum for the presentation to the community of the "Erie

Youth Employment Charter," which was developed by the Council to provide

a comprehensive youth policy regarding employment needs and manpower

training development for Erie City and County.
275

Assessing the Local Youth Transition and Employment Situation

DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL UNEMPLOYMENT STATISTICS -- A SURVEY PROJECT

Lexington, Kentucky

The Lexington Education-Work Council recently approved a Local

Unemployment Information Survey Project, to aid in the determination of

local unemployment rates. The survey will profile the area's unemployed

persons by location, race, sex, education, training, previous work experience,and aspirations. The data will be collected through a personal

interview survey conducted by 10-20 individuals. Targeted for completion

by April 1978, the Council looks to the project for (1) local data to aid

in planning, (2) establishment of a methodology for determining local

unemployment statistics, and (3) community awareness b.iilding regarding

the extent and nature of youth unemployment in the Lexington area.

SURVEY OF COUNSELOR AND EMPLOYER ATTITUDES

Sioux Falls, South Dakota

Staff of the Work-Education Council of the Lower Big Sioux River Basin

are conducting a series of interviews with school counselors from large and

small school systems and with employers from large and small business firms

to determine attitudes toward work and job applicants, to provide the

Council with a data base with which to compare other available data, and to

increase the visibility of the Council.

SURVEY OF EMPLOYERS: MANPOWER NEEDS AND EMPLOYEE QUALIFICATIONS REQUIREMENTS

Wheeling, West Virginia

The Education-Work Council of the Upper Ohio Valley, through the

collaboration of agencies represented in the council, the West Virginia

Department of Employment Security,and local industry, bust,ess, labor,and

educational institutions, has administered a manpower needs survey to

approximately 1,700 area employers. The survey requests information on

present and future (2) year manpower needs, as well as on educational and

experience requirements for employees. Information was requested by mail,

with follow up phone and personal interviews where needed. Costs of mailing

the survcy were covered by the Bel-O-Mar Regional Planning Couucil; names

and addresses of employers and envelopes were supplied by the State

Department of Employment Security. West Virginia Northern Community College

286
276

will donate computer time and exiertise for the analysis of the data

obtained through the survey. In addition, two interns funded under CETA

are staffing the project, and office equipment has been donated by the

public school aystem. Completion of the project is scheduled for July 1,

1978.

Results will be made available to all area secondary and postsecondary

educational institutions, economic development agencies,and employers. The

Governor's Office of Employment and Training plans to use the results of

the survey, as well as recommending it as a model for use in other regions

of the state.

Awareness Building and Information Dissemination

CONFERENCE ON THE WORK-EDUCATION COLLABORATIa PROCESS

California, State of

The California Conference on Career and Economic Awareness, whose

sponsors included the Industry Education Council of California and the

San Diego Industry-Education Council, was held January 27-29, 1978, in

San Diego, to provide an opportunity for educators and business people

to take a close look at the work-education collaborative process. Participants learned what others have done collaboratively to ease the transition from school to work and how those efforts were started from representatives of 42 cosponsoring organizations and a variety of speakers and

presentations.

There were some 90 workshops designed to share information on exemplary

programs. The workshops included discussion of program development and

management; staff development; and business-education interaction at all

educational levels, elementary through adult. Over 2,500 people attended.
277

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. National Longitudinal Study of the High School

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U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Office of Research.

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292

U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity. Office of Planning, Research and

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PART II

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American Institutes for Research. Case Studies in Practical Career

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1973.

Anallltd of Nine-Month Interviews for Supported Work: Results of an

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for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin. New York:

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Annual Evaluation Report on Programs Administered by the U.S. Office of

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Ball, Joseph. Implementing Supported Work: Job Creation Strategies

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Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation, May 1977.

Behavioral Research Institute. An Evaluation of the Oakland Youth Work

Experience Program. Boulder, CO.: Behavioral Research Institute,

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Boyd, Arthur. Evaluation Today in Community Education,. Community

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Brickell, Henry. Attitudes Toward Career Education: Policy Studies in

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Brown, George F. at al. "Analysis of the Neighborhood Youth Corps

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BSSR, The Newsletter of the Bureau of Social Science Research. Volume X,

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Bucknam, R.B. "The Impact of EBCE - An Evaluator's Viewpoint." Illinois

Career Education Journal 33 (Spring 1976): 32-37.

