ED 203 068

TITLE

INSTITUTION

PUB DATE

NOTE

AVAILABLE FROM

DOCUMENT RESUME

CB 029 IIB

Alternative Education Models--Interim Findings from

the Replication of Career Intern Programs. Education

and Training Approaches. Youth Knowledge Development

Report 5.1.

Employment and Training Administration OW.

Washington, D.C. Office of Youth Programs.

May 90

752p.: not related documents see CE 029 106.

Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing

Office, Washington, DC 20402 (Stock No.

029-014-00161-9, $11.00).

EDRS PRICE MF04/PC31 Plus Postage.

DESCRIPTORS Academic Achievement: Career Awareness: Career

Education: Community Organizations: Comparative

Analvsis: Cost Effectiveness: *Dropout Programs:

*Dropouts: *Feasibility Studies: Federal Legislation:

High Schools: *Nontraditional Education: Potential.

Dropouts: *Program Effectiveness: Program Evaluation:

Program Implementation: Secondary Education:

Vocational Education: Youth Employment: *Youth

Programs

IDENTIFIEPS *Career Intern Program: Youth Employment and

Demonstration Projects Act

ABSTRACT

This volume contains four interim reports of the

Career Intern Program (CI?) replication portion of the Alternative

Education Demonstration operated by Opportunities Industrialization

Centers of America and evaluated by the Natiotal Institute of

Education. (The CIP is an alternative high school serving dropouts

and students at a high risk of dropping out. Under the Youth

Employment and Demonstration Projects Act, demonstration projects

were implemented at four sites to determine if the CIP is replicable

at reasonable cost within a reasonable period of time and if the same

success achieved at the developmental site can be achieved.) Each

report focuses on one of the four parts of the evaluation design.

These are (11 assessment of the process of implementation and

adaptation of the original CIP model: (2) analysis of the outcomes on

enrollees relative to a randomly selected control group, a comparison

group, and national norms: (31 determination of the importance of the

various functional components of the CIP: and (4) comparisons with

other similar youth programs. A summary report on the original CIP

experiment is provided as background. (rim

***********************************************************************

* Peproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made *

* from the original document. * ***********************************************************************
YOUTH KNOWLEDGE DEVELOPMENT

REPCiRT

EDUCATION AND TRAINING APPliOACHES

Alternative Education Models

Interim Findings from the Replication of

Career Intern Program

May 1980

U S DEPARTMENT OF NE NAN,

EOUCATION WELFARE

NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF

EOUCATION

THIS DOCUMENT HAS SEEN REPRODucat) EXACTLY As aEcEivE0 FROM

THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION OM*

ATING it POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS

STATED 00 NOT NECESSARILY orEptESENTOFFIvaLsatsotim INS kW TE OF

[WC*, Ok POSITION OR POLICY
U.S. Department of Labor

Ray Marshall, Secretary

Employment and Training Administration

Ernest G. Green, Assistant Secretary for

Employment and Training Administration

Office of Youth Programs

Material contained in this publication is

in the public domain and may be

reproduced, fully or partially, without

permission of the Federal Government.

Source credit is requested but not

required. Permission is required only

to reproduce any copyrighted material

contained herein.
YOUTH KNOWLEDGE DEVELOPMENT REPORT 5.1

ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION MODELS- -

INTERIM FINDINGS FROM THE

REPLICATION OF CAREER INTERN PROGRAM

MARCH 1980

For sate by the Snoerlutendent of Document :. U.S. (town:meat Printing Wilco

Wnotoistnion. b.C. 20402

..i 4
OVERVIEW

One out of six young persons--includi-g a third of minority

youth--drops out of high school before completion. While

some of these youth have limited capabi'44ty, and while events

outside the school may account for the failure of others,

many could benefit from a second or third chance, cr could

be successful under different learning circumstances. There

are a range of alternative schools throughout the country

that are addressed to the special needs of such youth.

Alternative education approaches usually share some common

elements such as higher teacher-pupil ratios, individualized

and self-paced instruction, student interaction and mutual

support, as well as linkages with the world of work

and experienced-based instruction. As a result, alternative

education programs usually involve higher per pupil expenditures. The major policy issues are (1) whether these extra

expenditures produce commensurate benefits, (2) the elements

of alternative education approaches which have the greatest

impact, (3) the types of youth. who berefit most, and (4) the

ways in which these approaches can be most effectively replicated.

Perhaps the most carefully tested model of alternative education was the Career Intern Program implemented by Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America in Philadelphia

in 1973. The National Institute of Education financed a

rigorous control group experiment and evaluation to assess

the effectiveness of CIP covering operations during the

1973-1976 period. The evaluation documented substantial

benefits for participants relative to controls.

As part of the knowledge development efforts under YEDPA,

the Department of Labor's Office of Youth Programs financed

the replication of CIP in four sites by OIC/A, as well as a

comprehensive evaluation by NIE. After the implementation

of these four programs, the experiment was expanded by the

addition of a Hispanic adaptation of CIP, operated by SERJobs for Progress in the District of Columbia. Finally,

OYP contributed funding for a series of competitive grants

for community based alternative education projects financed

by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention

of the Law Enforcement Administration. The OYP contribution provided for the employment and world-of-work components of those projects as well as a comprehensive

evaluation consistent.with that completed for CIP and

the Hispanic adaptation.
The Alternative Education Demonstration has several general

knowledge development objectives:

First, it tests the efficacy of alternative education by comparing the experiences of students in these alternative programs with those of a randomly selected control group, a

matched comparison group, participants in other youth employment and training activities, and a norm-referenced population.

The dimensions of measured participant impact include school

attendance and completion rates, reading and arithmetic gains,

changes in attitudes and aspirations, as well as subsequent

educational and labor market experiences in a followup period.

Second, the large sample size which will emerge from multiple

cohorts in multiple sites should permit better identification

of those types of youth who benefit most from the alternative

education approach. Process evaluations, combined with impact

evaluations, should suggest the elements which work best under

different conditions. The Hispanic CIP, in particular, should

suggest how and whether the basic model can be adapted to meet

other needs. In other words, this should permit refinement

and better targeting of alternative education.

Third, the demonstration is also a test of the replication process. The CIP model is complex and depends on many program

elements as well as on a web of ins,itutional relationships.

The process evaluations in multiple sites will suggest the

feasibility of replication and the needs for adaptation Gil

the model. Comparisons of the experience for sequential cohorts of participants will document the "learning curve" or

"shakedown period" of these projects. The result should be

to improve the "batting average" in the replication process.

Fourth, the demonstration utilizes community based organizations

as the delivery and change agents at the local level. This

might be contrasted with alternative education efforts initiated

or supported by school systems under formula YETP ane other discretionary projects. Comparison between these approaches should

help determine the importance of CEO participation.

Fifth, the Hispanic adaptation is particularly important because of the serious educational deficiencies and high dropout

rates of Hispanic youth. many questions about the comparative

needs and approaches to this group can be addressed by comparison of this site's experience with the other CIP projects.

ii

6
This volume contains the interim products related to the

Career Intern Program portion of the demonstration operated

by OIC/A and evaluated by the rational Institute of Education.

There is a four part evaluation design: (2) assessment of

the process of implementation and adaptation of the original

CIP model; (2) analysis of the outcomes on enrollees relative

to a randomly selected control group, a comparison group,

and national norms; (3) determination of the importance of

the various functional components of the CIP; and (4) comparicon with other similar programs. The first four interim

reports of the evaluation of the CIP replication are included

in this volume:

1. Study of the Career Intern Program: The Process

of Implementation

2. Study of the Career Intern Program: Interim

Assessment of Intern Outcomes

3. Study of the Career Ir°.ern Program: Interim

'Report on Functional Interrelationships Among

Program Components and Intern Outcomes

4. Stud of the Career Intern Pro ram: Interim

Comparison the C43. Other Youth Programs

A summary report on the original CIP experiment is provided

as background

The Career Intern Program: Final Report.

Volume I: An Experiment in Career Education

that Worked. National Institute of Education

The four interim reports cover the startup and stabilization

period of the four new CIPs over their first 18 months of

operations. As more cohorts participate and complete, and

as the learning curve problems are overcome, the findings

will become more definitive. flowever, there are some

important findings already:

- -Four alternatiw! education projects were successfully

implemented, and although the CIP model was adapted

differently in each site, the common elements were

retained. In other words, the basic design and delivery approach appears replicable.

- - Alternative education programs are undermined by rapid

implementation and uncertain funding. She complexity

of mounting such projects is reduced somewhat by replication of a model, but most of the problems are site

7
specific such as negotiation with vested interests, staffing and administration. It takes as much as a year before and during implementation to fully develop the

necessary linkages. It takes a year of operations, at

least, to stabilize the performance.

--The community based delivery approach of OIC/A was critical to the successful implementation of these projects.

The outside intervention of the national and local CBOs

was necessary both to assure performance of the CIPs and

to facilitate the necessary linkages.

--The early cohorts experienced statistically and programmatically significant gains in math and reading compared

to control groups and national norms. The impact appears

to be increasing as the programs stabilize. There were

also significant gains in career planning.

--The various elements in the CIP approach are mutually

interactive and supportive. Problems are less in design

than implementation. A basic issue is the degree of

discipline; it appears that firm discipline of students

is required. A second issue is administrative flexibility

at sites; in some cases, the CI? model has become a "Procrustean bed" hindering effective adaptation. A third

issue is the coordination of all the elements in the

model as well as the staff who offer them; if one element does not function adequately, such an integrative

model is vulnerable.

--Comparison with other programs suggests the need to

target CIP carefully on youth who really want to make

the investment in their education. It also suggests

the importance of such alternative arrangements and

the value of delivery by community based organizations

in order to reach out to those most in need. Experience

has shown the difficulty of recruiting dropouts unless

there is credibility and a community network. Even in

these cases, stable operations over a period of time are

needed to achieve a regular recruiting flow.

In general, then, the CIP replication has been successful and

it appears that the model and delivery approach are promising.

This volume is one of the products of the "knowledge development" effort implemened under the mandate of the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977. The knowledge

development effort consists of hundreds of separate research,

evaluation and demonstration activities which will result in

literally thousands of written products. The activities have

been structured from the outset so that each is self-standing

but also interrelated with a host of other activities. The

iv

8
framework is presented in A Knowledge Development Plan for

the Youth Employment and Demonstration Protects Act of 1977,

A Knowledge Development Plan for the Youth Initiatives Fiscal

1979 and Completing the Youth Agenda: A Plan for Knowledge

Development, Dissemination and Application in Fiscal 1980.

Information is available or will be coming available from the

various knowledge development activities to help resolve an

almost limitless array of issues, but answers to policy

questions will usually require integration and synthesis

fron a nurber of separate products, which, in turn, will depend

on knowledge and ava=lability of these products. A major

shortcoming of past research, evaluation and demonstration

activity has been the failure to organize and disseminate

the products adequately to assure the full exploitation of

the findings. The magnitude and structure of the youth knowledge development effort puts a premium on organization and

dissemination of findings.

As part-of its knowledge development mandate, therefore, the

Office of Youth Programs of the Department of Labor will

organize, publish and disseminate the written products of

all major research,evaluation and demonstration activities

supported directly by or mounted in conjunction with the

knowledge development effort. some of the same products

may also be published and disseminated through other channels,

but they will be included in the structured series of Youth Knowledge Development Reports in order to facilitate access and

Ihtegration.

The Youth Knowledge Development Reports, of which this is one,

are divided into twelve broad categories:

1. Knowledge Development Framework: The products in

this category are concerned with the structure of knowledge

development activities, the assessment methodologies which

are employed, yalidation of measurement instruments, the

translation of knowledge into policy, and the strategy for

disseminating findings.

2. Research on Youth Employment and Employability Development: The products in this category represent anafiiIs of

stint eata, presentation of findings from new data sources, e axe special studies of dimensions on youth labor market problems

and policy analyses.

3. Program Evaluations: The products in this category

include impact, process and benefit-cost evaluations of youth

programs including the Summer Youth Employment Program, Job

Corps, the Young Adult Conservation Corps, Youth Employment

and Training Programs, Youth Community Conservation and

Improvement Projects, and the Targeted Jobs Tax Credit.
4. Service and Participant Max: The evaluations and demonstrations summarized in this category concern the matching of

different types of youth with different service combinations.

This involves experiments with work vs. work plus remediation

vs. straight remediation as treatment options. It also includes

attempts to mix disadvantaged and more affluent participants, as

well as youth with older workers.

5. Education and Training Approaches: The products in this

category present the findings of structured experiments to test

the impact and effectiveness of various education and vocational

training approaches including specific education methodologies

for the disadvantaged, alternative education approaches and advanced career training.

6. Pre-Employment and Transition Services: The products in

this category present the findings of structured experiments to

test the impact and effectiveness of school-to-work transition

activities, vocational exploration, job-search assistance and

other efforts to better prepare youth for labor market success.

7. Youth Work Experience: The products in this category . address the organization of work activities, their output, productive roles for youth and the impacts of various employment

approaches.

8. Implementation Issues: This category includes crosscutting analyses of the practical lessons concerning "how-todo-it." Issues such as learning curves, replication processes

and programmatic "batting averages" will be addressed under

this category, as well the comparative advantages of alternative delivery agents.

9. Design and Organizational Alternatives: The products

in this category represent assessments of demonstrations of

alternative program and delivery arrangements such as consolidation, year-round preparation for summer programming, the use

of incentives and multi-year tracking of individuals.

10. Special Needs Groups: The products in this category

present findings on the special problems of and adaptations

needed for significant segments including minorities, young

mothers, troubled youth, Indochinese refugees and the handicapped.

11. Innovative Approaches: The products in this category

present the findings of those activities designed to explore

new approaches The subjects covered incluOing the Youth

Incentive Entitlement Pilot Projects, private sector initiatives, the national youth service experiment, and energy

initiatives in weatheri:ation, ).ow -head hydroelectric dam

restoration, windpower and the like.

vi

1 0
12. Institutional Linkages: The products in this category

will include studies of institutional arrangements and linkages

as well as assessments cf demonstration activities to encourage

such linkages with education, volunteer groups, drug abuse

and other youth serving agencies.

In each of these knowledge development categories, there will

be a range of discrete dewnstration, research an evaluation

activities, focused on different policy, program and analytical

issues. For instance, all experimental demonstration projects

have both process and impact evaluations, frequently undertaken

by different evaluation agents. Findings will be published as

they become available so that there will usually be a series

of reports as evidence accumulates. To organize these products, each publication is classified in one of _he twelve

broad knowledge development categories( described in terms of

the more specific issue, activity or cluster of activities to

which it is addressed, with an identifier of the product and

what it represents relative to other products in the demonstration. Hence, the multiple products under a knowledge

development activity are closely interrelated and the activities in each broad cluster have significant interconnections.

This set of evaluations of the Career Intern Program must be

assessed in conjunction with the studies of the Hispanic CIP

adaptation as well as the OMP/LEAA incentive grants for

alternative education. These Alternative Education Demonstrations, in turn, should be assessed relative to the other

studies in the Education and Tra4114112.1molshes category as

well as the school-to-work transition series TR-the PreEmployment and Transition Services category. There axe also

general overviews of alternateZducation in the background

papers for the Vice President's Task Force on Youth Employment. Important data on dropout patterns and causes are

available in the new panel of the National :ongitudinal Survey. Both of these materials are in the category Research on

Youth Em lo ment and Emnlo ability Develo ment. FiTi3,

there are some important findings covering alternative education in the reports on the Youth Incentive Entitlement Pilot

Projects under the Innovative Approaches knowledge development category.

It will be several years before the full results will be

available concerning the effectiveness of alternative education arrangements, and how they can best be implemented. At

present, however, there is persuasive evidence to suggest
.

MM

that there is a significant need for this approach, that it

can be effective, and that it also can be replicated.

12

ROBERT TAGGART

Administ:ator

Office of Youth Programs

viii
CONTENTS

Overview

The Process of Implementation

PAGE

i

1

Executive Summary 2

Introduction 7

Study Questions, Approach and Background 10

General Findings and Conclusions 16

Discussion and Recommendations 43

Study Approach 53

Description of CIP Implementation 72

Further Findings and Discussion 111

Methological Appendix 147

References 201

Assessment of Intern Outcomes 206

Executive Summary 207

Introduction 210

Methodology 212

Results 223

Discussion 243

Conclusions and Recommendations 250

Appendix A--Selected Achievement Tests 252

Appendix B--Instruments 266

References 292

Functional Interrelationships Among Program Components

and Intern Outcomes 294

Executive Summary 295

History: The Reformers, Federal Involvement, the CIP 302

Methodology: Ethnographic Techniques Applied to

Educational Evaluation 304

The Problem: It Depends on Your Perspective 323

The Environment 329

The Demonstration and the Program: Basic Structure,

Function, and Interrelationships 338

A Slice of Life: A Director, An Instructional

Supervisor, A Janitor, and A Few Interns 348

The Program Components: Core, Support, and Ideology 374

Ethos and Interrelationships: "Treatments" and

"Outcomes" 408

The Latent Function of the Program: Social Mobility

and the Transmission of Middle-Class Values 444

ix

1.3
PAGE

Conclusions 459

Bibliography 466

Comparison of the CIP with Other Youth Programs 472

Executive Summary 473

Introduction 477

Overview 480

Selecting Projects Similar to the CIP 481

Findings 485

Summary and Conclusions 494

Introduction 497

Factors Affecting Youths' Enrollment 500

Implementation Issues Related to Program Administration 507

Factors Conditioning the Implementation Process 520

Conclusions 527

References . 531

The Career Intern Program: An Experiment in Career

Education that Worked 533

Introduction 535

What is the Problem? 538

What is the CIP Like? 549

The Intern and CIP: Four Case Studies 574

What Are Interns Like When They Enter the CIP? 592

Introduction 636

Program Effects After the First Ten Weeks 637

Retention, Completion, and Dropouts 650

Does it Work? Are the Interns Better Students? 663

Does it Work? Intern Attitudes and Career Maturity 676

After Graduation: At Work, In School or At Home 693

It Works: How? 704

What Makes it Work? The CIP Philosophy 711

From Principles into Practice: Changing Attitudes 716

A Sensible Curriculum, A Staff That is Respected 721

What's Tranferable? 729

x 14
Study of the Career Intern Progra

Final ReportTask A: The Process of Implementation

Prepared for the National Institute of Education

RMC Research Corporation Mountain View. California

Peter G. Treadway

Nel ly P. Stromquist

Classie M. Foat

David M. Fetterman

G. Kasten Tallmadge

September 1979

i.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

High rates of dropping out of school and of youth unemployment, especially severe among poor and minority youth, have prompted policy makers

to support development of programs designed to enable young people to graduate from secondary school and increase their career awareness and careerplanning skills. The ultimate objectives of this policy are to increase

the employability of young people and thereby improve their prospects for

productive and satisfying lives.

One program created in response to this policy is the Career Intern

Program (CIP). Conceived, developed, and tested in the early and middle

1970s by Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America (OICIA), the

CIP is an alternative high school program for dropouts and students at

high risk of dropping out. In its developmental site, Philadelphia, the

CIP provided disadvantaged youths with motivating instruction to enable

their completion of high school and with career-orientation activities

to ease their transition from school to work or further education.

Evaluation of the CIP in Philadelphia found it had significant positive impact on young people's academic achievement and post secondary experience. Therefore, since December 1977, four local affiliates of OIC/A

have been implementing the CIP as a demonstration project under the Department of Labor's (DOL) authority through the Youth EMployment and

Demonstration Projects Act of 1977 (YEDPA, P.L. 95-93). The National Institute of Eduation (NIE) is managing the demonstration under an Interagency Agreement with DOL. The purposes of the demonstration are to see

if the CIP is replicable in new sites at reasonable cost within a reasonable period of time, and to determine whether the same success achieved

in Philadelphia can be realized in the new sites. RMC Research Corporation (RMC) has been retained by NIE to study the sites' implementati,...nz

and determine answers to these questions.

2

1. 6
This report presents 101C's findings relative to the first of four'

tasks involved in the evaluation. Task A was intended to answer the basic

question: Can the CI? be replicated in new sites at reasonable cost within

a reasonable period of time? Though no explicit stipulations were made

by the federal agencies (DOL and NIE) or by the developer/disseminatche

(OIC/A) involved in the demonstration, the limits of "reasonable cost and

times are at least implicit in the amount of money granted for the demon

stration ($5 million from DOL to NIE to cover all aspects, including NIE's

oversight and the evaluation) and in the due date for this report (approx

imately 18 months from the start of implementation).

To focus the specific inquiries made to answer Task es basic ques

tion, NIE asked the researchers to attend to four aspects of the demon

stration. Three of these were presented as subquestions of Task A: Does

the program, as implemented in the four new sites, remain the same as the

prototype program in terms of goals and practices? Are changes instituted

in the new sites, if any, improvements in the program? Is the process

of implementation through the OIC system more effective than through the

usual developerpublic school linkages"? The fourth aspect to be ad

dressed for Task Awes the efficacy of the overall dissemination/implemen

tation process.

Addressing these issues has been a complicated endeavor. In addi

tion to devising a model of the prototype CI? for use as a standard against

which to assess operations of the new sites, means have had to be developed

for taking into account the variety of constraints the demonstration has

faced.

There have been several constraints, and they have posed some diffi

cult problems for the sites.

Time (or rather the lack of time) has been a major constraint.

From the award of the subcontracts to the local OICs to the

anticipated entry of the first cohort of interns, there was

only about six weeks. Not only does it appear that the start3
up schedule did not allow enough time for such essential ac

tivities as hiring, staff development, coordination with

school boards, and intern recruitment; it also appears that

pressure to adhere to the unrealistic schedule led to hasty

actions that continue to affect the replication effort.

A decision was made to use a salary structure that was

consistent with other 0/C activities, not with local

schoolsystem pay scales in the replicating sites. Thus,

teachers and administrators in the CIP earn substantially

less than their counterparts in the public schools. Many

really good educators cannot afford the dedication re...

quired to work at the CIP.

A contractual requirement to serve a specified number of

interns and to recruit additional youth to form a control

group for evaluation purposes caused recruiting activities

to consume a highly disproportionate amount of staff time

and energy. All other startup and operation activities

suffered as a result.