3J"
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of Training: A Benefit-Cost Analysis." Ph.D. dissertation, Johns

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Burdetsky, Ben. "The 'Marshall Plan' to Meet New Needs." Worklife,

August 1977, pp. 18-26.

Burt, Samuel M. Review of Nontraditional Education Programs and Projects

to Identify those with Characteristics Similar to the Experience

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Corporation, April 1974.

Cain, Glen. Benefit-Cost Estimates for the Job Corps. Madison, WI.:

Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisccnsin, 1967.

Campbell, Robert E. Summary of Vocational Guidance in Secondary Education:

Results of a National Survey. Columbus, OH.: Center for Vocational

and Technical Education, Ohio State University, 1968.

Center for Naval

Evaluation.

CETA and Youth:

of Cities,

Analyses. The Job Corps: A Program Analysis and

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Programs for Cities. Washington, D.C.: National League

United States Conference of Mayors, n.d.

Consad Research Corporation. Cooperative Education Planning Study: Final

Report. Pittsburgh, PA.: Consad Research Corporation, April 1975.

Cooperation in Service and Learning: A Report of The Virginia Program

for September 1, 1975 - August 31, 1976. Petersburg, VA.: October

1976.

David, Bernice F. "LEAP, in the Right Direction.: Worklife, August 1976,

pp. 8-13.

Davis, James R. "Cooperative Education: Prospects and Pitfalls."

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Development Associates,Inc. An Evaluation of Vocational Exemplary Projects.

Washington, D.C.: Development Associates, Inc., 1975.

Dunlap and Associates, Inc. Survey of Terminees from Out-of-School

Neighborhood Youth Corps Projects. Darien,CT.: Dunlap an'

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Eberly, Donald J. "Universal Youth Service Milestones, 1945 - 1915."

Paper prepared for the Universal Youth Service Conference sponsored

by the Eleanor Roosevelt Institute, Hyde Park, N.Y., April 9-10, 1976.

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Education, Service and Work. Federal Interagency Committee on Education,

Sub-Committee on Education and Work, 1977.

Ellis, Mary L. A Report to the Nation on Vocational Education. Flagstaff,

AZ.: Northern Arizona University, November 1975.

Executive Summary, The Career Intern Project: Final Report. Vol I: An

Experiment in Career Education that Worked. Richard A. Gibboney

Asiociates,. Inc., Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Education,

1977.

Fantini, Mario. "Alternative Educational Programs: Promise or Problems?"

Educational Leadership, Vol. 32, November 1974, pp. 83-88.

Ferrin, Richard I. and Arbeiter, Solomon. Bridging the Gap: A Study of

Education to Work Linkages, A Summary of Final Report of the StateLevel Study in Career Education. College Entrance Examination

Board, June 1975.

Fox, Andrew; May, W. Theodore; and Schwartz, Paul L. Black Teenage

Girl Project, In-School Neighborhood Youth Corps, Memphis, Tennessee.

Final Report. Social Service Delivery Systems, December 31, 1973.

Frankel, S.M. Executive Summary: An Assessment of School-Supervised Work

Education Programs. System Development Corporation, 1973.

Friedman, Nathalie; Sanders, L.W.; and Thompson, J. The Federal College

Work-Study Program. New York: Bureau of Applied Social Research,

Columbia University, 1973.

Grasso, John T. The Contributions of Vocational Education, Training

and Work Experience to the Early Career Achievements of Young Men.

Columbus, OH.: Center for Human Resource Research, The Ohio State

University, July 1975.

Greenleigh Associates, Inc. The Job Opportunities in the Business Sector

Program, An Evaluation of Impact in Ten Standard Metropolitan

Statistical Areas. New York: Greenleigh Associates, Inc., June 1970.

Harris, JoAnn E. Analysis of the Effects of a Computer-Based Vocational

Information System on Selected Aspects of Vocational Planning.

DeKalb, IL.: Northern Illinois University, 1972. (Unpublished doctoral

dissertation)

Harris, Louis and Associates. A Survey of Ex-Job Corpsmen. New York:

Harris Associates, April 1969.
297

Hayes, R.A. and Travis, J.H. "Employer Experience ts .h the Recruitment

of Cooperative Education Employees: An Analysis of Costs and

Benefits." Journal of Cooperative Education 13 (November 1976):

16-32.

Helliwell, Carolyn. Kimberly Guidance Program, Kimberly High School, Kimberly, Idaho. Palo Alto, CA.: American Institutes for Research, June 1973.