The sponsors of the CIP replications (the local OICs) had

no prior experience operating school programs and lacked

knowledge of schoolsystem policies, practices, and

politics.

01C/es experience operating school programs was limited

to one program and one (probably atypical) site.

The linkage between the funding agency (DOL) and the

replicating sites is extremely cumbersome, involving NIE,

OIC/A, and the local OICs. Two problems, slow decision

making and inadequate communications, resulted at least

partially from the complexity of this linkage.

4
A decision was made to'give preference to current OIC per

sonnel over outsiders in staffing the CIPs. Constraints

imposed by time and timing (hiring was done in the middle

of the school year) again may have been largely respon

sible for this decision. Nevertheless, the result was

that several positions were filled by people whose quali

fications did not match the requirements of the jobs

particularl: well. This problem was observed at all levels

from aide to director.

These constraints placed a heavy strain on the CIP staffs to imple

ment the program as specified in the CIP design. Nevertheless, the four

CIPs in the new sites now appear, after approximately 18 months of inten

sive effort, to have effected full or nearly full implementation of most

of the program's components. This is not to say that the four CIPs are

uniformly operating as exact duplicates of the prototype. There are un

questionably areas in which each could improve. Staffing is still weak

in some areas; curricula need to be expanded and modified; ties with busi

ness, industry, and the community require further development; program

climate needs to mature; and counseling programs need further refinement.

However, the overall impression of the four CIPs is that they are

well down the road to full implementation. Furthermore, there is strong

evidence suggesting the CIPs are daily improving their operations, and

there are concrete examples of young lives redirected toward higher

achievement, greater social responsibility, and enhanced personal satis

faction.

Changes have been made in some CIP practices to accommodate local

situations in the new sites, but the sites retain their commitment to the

program goals. For the most part, specific changes in practices purpose

fully introduced to facilitate accomplishing program outcomes--for instance,

revisions in recordkeeping procedures--have been adaptive, and consonant

5

1
With program goals. Some changes in practices forced by events in the im

plementation process or by locally imposed constraints have been less adap

tive and caused problems, but these problems have been addressed with vigor

and imagination. As a neophyte in the field of educational dissemination,

OIC /A has been more susceptible to disruptive events in the implementaiton

than if they had been experienced in this role or trained for it by NIE.

They have managed to cope with problems though, with satisfactory results.

No doubt the overall implementation process could have been better p3anned

and executed had more guidance from experienced professionals been made

available in the early planning. Though the inexperience and consequent

strategies and tactical misjudgments of OIC/A and the local OICs probably

retarded implementation, the CIPs now are viable and constantly getting

stronger.

The professional judgment of the evaluation team thus is, at the end

of our Task A studies, that operations in the new CIPs demonstrate the

replicability of the program. The problems that beset the implementation

process, though they slowed the achievement of operational status, were

in the main avoidable, and need not recur in future federally sponsored

programs of this sort if appropriate attention is paid to accumulated

knowledge in the relevant fields. Given the constraints of tt,o little

time and planning under which the demonstration of the CM proceeded,

implementation has been a success.

20

6
I. INTRODUCTION

Youth unemployment, particularly of minority and economically

disadvantaged young people who have not completed high school, is

a major social problem in the Um4ted States. A variety of pro -

gramo have been advanced to address both youth unemployment and

the high incidence of dropping out of school. One of the most

successful to date has been the Career Intern Program (CIP),

developed and tested in Philadelphia by Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America, Inc. (OIC/A) from 1972 to 1976. In

Philadelphia, the CIP achieved .notable success in enabling dropouts and potential dropouts to graduate from high school and make

the transition to productive, stale employment or further technical or academic education.

Under authorization of the Youth Employment and Demonstration

Projects Act of 1977 (YEDPA, PL 95-93), the Department of Labor

(DOL) and the National Institute of Education (NIE) entered

into an Interagency AgretIment to test the replicability of

the CIP and fin out if the same beneficial outcomes could

be achieved in new sites. In the fall of 1977, NIE contracted

with OIC/A to implement the CIP in four sites across the country.

To study the effectiveness of the CIP in the new sites,

NTE awarded a contract to INC Research Corporation's Learning

Systems Division in Mountain View, California, in April 1978.

NC's charge has been to undertake four tasks:

assess the process..of the sites' implementation of

the CIP;

determine the effects of the CIP as implemented in

the new sites and compare the effects with those achieved

in Philadelphia;

analyze the program to determine causal relationships

among program components and effects; and

compare the CIP with other similarly targeted programs

in aspects relevant to policymaking.

The sites selected for the CIP replication were inner-city

areas of three major metropolitan areas and one small (population

30,000) city. The geographical locations of the sites include

the east, midwest, and northwest sectors of the nation. The main

economic activity at three sites is manufacturing, while at the

other there is a high proportion of retailing and professional

activity.. The similarity and variability afforded by these four

sites were felt to provide a reasonable test of the various

contexts where the CIP model might operate.

21
Oblectives of this Report

This report presents RMC's findings and conclusions about

the process of disseminating and implementing the CIP. Recommendations reflecting what occurred during implementation are

directed at both the Congress and the executive agencies involved

in this demonstration, DOL and NIB. Only Task A is covered

by this report. Separate reports address Tasks B, C, and D.

The central question addressed in the study of tha dissemination and implementation of the CIP has been, "Can the CIP be

replicated in new cites at reasonable cost within a reasonable

time?" This is a broad quuotion; it entails many nuances and

leads to a number of possible approaches. In addressing this

overall question, the approach taken has been to use three

subquestions as focusing or organizing points: (a) Do the

C1Ps in the new sites remain the same as the prototype in terms

of goals and practices? (b) Are changes in the goals and practices in the new sites, if any, improvements in terms of the

overarching goal of helping disadvantaged youth finish their

education and make the transition from school to work? and (c) Is

the process of implementation through the OIC system more effective than through other possible systems, such as the traditional

developer-public school linkages? Simultaneously, the study

has tried to maintain a broad perspective on the dissemination/

implementation process as a whole, and findings, conclusions,

and recommendations about that process are also presented.

Not surprisingly, hard and fast answers to some questions

have not been reached. However, the findings do lead to several

conclusions about the demonstration effort that we feel are

solidly founded, and to recommendations that we feel ought

to enhance similar efforts in the future.

Format of This RePort

The report iu organized for convenient use by several

different audiences. Part 1 contains an executive summary,

discusses the study questions, summarizes the findings, and

presents conclusions and recommendations. Part 2 provides

a detailed description of the CIP, describes the study approach

and the events of the implementation to date, and presents

further findings. A short appendix includes a more detailed

description of the methodology and copies of the instruments

used for the study.

This format has been designed to accommodate the needs

of different groups. Policy makers and higher level executives

will find Part 1 sufficient, we hope, to answer their questions

8

22
about the MP demonstration. Those interested in the more substantive details behind the conclusion) may find them in 'Part 2. The appendix will interest those who wish to learn more about our methods than is evident in the main text.

9
II. STUDY QUESTIONS, APPROACH, AND BACKGROUND

Task A has addressed two major concerns about the process of

implementing the CIP. The first concern is to "assess how well

and readily the CIP approach can be implemented" (NIE, 1978, p.

7). This concern is evaluative in nature. That is, it seeks

qualitative judgments about the implementation process, about the

nature of the programs implemented in the new sites, and about the

efficacy of the dissemination mechanism, the OIC system. The

questions specifically stated in the Request for Proposal (RFP)

define the judgments called for.

What happens to the program itself in the process (of) implementation in additional sites?

Does the program remain the same in terms of goals and

practices?

What accounts for the changes or adaptations, if any?

For the fidelity, if any, to the original program goals

and practices?

Are the changes, if any, improvements in terms of the

overarching goal of effectively helping young people

who are dropouts, unemployed, or at risk of dropping out?

Is the process of implementation more effective through

a system such as OIC in comparison to the processes of

research utilization and dissemination through the usual

developer/public school linkages? (NIE, 1978, p.

Addressing the first Task A concern entails conducting

a process evaluation of the CIP implementation, the results

of which, the RFP notes, have "importance with regard to the

possibilities of larger dissemination efforts" (NIE, 1978, p. 7).

The second concern expressed in Task A is to "contribute to

knowledge about implementation (of programs designed to attack the

problems of youth unemployment) in systems that differ in power

relationships, political considerations, incentives for change,

and other variables believed important in the literature on

educational change" (NIE, 1978, p. 7).

This intent to add on to the general knowledge about program implementation is consistent with the objective of the YEDPA

Knowledge Development Plan "to explore. . .different approaches

in assisting economically disadvantaged and other youth to complete high school, to enter the world of work, and to achieve

10
job stability and advancement" (Office of Youth Programs, 1977, P.

1). The Knowledge Development Plan in turn was predicated on the

Congressional mandate in the YEDPA legislation "to explore methods

of dealing with the structural unemployment problems of the

Nation's youth" and "to test the relative efficacy of the different ways of dealing with these problems in different local contexts" (P.L. 95-93, Sec. 321). Thus Congress, in enacting TEM,

sought not only to establish programs to help disadvantaged youth

prepare for productive, satisfying lives and to monitor the

effectiveness of these programs, but also to enlarge the body of

knowledge about how such programs can most effectively be implemented and operated.

Task A therefore encompassed two purposes. First an evaluation of the CIP implementation process was to be conducted.

The results of the process evaluation will enable NIE, DOL,

and the Congress to proceed with decision making and policy

formulation about possible future dissemination of the program.

One question of interest is whether or not the OIC system, and by

extrapolation, other networks of CBOs, are efficacious agents for

conducting such dissemination programs. Second, concurrent

exploration of the implementation process was to be carried out.

In conjunction with knowledge gained from the literature and other

YEDPA- sponsored research, the insights gained from the CIP ex- perience will enhance understanding of youth-program issues

sad strategies, and perhaps also the success and efficiency of

similar efforts in the future.

Approach to the Task A Concerns

The research called for by Task A is qualitative. That

is, the major concerns are not about numbers of young people

served by the CIPs in the new sites or about evidence of increased

employment by CIP graduates, although these are extremely important issues.. Rather, they are about the nature of the implementation process, the issues involved in getting the CIPs operating,

and the potency of the OIC system as a dissemination agency.

The approach to studying these topics has been to regard

CIP implementation at each of the four sites as a case study, and

then'extract an amagam of the four local cases. This amalgam is

the focus of this report. In a sense, there have been four case

studies of CIP implementation and one case study of dissemination.

However, in the study's conceptualization, dissemination is

subsumed in the meaning of implementation.

Data have been gathered at all four sites, at the central

OIC headquarters Wichi, and at DOL and NIE. Data sources have

11
included al: staff members and many interns of all the CIPs,

selected staff members of all local OICs and LEA', CIP-related

personnel at 0/C/A, DOL, and NIE, and documents from all involmed

agencies. All five study staff members have interacted with all

personnel at all four sites and at all the national-level agencies. From these extensive observations and intervievs the: study

staff has produced accounts of the implementation process in each

site and of the interactions of all agencies. In assembling this

report, the primary aim has been to present a s5 31e description

and analysis of CIP implementation drawn from the experiences of

all involved parties, though exceptions to general trends in the

data have been reported when they seam important.

Backzround

OIC/A is a national network of manpower training and development agencies with a central headquarters in Philadelphia. Though the OIC system is formally constituted as an

affiliation of locally independent community-based organizations,

there is a strong sense of self-identification as a single

entity. The OIC system was founded by the Rev. Leon Sullivan,

who conceived the first OIC in Phildelphia in response to an

-employment conflict with a large bakery. This conflict--the

bakery would not hire blacks--led to a boycott of the bakery's

products in 1959, and then to the realization that :2 significant improvements were to be made in employment for blacks,

there would have to be concentrated efforts in both skills

training and development of employment opportunities. From

this realization, Sullivan fashioned an organization to provide

occupational training and to enlist support from employers.

OIC's motto--We Help Ourselves--summarizes the philosophy of

the system, and explains a great deal of OIC's success and

growth, for Sullivan and his associates mobilized the black

community's latent pride and productive potential to provide

the drive behind the system, largely through the black churches.

Since its founding in 1959, the OIC system has been very

successful in meeting both its primary goals. Its occupational

training programs, supported in large part by the U.S. Department

of Labor, have taught thousands if economically disadvantaged

persons the skills of a wide variety of trades. Massive inroads

have been made with employers by recruiti,4 business executives to

serve on OIC boards and committees. Further, the evident competence of OIC graduates placed in private-sector jobs has established and maintained 0/C's reputation as a good source of trained

personnel for business and industry. The OIC system has grown to

include more than 150 local 0/Cs and an international division

providing training and consultation in many third- and fourthworld countries. There also are a training division to provide

12

26
technical, assistance and staff development services to the local.

OICs and. a special-programs division, which sponsors development

and trial of new programs, one of which was the Career Intern

Program.

The Career Intern Program grew out of OIC/A's concern that

its programs, successful as they were at training and placing

adults, did not extend far enough down the age ladder to effect

systemic changes in the economic/social system. Thus, the original goals for the CIP were to provide a specific service to young

people and to demonstrate a model that could alter the paradigm of

secondary education.

As originally developed, the CIP was the largest part of an

integrated, tripartite program called the Urban Career Education

Center (UCEC). In addition to the CIP alternative high school,

the UCEC included the Community Career Program (CCP) and the

Career Orientation Program (COP). The Community Career Program

was addressed to adults, particularly parents of interns, and

provided assistance in obtaining legal, medical, housing, and

other community services. The CCP also aimed at making parents

aware of public- school programs and problems to motivate parental

involvement in their children's education. The Career Orientation Program was designed to demonstrate how cooperative planning

and developmenteby UCEC and the public schools could lead to

sound career-education programs in the regular schools. Because

they were operated independently from, though cooperatively

with, the CIP component of the UCEC, the CCP and COP components

were not validated with the CIP educational program and are not

included in the demonstration effort.

The Cies overarching goals are to enable young persons

who have dropped out of secondary school or are at high risk of

doing so to continue their academic progress through to high

school graduation, and to help them make rational, informed career

choices. To accomplish these goals, the CIP is designed as a

programmatically independent alternative high school chartered by

the local school district to grant a regular high school diploma.

Interns (as CIP students are called) qualify for graduation by

completing an academic curriculum equivalent to the local school

district's and by participating in a series of career-oriented

classes, independent research exercises, and work-site study

placements (referred to as Hands-On). The careers aspect of the

CIP is designed to acquaint interns with the opportunities and

prerequisites in various career fields, with the day-to-day nature

of different jobs, with the process of making realistic career

choices, and with the logistics of seeking employment. In addition to teaching specific academic and career-related knowledge

and skills, the CIP is also designed to motivate young people to

greater aspirations and achievement. Since, in the developer's

13

27
opinion, the regular schools have demonstrated they cannot provide

adequate programs for these students, the CIP operates in a

separate facility staffed by dedicated and qualified personnel.

Staff-to-student ratios are kept much higher than in public

schools to ensure maximum individual attention for interns.

Behavior codes designed to impart awareness of standards prevalent

in the work world are part of the CIP design as well.

In the original CIP, interns began with diagnostic testing,

to determine appropriate placements in core (English, math, social

studies, and science) and elective academic courses, and with the

generation of a Career Development Plan (CDP) to chart an intern's

path through the CIP. Instructors in each academic area conducted

the diagnostic testing, while the counselors were responsible for

developing a Career Development Plan with each intern. After

diagnosis, the intern was placed in the academic curriculum at the

appropriate level in each subject area. The length of time an

intern spent in the academic curriculum depended on the number of

graduation credits he or she needed in each area. Each intern was

also enrolled in the Career Counseling Seminar (CCS), a class

planned jointly by instructors, counselors, and career developers.

The CCS was required for all interns for at least one semester.

Its goals were to teach interns how to identify and research their

career interests, how to make rational career choices, how to

interview and apply for jobs, and what the expectations of them

would be in terms of entry skills and behavioral norms in the

career fields that attracted them. In addition to classwork,

interns prepared research reports about two.career fields for the

CCS.

Upon successful completion of the CCS curriculum, usually at

the end of the first term, interns were assigned to visit two job

sites for a week each on a Hands-On experience to get a more

empirical view of the career fields researched in the CCS. Academic work continued with more sophisticated materials for deeper

investigation of topics and with more intern responsibility for

learning.

After a second term, interns chose a career field on which to

concentrate long-range career planning. If additional academic

credits were still required, interns would continue taking classes

until graduation requirements were met. But the main focus after

completing the CCS and Hands-On visits was to make concrete

plans for after graduation. Four options were available:

finding a job (including joining a military-service branch),

entering an on-the-job training program (e.g., an apprenticeship), going to college, or going to a technical training institution. Once an intern had fulfilled all academic graduation

requirements and begun implementing a long-range career plan

under one of the four options, he or she was graduated from

14

28
the program. Follow -up by a graduate's counselor continued for

six months to a year after graduation.

/n order to answer the evaluation questions in Task A,

WM constructed a model of the mature C/P as it operated in

the original site. Through site visits during the first eighteen

months of C/P implementation, descriptions of the four replica -

tion -site C/Ps were developed. Analyses were then done of the

extent to which the demonstration sites were accomplishing the

intended functions of the mature prototype. The general findings

in the next chapter present the results of those analyses, along

with identification and discussion of issues that affected the

dissemination/implementation process.

15
III. GENERAL FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

The findings and conclusions presented in this chapter are

broad in nature. They summarize and generalize from the evidence

collected about the CIP demonstration, to reduce the volume of

material in this first part of the report. More detail and

specific examples are reported in Part 2 for readers interested in

more concrete substantiation.

What HaPPens to the Program?

The three subquestions relating to this question are discussed separately below. At a very general level, however, it is

clear from observations of the four demonstration sites that what

happened is that the CIP was implemented in accord with the

design's intentions, though some aspects have not yet achieved

full maturity and are still evolving. That is, the major CIP

structures and functions are by and large in place in the sites,

while the full ambiance and climate of the prototype are not yet

wholly realized in all sites.

Considering that the demonstration sites had been in operation for but 18 months when data collection was completed for Task

A and that the prototype site had operated for two- and -a -half

years (Mach 1972 to September 1974) before its evaluation began,

it would have been remarkable for the new sites to have achieved

the full operational status described for the prototype. Furthermore, numerous constraints and difficulties beset the demonstration from its beginning. There was competition for participants

from other YEDPA-spawned youth programs, an intrusive evaluation

design affected implementation, and an extremely short period

(approximately seven weeks) was given the sites to start the

program.

Currently, there is substantial variation among the four

sites with regard to the attainment of the desired program climate, and this variation is clearly related to both style and

continuity of site leadership. Nevertheless, all four sites have

installed the appropriate formal structures and functions, and the

prospect for evolution of the appropriate climate appears optimistic.

Does the Program Remain the Same in Terms of Goals and Practices?

An accepted tenet of dissemination "craft knowledge" is that

new sites implementing exemplary programs developed elsewhere must

adapt practices to fit their contexts, regardless of official

30

16
rhetoric about "replication." Therefore, in this study, goals and

practices of the CIP have been assessed in terms of the functions they are intended to serve, rather than in terms of fidelity

to specific forms in the prototype. This approach reduces the

possibility a site would be judged as not implementing a feature

of the program simply because its function'was not being accomplished in the same manner as in the original program. This

approach serves the needs of the evaluation by delineating the

most important aspect of a practice--what it is supposed to

accomplish--and recognizes the needs of program implementors to

adjust practices to the constraints and opportunities in a site.

Since most CIP goals are stated in terms of outcomes that

are not yet known, it is possible at this point only to say

whether the replicating sites manifest activities .congruent with

CIP goals. Given the nature of the goals--e.g., enable young

people to gradu/te from high school--it is easy to report that all

sites are com-fitted to them. It is also clear all sites have

accepted the philosophical underpinnings of the CIP, such as the

Importance of individualized instruction and intensive counseling.

In assessing ,whether practices remain the same in the new

sites, it is also important to remember that the practices as

described in the program design were carried out in a mature,

stable program after an extended period of developmental operation. Therefore, not only are judgments made in terms of whether

an intended function is being carried out, but they also include

consideration of the fact that the CIP is still in a developmental

stage in the new sites. It is to be expected then that some

practices or components may not yet be fully mature. In such

cases, the assessment depends on the extent of implementation that

is reasonable given the elapsed time since the CIP replication

effort began.

As briefly stated above, the CIPs in the four sites are

operating as intended, with some development still needed for some

program components, such as instruction and climate. The local

OICs obtained, in three sites, very adequate facilities. In

the other site only a less desirable building was available

and quarters are somewhat cramped, though an impending move should

alleviate that situation. Instructional materials, equipment,

and supplies are in sufficient supply.

The sites have established, with OIC/A's assistance, good

working relationships with the local school authorities, teachers'

associations, and other community groups. Though developing these

relationships took time, as awareness and knowledge about the

program had to be developed in the communities, school boards and

administrations in the sites have now approved the CIP as an

appropriate alternative path to high school graduation and are

17

31
assisting the CIPs in recruiting potential interns. Teachers'

unions in all sites have accepted the program, having been shown

it constitutes no threat to the number of jobs available to union

members. Other community members, including business firms and

parents of participants, have extended support. Though different

formal arrangements have been w rked out with these groups,

especially with the LEAs and the teachers' groups in each site,

the relationships in all sites are functioning as intended.

The curricula in the four sites are, as the CIP design calls

for, amalgams of the prototype curriculum from Philadelphia,

provided by OIC/A, and the local high-school curricula. As

expected, none of the curricula duplicate the original CIP curriculum, for end' community has its own requirements, both local and

state, for graduation. These local requirements and the careerfocused, basic-skills and elective courses of the origiT.41 CIP

have been combined into comprehensive programs to satisfy both

local academic criteria and the CIP instructional goals. Further

refinement of the curricula is expected as the sites gain experience with more interns, especially in regard to the integration,

or "fusing," of academic and career aspects.

The staffs of the four CIPs are, as indicated above, operating their programs in congruence with the original design. There

are some discrepancies between the qualifications and experience

of the staff members working in the CIPs and those recommended by

OIC/A. Generally the staff members have fewer formal credentials,

but more experience with manpower-development programs, than OIC/A

recommended. However, at this point the discrepancies do not

appear to affect CIP operations. In fact, the decision to favor

experience over formal accreditation seems to have yielded CIP

staffs that now are not only adequately skilled but also very

sensitive to and compatible with the interns.

Arriving at the present staffing status has not been without

difficulty. There has been substantial turnover within the CIP

staffs, caused by a number of factors, including the very short

start-up time (six weeks), unpropitious timing (mid-school year)

of the start-up, and a lack of familiarity with the program

on the parts of the local OICs that had to recruit and hire the

staffs. This turnover has contributed to the lag in establishing

the desired program climate mentioned earlier, though it was not

the only factor involved. Nevertheless, the four staffs have

generally stabilized and worked out their roles and relationships

so they are performing their functions smoothly and effectively.

As staff members gain further experience with each other, it

is expected the climate will become closer to that described forthe original CIP.

Instruction in the four CIP replicating sites has generally

reached the level of individualization reported for the prototype,

32

18
1 though there is less variety of instructional methods apparent.

Interns are assigned work compatible with their abilities and

academic needs, proceed through the work at their own rates, and

are given much personal attention;

A typical CIP class has 15 interns working individually

or in pairs on local adaptations of the OIC/Aprovided "learningactivity packets." Supplemental reference materials are accessible on shelves around the room. After greeting the instructor,

interns retrieve their packets from the storage file and begin

working independently, starting from the places they left off at

the end of the last class. The instructor moves quietly through

the classroom, observing the interns, offering suggestions, and

answering questions'as appropriate. Occasionally, the instructor

will call the entire class's attention to a question one intern

has asked and lead a discussion about the issue involved, but

usually interns are engrossed in their specific individual tasks.

The level of noise is low enough not to disrupt each intern's

concentration on the task at hand, but high enough to show that

serious attention is being paid to the content of the lessons.

The career focus intended for instruction has been moderately

incorporated, and has become a more prevalent characteristic of

instruction as the staff members have gained experience in the CIP

approach. The number of field trips in the sites has not been as

great as in the program design, but it has increased as start-up

problems have been solved, allowing time and resources to be given

to field trips. Interns' reactions to field trips are enthusiastic and it is clear the field trips are motivating and informative.

Counseling is consistently mentioned by CIP interns as the

most satisfying aspect of the program. Typical of interns'

perceptions of the counseling is one's comment that CIP counseling

is "much better" than that in the high school:

They try to deal with you, deal with you in a

way on your level.... Not only try to check

out your problems in school but they deal with

your home problems too. They try. to see what

the problem is or the reason why you're

Resale up in school or vhatever it is.

Individual counseling had not generally occurred biweekly through

the first eleven months of operation, because counselors had to

devote inordinate time to recruitment. Since the recruitment

phase of the demonstration ended, however, counselors have had the

time to see their interns at least as often as every two weeks.

Even when recruitment was demanding the bulk of the counselors'

19
time, interns were very enthusiastic about the personal attention

they were getting from their counselors. They often contrasted it

to counseling in the public schools, where they almost never saw

their counselors except for disciplinary purposes. Interns not

only mention the ready availability of counseling, but also the

quality of care sad concern they felt from the counselors. It is

clear that the high staff-to-intern ratio in the CIP has made a

favorable impression on the interns.

Hands-On work-study placements have been provided for all

interns who have reached that point in the CIP.. Interns who have

gone on Hands-On assignments have reported them to be very enjoyable and informative about the world of work. Like the counselors, career developers were heavily involved in recruitment in the

late months of 1978, and so were obliged to put off their efforts

to obtain Hands-On opportunities. Also, the committees of business persons supposed to advise the CIPs were not convened in

three sites because of intern-recruiting tasks, so the Advisory

Councils have not been sources of referrals to Hands-On opportunities. There have been some problems getting transportation to

Hands-On sites, snd some employers have .-en reluctant to allow

young people to spend time at work stations. The impact of these

events on getting all the placements needed for the third, and

by far the largest, cohort of interns is difficult to foresee.

Efforts to generate placements for Hands-On experiences have

greatly increased since recruitment ended in January 1979, however, and the sites are optimistic they will be able to place

their interns.

The quality of the Hands-On placements has generally been

very high. Interns have been placed in the fields they preferred,

with some exceptions in professions--such as law and medicine - -fn

Which client confidentiality made employers less willing to accept

interns. The local OICs and social service agencies have been the

best Hands-On providers. In most cases, interns have mainly

observed, or "shadowed," their Hands-On hosts, but some interns

have been given real tasks to perform, such as helping in a

day-care center for working single parents.

Likewise affected by early startup difficulties and recruitment pressures, intern assessment procedures in the sites were

neither as well articulated nor as frequent as in the CIP design.

Since the end of recruitment, the sites have instituted these

procedures. In fact, one site refined the procedures for the

stafft"disposition conferences" about interns and, in both the

site's and OIC/A's opinion, improved them significantly. Those

improved procedures have since been disseminated to the other

sites.

20

34
In the disposition .conferences, all staff members who deal

with an intern --his /her counselor, career developer, and instructors--are asked to comment on the intern's progress since the last

"dispo." Of course not all interns always have serious problems,

-but each intern is discussed to ensure that none is overlooked.

When a problem is brought up, the staff members try to identify

its cause and plan a way to resolve it. One staff member, most

commonly the counselor, then assumes responsibility for putting

the plan into effect- -and reporting back to the group. In this

way all staff members are informed of each intern's status and a

consensual, coordinated intervention can be planned for any

intern. This prevents the kind of miscommunication that can

result when diagnoses and interventions are made in isolation,

perhaps by different people.

In summary, the CIP as implemented in the four demonstration

sites Is congruent with the prototype program's goals and practices. Though there are some differences in how certain practices

are carried out, most are relatively minor and consistent with

the need to adapt operations. Further, these differences have not

significantly affected the functions of CIP practices. There are

two features of the CIP in the demonstration sites that do appear

very different from the prototype--attendance and program climated-but it is not felt these represent deliberate changes to the

program design. Rather, they have their roots in a combination of

factors over which the site staffs have been able to exert only

marginal influence. (These factors are discussed later.) Overall, the study's conclusion is that the CI? does remain functionally the same in terms of goals and practices in the new

sites.

What Accounts for Changes, Adantations,_or Fidelity to the Original Program Goals and Practices?

Overall, there have been few changes to GIP practices in the

new sites. In large measure, this is because the CIP design is

not very prescriptive of operational details. Rather, OIC/A

conveyed to the demonstration sites a program plan painted with

broad strokes, neither expecting nor demanding that the details of

the prototype CIP would or should be copied exactly. The demonstration had built into it the expectation --and the necessity --

that the new staffs would adjust and invent as necessary to

implement the general program functions in whatever ways would

work.

OIC/A's expectation of adaptations had both positive and

negative consequences. On the positive side, adaptability

is a sine qua non of educational dissemination. Sites differ

along a variety of dimensions, and to expect exact replication of

21
procedures is to Invite failures in new contexts. New users of a

program simply must adjust procedures to fit a program into its

new context, as extant systems will almost inevitably resist

changes that would significantly impinge on local practices. On

the other hand, there was a feeling of anxiety in the demonstration sites induced by the lack of specific direction about some

procedures. For instance, recruitment of int-;rns was a very

important issue for the new sites, because getting full enrollments was very important to OIC/A, NIE, and DOL. The CIF staffs

had very little experience or initial guidance from 01C/A on how

to recruit. 01C/A did later provide the sites some suggestions on

recruiting potential interns, but never to the full satisfaction

of the sites. In point of fact, it would have been extremely

difficult for OIC /A to give specific recruitment tactics to each

site, but the lack of suggestions caused a high level of anxiety.

On balance, however, it seams. necessary for program disseminators

to leave a good deal of latitude for local adaptation and invention to ensure that a program's major components can be implemented without clashing with entrenched local practices.

Notwithstanding the need for latitude in operational details,

there are some differences in practices between the CIF demonstration sites and the prototype. Basically, they have come about In

three ways. Some have resulted from decisions to vary procedures

or staffing arrangements. These intentional changes were made

because staff members felt they would Improve the CIF design or

accommodate local conditions. An example of a change made to

improve the program design was the development of a new procedure

for holding disposition conferences. A change to accommodate

local conditions was a decision to enroll only potential dropouts,

rather than a mix of actual and potential dropouts, in order to

gain LEA cooperation.

A second set of changes was unintentionally brought about

by community characteristics or implementation events. For instance, non-competitive salaries and lack of time made it necessary for the local OICs to hire ataff members who were not as

highly qualified or experienced as recommended by 01C/A. Likewise, the evaluation design's requirements for randomly selected

control. groups and enrollment of interns in cohorts rather than

individually made recruitment difficult. Other factors leading

to unintentional differences from the design were ineffective

leadership, pressures of start-up, and differing perceptions

of the design specifications.

Finally, there are differences between the cu prototype

and the replications that reflect the developmental status of

the program in the sites, frequently exacerbated by earlier

problems. One such difference is the extent to Which academic

and career orientations Lave been "fused" in curricula. Not

22
enough time had yet passed for this integration to have been

completed prior to the last site observations, both because

it is an iterative, demanding task and because earlier events,

such as involving instructors heavily in recruitment at some

points, diverted attention from this task. Another epImple,

discussed later, relates to the evaluation of the kind of program

climate the CIPs eventually hope to establish. As the sites

continue to operate, these differences will diminah, if current

trends continue.

Several factors account for the substantial fidelity to

original CIP practices in the sites. The first is the broad

nature of the design itself. In essence, the CIP desigr. describes

a number of components, such as an instructional program, but

leaves many of the details of these components up to the sites to

infer or invent. Moreover, since the components are, at the

level of specificity described, eminently revonable in terms of

the .CIP objectives, it was not very difficult for the sites to

adhere to the original design. Thus the broad nature and common

sense of the program design itself assured fairly substantial

fidelity.

Second, the ethos of the 0/C system contributed heavily to

the sites' espousal of the program design. Two characteristics of

the 0/C system that work toward acceptance of ideas, procedures,

and programs from 0/C/A are most often mentioned by CIP and OIC

staff members. First, the charisma of 0/C's founder and spiritual

leader, Dr. Sullivan, permeates the organization, and rubs off on

0/C programs. If an idea has his imprimaturas the CIP does--it

is almost guaranteed wide acceptance within the system. Second,

the 0/C system has a very impressive record of success. This

record paves the way for new programs or ideas, assuring that anything emanating from 0/C/A will be given serious trial by system

members.

A third reinforcement to fidelity is the very fact of setting

up a new organization. The dynamics of institution building

according to a "blueprint" motivate adherence to a basic design

and set of goals. The fact that the organization is new also

eliminates the threats to established structures and procedures.

There were, of course, other factors contributing to the

sites' willingness to implement the CI? according to its prototypical design. The local 0/Cs' contracts with 0/C/A specifically

stipulated that no changes could be made without prior acquiescence from 0/C/A. Furthermore, whereas the sites did not have

experience with establishing and operating an alternative school,

OIC/A did, so the locals acceded to the superior specific expertise of the national office. However, in instance after

instance, CIP and local 0/C staff members mentioned the intrinsic

23

'I
common sense of the general approach and their faith in the system

as the most fundamental reasons for accepting the basic CIP

configuration.

Nevertheless, there are two aspects in which the new sites

generally did not conform to the model of the CIP--program climate

and attendance. It might be questioned whether the Aarlier

statement that the sites have substantially implemented the

program according to the design could be accurate if the climate

has not developed appropriately and if interns are not attending

as anticipated.

The finding that program components have been implemented so

they are functioning appropriately is based, however, on a

somewhat mechanistic view. It is rather like looking at an

automobile to see if its parts are working, and finding that,

separately, all seem to be performing fairly well. Nevertheless,

the car as a whole is not operating at maximum efficiency and

performance. Some fine tuning is necessary for all the parts to

operate in a coordinated manner and give a Imoother, trouble-free

ride. At this point, the analogy breaks down, because whereas a

good mechanic could probably jiggle the whassit and turn the

widget to get top performance from the auto, it appears that what

the CIP sites need most is additional time, with some assurance of

a constant fuel supply, so the staffs can stabilisA their operations and begin functioning more as teams than they have to this

point. That is to say, we find that the components of the CIPs

are generally in place and functioning in ways that approximate the model, but the tumultuous events of the demonstration

have not allowed the staffs to consolidate their programs as fully

as will be necessary for full maturity of the CIPs to evolve.

No program achieves smooth and mature operation in its

developmental stages. Any demonstration of a "proven" program in

a new place with a new staff is a developmental effort. Further,

the political context and other pressures of the demonstration

have accentuated the normal start-up and "working-the-bugs-out"

problems. For these reasons the program climate in the CIPs has

not yet matured, though it is as attested by virtually every

intern questioned, superior to the climate in the public schools.

A typical intern remark about climate was:

I feel they are with you instead of against

you because in public school really the

teachers are not worried about the students- -

all they're worried about is whether they

can pay the light bill or when they can get

their car note paid up . . . and they don't

give us as much attention as the teachers do

here; not attention as far as babying you--I

mean real help.

24

3
Nevertheless, the climate in the demonstration sites is, to

varying degrees, less cohesive and supportive, and therefore, less

warm and enticing, than was reported about the original CIP.

Furthermore, there are manifestations of program climate at two

levels --that perceived by interns and that perceived by staff

members. The climate:at the staff level has not been perceived as

positively to at the intern level, but it is seen as improving.

As one staff member put it:

There's friction and conflict among staff.

ik don't all get along all the timelots of

different ideas and opinions- -some hard

feelings. Especially between those who

support the administration and those who

don'tfactions. So you might say we're not

together yet--you know as a solid teem. And

the kids can tell. They know, and it makes

them uncomfortable. So some leave and some

come just once in awhile. But it's not as

much as it was, in the beginning. Aft./ more

months and we'll get it together. That's just

the way it is with so many people. You got to

give 'em tits* to feel esch other out. We

all -- almost ellbelieve in what we're trying

to do. We just have different ideas about

how. But with time we'll come. together.

We're getting close.

That the desired program climate has not yet fully evolved

reflects the very sensitive and complex nature of this intangible

characteristic and the problems the sites encountered getting the

program going. In the CIP replication sites, there has been both

an inadequate amount of time for stable climate to emerge and a

great deal of pressure and uncertainty associated with tapir.

mentation. In addition, each site experienced at least some

intra-staff disagreement about policies and procedures and some

turnover among leadership positions. Only one site has the same

director it started with, and no site has all three original

management personnel (director, instructional supervisor, and

counseling supervisor). These changes in leadership and other

staff turnovers have also detracted from program stability,

setting back the evolution of program climate.

Under these conditions, a finding that the ultimately desired

climate has not yet been achieved is not surprising, nor is it

especially distressing. In fact, over the past several months, as

staffs have stabilized, program climate has made marked improvements in the sites, and indications are that the improvements will

continue.

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39
Attendance in three of the four demonstration sites is lower

than desired, ranging on the average from 40% to 652. In the

fourth site daily attendance is at or near the 70% maintained in

the prototype site. We believe the difference between the three

sites reporting by attendance and the one reporting satisfactory

attendance is related to corresponding findings about climate,

staff stability, and leadership.

Moreover, there is some question abeam the validity of the

reported attendance rates, because of the way they are computed.

The attendance rate is the ratio of interns present on a given day

versus the total CIP enrollment (the number of interns who accepted placement into the CIP minus the number of official terminations). Thus, if a site had enrolled 100 interns at the beginning

of a term and 15 had officially withdrawn, the enrollment base

would be 85. On a given day, if 45 interns attended, the attendance rate would be computed as 53% (45/85). However, on the

basis of the number of interns who could be contacted for the

second (mid-) test session, RMC believes that actual enrollment is

substantially below the official enrollment. For instance, in one

site (in the middle of the attrition range) 96 interns were

reported to have enrolled in cohort 3, but only 44 could be

contacted to come in for mid testing. This represents an attrition

rate, after four months, of 54%. Most interns who could be

located for testing were actually attending CIP classes. On the

basis of this statistic (and similar ones in the other sites), we

believe the rttendance rate reported by the sites reflects not low

attendance of the interns really participating but high attrition

that is de facto but not official. There appears to be a substantial number of interns who have actually dropped out of the CIP

but have not officially withdrawn.

Of course, this strong suspicion only shifts concern from

attendance rates to attrition. If large numbers of interns are

dropping out of the CIP, what are the reasons? Though answers to

this question are necessarily inferential and open to different

interpretations, we believe there are two fundamental causes.

First, the program climate in the CIPs, though significantly

better than that in the public schools, has not been motivating

enougb to capture many interns' loyalty to the CIP. Second,

there is probably a systematic difference between the interns in

the demonstration sites and those who participated in the prototype. As OIC/A noted in a letter to DOL, "in order to meet

numbers requirements (for enrollment) . . the sites relaxed

normal screening procedures," and therefore "there is a disproportionate number of interns" . . . who are probably not ideal

candidates for the program.' This assessment applies not only

10IC/A letter to DOL, 31 July 1979.

26

40
to interns' academic achievement, but to their motivation as well.

It was clear in talking with interns that many enrolled in the

CIPs to get ,awav from the public schools, rather than to move to a

program that offered a more realistic and compatible learning

environment. Then, when the GIP was not "perfect," they left it,

too. Many interns who dropped ouc of CIP, this situation implies,

did so because their motivations for enrolling in the first

place were eacapiat and unrealiatic. It is noteworthy that other

twograms directed at thia youth population have also experienced

high attrition. Moreover, a characteristic of dropouts is a high

level of difficulty in re-entering formal organizations. Whereas

the original CIP had 32% actual dropouts, the demonstration sites

have 47%.

In summary, there have been few changes to the CIP in the new

sites, owing principally to the broad, logical nature of the

design and belief in the OIC ethos, among other factors. There

are a few differences between the four new GIPa and the prototype

that reflect implementors' desires to improve procedures or

accommodate local contexts. There are also unintentional differences related to contextual characteristics and implementation

events. Other differences exist because of the developmental

status of the CIPa. Finally, there are differences between the

program climate and the intern attendance rates in the demonstration sites and those in the original site. RMC believes the

climate difference is related to the amount of time the aitea have

o far been in operation and to internal situations in the CIPs.

Reportedly, depreaaed attendance is believed to be more related to

attrition than to actual attendance, and, in turn attrition is

felt to be related to both program climate and intern characteriatics. Finally, both program climate and attendance/attrition

are improving, and promise to continue to do so.

Are the Changes. if any, Improvementa

Since CIP outcomes in the demonstration sites are as yet

undetermined and since apecific relationships between CIP proceases and outcomes remain hazy, it is premature to say now

whether apecific changes are in fact improvements, that is,

have led to improved outcomes. The approach to addressing thia

question, therefore, has been to asaeas whether identified changes

have been adaptive or maladaptive in terms of enabling CIP functions to be performed.

As the previous section describes, there are three general

reasons the new CIPs differ from the prototype. Differencea reflect intentional adaptations, unintentional conaequences of

situations, or program development. In assessing whether changes

or differences are adaptive or maladaptive, we have focused on

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41
only the first two categories--intentional changes and unintended differences. Differences reflecting the programs' development, while they are generally undesirable, as described in the

discussions of program climate and intern attendance/attrition,

are also still in flux. Therefore, conclusions about their

adaptiveness would likely be obsolete shortly after being made.

Intentional changes have been made to both program procedures

and staffing arrangements. Changes to procedures were made to

facilitate accomplishing intended functions and have generally

resulted in more effective functioning of the affected components,

for instance, intern diagnosis and assessment. On the other hand,

most of the changes to staffing arrangements were introduced to

accommodate local contexts, such as hiring LEA teachers for CIP

positions or creating a new position to make the CIP staff structure more compatible with the local OIC structure. These changes

have not generally been adaptive in the long run, though they

seemed to facilitate implementation at the time they were made.

This is primarily because the staff restructuring left some

tasks--for instance planning in-service training programs--either

unassigned or ambiguously allocated. Substantial duplication of

effort was one consequence. As time has passed, the tasks have

gradually been assigned to new positions or reaffirmed for the

original roles, but slippage occurred and implementation of the

affected program components was delayed. Thus, though the changes

may have been necessary to get the CIPs operating, some undesirable fallout has occurred, al 'ing overall progress in implementation.

Unintentional changes forced on the CIPs by implementation

events, produced primarily negative consequences. For instance,

because they could not recruit enough interns with the desired

reading abilities, sites had to enroll interns who could not read

well enough to handle the CIP curriculum. In turn, this added to

instructional burdens, retarded curriculum development, and

probably increased attrition. Many of these changes resulted from

the very short start-up period allowed by the implementation

schedule.

Of the differences between the CIP design and the four

demonstration programs, only those purposefully introduced in

order to make procedures more efficient or better focused appear

to have been uniformly adaptive. The changes deliberately made to

staffing arrangements have created ambiguities in operation and

have led to some role conflicts. Though staffing changes initially facilitated some implementation processes, their long-term

outcomes indicate that their likely effects were insufficiently

anticipated. Finally, the effects of differences occasioned

by implementation events have virtually all been maladaptive.

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42
Overall, what happened to the CIP in the course of its

implementation was consistent with findings of previous research.

After 21 months, the CIP is recognizably operating in all four

sites, with modifications undertaken to facilitate operational

processes, to conform to contextual constraints, or in response

to implementation events. Some adaptations have yielded good

results, while others have had negative consequences. Additional

time will be necessary in three sites before the desired program

climate evolves, but trends in operations point to the eventual

maturity of this characteristic. On balance, RMC's assessment

is that the CIP has been put into operation in a form consistent

with program goals and functions, but it needs some additional

time to develop to full operational maturity.

Is the Process of Implementation More Effective Through a System

such ss OIC?

The previous section addressed the first part of the first

concern about implementing the CIP--how "well" can the CIP approach be implemented? In general, the conclusion is that it can

be implemented well. This section broaches the second part of

that concern--how "readily" can the CIP be implemented? This

concern for "how readily" implies a comparison, for there are

diverse ways in which the CIP could have been disseminated.