Hirsch, Sharlene P. "Social Education as Community Internships."

Social Education, March 1974, pp. 248-249.

Humphrey, Hubert. Quoted in Congressional Record S 4874. March 15, 1973.

An Introduction to Career Education, A Policy Paper of the U.S. Office

of Education. Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1975.

The Job Opportunities in the Business Sector Program, An Evaluation of

Ympact in Ten Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas. New York:

Graenleigh Associates, June 1970.

Jung, Steven M. "Evaluating the Work-Education Consortium Project: An

Overview of Issues and Options." Washington, D.C.: National

Manpower Institute, 1977.

Kaufman, Jacob J. et al. The Role of the Secondary Schools in the

Preparation of Youth for Employment. University Park, PA.:

Institute for Research on Human Resources, Pennsylvania State

University, February 1967.

Kohen, Andrew I; Grasso, J.T.; Myers, S.C.; Shields, P.M. Career

Thresholds: Longitudinal Studies of the Educational and Labor

Market Experiences of Young Men. Columbus, OH.: Center for Human

Resource Research, College of Administrative Science, The Ohio

State University, March 1977.

Levitan, Sar A. and Johnston, Benjamin H. The Job Corps: A Social

Experiment that Works. Policy Studies in Employment and Welfare

Number 22. Baltimore, MD.: The Johns Hopkins University Press,

1975.

Mangum, Garth L. Reorienting Vocational Education. Washington, D.C.:

The Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations and the National

Manpower Policy Task Force, May 1968.

Manpower Information Service Reference File. The Bureau of National

Affairs, Inc. 21:1001.

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Manpower Information Service, The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc.,

Vol. 5., June 5, 1974.

Marans, Robert W.; Driver, B.L.; and Scott, John C. Youth and the

Environment: An Evaluation of the 1971 Youth Conservation Corps.

Ann Arbor, MI.: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social

Research, University of Michigan, 1972.

McDaniels, Carl. Occupational Information Dissemination Project, Final

Report. Blacksburg, VA.: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State

University, 1977.

McLaughlin, Donald H. Career Education in the Public Schools 1974-75:

A National Survey. Palo Alto, CA.: American Institutes for

Research, May 1976.

MDC, Inc. CETA Title VI Project Description Reports. Chapel Hill, NC.:

MDC, Inc., June 1977.

Meehan, Merrill L. and Franchak, Stephen J. Evaluation of Three SchoolBased Job Placement Projects in Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania Department

of Education, February 1976.

Melhus, G.E. Computer-Assisted Vocational Choice Compared with Traditional

Vocational Counseling. Chicago, IL.: Illinois Institute of Technology,

1971. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation)

Migocki, David. Community Education at the State Educatjonal Agency Level.

U.S. Office of Education Report, 1976.

Mirengoff, William and Rindler, Lester. The Comprehensive Employment and

Training Act: Impact on People, Places, Programs: An Interim Report.

Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1976.

Mitchell, James P. "New Directions for Apprenticeship Policy." Worklife,

January 1977, pp. 2-7.

National Association of Counties. "Overhauling ES." County Manpower

Report, Vol. 5, August 1976.

National Office for Social Responsibility. Youth Work Experience Process

Model Program Development, Final Report. Washington, D.C.: National

Office for Social Responsibility, 1976.

National Planning Association. Policy Issues and Analytical Problems in

Evaluating Vocational Education. Washington, D.C.: National Planning

Association, July 1972.
299

National School Public Relations Association. Alternative Schools: Pioneering Districts Create Options for Students. Rosslyn, VA.: National School Public Relations Association, 1972.

Olympus Research Corporation. Education, Service and Work: The Multi- Funded Approach. (No date or publisher given)

Pacific Consultants. Arkansas Program for Local Service Evaluation Report Year 1. Berkeley, CA.: Pacific Consultants, March 1976.

Prager, Audrey and Goldberg, Judith. Documentation of the National Program of Selected Population Segments, Phase I Report. Cambridge, MA.: Abt Associates, Inc., July 22, 1977.

Price, G.E. A Comparison of Computer and Counselor Effectiveness in Assisting High School Students Explore and Select Courses. Lansing, MI.: Michigan State University, 1971. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation)

Resource Management Corporation. "The Feasibility of Benefit-Cost

Analyses for Manpower Programs." Mimeographed, March 1969.

Richardson, Ann and Dunning, Bruce B. Youth in the WIN Program: Report on a Survey of Client Backgrounds, Program Experience, and Subsequent

Labor Force Participation. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Social

Science Research, November 1975.