In addition, the specific RPP question on this issue explicitly

asks for s comparison "to the processes of utilization and dissemination through the usual developer-public school linkages."

This is an important question, for an answer to it could be very

helpful in designing future dissemination and implementation

strategies. However, two aspects of the CIP replication effort

make a comparative assessment of the implementation process

difficult.

In the first place, no parallel CIP dissemination effort is

underway through the "usual developer-public school linkages."

This restricts comparison largely to a hypothetical realm, drawing

on instances where other substantially different types of programs

were disseminated. With such cases, inforwation about dissemination effectiveness is sparse, though studies of Project Information Package dissemination Ind of the National Diffusion Network

do offer some relevant data.

Second, and perhaps more important, there is strong reason

to believe the implementation processes followed by OIC in ete

2A study of the dissemination and implementation of Experience-Based Career Education, a set of programs similar to the

CIP, is in progress by the Huron Institute. Unfortuantely, its

results are not yet available. Evaluations of EBCE program sites

do not address implementation issues (ETS, 1976; 1977).

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43
present demonstration were very different from the ones they would

follow if they were to undertake the same effort again. Any

agency's first attempt at any task must be regarded as a questionable index of its ultimate performance potential. While the OIC

system is justifiably highly regarded for the ability to disseminate and implement manpower-development programs, there are

significant differences involved in the CIP demonstration because

of the program's complexity and dependence on other agencies,

notably the LEAs. On the other hand, while it can be assumed that

OIC would perform more effectively in the role of disseminator

should the occasion arise again in the future, one can only

speculate as to how great the improvement might be.

Because direct comparisons of dissemination effectiveness

between OIC and the usual developer-public school linkage were not

possible, two alternate approaches toward gaining relevant insights were attempted. First, after comparing the characteristics

of the OIC system with those of the usual developer-public school

linkage, inferences were drawn regarding specific dissemination

tasks at which OIC-like systems ought to perform particularly

effectively or ineffectively. These inferences were then examined

through comparison with observed events.

Second, the CIP' dissemination strategy and events were

compared to several models of educational dissemination advanced

in the literature, in order to test the model. Presumably,

if the OIC approach were found to conform closely to one of these

models, the empirical results of the demonstration would provide

useful evidence to confirm that model's validity. In such a case,

that model could then be used to plan future dissemination efforts.

Among the characteristics of the OIC system that differ from

those of the usual linkages are its higher degree of centralized

authority, its commitment to a common set of goals and procedures,

and less systemic bureaucratization due both to the presence of

fewer organizational boundaries and to the fact that the OIC

system is private rather than governmental. It was hypothesized

that these differences would, in combination, make it easier for

the OIC system to implement a specific program design efficiently.

In general, this hypothesis was not supported. That is, the CIP

dissemination seems to have encountered no fewer problems than

other dissemination efforts. It is not clear whether the problem

lay with the.OIC organization or with other factors. There were

so many confounding factors--such as uncontrollable LEA and

community reactions to the program--that it simply was not possible to isolate the effects of systemic features. Nevertheless,

the hypothesis continues to appear plausible to the authors.

(The earlier discussion of OIC characteristics reinforcing fidelity to the program design is germane to this issue.)

44°
Another advantage hypothesized for the OIC system was its

highly positive image within the intended target population. It

was posited that, as a well known community-based organization,

OIC would be able to obtain youth participation more readily than

the public schools. As discussed earlier, however, major recruiting difficulties were encountered. Again, it could not be determined whether these difficulties should be taken as evidence

that the hypothesis was invalid. Furthermore, other YEDPA programs have also encountered major recruitment problems. The

ability of the OICs to generate awareness of the CIP and to

get support for the program was evidenced by the reactions of

community leaders to requests for help in recruiting youth and

providing Hands-On opportunities. -However, there were several

factors--time, the evaluation design, LEA reluctance to help,

inexperience, inadequate planning--that had strong negative

effects. Without these negative influences, it is quite possible

that the hypothesis would have been supported.

The hypothesis that several characteristics of the OIC

system--and by extrapolation other closely knit networks of

community-based organizations--would enable it to be relatively

more effective in disseminating an educational program than the

normal developer-public school linkages could not be directly

assessed. Nevertheless, AMC is confident that the OIC system was

no less effective, especially in the face of the constraints it

encountered. The hypothesis still appears reasonable and plausible, and our sense of the OIC system and our knowledge of other

dissemination systems leads us to conclude that the hypothesis

would be supported if it were tested directly.

The attempt to use the CIP demonstration as a test of various

models of educational dissemination proved only partially fruitful. First, upon examination, it was found that no extant model

closely resembled the OIC approach. All adequately documented

models of educational dissemination appear implicitly to assume

that public schools will be the program implementors. This

difference from the OIC approach is sufficient, by itself, to

raise serious questions regarding the usefulness of any comparison. A second major problem was that all extant models assume the

program disseminators to be highly knowledgeable and experienced

in public-school operations and school-program dissemination and

implementation-an assumption not initially true of the OIC staff.

Nevertheless, certain aspects of some models in the literature did

coincide with certain aspects of the OIC strategy and process.

These aspects are discussed in Part 2. In general, none of the

models was validated or refuted in toto by the CIP dissemination.

In summary, the dissemination and implementation of the CIP

provided little empirical evidence about the OIC system's effectiveness as a dissemination mechanism relative to other systems.

33.
Though hindered by external constraints and guided more by pragmatic considerations and knowledge of the OIC system than by

dissemination theory or by what has been learned through past

dissemination efforts, OIC did implement the program. No existing

dissemination model proved especially useful in assessing the

effectiveness of the OIC approach and many of the presumed advantages of the OIC system were prevented from operating because

other factors intervened to undermine them. Clearly OIC would do

an even better job of program dissemination if called upon to fill

that role again. While they can offer little tangible evidence to

support their position, the authors believe that OIC would be more

effective than the usual developer-public school partnership in

disseminating programs like the CIP. It is clear that OIC has

been no less effective.

The CIP Implementation Process

Looking at the specific subquestions proposed by the RFP for

Task A has yielded some useful information about the replication

of the CIP. Beyond the issues involved in this particular

demonstration, there is also a concern about the broad topic of

program dissemination and implementation that can be investigated

by viewing the CIP demonstration as a single case study in educational diffusion.

The findings related to the specific subquestions discussed

earlier revealed a number of problems encountered by OIC/A and the

four CIP staffs that made dissemination and implementation more

difficult than anticipated, and retarded full program implementation. Some of these problems have been resolved, and some'continue to affect operations. The following points, categorized by

topic, are felt to have affected the demonstration effort significantly. These factors were interactive and cumulative in

their impact, so some redundancy is evident in the discussion.

The points should be viewed as an integrated group when assessing

their relevance to future dissemination planning.

Time and Timing

The effects of time (duration) and timing on the CIP demonstration have been critical. A brief review of the schedule

of events illustrates this point. The YEDPA legislation was

enacted in August 1977. In September, OIC/A made its first

tentative contacts with local OICs, telling them of the strong

possibility for a demonstration program and suggesting they should

prepare to respond to the opportunity if it eventuated. However,

no specific or concrete promises could be made, as DOL and NIE had

not yet reached agreement. In early November, the DOL-NIE Interagency Agreement was signed, setting the formal operation into

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46
progress. Meanwhile, OIC/A, still not able to offer specific

assurances that anything would come of it, had requested local

OTCs to submit information about their qualifications to be

demOnstration sites. After DOL and NIE had reached agreement and

the money to operate the demonstration had been allocated to NIE

from DOL, NIE was able to enter into a contract with OIC/A.

Only then could OIC/A negotiate subcontracts with the four local

OICs that demonstrated the highest capabilities to adopt the CIP.

The OIC/A-local OIC contracts became effective 15 December 1977.

The DOL-NIE agreement stipulated that the CIPs were to begin

serving students in January 1978. Thus, the local OICs had,

formally, seven weeks at the most to accomplish a vast array of

planning and preparation tasks--staff recruitment and training,

intern recruitment, selection and preparation of a facility,

acquistion of materials, review and coordination of the CIP

curriculum to integrate it into the local LEA curricula, and

securing LEA and teachers' union permissions to operate. Similarly, OIC/A had to plan and deliver start-up training and technical assistance and coordination in the same time frame. Not

surprisingly, the severe schedule created an atmosphere of high

pressure and anxiety for all the OIC actors. Inevitably, decisions were made in haste and preparations were not as thorough as

the complexity and delicacy of the demonstration warranted.

This beginning had persistent effects.

Two findings relate to the time allowed for various dissemination and implementation activities; one refers to the timing of

the demonstration relative to other events in the replication-site

communities. First, adequate time was not allowed to OIC/A and

the sites for careful planning and preparation prior to full-scale

operation. Several activities were either not accomplished at all

or done hurriedly and incompletely because the sites were expected

to start serving interns within seven weeks of signing their contracts. This shortage of time severely affected many activities,

such as staff selection and training, intern recruitment, materials procurement, and curriculum review. The sites, were not

truly ready to begin operation when the first interns arrived.

Second, not enough time was allowed for program operation to

become stable before formal evaluation was imposed on the CIPs.

The CIPs were exposed to visitors--from NIE, RMC, and OIC /A --

asking questions and observing activities before the staff members

had had a chance to become familiar and comfortable with their

tasks, with the CIP design and procedures, and with each other.

The visits were very unnerving, anxiety-provoking, and probably

unfair to both the sites and the evaluation. This is not to say

that the early stages of the demonstration should have been closed

to inquiry. On the contrary, there are many issues of importance

to be investigated during the early stages of implementation,

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47
from initial decision making about adoption through planning and

preparation and into operation. However, such investigation could

have been designed to be less disruptive to implementation progress by for instance, including a research /documentation component in the implementation sites.

These points about too little time being allowed for planning, preparation, and pre-evaluation operation raise the question

about how much time should have been granted the sites. A recommendation about this issue should, however, be empirically based

on study of an implementation in which more appropriate strategies

were used. In short, the CIP implementation demonstrates that

adequate time was not allowed, but does not give clear, specific

guidance as to how much time ought to be allowed. In addition,

such a recommendation would vary in relation to many factors- -

program complexity, degree of dependence on other actors outside

the program, and others.

Relative to timing, the calendars of relevant other programs

or institutions in the replication-site communities were not

adequately considered in the demonstration during its first year.

As one example, staff members for the CIPs were hurriedly recruited at a time when the regular school year was in progress,

Which restricted the pool of available instructional personnel to

those who had recently moved to the area, had not been able to

find positions in the public schools, or were otherwise not

employed.

The time and timing of the implementation schedule thus were

far from optimal for facilitating the demonstration. Not enough

time was allotted for the crucial tasks of planning and preparation, nor for pre-evaluation operation (a "shakedown" period). In

consequence, tasks were done incompletely or even neglected,

decisions were made hastily and prematurely, and a sense of crisis

pervaded the CIP sites. Naturally these occurrences were detrimental. OIC/A, which has a justified reputation for quickly

developing and installing new programs, was unable to counteract

the impact of too little time for judicious preparation. Similarly, the mismatch between the CIP implementation schedule and

the calendars of other institutions in the four communities- -

primarily the school systems--hindered implementation.

Agency Roles

The multiplicity of roles assigned to the various agencies

involved in the demonstration also affected implementation. Four

agencies had multiple roles--most explicitly assigned, some de

facto--which created confusion. The most salient of these multiple roles involved OIC/A, which was given technical assistance,

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48
monitoring/evaluating, and funding responsibilities. At times

this was very confusing to the CIP staffs. For instance, staff

members expressed reluctance to ask OIC/A for help because such

requests could be interpreted as admissions of problems they

did not want OIC/A, in its role as monitor, to know they were

having. The multiplicity of roles thus had a retarding effect on

getting the CIPs to full operational status.

The complexity of the demonstration's organizational structure-- involving local OICs, CIPs, OIC/A, NIE, DOL, and RMC --also

.tended to make communication links overly intricate, indirect,

unclear, and differently perceived by different actors. This

situation had the erfect of delaying and obfuscating messages,

especially to the local OICs and the CIPs. It also had the effect

of complicating decision making, resulting in delays a4d ambiguity.

Another finding was that the LEAs resented their minimal

roles in the implementation. Though this was an almost unavoid

able consequence of the time constraints, it nevertheless had

strong repercussions. In the beginning the LEAs were asked to

give blanket approval for the program, to give the CI? free access

to schooldistrict records and students, and to provide inkind

resources without participating in planning or advising the

operation. further, the LEAs did not understand the CIP very

well. Consequently, three LEAs took a long time to begin acting

on necessary permissions and logistical arrangements, particularly

when teachers' unions raised objections to the program in two

sites. A more participatory role for the LEAs almost certainly

would have given them more feelings of ownership and quality con

trol, in turn leading to fewer obstacles to full implementation.

In addition to affecting the progress of implementation,

there is another potentially serious consequence of multiple

roles for NIE. The possibility exists that, because the same

office in NIE has been responsible for managing both the operation

and evaluation of the demonstration effort, the results would be

viewed with some suspicion. The credibility of results fs just as

important as the actual findings in an enterprise such as the CI?

demonstration. On principle, a situation in which the same unit

of an agency manages both operations and evaluation invites

skepticism about the validity of the evaluation conclusions.

Personnel

Two findings about personnel emerge from analysis of the

overall implementation process. The local OICs obtained letters

of general support and goodwill from the LEAs when they conducted

their feasibility studies. These letters were accepted by the

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40
local OICs, OIC/A, and NIE as evidence that LEA cooperation and

assistance would be forthcoming in such vital areas as recruitment

and program approval. When implementation later began, the

anticipated cooperation failed to materialize in specific tasks.

Only then was action taken to orient the LEAs in more detail and

push them into translating the earlier high-level expressions of

goodwill into concrete working procedures at the middle-management

and school levels. The stringent legislative deadline for initiating demonstration-program operations was clearly an important

factor here. But RMC believes the delay in mobilizing active LEA

cooperation also partly reflected a lack of awareness of some

issues in school-program dissemination at the local OIC, OIC/A,

and NIE levels. All actors are now clearly aware of these issues,

but during the initial period, this exacerbated the difficulties

inherent in any dissemination and implementation effort. For example, earlier perception of the complexity of getting active LEA

participation in recruitment could have led to fewer difficulties

in meeting enrollment quotas. Considerable delay and frustration

might have thus been avoided.

This finding does not imply that OIC's reputation fer fast,

effective implementation of programs is undeserved. It does point

out the fundamental qualitative difference between mounting

implementation efforts within an organization's own boundaries and

doing so when the active support and cooperation of additional,

uncontrolled agencies (in this case, the LEAs and teachers'

associations) are required to effect full operation.

The second personnel-related finding is that the local OICs

often appointed people to CIP positions who were less qualified

and experienced than the program design called for. To a great

extent this was due to the short time the OICs had for recruiting

personnel. Another important factor was the use of the OIC salary

scale for CIP positions, rather than the higher school-district

scales. The low salaries tended to make people with relevant

experience unwilling to work in the CIP. Nevertheless, underqualified, inexperienced people were appointed to the CIP staffs,

including to leadership roles. The results were inability to

perform some required tasks and establish the appropriate program

elements as well as a high rate of staff turnover during the

demonstration.

Training and Technical Assistance

In this area it is difficult to arrive at conclusions precisely because the viewpoints of the different sets of actors are

so disparate. In addition, RMC was not able to observe initial

training sessions as they were completed before the evaluation

contract was signed.

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50
Materials and training programs used by OIC/A to orient

and train the new CIP staffs were developed without assistance

from outside the originsl project. Therefore the program was not

scrutinized and described from an outsider's perspective. In

other program - dissemination efforts, it has been found very useful

to have an outsider's viewpoint involved in describing a program

and devising training materials for new users, simply because

insiders tend to forget that tasks they perform as second nature

were complex and difficult to learn initially. They thus tend

to describe incompletely how the program operates, how its different components fit together, and how detailed snd sequenced

training materials should be.

Training was felt by tb' CIP staffs to be insufficiently

clear regarding program spec Ace:. This perception by the site

staffs is understandable. Ihey were very anxious about getting

the program underway and would have been greatly reassured

by exactoperational prescriptions. On the other hand, OIChes

intention was not to dictate the details to the sites, as they

knew local adaptation would be necessary. From OICA's perspective, therefore, the lack of specificity was necessary to allow

the sites to respond to local considerations. Nevertheless,

previous research has demonstrated the advisability of giving new

users of an innovation highly structured and specific "how-to"

information. Doing so allows the new users to progress to routine

use of new practices without worrying about the correctness of

their application. Once familiar with normal operational procedures, users begin to adapt and do not need the structure provided

by detailed instructions. More detail, at least about internal

aspects of the CIP (e.g., instructional methods), would have

facilitated staff members' mastery of their respective tasks

and been reassuring to them.

In regard to training and technical assistance offered by

OIC/A after the start-up period, the site staffs were generally

pleased. OIC/A staff members were unanimously praised for both

the content of their consultations and the ways in which they

dealt with CIP staff members. This was not so only because the

information OIC /A conveyed to the CIPs was somewhat more specific

than in the early stages. It also reflects, we feel, the lowering

of anxieties in the sites about specific "how-to" issues as they

became more familiar with CIP operation.

Perceived Design Inflexibility

During the early stages of the demonstration, OIC/A was

perceived by the sites as adamant in insisting on very close

adherence to the CIP design, even though the design was not very

specific about many issues. It was written into the local OIC's

37
subcontracts that any proposed changes to the design had to be

submitted in writing for OIC/A approval. This contractual speci

fication raisel the possibility OIC/A could refuse to accept--that

is, might rescind or complicate by insisting on reversal--local

decisions about how to implement the program. Local autonomy in

operations was thus put in jeopardy in the minds of the site

staffs, adding to their uncertainty about how to proceed. OIC /A's

attitude toward local adaptations seems to have been misperceived

by. the CIP staffs. It may never have been as strict as the local

OICs perceived it. However, local perception of OIC/A insistence

created anxiety and hesitation during the early months.

This finding may seem to contradict what was reported earlier

about the broad nature of the CIP design and OIC /A's initial

expectation that the local staffs would have to adapt, adjust,

refine, and invent specific program aspects. Indeed, in the

sites' perceptions it was just this gap between their perception

of OIC/es insistence on fidelity to the program design and

the paucity of detailed "how-to" information that created much

anxiety. In OIC /A's view, their insistence was directed toward

adherence to the CIP's goals and implementation of functions- -such

as having some mechanism for effective class scheduling--not

toward exact duplication of the means used to accomplish them.

Unfortunately, the sites, in their anxiousness about "how-to,"

heard the insistence as applying to specifics, and felt they

should have been provided with details of OIC/A was going to be so

strict about fidelity. It took several months for this misunderspending to be cleared up, during which hard feelings and resentment developed. As OIC/A and the sites began to see more accurately each others' positions and as the site staffs became more

confident, these feelings dissipated. Also, OIC/A began giving

assistance to the sites on specific issues, not so much to provide

answers as to facilitate the sites' own development of resolutions. Currently, relations between the sites and OIC/A are

positive, and the sites, with OIC /A's assistance, have generally

effected solutions to the issues that loomed so large in the early'

months of implementation.

Evaluation Issues

The first finding about the impact of the evaluation on

implementation is the reverse side of one of the time-related

findings: formal evaluation began too early. In the original

site, program planning and development began in the spring of

1972. The first group of interns entered in October 1972.

Preliminary course materials were tested and refined during /973

and 1974. Formative evaluation of operations began in January

1974. "Between September 1974 and February 1975, program leadership, structure, and content stabilized" (Gibboney, 1977, p. 14).

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52
Summative evaluation "to assess major results, to provide data

. on the quality of . . implementation, and to document how the

program was completed" (Gibboney, 1977, p. v) commenced in March

1975, continuing through February 1976.

In the demonstration sites, program planning and development

began in December 1977. The first interns were scheduled to enter

in January 1978, though the actual intakes were in February,

March, April, and June. Course materials have been in continuous

development since the beginning. Formative evaluation by OIC/A

began immediately, and formal "program audits" were performed in

December 1978. Summative evaluation began with the appointment of

MC in April 1978. The first official site visits by RMC were

conducted in May and June 1978. Further, the first involvement of

evaluators in the sites was obtrusive. The frequency of observations by OIC/A, NIE, and DOL, as well as RMC, added to the generally tense atmosphere of implementation and put the CIF staff

members on the defensive when they should have been consolidating

program operations. It would have been possible to design a

research component into the implementation to study the same

issues without impinging on operations.

Second, the control-group evaluation design had a negative

impact on recruiting potential interns because many youth and

parents were unwilling to apply to the CIF knowing they could be

assigned to a control group. Particularly since there were

unfilled intern positions, the control-group design smacked

of the sort of social experimentation that raises the hopes

of disadvantaged persons only to leave them with no tangible

services or other benefits. Under those conditions, a signif icant number of potential interns simply did not seek admission.

This left the program substantially underenrolled, the reputations

of the local OICs tarnished, and the evaluation objectives in

jeopardy.

Another artifact of the control-group design was that,

whereas in the prototype program an open-entry policy--individual

interns entering when readywas id effect during the first seven

months (October 1972-April 1973) of operation, the demonstration

CH's have operated from their start with interns entering in

cohorts. This grouping of interns is not in keeping with the

development of the prototype, and made it necessary for interns to

accelerate or delay their participation arbitrarily and at some

inconvenience to them. The prototype open-entry policy during

development made access more convenient, and no one had to wait

for participation or take the chance of being rejected. Only

later, when the CIF had established a reputation in the community

and the evaluation was conducted, did interns enter in groups. By

that time there were more applicants than program slots, so the

inconvenience and the possibility of rejection did not seem so

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arbitrary. The difference between applying this enrollment

procedure after the GIP had become a respected and desirable

community institution and applying it from the outset had a strong

impact on recruitment in the demonstration sites, and on the

evaluation.

A third damaging aspect of the evaluation design was the

stipulation of the number of interns the sites had to enroll in

both treatment and control groups. All sites, which ranged in

population from 30,000 to several million, had to tnroll the same

number of interns--300--and controls. In addition, O/C/es

contracts with the sites specified that the first cohort, due to

be in place seven weeks after contract award, was to consist of

150 interns and have an equal-size control group. This expectation was grossly unrealistic. As it happened, none of the sites

was able to come close to this size cohort and none obtained any

controls. Moreover, no site actually started its first cohort by

the end of January 1978. The pressure to get such large groups

quickly however, exacerbated the anxieties of the GIP staffs, and

Ole/es, ME's, and DOL's disappointment that such numbers could

not be obtained further disheartened the staffs.

Finally, the entry requirements of a fifth-grade reading

level and prior accumulation of enough credits to complete the

high school curriculum by the end of the demonstration period

restricted the pool of applicants in the early months. In contrast, during the first seven months in Philadelphia, "there were

no limitations on either the number of interns or their qualifications. Virtually anyone who applied was accepted" (Gibboney,

1977, p. 27). The Gibboney report goes on:

When the experimental design was instituted,

several new factors were introduced into

the recruitment process. First, only students

with a minimum fifth grade reading level

were admitted. In addition, the design

called for a specific number of admissions,

plus a large pool of qualified applicants to

constitute a control group. Thus, the sheer

number of applicants had to be significantly

larger than before. Furthermore, admission

under the new design required a full day of

interviewing and testing with no guarantee

that an applicant would be chosen, even though

qualfied to enter the school. This had a discouraging effect on potential interns (p. 27).

Not surprisingly, "many (applicants) were judged to be unqualified

for admission." The "net result was that there were not enough

qualified applicants" (p. 27). The same effect was observed in

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54
the demonstration sites, prcbabaly intensified because the CIPs

were not yet known in the communities.

After almost a year (December 5, 1978) DOL reduced the total

number of interns and controls for the demonstration and the sites

were able to enroll enough interns for the last cohort to achieve

the revised quota, at the expense of ignoring almost all other

program activities for a time. If the sites are able to retain

significant numbers of their present enrollment, the evaluation

purposes of the demonstration will be fulfilled. However, constant pressure to meet the quotas--"get the numbers"--has had

massive effects on staff morale, relationships among the involved

agencies, and progress in implementation.

Summary

Viewed as a case study in program dissemination and implementation, the CIP demonstration has yielded a number of findings

that corroborate earlier studies. (These studies are cited in

Chapter VII.) In conclusion, it should be pointed out that the

various implementation issues were very much intertwined and

cumulative in their effects on the CIP demonstration. Time--or

rather the lack of time--had a major effect on implementation.

Insufficient preparation, hastily assembled staffs, and underenrolled first cohorts all resulted, in major degree, from the

underallotment of time for planning and preparation, though other

factors were also at work. The timing of the start of the program

in the sites was also inappropriate relative to LEA calendars.

The miscoordination with LEA schedules created difficulties in

recruitment of staff members and interns. Problems related to

time and timing permeated the demonstration.

Agency roles, by their multiplicity and in the complexity

of the demonstration's structure, made decision makinr cumbersome

and time consuming. The experience and qualificaL 3 of the

staff members initially appointed to the CIPs were not appropriate. Most staff-related problems have now been resolved,

through the experience gained in the replication effort or by replacement, but implementation was retarded in the early months of

the demonstration by the appointment of underqualified personnel,

especially at the local site level. Misperception of the specificity of training and technical assistance necessary to meet the

technical and affective needs of the site staffs created initial

difficulties, but later events and increasing familiarity resolved

these difficulties.

Confusion on the issue of local adaptations to the CIP design

initially caused miscommunications between OIC/A and the sites.

This was resolved, like the issue of training and technical

41
assistance, as the sites and OIC/A became more aware of each

others' needs, styles, and intentions. Finally, the evaluation

design itself created problems for implementation. Some of these

problems have been resolved or no longer matter because of the

passage of time, but several effects linger as a result of the

constraints the evaluation put on operations in the early stages

of implementation.

These issues each hindered the demonstration effort. The

authors recognize that the preceding discussion could therefore

influence the reader's perception of the CIP implementation

negatively. This is not our intent, for at this point, regardless

of the frequency or magnitude of problems brought about by some of

the issues identified, there are now functional programs operating

in the four demonstration sites. It is unfortunate that in

conducting research of this type, the instances of things not

going according to plan stand out. While the issues discussed

Wove point to insufficiencies and pitfalls in the CIP demonstration, there were also examples of a positive nature in the implementation. For instance, the site that earliest achieved the

desired program climate and attendance was (and still is) directed

by a person frequently characterized--only partially tongue -incheek--as arbitrary and unyielding by staff members and interns

alike. Nevertheless, this director, the only one of the original

four still left, has pulled the site through some low times, perhaps purely because of strength and "arbitrariness" of character,

and is highly respected by both staff members and interns. Though

one case is too sm4.11 a sample from which to generalize, it may be

that this director's style and willingness to be characterized

unfavorably are necessary to pull off successful establishment of

such a program as the CIP.

The authors believe that readers will appreciate the fact

that issues and examples of negative effect are presented not to

demonstrate the failure of implementation -- because implementation

clearly has not been a failure--but because the nature of the

research process calls them to attention. By pointing lut the

factors we feel have most seriously impinged on the CIP demonstration, we intend to direct more careful attention to them in

the future. The fact is that though we point out issues that

caused difficulty for the CIP demonstration, we have been tremendously impressed by the ability of the four sites and the OIC/A

staff to "get it together" in a frequently unpropitious context.

The recommendations presented in the next chapter are intended to

help build on the successes of the demonstration so the problems

faced by OIC /A and the local OIC and CIP staffs can be avoided in

the future.

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IV. DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This study has ambitious goals. Not only does it ask what

changes, if any, occur to the CIP as it is implemented in new

sites, it goes on to assess the quality of any changes and the

effectiveness of the dissemination mechanism. In observing the

CIPs and the dissemination mechanism for s year and a half, the

study team has attempted to address these concerns not only as

discrete issues but in their interrelationships as well. There

has also been a focus on observing and analyzing the process to

learn more about program implementation in general.

The issue underlying these questions is the replicability

of the CIF within reasonable limits of time and money. The

reasonableness of the amount of money allocated for the demonstration has not been explicitly addressed by the study. DOL

and NIE determined what was a "reasonable" amount of money for

the demonstration by the size of the allocation, ipso facto.

The only instance in which the amount may have been unrealistic

was in the area of personnel costs. It appeared that the CIF

salary scales limited the pool of potential staff members. Too

many other factors--especially time and timing--affected staffing,

however, to consider this factor conclusive.

The reasonableness of the time given to OIC/A and the sites

is another issue. As the reader surely will have inferred by

now, HNC believes there was too little time. The sites had but

seven weeks to accomplish a multitude of tasks before they were

supposed to begin serving interns. This did not allow adequate

preparation, either for building support from and coordinating

with external agencies or for internal preparations. Moreover,

the sites were opened to evaluative probing too soon, raising

their anxieties and directing their attention from getting things

underway to making things look good. This early lack of preparation and "shakedown" time severely affected the demonstration.

Nevertheless, even with the impact of this scheduling, two sitehave established programs that closely resemble the prototype in

their functioning, and the other two have implemented the mechanical/structural components of the CIP and are progressing toward

realization of the appropriate affective climate. Therefore, one

might conclude that EMC's contention about time is ill-founded,

since the CIPs are indeed operating and "if you, want to make an

omelet, you have to break eggs." The authors have considered this

position seriously. It has some merit. However, on balance we

feel that had the implementation been given sufficient early

planning and preparation time, the probability is that all four

sites would now be in a full operational status. Furthermore, the

present CIP operations have been achived at an extraordinary cost

in terms of staff energy and morale. It would be a hard job under

any circumstances to set up a complex program like the CIP.

43
The lack of time made an inherently difficult task less orderly,

more frustrating, and more time-consuming than it had to be.

The central conclusion the findings lead to is that, though

accomplished with more difficulty than necessary, the CIP has

indeed proved replicable (implementable) in new sites within

the limits of time and money given. The programs that have

been established are close enough approximations of the prototype

to bear the name Career Intern Program. Of course, student

outcomes have not yet been measured, so it is not known if program

results in the new sites will replicate those in the original.

Indeed, it is quite possible results from the first two years of

CIP operations in the sites may not be as conclusive as those

used as the basis for judging the CIP to be an exemplary program. It is the judgment of many professionals in the educational-dissemination field that it is unrealistic to expect

exemplary results this early in a program's life.

Regardless of what the outcomes at this stage might show,

the CIPs in the four replication sites are fundamentally healthy,

and appear to be growing more and more stable and mature each

day. It is undeniably true that problems exist in the programs.

More relevantly qualified and experienced staff members in some

roles would improve the CIPs. Interns' attendance hAs not generally reached the rate reported for the original, mature CIP,

though it is comparable to the attendance in the prototype at

a similar stage of development. Climate is not yet all it should

be, but it improves steadily and is not wholly disappointing given

the length of the programs' existence in the new sites. A host of

difficulties have confronted the implementation on various fronts

in the past year and a half, and the disposition of them has

reflected the crisis atmosphere that has pervaded much of the

implementation. This has not stopped implementation, however, and

the problems have been or are being resolved.

There are, of course, conclusions beyond the basic one that

the CIP can be--has been--implemented in the four new sites. With

regard to changes in the program, there are differences between

the new CIPs and the original. Some of these changes have been

deliberately introduced through local initiatives to improve the

design. Other differences resulted from contextual demands in the

new sites or because some event or situational constraint in the

implementation process precipitated them. In general, intentional

changes to procedures--i.e., those made to improve the design- -

have been adaptive thus far and promise to continue to be so.

Those differences introduced to accommodate the contexts or forced

on the sites by implementation events, have been, in turn, adaptive and maladaptive. That is, when first undertaken or accepted

as inevitable, these changes were adaptive in the sense that had

they not been incorporated, implementation might have stopped

44
altogether. As the implementation proceeded however, these same

changes often had lingering effects that impeded progress toward

full operation. Some of the problems that arose in this fashion

are still being addressed by the sites, but they are being

resolved.

Finally, many of the observed differences between the four

CIPs and the design represent stages of program development.

They are noticeable because the new CIP programs are now just

over a year and a half old and still evolving, and the CIP design is based on the program as it looked when it was fully

matured, after four years of intensive development. Thus, these

differences are attributable to a lack of time for operations to

mature, with allowance for the other factors that have been

active. The study's findings, the professional literature, and

the sites' steady progress toward full operation indicate these

differences will disappear over time.

It is more difficult to reach definite conclusions about

the effectiveness and efficiency of the dissemination mechanism-- -

the OIC system plus NIS and DOL--relative to others that might

have been, or could be, used. Certainly, in the authors' opinion,

implementation would have been less troubled had more use been

made of existing knowledge about educational dissemination.

Without access to this knowledge and under the pressure of the

time constraints, the chief protagonists in the CIP dissemination, the OIC/A staff, had to learn about many relevant issues

and probable problems--such as the initial low level of active

LEA support--by encountering them. Though they were frequently

frustrated, the OIC/A, local OTC, and CIP staffs did manage

to cope creditably, eventually surmounting the problems. But

time was lost and energy and resources were consumed by events

that might have been avoided under other circumstances.

On the other hand, allowing for the constraints imposed

by the demonstration's design, it is difficult to imagine that

an alternative delivery system would have performed significantly

better. The OIC systears ethos, pride in ownership of the CIP,

local credibility in the sites, and identification with the

potential clients clearly facilitated implementation. These

characteristics, shared by other large CEO systems, strongly

suggest such systems as OIC are potent vehicles for diffusion

of programs for societal improvement. Especially when a system

has a long and successful record of progiam dissemination, as

OIC does, it should be an excellent candidate for consideration

as a diffusion mechanism, though the organization's knowledge

should probably be augmented in the particular area to be entered

(in the CIP case, the public educational system).

A true comparative test of the OIC system's effectiveness

as a diffusion mechanism versus others' has not been conducted.

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53
Ihdeed, it would be very instructive to observe how CIPs disseminated through the OIC system and through some alternative systems--for instance, the Office of Education's National Diffusion

Network and the Research and Development Exchange system of

NIE--might emerge. In the absence of such a direct comparison,

and considering this and the constraints under which the OIC

system operated, conclusive answers regarding relative effectiveness are not possible. The authors, however, are of the opinion

that the OIC system would compare quite favorably to other diffusion mechanisms.

Finally, there are some conclusions about the implementation

process as a whole, and about the structure through which that

process operated. Time has been a major factor in the demonstration. Specifically, the time allowed by the implementation

schedule, imposed by the requirement to complete the demonstration before the YEN* authorization expires, was far too short

for adequate planning. and preparation before operation was to

begin, and too short for the CIPs to take root and become fully

operational before being evaluated. The shortness of time -rand

the shortness of patience it sometimes Jed to--has had a serious

impact on implementation of tt CIPs. With a bit more time the

implementation could have been better planned, phased, and conducted.

In this regard, the question will undoubtedly be asked,

how much more? While an answer is inevitably open to debate, the

authors' opinion is that three months more, at the appropriate

time of year, would have made a great deal of difference. Had

planning and preparations been started in the local sites in

September 1977 (or earlier) rather than in December, had they been

conducted in full awareness of what is known about educational

dissemination and thus involved the LEAs more fully, and had the

target date for opening the CIPs to a small (no more than 50

interns) first cohort been the beginning of the second semester of

the 1977-78 school year, the incidence and severity of implementation problems would have been diiiitically reduced. More

qualified staffs could have been recruited, the staff members

could have developed more team spirit, curricula could have been

more thoroughly prepared, and so on. RMC is convinced this would

have had a major impact.

Overall, the implementation process was structurally too

complicated. Too many opportunities for miscommunication and

for slippage in timely decision making existed because of the

number of agencies involved and their varieties of roles. The

evaluation could have been better designed so as to avoid impinging on implementation. Decision-making procedures and structures

could have been set up in the beginning to assure more efficient

deliberations and communications. Simplification along these

lines could have precluded many implementation difficulties.

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Recommendations

The following recommendations fall into three categories.

Recommendations for policy makers have relatively broad scope

and bear implications for future demonstrations of programs

to improve the employability of youth. Recommendations for

executive-branch agencies relate to the dissemination and implementation processes of innovative programs sue'. as the CIP.

Recommendations for research activities deal with knowledgedevelopment concerns, including research goals and procedures.

Recommendations for Policy Makers

(I) While timelines are necessary, specific demonstration

schedules should be mindful of the complexities of

each innovative program. Congress should consider

this in future authorizing and appropriations legislation dealing with demonstration programs.

The replication of the CIP reinforced previous research

findings that programs being tested or disseminated usually

need several months to become fully operational. The expectation

for immediate implementation is unrealistic. If sufficient

time is not allowed for early planning, and preparation prior

to implementation or for the program to mature prior to evaluation, implementation suffers and manifestations of developmental

stages run the risk of being interpreted as failures to establish

anticipated program features and/or outcomes. Very effective

practices may thus be cut off prematurely.

(2) Involvement of community-based organizations in the

delivery of programs to assist disadvantaged young

people should be continued.

There is evidence that community-based organizations, because of their pervasive ethos, their commitment to serve disadvantaged people, their demonstrated skills in program operations, and their relative autonomy have strong potential for

diffusing youth programs. Though OIC/A did not enjoy a complete

or fair chance to demonstrate its full capability for disseminating the CIP, the events of the CIP demonstration strongly

indicate that the OIC system, and probably other CBOs as well, are

potent vehicles for transferring successful social innovations to

new users.

(3) Congress and executive-branch policy makers need

to clarify expectations for transition from federal

to local support of experimental and demonstration

programs.

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Present policies are unclear whether successful demonstrations are expected to survive by attracting local-community

funding or whether demonstrations that show success will thereby

continue to receive federal support. Programs aimed at covering

a. multiplicity of needs of disadvantaged youth are expensive

by nature. Despite the benefits of these programs, it is doubtful that local communities would be able to assume total funding

responsibility. On the other hand, the absence of a firm policy

regarding the Status of the innovation after its demonstration

phase raises anxieties among program personnel and causes potential users to hesitate or refrain from adoption.

Recommendations for Executive-Branch Agencies

(I) The dissemination of innovative programs should be

placed under the management or tutelage of personnel

experienced and knowledgeable in dissemination and

implementation. This applies both to personnel in

federal agencies in charge of monitoring the dissemination process and to personnel within the organizations carrying out the actual implementation.

The facile assumption that successful program developers

will be, ipso facto, proficient program disseminators is not

supported by experience. Developing the CIP in Philadelphia

did not necessarily enable OIC/A to become expert in the different demands of disseminating it to other communities. Dissemination is qualitatively different from development and entails

a correspondingly different repertoire of skills.

(2) Whenever possible, roles with potential for confusion

or conflicts of interest, such as managing both program

implementation and program evaluation, should be

assigned to different agencies or different subunits

of a single agency.

Experience gained during the CIP study showed that the

assignment of multiple, possibly conflicting roles to a single

agency affected implementation adversely. In addition, the

practice could in principle threaten the credibility of evaluations, no matter how impartially they are, in fact, conducted.

(3) Innovative or demonstration programs that are dependent

on the support of the LEA should involve school district officials during planning and start-up.

Communication begun during the operation stage is late

and does not allow LEAs to develop a full understanding and

acceptance of the demands the innovation will put on the school

48

S2
system. Furthermore, demonstration schedules should be coordi

nated with LEA schedules. In the case of the CIP demonstration,

a number of problems with the LEAs might have found quicker

resolution if LEA staff members had participated more closely

with the local OIC in the various planning activities instead

of simply being confronted with a number of requests for permis

sion and assistance. This recommendation is probably applicable

to demonstrations needing cooperation from other types of agen

cies as well.

(4) The allocation of important program resources, such

as salaries, should be comparable to that in com

parable organizations.

Personnel in an alternative educational program should

not be paid substantially less than their counterparts in the

regular school system. Having CIP staff salaries pegged to

the local OIC scale rather than to that of the LEA produced

difficulties for the C/Ps in both obtaining and retaining quali

fied personnel.

(5) When multiple units within an agency are in a position

to affect the implementation of a given program, serious

attempts should be made to coordinate actions among

these units.

Two of the CIP demonstration sites had massive competition

for recruits from other federal youth programs in their communi

ties. Coordination among the various DOL units could have en

abled appropriate planning.

(6) Decisionmaking processes and communication channels

among the various agencies managing or monitoring

implementation should be determined prior to the demon

stration of a given program, to the extent possible

including procedures for quick responses to immediate

needs.

In the case of the CIP, confusion arose as decisions had

to be made and communicated to the sites regarding changes in

cohort dates, testing procedures, numbers of required interns

for the last cohort, and size of control groups. This confusion

generated delays, frustration, and erosion of trust among various

actors.

Rcommendations for Research Activities

(I) Further research needs to be conducted to generate

greater understanding of the appeal of programs like

the CIP to disadvantaged, often alienated, youths.

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Only a small proportion of the existing pool of underemployed and undereducated youth applies to these programs. Under

present conditions, estimates of probable enrollment tend to

exceed actual youth interest and participation. Though incomplete, data from this study suggest that about one of five "potential" dropouts and one of ten "actual" dropouts become interested

in joining an academic program, even if it has a career orientation. Further, entrance requirements such as possessing a minimum

number of credits toward graduation and reading on at least

fifth-grade level reduced--in some cases substantially--the pool

of potential interns.

(2) More creative, less restrictive evaluation approaches

need to be developed, validated, and applied to programs like the CIP.

Evaluations with experimental designs, particularly those

with randomly selected treatment and control groups, are often

incompatible with the implementation of social-service delivery

programs. Even in programs of a demonstration nature, the creation of control groups is detrimental to the avowed purpose

of the innovation, to the attitudes of youths assigned to serve

as controls, and to the evaluation itself. The possibility

of being assigned to a control group was a disincentive to many

potential interns, and so made recruitment more difficult. The

control-group design also created uneasy feelings among LEA

representatives and members of the community and produced a

"negative treatment" for many of the youth in the control groups.

find and maintain jobs.

Emphasis on a minimum number of students in a program or

especially a control group makes the assumption that data have

meaning only if analyzed according to established conventions.

Innovative approaches should be encouraged--particularly if they

show promise of minimizing the conflict between the social service

and research objectives of demonstration programs.

(3) Knowledge about the dynamics of the selection, adoption, and start-up stages of an innovation needs to

be increased. Studies of program dissemination and

implementation should be designed so these stages

are properly observed and not analyzed only retrospectively.

Important events in the early stages of the CIP, such as

the interaction among the local OICs, the CIP staffs, and the

LEAs, could not be observed directly because an evaluator had not

yet been selected. Data on these periods would have made analysis

of the dissemination/implementation process more complete. Re50

64
search components would be relatively easy to build into demonstration programs.

(4) Studies need to be conducted regarding alternative

ways to promote local adoption of innovative programs

supported by extensive external funding during development and demonstration.

At present, demonstration programs funded by YEDPA operate

almost exclusively with federal monies. Even programs that

show great promise, such as the Cl?, cannot be expected to be

totally subsidised by local budgets. It is, then, necessary

to explore alternative funding formulas to encourage local adoption of these programs.

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PART 2:

DESCRIPTION AND DISCUSSION

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V. STUDY APPROACH

Task A, because of its focus on the dynamics of implementation and on the various changes that occurred to the program

across different sites, was a process evaluation. Its objective

was to determine the degree to which the program objectives

and practices that characterized the replication sites matched

those of the prototype program. To enable this assessment,

a model of the original CIP was developed for comparison to

the sites' implementations. An idealized dissemination strategy

was also developed against which actual events could be compared.

The CIP model and the idealized dissemination strategy are de,.

scribed below, preceded by a short review of the discrepancyanalysis approach to program evaluation.

Disrepancy Analysis

Discrepancy analysis appears particularly appropriate to

the examination of complete programs, as opposed to approaches

that would asses just one aspect of the educational process

such as instructional methodology or a new curriculum (see Provus, 1971). Essentially, discrepancy analysis consists of assessing the degree of congruence between model program standards

and actual program performance. Standards are the criteria

that program developers established for effective program elements

including resources, organizational procedures, and short- and

long-term "treatment" effects. Performance consists of the

actual program operations found at the replication sites.