Sansbury, David L. Executive Summary: Evaluation of University Year for

ACTION.. Washington, D.C.: School of Education, The American University,

May 12, 1975.

Scott, Thelma J. Career Guidance Program, Hood River Valley High School,

Hood River, Oregon. Palo Alto, CA.: American Institutes for Research,

June 1973.

Searcy, Ellen. Work Experience as Preparation for Adulthood. Washington, D.C.: Social Research Group, The George Washington University, May 1973.

Sexton, Robert F. "Experiential Education and Community involvement

Practices at the Postsecondary Level: Implications for Career Education."

Prepared for the Office of Career Education, USOE. November 1, 1976.

Sigmon, Robert L. "A Notebook on Service-Learning." Raleigh, NC.: North

Carolina Internship Office, October 1972a.

Sigmon, Robert L. "Options for Public Service Internships." Public Service

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Smith, Robert S. and Pitcher, Hugh M. The Neighborhood Youth Corps: An

Impact Evaluation. Technical Analysis Paper No. 9. U.S. Department

of Labor, September 1973.

Somers, Gerald G. and Stromsdorfer, Ernst W. A Cost Effectiveness

Study of the In-School and Summer Neighborhood Youth Corps.

Madison, WI.: Center for Studies in Vocational and Technical

Education, Industrial Relations Research Institute, University

of Wisconsin, July 1970.

and Warlick, Jennifer L. An Evaluation of Manpower Programs for

Young Men, 1964-1972: Based on the National Longitudinal (Parnes)

Labor Market Surveys. Madiscn, WI.: Department of Economics,

University of Wisconsin, 1975.

Sprengel, Donald P. and Torrey, E.A. Longitudinal Impact Assessment of

the 1971-72 Vocational Exploration in the Private Sector Program.

Manpower Administration Report, July 1974.

Stern, Barry E. "Application of Information Systems to Career and Job

Choice." In Labor Market Information for Youths, pp. 199-234.

Edited by Seymour L. Wolfbein. Philadelphia: Temple University

Press, 1975.

Stromsdorfer, Ernst. A Cost-Effectiveness Analysis of the Economic and

Educational Impact of the Mountain-Plains Education and Economic

Development Program, Inc. 1975.

Stromsdorfer, Ernst W. An Economic Analysis of the Work Experience and

Career Exploration Program: 1971-1972 School Year. Bloomington,

IN.: Indiana University, July 1973.

and Fackler, J.S. An Economic and Institutional Analysis of the

Cooperative Vocational Education Program in Dayton, Ohio.

Bloomington, IN.: Indiana University, March 1973.

Taggart, Robert. "Employment and Training Programs for Youth." In

From School to Work: Improving the Transition, a Collection of

Policy Papers Prepared for the National Commission for Manpower

Policy, pp. 117-139. Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, April 1976.

Ultrasystems, Incorporated. An Evaluation of Results and Effectiveness

of Job Banks. Volume I. Newport Beach, CA.: Ultrasystems,

Incorporated, March 1972.

U.S. Congress. Congressional Budget Office. Policy Options for the

Teenage Unemployment Problem, Background Paper No. 13. Washington,

D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1976.
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. Joint Economic Committee. The Effectiveness of Manpower Training Programs: A Review of Research or. the Impact on the Poor. Washing- ton, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1972.

U.S. Department of Commerce. Agenda for Action: Private Sector Initia- tives for Youth Career Development. A Report of the Secretary's

Conference on Youth Career Development. Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1976.

U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Education Division. National Center for Education Statistics. Job Placement Services

Provided by Public School Systems in the United States, 1976.

Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1976.

U.S. Department of Justice. Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Program Announcement: Diversion of Youth from the Juvenile Justice System. April 1976a.

. Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Office of Juvenile

Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Programs to Prevent Juvenile

Delinquency. November 1976b.

U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of Labor Statistics. BLS Handbook of

Methods for Surveys and Studies. Bulletin 1910. Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1976.

. Bureau of Labor Statistics. July 1977. Unpublished

data.

. Employment and Training Administration. The Employment Service: An Institutional Analysis, by The Urban Institute. R&D Monograph

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. Employment and Training Administration. Employment and

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GPO, 1977.

. Employment and Training Administration. Recruitment, Job Search and the United States Employment Service. Prepared by Camil

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Employment and Training Administration. Rural Oriented

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