Under the usual discrepancy evaluation approach, standards

are first defined in measurable terms, often as recreated by

the evaluator in consultation with the program developer. A

second step is to develop or select measures for each standard.

Data are then collected and analyzed to determine the extent of

discrepsncy between program standards and program performance

(Borg & Meredith, 1979).

While employing a discrepancy approach, this study does

not utilize precise measurements for the various components

of the model. The model of ideal CIP operation is a reconstruction based on information conveyed by the program developer

and extrapolated from the original evaluation reports. While

the types of components that should be present and their functions were clear, it was impossible to assign relative weights

to these components. In addition, the program model is relatively imprdcise in terms of operational details. On the basis

of the qualitative standards conveyed by OIC/A and RHC's experience, a professional judgment was articulated of a satisfactory

53

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state or level of implementation for program components. This

judgment provided the standards associated with the orlginal

model.

Performance in model implementation has been assessed by

the consensual judgment of MC evaluators about the extent to

which program functions are being accomplished. Data have been

obtained through observations, interviews, and reviews of documents during three one-week visits to each site. Extensive

telephone contact with the sites, OIC/A, NIE, and DOL augmented

the data collected at the sites.

In this study, both standards and performance have been

assessed using qualitative but stable criteria. The discrepancy

evaluation makes statements about changes, or departures from

model guidelines, on the basis of any gap between standards

and performance. At the same time, it places no premium on

fidelity as inherently good. Discrepancies between performance

and model standards which help maintain or improve the attainment

of program goals are considered to be useful adaptations.

Finally, the discrepancy approach used in Task A remains

sensitive to the dynamic nature of the implementation process.

Hence, when it appears that certain model components require

time to develop and mature, reference is made to their degree

of development at the time observed, and to trends that occurred

over the course of the demonstration.

Description of the CIP

The description of the CIP is not the model itself. The

model consists of lengthy and detailed lists of short statements

about program processes and outcomes organized by various categories. The description here is abstracted from the model in

order to portray the manner in which OIC/A intended the CIP to

operate.

CIP Objectives

The CIP's aim is to facilitate students' transition from

school to work as shown by employment and/or continued education.

Its three basic objectives are to:

Enable students to complete high school. The CIP provides

an alternative path to high school graduation for both actual

and potential dropouts. The CIP aims to enable interns to graduate to increase the likelihood they will find jobs. It offers a

treatment that is intended to maintain the interns' interest and

make them aware of possibilities that lie within themselves.

54
Enhance career planning and occupational knowledge. The

CIP attempts to teach interns how to identify and research their

career interests, how to make rational career choices, how to

interview and apply for jobs, and what will be expected of them in

the career fields that attract them. It aims to fuse academic and

career orientations so interns can perceive the relationship of

school learning to the requirements and possibilities of the work

world.

Improve basic reading and math skills. The CIP strives

to build upon basic skills to help interns meet the requirements

for graduation and to improve skills they will need in jobs,

college, on-the-job training, or advanced skills training.

CIP Target Population

The CIP target population includes young people 16 to 21

years of age who have already dropped out of school or show

serious risk of dropping out. Among the indicators of serious

risk are sporadic attendance, poor grades, inability to conform

to school procedures, pressing economic factors that make dropping out seem necessary, and insufficient credits to graduate

with peers. In addition to dropout or at-risk status, potential

CIP interns must have sufficient reading skills to score at

or above the twentieth percentile of beginning seventh graders

on the reading subtest of the Metropolitan Achievement Test

(Advanced Level 1, 1978 edition). This eligibility criterion

was set to ensure that interns would be able to read and understand the instructional materials used in the program. Por

the demonstration, interns also had to have enough credits toward graduation so participation in the CIP would enable them

to graduate by the end of the demonstration (December 1979).

Treatment Components

There are five CIP treatment components: instructicn,

counseling, Hands-On, intern assessment, and program climate.

The sites' implementation of these components forms the basis

for assessing the extent to which the original-site treatment

has been replicated.

Instruction. CIP instruction is different from that commonly found in the interns' former school settings. By individualizing instruction, lifting innovative ways of presenting

materials to students, maintaining small class sizes (15 interns per class), and infusing the academic aspects of the program with a career orientation, the CIP is expected not only to

55

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be motivating to interns, but also to help them become selfactualizing. Instruction is designed to raise interns' selfesteem to the point where they think success is possible, can

express confidence in themselves, and perceive themselves as

being able to earn their high school diplomas.

Instructional methods are left to the discretion of each

instructor. Most instructors use a wide variety of methods,

including academic problem solving, role playing, and enrichment

activities such as career-day seminars and academic- and workrelated field trips. Traditional lecturing and whole-class

activities (all students working at the same task) occur, but

on a limited scale. Individual and small-group activities are

the main instructional strategies.

According to the model, CIF instruction is individualized.

The three chief characteristics of this individualization are

that interns work at their own rates, have a variety of learning

activities available to them, and receive individual attention

from instructors. Learning packets from the developer site

in the core subjects of English, social studies, math, science,

and career awareness and planning, are used as is or modified

to fit interns' needs and the curriculum requirements of each

site. The OIC/A learning-packet format, which allows interns

to work individually at their own levels, is used whenever appropriate.

A relatively discrete instructional activity intended to

serve a variety of purposes is the field trip. Field trips

are related to academic course content, to career awareness

and planning, and to enrichment purposes (not directly tied

to specific program content but culturally broadening). The

trips thus serve cognitive purposes in the academic and career

tracks and are also motivational.

Finally, CI? instruction is a "fusion" of academics with

practical, career-oriented materials and activities. Classes

in "core" subjectsEnglish, science, social studies, and math- -

and electives such as typing and art are offered. The fusedacademics concept, in which instructors relate the world of.

work and careers to the academic content of the courses, is

the guiding principle for instruction.

The Career Counselidg Seminars (CCS) are group counseling

and instruction sessions. They are the main mechanism by which

a career orientation is maintained. The CCS is planned jointly

by counselors, career developers, and instructors, any or all

of whom may actually teach it. Interns attend the CCS each

day throughout their first term in the CIF. In these classes,

instruction focuses on building interns' awareness of self and

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0
of career possibilities, and on assisting interns to cope with

diverse social situations (e.g., getting along with others,

punctuality). Appropriste world-of-work behavior, such as how

to communicste in job-relsted situations, is taught. For the

CCS, each intern prepares two career reports based on independent

research into two career fields. These repov.s help interns

understand the educational prerequisites and the daily activities

of the career field.

Counseling. Interns enter the CIP with histories of sporadic attendance and poor grades, lack of information about requirements for graduation, pressing personal problems, and other

characteristics associated with dropping out of achool. The CIP

recognizes that interns need academic counseling, help in resolving their problems, and reinforcement in feeling responsible for

their actions. Teachers, counselors, and career developers, who

are responsible for career orientation and job placement, work

together to assist interns as needed.

Interns receive extensive individualized counseling about

'career planning, academic status, and personal concerns. Career

counseling begins upon an intern's entry into the CIP, when

a Career Development Plan (CDP) is developed jointly by the

intern and counselor. The CDP lets the staff know the intern's

career aspirations so plans can be made to orient the intern

to the appropriate career fields. Throughout an intern's tenure,

progress in career exploration is the focus of this aspect of

counseling. Counseling sessions are held at least biweekly.

In addition, personal counseling is available to interns for

any other concerns they have, both those that relate to inprogram'issues (such as friction between interns) and those

that may require access to social services (such as day care

for interns' children). There is also provision in the model

for group counseling, which may occur in the CCS or in informal

"rap sessions" arranged for the interns to express their concerns and feelings as a group to the staff.

Monitoring their progress with the CDP helps train interns

to follow through with their plans. By mapping out specific

plans, the CDP also demonstrates how a specific series of steps

is required to accomplish objectives. Academic counseling provides evidence of how "the system works." The interns are informed of the "game rules " - -where they are beginning, how far away

the end is, and what it takes to get there.

Hands-On. To demonstrate to interns the link between school

and work and the specific skills required to function in a job,

the CIP provides two "Hands-On" experiences for each intern.

While interns otudy and prepare reports on the career fields they

are interested in during the CCS, the career developers find

57

7.
resource people who will allnw interns to spend a week at job

sites, working at or observing the activities involved in a job.

Upon successful completion of the CCS, an intern is assigned to

spend a week at each of two job sites.

The Hands-On is intended to give interns a detailed look

at the career wields that most interest them. It therefore

plays an important dual role in the CIP, both motivating interns

to complete the preparatory work prior to the Hands-On experiences and informing them about the real (as opposed to popularly

conceived) activities a career field entails.

Intern assessment. To ensure that interns stay aware of

their current status in the CIP, are taking the proper courses,

and are progressing toward graduation, they are formall; evaluated at three distinct points. Upon an intern's entry, diagnostic testing is conducted in the core subjects to assess the

intern's academic needs. Assessment is also carried out at the

midpoint and the end of each school term, when instructors assign

grades and credits. Information is also derived about each intern

in "disposition conferences" attended by all staff members who

work with him or her. At these biweekly meetings, each staff

member contributes to ar assessment of the intern's progress in

the CIP.

Assessment is made on a regular, scheduled basis by all

staff members who work with an intern. Every term, interns

and their parents are formally presented with assessment results and asked to help in planning interns' remaining programs in the CIP. The formal assessment procedures and the

disposition conferences serve as vehicles for reinforcing attitudes and behaviors needed for successful completion of high

school. Assessment also helps interns understand the specific

steps or linkages required to accomplish their objectives. The

periodic assessment and feedback of the interns' progress is a

means of making certain interns do not fall by the wayside.

In addition, it provides a model for interns to internalize- -

enabling them to make more accurate assessments of their own

progress.

Program climate. By providing a supportive, motivating

program climate, CIP staff members expect to keep interns from

becoming "turned off" about learning, as they were in their

former high schools. Interns are treated as whole persons by

the CIP staff. School lives are not separated from personal,

family, and community experiences. Also, interns are not sheltered from reality. They are held responsible for their actions.

Behavioral rules reflecting the realities of the world of work

are enforced and interns are held accountable for such infractions as being absent or late, loitering in the halls, missing

assignments, and dressing improperly.

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7,2
To effect the desired climate, communications among staff

members and between staff members and interns must be open.

Staff meabers must demonstrate positive attitudes to the program

and provide settings conducive to learning.- Interns are encouraged by the staff to "hang in."

When an appropriate climate has been created, interns will

be enthusiastic about instruction, positive toward the CIP, and

diligent about attendance. In class, interns will be actively

involved in learning (e.g., participating in class discussions).

They will become active in enforcing CIP behavioral norms among

themselves.

Interdependence of treatment components. Though separated

for description and analysis, the treatment components are obviously not so discrete in a functioning CIP. Instruction and

counseling support one another through phe staff members' interaction. The disposition conferences facilitate interchange

among staff members about all aspects of each intern's life.

This not only allows consistent treatment of interns by staff

members, but also helps assure that staff members will perceive

interns as whole persons.

Similarly, the Hands-On experiences serve both motivational

and cognitive purposes. The fusion of career-related content

into the academic curriculum further reinforces the holistic

approach of the program. The entire program seeks to meld all

CIP activities into an overarching environment of support and

serious purpose to change youths' perceptions of learning, of

their post-school prospects, and, most important, of their own

abilities.

Enabling and Supporting Components

Implementation of the CIP's treatment components is facilitated by its enabling components: personnel, curriculum, recruiting program, facilities, funds, materials and supplies,

relations with the local education agency (LEA), arrangements

with the local teachers' association, participation of local

industrial and business enterprises and social agencies, and

the roles of OIC/A and the local OIC.

Personnel Qualifications and roles. According to the model,

the CIP is to have a cadre of motivated and caring instructors,

counselors, and career developers who have experience both in

their fields of specialization and in alternative educational

environments. CIP staff members are expected to be sensitive

to the needs and problems of interns so that positive interactions

among staff members and interns can prevail.

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The CIF director is described as having a master's degree

in either education or business administration, five years'

experience in educational administration or counseling, and

the ability to provide "charismatic" leadership in "highly unstructured situations" and "under pressure." The director must

meet simultaneous demands for socializing the staff members

in their roles, orienting the interns to the program, meeting

LEA requirements so interns can graduate, Making sure essential

materials and supplies are available, and planning recruitment

strategies for interns. The director accomplishes these tasks

in addition to monitoring instruction and modeling appropriate

teaching techniques. He/she also participates in frequent meetings with staff members to discuss instructional matters and to

give in-service training. Finally, the director's role includes

outreach to the community to create awareness and support, and

liaison with OIC/A and the local OIC.

As instructional supervisor, the UP should have a person

with at least four years of teaching experience, a master's

degree, certification in two teaching subjects, and the skills

to demonstrate innovative teaching techniques as well as to

supervise instructors. The person holding this position has

responsibility for infusing the curriculum with a career orientation, ensuring that interns are assessed on a continuing basis,

and promoting opportunities for learning beyond the classroom.

The career counseling supervisor is expected to have supervisory experience, three year's experience in personal and vocational guidance, and an academic degree in a related field.

He/she should be self-directed but also work well in team situations. The tasks of the career counseling supervisor include

monitoring the development and maintenance of interns' Career

Development Plans, developing procedures to track interns' academic and career progress, scheduling individual interns into

classes, and establishing guidelines for the provision of Hands-On

experiences, on-the-job training, and part- and full-time employment.

The two supervisors together are charged with promoting

and maintaining cooperative working relationships among staff

members. Because successful implementation of the CIP requires

positive relationships and open communication among staff members and between staff members and interns, the sensitivity

and competence of the CIF director and supervisors are critical.

Each CIP has a staff of instructors, counselors, and career

developers in appropriate numbers to serve the interns. Two

instructors, one in reading and one in math, are specialists

who have master's degrees and at least four years of teaching

experience. These specialists ensure that the CIP accommodates

60
the varying ability levels and needs of the interns. The reading

specialist provides assistance to other instructors in integrating reading into their subject areas. The specialists are resource persons for their colleagues, but do not have specific

leadership assignments. Other instructors have a minimum of

three years' teaching experience and bachelor's degrees in the

disciplines they teach.

Counselors and career developers have two to three years'

counseling experience, bachelor's degrees, and abilities in

both personal and vocational guidance. Counselors provide academic, career, and personal counseling to interns. Career developers arrange Hands-On and employment opportunities. The roles

played by these staff members are designed to facilitate change in

the interns in the areas of academic achievement and personal

responsibility.

The CIP staff also includes a "curriculum liaison/resource

center specialist" with expertise in curriculum and materials

development and library operations. This person's primary responsibility is managing the Learning Re. irce Center. He or she also

assists in curriculum development and the location of instructional materials as requested by instructors.

The final professional staff member, the school coordinator,

is a liaison between the CIP and the LEA feeder schools. This

person is expected to have eight years of teaching experience,

two years' administrative experience, and a master's degree.

He or she is expected to be familiar with the district and its

procedures. In fact, while functionally a member of the CIP

staff, the school coordinator may be a school district employee.

The coordinator is also assigned specific responsibility for

recruiting.

In addition to the professional staff, the CIP has two

secretaries, one or two "associate professionals" (administrative/teaching aides), and a maintenance/security person.

Curriculum. The curriculum must be designed to meet both

the requirements of the LEA and the needs of the interns. As

a task shared by a2I staff members, curriculum development provides the staff an opportunity to establish working relationships and a sense of ownership of the program.

Staff endorsement of the CIP curriculum philosophy is clearly

critical to the CIP's successful operation. Such endorsement

entails.acceptance of the elements of the core curriculum, subscription to the learning-packet approach for individualizing

instruction, and willingness to let interns progress at their own

rates. The CIP design indicates that the curriculum is to be

61
based on two sources: the objectives provided by OIC/A, espe

cially as manifested in the learning packets developed in the

prototype site, and the local/state curriculum requirements

for high school graduation.

In adapting or developing curriculum units, the staff in

cludes learning activities that relate academic content to every

day life and jobs. This provides motivation for the interns

by highlighting the relevance of their academic studies to the

world beyond thg schoolhouse walls.

Recruitment. The CIP serves dropouts and potential dropouts

between 16 and 21 years of age. To create awareness of the

CIP among these youth, the CIP design identifies recruitment

strategies, that range from the use of mass media to personal

presentations before community groups. Particular emphasis

is placed on creating solid relationships with "feeder" schools

so they will provide lists of dropouts and potential dropouts.

Once potential interns display interest

they are tested to see if they meet the read

and interviewed. Parents are also interviewed.

into the CIP, interns are given a twoday or

beginning the formal diagnostic testing and

the instructional program.

in the program,

ing requirement,

Upon acceptance

ientation before

being placed in

Facilities. The CIP model calls for a building suitable

to provide offices for approximately ten nonteaching staff

members and a classroom for each instructor. The building is

also expected to house a learning resource center (combined

library, resource center, and study hall), facilities for phys

ical education, and a cafeteria. Furnishings for the facility

include tables, desks, and chairs for staff and interns. The

LEA may provide some of these furnishings as inkind support

for the CIP.

Funds. Tice CIP budget is administered by the local OIC.

The OIC executive director formally approves monthly budget

allocations and CIP requisitions. However, the CIP director

is given considerable discretion in requesting budget modifi

cations, and funds are to be easily available so that no program

activity is blocked by lack or delay of financial resources.

Materials and supplies. Books, learning packets, instruc

tional and career materials, office equipment and supplies,

and the like are described in the model as being available from

the moment operation begins. To ensure that materials are well

suited to the needs of the interns, instructors and the curriculum

resource specialist order materials throughout the year as needed.

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Relations with LEA. A very unusual feature of the GIP

is its status as an autonomous alternative educational agency

dependent on the traditional educational system for license

to award regular high school diplomas (not certificates of equivalency or GEDs). This feature distinguishes the CIP from virtually all other educational innovations. To ensure that it will

be granted this authority, the CIP must meet LEA curriculum and

personnel guidelines. Also, since the CIP serves potential and

actual dropouts, LEA help is needed in recruitment. Furthermore,

the CIP requires that the local school district grant credit for

such nontraditional activity as the Hands-On experience. Finally,

in-kind support from the LEA may be needed in such areas as

transportation, physical education facilities, and even student

lunches. Therefore, it is essential for the CIP to establish

solid interagency cooperation with the LEA.

Although this is not explicitly stated in the model, LEA

cooperation is expected because of the CIF's ability to aerve

students the LEA could not and because of a financial incentive.

Youth enrolled in the CIP are counted on the student rolls of

the school district for allocation of state monies to the LEA.

The LEA role described in the CIP model is based on the experience

in the prototype site, where a long developmental period gradually

led to a cooperative relationship.

Relations with teachers' association. To be granted authority to issue valid academic credits and award regular high school

diplomas, the CIP must demonstrate that it staff is as well

qualified as public schools' staffs. In most cases this means

that instructors, and perhaps others, must hold, or be qualified

to hold, teaching certificates. This requirement may be tantamount to requiring that staff members belong to the local teachers' group.

Furthermore, local teachers' groups may want CIP staff

members to affiliate to preserve their positions as the recognized bargaining agents for teachers and to demonstrate the

quality control function such groups purport to fulfill. An

attempt to establish an alternative school granting LEA diplomas

without the cooperation of the teachers' group could be interpreted as an attempt to "bust the union."

Therefore, it is important for the CIP to outain program

approval and a suitable staffing arrangement from local teachers'

groups. Issues such as teacher certification and placement

of union teachers on the CIP staff may have to be negotiated.

Relations with the community. A close relationship between

the CIP and the community facilitates program operations. Community relations are formalized through the appointment of an

63

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j
Advisory Council that includes representatives of industry,

business, government, and education in the community. The collective knowledge and perceptions of the council members guide the

career content and focus of the CIP so priority can be given to

occupations existing or needed in the community. The informal

networks to which council members belong link the CIP to a pool of

business firms and agencies available as settings for the interns'

Hands-On experience. Finally, council members are instrumental in

helping CIP graduates gain entry to post-secondary institutions

and job opportunities.

Another aspect of community relations is the involvement of

interns' parents in the program. While active participation of

parents in CIP events is not frequent, parent contact and orientation is considered important to the CIP. Periodically informing

parents about interns' progress and inviting them to contribute to

planning interns' programs are expected to yield strong parent

support for the CIP. According to the model, each intern's

parents should receive two home visits during each term of the

program

A final aspect of community relations is outreach, mostly

through the director, to a broad spectrum of community groups,

agencies, and media. In general, the CIP staff members use

whatever avenues for outreach to the community are available.

OIC/A role. OIC/A has a critical role as the developer and

disseminator of the CIP. OIC/A monitors implementation of the

CIP, provides feedback to the sites so major problems may be

avoided or corrected, and supplies staff training and other

technical assistance as necessary. OIC/A also authorizes modifications to the model and assures the sites' compliance with

requirements imposed by the LEAs.

Local OIC role. The local OIC is the sponsor of the local

CI? and the formal intermediary between OIC/A and the CIP staff.

As sponsor, the local OIC is to use its contacts to introduce the

CIP to the community and build support. As intermediary, it acts

as the liaison to OIC/A for any major concerns or problems faced

by the CIP.

The local OIC supports the CIP directly with technical

assistance and resources, as well as by assuring the CIP director's autonomy in many decisions. The local OIC administers the

CIP budget and gives formal approval to personnel and other

significant decisions made by the CIP director. The local situation determines the extent of direct involvement of the local OIC

in CIP operations.

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Functional Interrelationship

In this section the interrelationships of funding, dissemination, and evaluation activities in the demonstration are described, followed by a discussion of interrelationships within the

CIP.

Demonstration Structure

The Department of Labor, as authorized by YEDPA provisions,

transferred funds to the National Institute of Education to

disseminate and evaluate the Career Intern Program. NIE contracted with OIC/A, the developers of the prototype, to disseminate and implement the program. NIE also awarded RMC Research

Corporation a contract to evaluate the program. OIC/A allocates

funds to the CIPs through subcontracts with the local OICs.

The local OICs are the immediate CIP sponsors and administer the

CIP budgets. Therefore, while technically the OIC serves as an

intermediary between OIC/A and the CIP, it also plays an influential role in the CIP's daily operations by virtue of its budget

role. Finally, CIP funds are used to provide interns with instructional and counseling.

As NIE has contracted with OIC/A to conduct the dissemination

of the CIP, so OIC/A uses the local OICs to facilitate the earlier

stages of implementation, e.g., conducting a feasibility study,

selecting a building, making initial contacts with LEAs, and so

on. OIC/A, however, also assists the CIPs directly in the startup as well as in operation, e.g., by conducting LEA-union negotiations and workshops. OIC/A has a subcontract clause that allows

direct intervention and assistance as OIC/A sees fit.

RMC Pasearch evaluates contractually specified

cerning the CIP. This task requires a focus on all

cerned. Funding and initial decision-making events

evaluation effects are monitored; dissemination

communication networks, and specific interactions

level are analyzed.

points con -

parties conare studied;

strategies,

at the site

NIE's role as manager of both the implementation and the

evaluation is somewhat problematic. One could suspect that NIE's

dual responsibilities might result in compromises to the evaluation. In the case of the CIP, however, the evaluation took

priority over the implementation to the extent that extra efforts

were sometimes rtquired of CIP personnel. For example, the

evaluation necessitated recruiting large numbers of interns very

early In the life of the programs.

OIC/A conducts internal evaluations of the sites' progress

and of the role of the local OICs in implementing the program.

65
This evaluation is conducted from a monitor's perspective as well

as from a technical-assistance one. Information is gathered to

ensure that contractual obligations and model specifications are

met; however, the information is also used to plan workshops or

other assistance that seems to be needed.

Relationships of the CIP staff

The director is the managing head of the program. The

instructional supervisor and tt.- career counseling supervisor are

responsible to the director and serve as the formal links between

him or her, and the staff members they supervise. The school

coordinator is also part of the administrative staff.

Initial contact with the LEA about the CIP is made by the

OIC. The CIP director cements the relationship and then the

school coordinator becomes the routine link between the CIP and

the feeder school(s). He or she secures lists of dropouts and

potential dropouts, as well as the transcripts of the interns.

Instructors and counselors are responsible to their respective supervisors. There is some overlap in the roles: instructors and counselors teach CCS together, instructors may listen to

interns' problems, and counselors advise interns about their

academic progress and plans.

The associate professional has a variety of duties, ranging

from repair person to receptionist to substitute teacher. An

informal function served by the associate professional is to

act as a "lay counselor"--providing an open ear to interns and

giving counsel as deemed appropriate. The secretaries and maintenance person also fill this role. Staff-intern interaction is

dependent on the personalities of the staff members and interns.

The degree to which they mesh determines the frequency and quality

of interaction. The overall climate produced by staff interactions should be supportive and motivating. Creating this itmosphere requires open ca.-uinications among staff members about

staff relationships and policy issues as well as about the interns.

Relationships Among Enabling Components

As monitor, technical assistant, and disseminator OIC/A is

the most encompassing element of the enabling components. OIC/A

is responsible for providing the information required to start up

and operate the program and can intervene directly in internal and

external program matters as deemed necessary. OIC/A administers

the CIP through the local OIC; however, it also interacts with the

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CIP directly, e.g., in conducting workshops for the instructional

or counseling staff. OIC/A provides the instructional staff with

the basic core curriculum and fused academic approach. Similarly,

OIC/A provides the counseling staff with the OIC/A philosophy

and demonstrates methods of counseling.

Recruitment of interns involves several comments. Recruitment requires the assistance of LEA feeder schools that provide

lists of potential interns and their transcripts to the school

liaison. This assistance is predicated on constructive working

relations with the LEA negotiated by the local OIC, the CIP

director, and, if necessary, OIC/A. A constructive working

relationship is also required between the CIP and the LEA in order

for the CIP to function in the city and secure diplomas for

graduating interns.

Constructive working relationships must also exist between

the CIP ati the community so that Hands-On experiences can be

provided for the interns. A good relationship with the community

also assures the program a steady supply of potential interns and

lowers the probability of community misperception of the CIP.

A Design for Ciro Dissemination/Implementation

Based on its experience in the field and its knowledge of the

literature, RMC also developed an idealized strategy for dissemination. It is against this ideal that the actual events in the

CIP demonstration have been measured in order to assess the

overall process of dissemmlnation/implementation. This ideal

strategy has four stages, preceded by the initial conditions of

the various agencies involved prior to any interaction with

the CIP demonstration effort. The four stages are Preparation,

Selection/ Adoption, Start-Up, and Operation.

Initial Conditions

The salient determinant of initial conditions for DOL, HIE,

and OIC/A were: (a) Congress delivered, through the YEDPA legislation, a mandate and resources to initiate creative responses to

the national youth unemployment situation; (b) the CIP design,

validated as a successful approach to helping youth, appeared

ready to be disseminated beyond its original site; and (c) the national OIC system was available to demonstrate the wider applicability of the CIP design. In addition to being available,

the OIC system had demonstrated its capability for the task

through previous experience with more traditional manpowerdevelopment programs.

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For the local sites, the important initial conditions were

that large numbers of dropouts and potential dropouts existed

and the LEA was willing to cooperate in an attempt to provide them

with an alternative educational opportunity. An additional

initial condition for the local OTCs was their record of successful programs of employment training and placement.

Preparation

___-The preparation stage began when DOL, HIE, and OIC/A agreed

to conduct the CIP demonstration. At that point, in the ideal

scheme, the three agencies would carefully analyze what would be

necessary for the CIP to be replicated in Dew sites most effectively and efficiently. Criteria by which to select the most

appropriate sites would be identified. The CIP design itself

would be analyzed by persons experienced in disseminating and

implementing career-oriented, alternative educational programs

in order to determine the kinds of orientation, initial training,

and technical-assistance materials and procedures that would be

required. The necessary steps to assure that LEAs would accept

and support the CIP would be planned. Optimum program size and

staff configuratio s for replicating the CIP would be assessed. A

practical implementation calendar and a staff- and curriculumdevelopment schedule would be designed.

Since similar educational dissemination efforts had previously been undertaken (e.g., the dissemination of the Experience-Based Career Education program) provisions for capitalizing

on the lessons learned would routinely be built into the CIP

replication.

Selection/Adoption

Once strategies were plotted and OIC/A briefed abollo important issues in educational dissemination, the demonstration

would. be publicized throughout the OIC system. The notification

materials would contain explicit details about performance expectations for the replication sites and qualifying criteria for

interested local OTCs. To allow for collecting the necessary data

about the pool of potential interns and for gaining solid assurances from LEAs, local OICs would be given approximately two months

to develop their proposals. Proposals from OTCs would be required

to contain, in addition to documentation of their own capabilities, solid assurances of cooperation from LEAs, and estimates of

the availability of potential interns. OIC/A would select the

responding OTCs with the most concrete and practical operational

plans and the most highly qualified staffs, making use of the

expertise and advice of NIE and DOL in the process.

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Start-Up

The start-up stage in the idealized dissemination approach

begins as soon as an adopting site's commitment to implement a

program becomes formalized through an agreement with the disseminator. At this point local OICs would begin hiring staff members,

leasing facilities, ordering materials, and establishing the

necessary working agreements with LEAs. Ideally, the CIP project

directors would be hired first, and would then take the lead in

making the remaining arrangements. After consulting with OIC/A to

become oriented to the program, the directors would recruit

and hire the remaining staff members, oversee any necessary

modifications to the CIP facility, and arrange for necessary

furnishings and equipment. They would work with LEA personnel to

coordinate curriculla, establish ground rules for crediting work

experiences, secure available in-kind support, and lay out student

referral and recruitment procedures. Key groups and leaders in

the community would be contacted to generate interest and support

for the CIP.

Following initial training from OIC/A, the staff members

would start work on their various tasks. The instructional staff

would focus on merging the CIP and local curricula so both CIP and

LEA criteria could be met and LEA approval obtained. The counseling'staff would contribute to the curriculum development to assure

that all the relevant career and personal objectives were included. Instructors would peruse instructional materials, adapting the learning packets from OIC/A as necessary. They would also

develop lesson plans and prepare their classrooms.

Sieultaneously, the counselors and career developers would

develop working procedures for the counseling department. Career

developers would begin soliciting support and commitment from

local employers for the Hands-On component and for field trips.

The school coordinator would talk with LEA administrators, principals, and school counselors to arrange specific recruitment

procedures. Other agencies would also be contacted to generate

referrals of additional dropouts to the CIP.

Informal local networks would also be made aware of the

impending availability of the CIP, and publicity materials would

be circulated and posted in areas where the target youth congregate. The last start-up activity would be selection of a first,

small group of interns.

The project director and the instructional and counseling

supervisors wouli, oversee all these activities, calling on OIC/A

for technical assistance and advice as necessary. So that all

of these activities could be accomplished in a rational, well

integrated manner, a full school semester would be allocated to

69
the start-up period. The local OIC's role would be to provide

logistical help as needed, while DOL and NIE would Wave minimal,

observing roles, perhaps giving help in the area of coordination

with other federal programs in the community. Start-up activities

would be scheduled to terminate just prior to the beginning of a

semester in the local schools.

Operation. In the ideal implementation scenario, operation

would begin with the entry of the first groups of interns at

the beginning of a regular school term. The CIP calendar would

continue to be coordinated with the LEA's and with the calendars

of other programs aimed at the same youth, such as summer CETA

programs. The first cohort would be deliberately small, no more

than fifty interns, so the CIP staff could work through one cycle

of the program in relative calm, learning their operational

tasks without the pressure of full enrollment. This would allow

thoughtful adjustment and revision of program activities and

procedures during the first few months, solidifying staff members'

skills and building their Confidence. Regular staff meetings and

in-service training would be held to facilitate communication and

cooperation among staff members, to introduce and reinforce specific CIP techniques, and to continue the development of a team

spirit. Recruitment and community outreach w^.tld continue,

assuring a growing number of CIP applicants and wide awareness of

the program in the community.

A second cohort of interns would enter about half a year

after the first, again on a schedule coordinated with the LEA

calendar to facilitate transfers from the schools and to avoid

conflict with local vacation times. Pretesting would be conducted

with the second group for outcome evaluation purposes, but formal

summative evaluation would be held off until the third cohort of

interns entered the p4.ogram. By this time the program would be

expected to be stable and mature and the staff members comfortable

in their duties and well established as a team.

Throughout this time, the roles of the various agencies would

be the same as during start-up. The CIP staffs would be fully in

charge of the programs, with the local OICs giving moral and

logistical support and continued access to community groups and

leaders. OIC/A would remain available for technical assistance,

visiting the sites to observe and give feedback but allowing the

sites to control operations unless major problems were evident.

DOL and NIE would remain in the background, available to assist if

needed but refraining from intruding on the sites unless invited.

Several factors stand out as very important in the ideal

dissemination /implementation approach. Adequate time and appropriate scheduling are necessary to allow the program to mature and

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84
become stable. The local program staff must be involved in the

planning of operations, both to create local ownership and to

enable program modifications to fit the context. Leadership at

the local level must be outstanding to pull together the complex

of people and activities necessary for a smooth beginning and

continued progress. Training and assistance from the developers

must be concrete and timely, but not so directive as to hiLler

local initiative or create unrealistic expectations. The role

each agency plays must be consonant with the goal of developing a

stable, exemplary program with firm roots in the new community.

While studying the early growth and evaluation of the program is

important, such study should be structured as research--as opposed

to evaluationduring the formative period so it does not itself

become a destabilizing factor.

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VI. DESCRIPTION OF CIP IMPLEMENTATION

The preceding chapter described the CIP as it would ideally

operate and presented an idealized process for dissemination/

implementation. In this chapter, the actual events of the demonstration and the constraints in the various sites are described.

As will be seen, the replication effort was affected by the

interaction of numerous forces. In some instances seemingly

inconsequential situations contributed to significant difficulties

for the sites.

Background of the Demonstration

The CIP was developed and evaluated with the Philadelphia

school district's cooperation, during 1972-1976. It was funded

first by the U.S. Office of Education and subsequently by NIE. In

June 1977, the Joint Dissemination Review Panel found the CIP to

be an exemplary educati.inal program and recommended it for dissemination. When NIE's developmental funding for the CIP stopped,

the Philadelphia schools, faced with stringent budget limitations,

did not assume CIF funding, and the program faced termination.

OIC/A contacted NIE and together they approached the Department of Labor (DOL) about the possibility of funding the CIP as a

YEDPA demonstration project. 'To qualify the CIP as a demonstration project, NIE developed a proposal to test whether the CIP

model could be as effective in new communities as it had been in

Philadelphia. The demonstration would last two years, U:om late

1977 to late 1979. D.". would fund the demonstration, but NIE

would manage and oversee implementation and evaluation. OIC /A

would be the disseminator. The proposition seemed attractive to

DOL snd it agreed to provide $5 million to NIE. NIE promised $4

million to OIC/A, subject to presentation of a more detailed

proposal.

Preparation

There was very little time for formal preparations for dissemination- The Interagency Agreement between !41E and DOL was

signed on 3 November 1977. By that time negotiations had been

going on between NIE and DOL .-.1r at least two-and-a-half months,

as the NIE proposal co conduct the demonstration is dated 20

August 1977. OIC/A's grant from NIE to conduct the CIP demonstration was signed 8 December 1977. The local OIC aubcontracts

from OIC/A began 15 December 1977. Training was conducted in

three sites '5e week of 19 December 1977 and in the fourth the

week of 26 December. By the terms of the local OIC subcontracts,

tho CIPs' first cohort of 150 interns, with 150 controls, was

to start no later tha* the end of January 1978.

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The rapidity of events at the beginning of the demonstration

left little time for planning strategies or preparing training

materials. 'In fact, OIC/A, acting on faith that the demonstration

would proceed, had actually gone ahead with developing training

materials before the grant from NIE became effective. They had

also alerted the local OIC affiliates about the possible CIP

demonstration in September 1977, and requested capability statements from them, as discussed below. OIC/A had also reviewed some

literature on educational dissemination suggested by NIE. Some

preparatory steps were thus taken, but in a context of uncertainty

and under great time pressure.

Adoption

OIC/A wanted to employ only its affiliates, the local OICs,

as program adopters. This decision limited the pool of communities where the CIP might be tried to those where the 150 local

OICs operate. While negotiations among OIC/A, NIB, and DOL were

going on, OIC/A contacted several of its affiliates in early

September 1977 to alert them to the possibility of the demonstration and to ask them to obtain data about the following community

conditions it considered critical to CIP implementation:

the number of youths in the CIP's target population;

e LEA receptivity to alternative educational programs;

* OIC capabilities to develop support and commitment within

the LEA and community, and to supervise the operations of

the CIP;

* absence of competing federal programs.

In late September, as the possibility of funding became

stronger, OIC/A developed an RFP for the sites. The RFP, or

"feasibility study," consisted of a list of 48 questions. On

the basis of the auswArs to these questions, OIC/A selected

four sites and prepared a specific proposal for DOL.

At the time the local OICs were requested to respond to the

feasibility study, the Inly information they had about the CIP

was what they could infer from the set of questions contained in

the feasibility -study review criteria and the weights assigned

to the different sections of the feasibility study. It is uncertain to what extent the local OICs were familiar at this time with

the description and evaluation of the CIP prototype (Gibboney

Associates, 1977).

The local OICs received the feasibility study and review

criteria toward the end of September 1977. They hid, according to

73
their own recollection, "two to three weeks to respond." The

October 14 deadline was imposed by OIC/A because selection of the

sites was necessary prior to completion of the DOL/NIE agreement.

The feasibility study's 48 questions asked for evidence of:

Program need 13 questions

Community support 6 questions

Board of education support 7 questions

Capability to secure a facility 7 questions

Cooperation and support by prime sponsors 2 questions

(i.e., local YEDPA, administrators)

Local OIC viability 13 questions

The questions dealing with program need asked far demographic

and social data about student enrollment in the LEA, the dropout

rate in the community, socioeconomic and ethnic characteristics of

students, existing alternative schools, and so on. Though these

questions were aimed at determining the availability of potential

interns, the information failed to differentiate between statistics that applied to the community or the school dIstrict in

general and those that referred specifically to thry immediate

neighborhoods or schools from which students woul4 be drawn.

The questions dealing with community support sought names of

businesses and industries in the community, post-secondary educational institutions in the area, and social service and community

agencies supportive of the CIP, as well as information about the

level of interest of individual:: from various segments of the

community in participating on the CIP Advisory Council. The local

OICs responded to these questions b7 tubmitting lists of names and

addresses. In no instance was participation in the CIP Advisory

Council discussed.

To demonstrate LEA support, the feasibility study requested

a letter of intent or a resolution by the school board or superintendent "pledging the full cooperation and support of the

local system in establishing the CIP in_ the community." It asked

also for descriptions of the in-kind contributions the LEA could

offer, of the credit system and academic subject requirements, of

terms and provisions of teacher union requirements that might

conflict with the CIP, and of LEA certification requlrements for

"educational prosram staff members." Given the vague krawledge

most local OICs had about the CIP, school officials probably

understood even less of what the program would entail. Thus,

though boards or superintendents at the sites expressed support

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03
for the CIP, the wording of their letters indicates this support

was no more than an expression of good will.

The feasibility study required a description of the building

that would house the CIP, an estimate of costs for remodeling and

leasing, and evidence of intention to rent the facility. There

were questions about space for "clbssrooms, offices, meeting

roomo, recreational areas, laboratory, and kitchen facilities."

Further details about how these facilities would accommodate the

number of youths and cohortq to be served or LEA requirements

for a gym, private counselors offices, cafeteria space, and so on

were not requested.

"Documentation of cooperation and support" from local CETA

prime sponsors was requested. Most prime sponsors, however, bsd

not yet completed planning their annual programs. Nevertheless,

all sites presented general letters of support.

The questions about OIC viability asked for a description of

the strength and experience of the local OIC. They requested also

evidence of the local OIC's ability to recruit the CIP staff and

to "establish, operate, and maintain a successful CIP." The four

selected sites showed extensive experience in managing different

federal programs and in running vocational-training and employment-placement programs. Nothing in the feasibility study described what the local OIC's role or responsibilities in the

demonstration would be.

From the perspective of OIC/A, the feasibility study allowed

it to choose among various local OICs even though it knelt the

documents were of limited reliability. OIC/A checked the accuracy

of the feasibility-study information by paying each site a one-day

visit. But according to au OIC/A staff member, "during the

one-day visit we talked only to the executive director. It was

not possible for us to meet the school officials or to weigh the

amount of community support for the program."

Because of the brief time allowed for the preparation of the

feasibility study, only 18 OIC affiliates were able to respond,

and of these only 8 returned the study before the deadline.

OIC/A had mixed reactions about the short time to respond.

On the one hand it asserted that "we thought that those who had

the capability and sophistication to answer in a short time would

be at. '.e to implement the CIP." On the other hand, it was also

acknowledged that "not all the best candidates had the time to

apply."

Site Selection

The sites ultimately chosen for the demonstration were three

large metropolises and a smell city. The main differences between

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the original CIP site and the new sites were greater ethnic

diversity in Site A and a population in Site C only 2% as large as

that at the original s4te. Such differences were not deemed to be

major obstacles to the demonstration project and, in fact, were

welcomed by the funding agencies and OIC/A because of the variation they offered.

The prime motivation for the local OICs to adopt the CIP

appears to be that it offered a new (for OIC) type of service chat

was clearly needed by the target population. In addition, the

local financial and technical burdens associated with adoption of

the CIP were minimal. Each site was to be allocated approximately

$800,000 for the two-year period and receive close monitoring and

technical assistance from OIC/A.

The four sites were also inflUenced by encouragement from

OIC/A in the form of requests they apply because they were such

exemplary OICs. The chain of events during this stage differs

from the logical and normal sequence of an innovation being

selected solely by the adopter. Rather, a two-way process was at

work: the developer selected the adopters as much as the adopters

selected the program.

One issue not fully understood by the local OICs or by OIC/A

at the time of adoption was the potential conflict in the new

disseminator-adopter relationship. This potential conflict was

historically based, as the following organizational history of

OIC/A reveals.

From its beginning in 1964 until 1973, OIC/A had operated

under the categorical, centralized funding pattern used by the

Economic Opportunity Act legislation. Under this arrangement,

funds were distributed to a national organization that, in turn,

distributed funds to its affiliates throughout the country.

During that nine-year interval, the local OICs had depended on

OIC/A for funding, and with the power afforded by control of the

purse, OIC/A had employed--as perceived by the affiliates--an

authoritarian approach in dealing with them. The changes in the

administration of manpower funds brought about by the "new federalism" of 1973 shifted administration of program funds to the

state and local levels. Under CETA legislation, community-based

organizations would still have access to these funds, but by

applying to state or local, rather than national, agencies. Since

1973, then, the local OICs had enjoyed relative autonomy to

design, operate, and evaluate their programs.

In this respect, having OIC/A become the prime contractor for

the CIP demonstration, with the local OICs as subcontractors,

represented a return to the pre-1973 centralization. The majority

of programs at the local OICs are now totally under their own

jurisdiction, and the affiliates are accustomed to and proud of

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their local autonomy. The relationship brought by the demonstration effort was accompanied by a contractor-subcontractor

role. This later produced difficulties because it no longer fit

the dominant organizational arrangements between OIC/A and its

affiliates.

At the sake time the local OIC proposals were being reviewed,

OIC/A made other preparations to disseminate the program. Its

four-person CIP staff hurriedly reviewed the CIP core curriculum

used in Philadelphia and produced descriptive and training materials for the staffs of the new CIPs. When the interagency

agreement between DOL and NIE was signed on 3 November 1977, it

stipulated that the sites would begin functioning in January 1978.

In consequence, OIC/A had only two months in which to complete

site selection, and finalize their preparations for dissemination

effort.

During this same period, NIE was developing an evaluation

design for the CIP replication. According to this design, each

site was to serve at least 300 students In four cohorts during the

two-year demonstration period, and each site would produce

randomly selected experimental and control groups to enable

precise measurement of student outcomes. The enrollment targets

for the sites were determined on the basis of the numbers needed

"to detect educationally) as well as statistically

reliable differences."' The evaluation design thus did not

reflect either community differences or program-development

considerations.

Start-Up

Immediately after the DOL/NIE agreement was signed at the

beginning of November 1977, OIC/A asked the local OICs to proceed

with start-up activities. The local OICs complied, and in doing co

acted before they signed formal contracts with OIC/A and received

a detailed description of the CIP model. A description of the

model became available only in mid-December, after the subcontracts were signed.

The Selection of CIP Personnel

The CIP staff had to be trained before January 1978, since

interns were supposed to be enrolled before the end of that month

and there would be little time for training after operations

began. To meet this deadline, OIC/A gave the local OICs two weeks

to hire CIP staffs, which were to be ready for training the week

3Subcontract agreement between OIC/A and the local OICs,

December 1977.

77
before Christmas 1977 (in the cases of Sites A, 8, and C) or the

week following it (in the case of Site D).

To guide the local OTCs in staff selection, OIC /A sent the

sites descriptions of the various positions in the CIP. However

the local OlCs did not completely understand what the innovation

entailed, so several important positions were not filled by some

of the sites. In other cases, positions could not be filled

because the search time was too brief, salaries were noncompetitive for the degree of expertise required, or preliminary talks

with the LEAs had suggested some positions would be redundant.

The time of year was also inopportune for staff recruitment.

Individuals with school-related experience usually seek jobs

during the spring and summer of the preceding academic year, and

by December, most have already found jobs.

The local OTCs proceeded differently in their personnel

searches. At Site C--the smallest community--there were 400

applicants for the 18 positions advertised in the local paper. In

contrast, Site D--a large city--received only 30 applications. It

is unclear whether this was the result of a non-publicized personnel search or a reflection of different educational market conditions.

Because the CIP would operate as one additional federal

program under the local OIC, salaries for instructors and counselors were pegged to the local OIC salary scale. Almost all

existing programs at the affiliates were vocational, and their

staff salaries were considerably lower than those of instructors

and counselors in public schools. These salary differences

limited the pool of applicants, and made it virtually impossible

to find math and science instructors. A number of CIP staff

positions (about 30% at each site, mostly in the categories of

covnselor and career developer) were filled by people working at

the local OTCs.

Although the low salaries discouraged many individuals, the

four CIPs were able to attract applicants with a strong commitment

to alternative educational settings and to disadvantaged youth.

The administrative staff members had less experience in educational management than called for, especially at the director's

level. Instructors met the educational requirements for the job

descriptions at all sites, but in several sites they lacked

previous teaching experience, and several instructors did not

possess credentials. Counselori at two of the sites met both

professional preparation and experience requirements; at the ttird

site, they lacked credentials; and at the fourth site, they lacked

experience. The fact that many counselors and career developers

had worked previously at the local OIC, on the other hand, hrought

to the CIP individuals familiar with the OIC philosophy of "selfhelp."

78
Training by OIC

When the time set for start-up training came, three sites had

chosen their personnel and assigned them their respective positions. Site D had selected potential staff members but had not

yet appointed them to positions.

Retrospective reactions to the initial training were mixed.

In general, instructors seemed to be more satisfied with the

training than supervisors, counselors, or career developers.

Individuals in administrative positions, particularly two of the

CIP directors, claimed not to have received specific training for

their role. Those pleased with the training felt that the CIP

philosophy and goals had been communicated very effectively, that

the nature of the individualized instruction, personalized counseling, and the overall attitude of special care for the CIP

intern that characterized the CIP had been superbly conveyed.

These individuals said that after the initial training they felt

"a real sense of commitment toward theCIP." Those who rated the

training as insufficient were not critical of the knowledge they

had received but said the training had been short and dealt too

much with "general issues." They referred to the inconvenient

time at which it was offered for three sites (just before Christmas) and commented that, whereas they understood the CIP's goals

and philosophy, they were uncertain about roles and procedures.

Though all the staff members were given manuals describing the CIP

goals and positions and instructors received copies of the core

curriculum, many felt "overwhelmed by the quantity of materials"

and the "speed of training."

The Procurement of a CIP Facility

Locating a facility had been relatively easy at the time

the feasibility study was prepared. Making it suitable for the

program turned out to be a difficult task for three sites. In

Site B, the chosen facility needed extensive remodeling, which

cost $120,000 and took three months. Several months later, as the

program increased its enrollment, Site B had to rent a neighboring

building to increase the number of classroom. In Site C extensive remodeling was needed, leading to a wait of approximately 17

months in getting a cafeteria and lounges for the staff and

interns. Remodeling in Site D, though not a large task, was

delayed, forcing the program to use another building for three

months. Later, the antique heating system proved unreliable and

the program had to be shut down for several days while repair*

were made.

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Agreements with the LEAs

Although school district officials in all sites had expressed

a general willingness to support the CIP in early Octcber 1977,

the formulation of detailed agreements of cooperation took months.

This was due in part to intervention by teacher associations in

two sites, but several other issues subject to negotiation also

surfaced gradually. Reaching agreement with the LEA took four

months of negotiation at Site A, eight months at Sites B and C,

and almost a year at Site D.

Obtaining an agreement with the LEA was complex because

decisions had to be made about whether the CIP would be an independent alternative school within the LEA, a program attached to

one school, or a program serving many schools. Resolutions had to

be made regarding the certification CIP instructors should have,

the courses the program should offer, the number of credits to be

granted for new courses and the Hands-On, attendance procedures,

the type of students to be referred by the feeder schools, the

mechanisms for referral, and so on. As it turned out, the formal

agreements with the LEA dealt only with some of the issues and

procedures. Other procedures had to be developed over time, as

issues arose.

At Site A, the understanding with the LEA was facilitated by

the long-standing reputation of the local OIC and the resourcefulness of its leadership in maintaining the initiative in negotiations with the LEA. The agreement was also facilitated by the

LEA's extensive experience with alternative scnools. It had 25

alternative schools, of which 16 operated at the high school

level. When the LEA was informed of the proposal to institute the

CIP, it decided to absorb it as an additional independent alternative school in the syster.

School authorities at Site A also wanted to control the

management and leadership of the CIP. A compromise resulted in

position and role changes .n the CIP staff. An LEA official in

charge of several alternative schools in the district was given

the role of liaison between the CIP and the LEA. The role of

school coordinator was thus diminished by the working structure of

the LEA. In addition, the LEA appointed two curriculum specialists to work at the CIP site to monitor the curriculum, see that

requirements for granting a high school diploma were met, and

keep attendance records.

According to the agreement with the LEA at Site A, the CIP

would take only dropout students. Identifying "potential dropouts" is time consuming for school personnel Therefore, the

response by the LEA sought to simplify the process of student

referral. This meant that the high schools would not refer

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9
students with attendance and academic problems. Rather, students

with problems would be terminated according to the LEA's normal

procedures and the lists of dropouts thus generated would be given

to the CI?.

At both Sites B and C agreements with the LEAs were not

signed until July 1978, due in large part to opposition from the

teachers' associations. DDL's response to these difficulties was

to threaten program termination. Deadlines were relayed by NIE to

these sites on three occasions: the initial deadline of April 26

was extended to May 12, then to June 16 and, ultimately, to July

16.

At Site B, a very large school district, many individuals had

to be contacted about each issue that arose, such as teacher

certification requirements or curriculum approval. Opposition by

the teachers' association to the principal of the feeder school in

the community where the CI? was located made it necessary for the

program to rely on .a feeder school in an adjacent section of the

city. As negotiations evolved with the principal at that school,

it became clear that one of his main untivations for cooperating

with the CI? was that his high school was. overcrowded. In his

agreement with the local OIC, he required that 75% of the CI?

youths be potential dropouts, thus maximizing the possibility of

tranferring students from the high school to the CIE.

Since most interns were to be provided by only one feeder

school, it appeared unnecessary for Site B to hire a school

coordinator. Because the LEA was fearful the union might protest

if the CI? were in any way to be assisted with school district

resources, the LEA also refused to render any type of in-kind

contribution. An additional factor complicating events at Site B

was the imminent retirement of the superintendent. As a lame

duck, he could not make agreements that would bind his successor.

This exacerbated the delays.

At Site C the agreement with the LEA took until July 1978 to

formulate because the teachers' association objected to the program and because the LEA was uncertain about curriculum approval,

ways to identify "potential" dropouts, and conditions under which

the CI? could grant a high school diploma. The teachers' union

maintained that its contract with the board of education gave the

union "authority over hiring and other personnel practices of any

agency delivering Instr.. tional services under the LEA." Since

the union was very protective of teachers' positions--the city

reportedly had approximately 400 "excessed" teachers ---the LEA was

obliged to require that the CI? hire one union teacher for every

25 students referred from the high school. These teachers were to

be hired at the union salary scales, which meant they would earn

approximately twice as much as non-union CI? instructors. Since

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95
the school coordinator position called for familiarity with the

feeder school, this position was filled by a union teacher.

The Site C agreement was negotiated by OIC/A. The local OIC

resented this interference, and both local -OIC and CIP staffs were

very displeased with the compromises made by OIC/A, particularly

the commitment to hire union members at their current salary

rates. Negative feelings persisted for Brae time and affected the

site's willingness to receive training and technical assistance

from OIC/A.

At Site D, the LEA is organized into several regions. The

local OIC dealt directly with the region in which the CIP was

located. Site D had a number of alternative programs but they all

functioned within a school, co' independently as at Sites B and A.

As a result, much confusion arose among school officials as to how

the CIP would operate and how approval of curriculum and staff

certification were to be achieved. Further, the inexperience of

the region in dealing with an alternative school was compounded by

the CIP director's inexperience in dealing with the school system.

Although a formal agreement was signed by school authorities and

the local OIC In May 1978, a consistent set of procedures for

transactions between the main feeder school and the CI? was not

achieved until December 1978, when OIC/A intervened di--.tly.

Only at Site A had the LEA reviewed and approved the CIP

curriculum by the time the CIP opened its doors. Curriculum

approval was attained within a few months at Site B, but at Site D

the curriculum was not approved until December 1978. Coursework

done by Site D's interns could not be officially -ecorded and

credited until then. At Site C, the principal first thought the

state department of education should approve the curriculum, then

the board asked the school district's curriculum committee to

review it, and finally the board asked the department heads in the

high school to review it. The curriculum was not approved until

May 1979, so for three terms the CIP was not sure of the sequence

in which certain courses should be given nor of the number of

credits that would be allowed.

The Agreement with the Teacheio" Association

Reaction by-teachers' unions to the CIP varied according

to the militancy of the union,. enrollment trends in the LEA, and

the enthusiasm of the LEA to endorse the CIP. At Site A, where

the CIP was given the status of an additional alternative high

school within the system, the union agreed "not to interfere with

the CIP for one year." The union requested that CIF teachers

attain certification but did not demand that these teachers become

union members. At Site D, a very large LEA with a stable enrollm.gat, the union has been totally uninterested in the CIP.

82
At Site B, the union initially took a very strong stand

against the CIP because it feared teacher layoffs and because it.

did not like the principal of the selected feeder school. The

union first demanded that the entire CIP be unionized. A few

months later it softened its position to demanding that the union

provide staff for 25% of the CIP enrollment and that a different

feeder school be employed. As time went by, some of the personnel

in the high school and union changed, and the agr ement has not

been enforced with respect to the hiring of union teachers.

At Site C, the teachers' association demanded that the

CIP hire one union teacher for every 25 students referred from the

high school. This requirement forced the CIP to pay union members

much higher salaries than nonmembers, created problems for the CIP

budget, and introduced divisiveness among staff members.

Summary of Start Up

The sites were expected to start operations as soon as

possible and did not have time allocated exclusively Co planning.

They started to serve their first cohorts between 8 and 22 weeks

after receiving subcontracts from OIC/A. Table 1 shows the dates

at which the sites admitted their first students and the interval

they required to prepare for this first intake. It should be

noted that operations were supposed to start in January 1978, and

the time between then and the first intake was very tense as every

delay led to increased concern that funding might be terminated.

Table 1

Initiation of Cohort and Planning Times Available per Site

Time Beyond

Site Date First Cohort Began Planned Intake

A March 20, 1978 8 weeks

B April 17, 1978 12 weeks

C February 23, 1978 4 weeks

D June 5, 1978 19 weeks

Only Site A had negotiated a formal agreement with the LEA

before it began operations. Site A was also the only site that

had a clear understanding with the LEA regarding the provision of

students when it opened its doors. Site 8 started operations

prior to a formal agreement with the LEA and the feeder school,

83
though it had .made sufficient progress with the feeder school to

anticipate a satisfactory resolution. Sites C and D, on the

other hand, began operations without either having appointed a

school coordinator or having obtained even preliminary approval of

their curricula or staff.

Time alone was not a sufficient condition for effective

planning. During the 15 weeks prior to taking in its first

cohort, Site B managed to revise the OIC/A curriculum, accommodate

it to the local high school graduation requirements, and rewrite

number of learning rackets. These achievements resulted from

effective leadership and the ability and commitment of staff

members. The fact that the pool of potential interns had been

unambiguously identified by the feeder school's principal also

enhanced Site B's start-up. In contrast to Site B, Site D had 22

weeks before the first cohort enrolled, but little was accomplished during that time. Recruitment became an overwhelming

concern at Site D, but the CIP leadership was reluctant to take

the initiative in asking for more help from the schools. A very

punitive instructional supervisor created divisiveness among the

staff, and delays by the local OIC in supplying materials and

furniture to the CIP further lowered morale. Thus, time is seen

as a very important factor in start-up, but not as the only

salient issue. The competency of the staff members, especially of

those in leadership roles, also plays a critical role.

Operations

Staff Organizations

After the sites began operations, CIP staff members had two

tasks: one was to make the program comply with LEA standards; the

other was to make the program meet CIP design standards as an

innovative, career-oriented school for youths disaffected from the

public schools.

Compliance with LEA requirements made it necessary to obtain

staff certification (especially for instructors), to modify the

CIP core curriculum to satisfy local curriculum requirements, and

to provide all the courses interns would need for graduation.

Since the CIP staff members had been hired before agreements

with the LEA were signed, many instructors did not have the needed

state or local teacher certificates. Three sites had to arrange

for certification of their teachers. At Site A, the process was

relatively simple because certification could be obtained by presenting the endorsedent of an LEA. But at Site B, a number of

examinations were required and city as well as state teaching

licenses were necessary. At Site D, requirements for teacher

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.93
certification resulted in many teachers taking courses at night at

their own expense.

To comply with the CIP model, the staffs had to become

familiar with its features and implement such activities as

disposition conferences, Hands-On experiences, and individualized

instruction. The responses of staff members to the model requirements were diverse, and the presence of strong leadership was

required to achieve the proper perspective. Although overall

there was a "caring atmosphere" at all the CIPs, some instructors

saw the CIP as different from the regular schools only in size.

Others were quite conscious of the need to produce a unique

program, particularly of the need to provide individualized instruction and a fused curriculum.

Among counselors and career developers there was ambiguity

about procedures and staff roles. This ambiguity was generally

resolved in Sites A and B. In the two other sites, poor leadership and reluctance to ask OIC/A for technical assistance contributed to the continuation of role ambiguity.

Added to the sometimes conflicting obligations to comply with

both LEA and model requirements, the staffs also had to contend

with low salaries, working twelve months a year with no time

for planning between cycles, an uncertain future for the program,

and a setting that demanded intense professional and personal

involvement. These challenges were accepted and met by most staff

members, but a sizable group left the program. Staff turnover

varied across sites. Site A had a turnover of 50% in its first

seven months of operation. The other sites lost an average

of four of their approximately 18-member staff-, which in several

instances had been incomplete since the beginning. By the time

the CIPs enrolled their third cohorts, the proportion of new staff

ranged from 23 to 50%. The high turnover led to a situation in

which replacement staff members often had not received extensive

training in the CIP model and there had been inadequate time to

develop the staff cohesiveness that characterized the prototype

program.

The majority of instructors, counselors, and career developers appeared to understand the overlapping Mature of their

roles. Instructors showed substantial personel interest in

Interns, and counselors and career developers concerned themselves

with the academic progress of the interns. Despite the difficulty

of filling a variety of roles in addition to teaching and counseling, the majority of instructors and counselors understood the CIP

demands and were sympathetic to them.

In all four sites, the performance of the director has had

significant impact on program functioning and staff morale. Where

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there was ineffectual leadership, divisiveness arose among staff

members, esprit de corps failed to develop, and confusion about

roles and responsibilities appeared. In fact, the seriousness

of problems caused by ineffective leadership forced the replacement of directors in three sites in late 1978 and early 1979.

In contrast, the site with suitable leadership achieved satisfactory levels of staff commitment and clear operating procedures

both within the CIP and between the CIP and the LEA.

Also significant in its effect on program operations has been

the performance of staff members in middle-administrative positions. Where an experienced and assertive instructional supervisor was present, instructors were able to review the OIC/A

curricula, develop their own learning packets, and explore ways to

fuse academic and career content. The absence of this position in

Site A and the deficient performance the instructional supervisors at Sites D and C led to corresponding deficiencies. The

presence of an effective career counseling supervisor was decisive

in such areas as preparing and using the intern's Career Development Plan, implementing disposition conferences, and giving

frequent counseling.

Where :leadership was initially ineffective it has also been

difficult to effect improvements. The best solution has been

replacement, but this has been a time-consuming process. Problems

with the CIP directors at two sites were detected by OIC/A as;

early as July 1978, but replacements were not found for many

months, creating stress. for the staff members who had to help iu

the interim. A strong association has been observed between

professional qualifications and experience of the individuals in

leadership positions and their ability to perform their functions

adequately. In the three sites where leadership positions were

occupied by underqualified individuals, only two of the nine

original job holders remain.

A major problem facing the CIP staffs at present is the

absence of several instructors and counselors. Some sites are

missing key instructors such as science teachers, a reading

specialist, or a math specialist. Other sites have too few career

developers or counselors. As noted before, budget considerations

and the low salaries have made finding replacements very difficult.

, To date, the CIP staffs have been working together for

slightly over a year and a half. Due to the constraints so far

discussed, they have not evolved into the kind of integrated teams

described as existing at the original site. However, the original

site staff had several years of joint development and experimentation, snd thus adequate time to focus on internal staff and

organization development. Present site directors are clearly

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100
aware of the need to Improve staff skills and teamwork. Action in

this area was taken after the crush of recruitment passed, and

recent evidence indiontes that improvement is occurring.

Relations with the 1.41

The CIPs have developed different working relationships

with their repsective LEAs. In Site A the LEA absorbed the CIP

as an additional alternative high school, Site D considered the

CIP as an alternative program associated with one particular high

school, while the LEAs in Sites B and C have allowed the CIPs to

function as alternative programs to whichever schools provided

them with students.

Feeder schools that could supply students to the CIP and

still retain these youths on their rolls became, over time, quite

cooperative. In Site A, on the other hand, the CIP is perceived

as a competitor for students. Therefore, there has been some

reluctance to provide names of potential dropouts. However, the

high school counselors are now beginning to refer students who are

viewed as almost certain to drop out.

From the point of view of the CIPs, dealing with the LEAs has

been difficult. Local requirements for graduation have necessi

tated scheduling additional classes. Some graduation requirements

have presented logistical problems, such as the requirement to

provide a certain number of credits in physical education. Since

only one site has a gymnasium, the other three CIPs have had to

look into alternative ways of meeting this requirement; in two

sites interns are taken by bus to a nearby school.

In the large urban centers, the CIP has had to negotiate with

just one LEA. In the case of the smallest site, finding enough

interns required that the CIP negotiate with two LEAs by November

1978 and with three additional ones by January 1979. Conse

quently, this CIP has bad to meet five different sets of gradua

tion requirements.

In regard to acceptance of the CIP, two LEAs approved the

curriculum and other programmatic aspects without much exami

nation or verification of what goes on in the classrooms. At Site

A, where the CIP is now an alternative high school within the

district, the LEA accepted the CIP curriculum, but it placed

a team of curriculum consultants on site to carry out a quality

control function. In Site C, a team of department heads from the

LEA reviewed the curriculum and observed classes before approval

was given. A possible consequence is that over time the CIP

curriculum may come to resemble that of the regular high schools.

One indication that this may happen is the fact that the LEA has

not accepted the accelerated feature of the CIF courses at Site A.

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101
Many of the model's expectations of substantial support from

the LEA, but not all, have been realized. The LEAs have provided

support to the CIPs. They grant credit for CIP course work and

for a number of career-oriented activities. They also accept (in

three of the sites) the accelerated nature of the program and

provide lists of actual and potential dropouts. The LEAs have

also provided in-kind support such as lunches and bus passer:,

school facilities to meet physical education requirements and, in

three sites, some furniture and textbooks. In the case of one

site, the school district pays part of the salary of one LEA

counselor appointed to the position of CIP school coordinator. In

one other site, the LEA has assigned a three-person team to work

at the CIP and pays their salaries. In general, while relations

between the CIPs and the LEAs have taken more time than implied in

the model to become stable and explicit, all sites now have

good understandings with their LEAs.

Recruiting

Recruitment was not anticipated to be a problem in the

demonstration. The feasibility studies of all four sites claimed

a large pool of youths 16 to 21 years old, high dropout rates

in the communities, and (in three cases) extremely high youth

unemployment rates. Moreover, OIC/A's description of the school

coordinator' role conveyed the impression that this person would

obtain referrals from community groups (mostly for the "actual!

dropout students) and receive the c.aperation of feeder schools,

where counselors and other staff members would provide lists of

suitable and interested "potential" dropouts. Sites A and B did

not appoint school coordinators because their arrangements with

the LEA and the feeder school, respectively, seemed to obviate

such a position. Sites C and D did not hire school coordinators

until shortly before their second intake of interns.

As recruitment began, numerous unanticipated complications

arose. There was confusion between the CIPs and the feeder

schools in determining what "potential" and "actual" dropouts

were. LEAs used varying criteria for deciding that students had

dropped out. Some used a criterion of consecutive absences, while

others looked at cumulative absences over a given period of time

or considered as dropouts those who failed to re-register for the

next term. For these reasons, LEAs produced dropout lists at

different points during the school year, and these lists varied in

precision depending on their recency.

The term "potential dropout" was even more problematic

because it uns a subjective decision. Potential dropouts were

usually identified by counselors. They employed criteria that may

or may not have included poor attendance patterns, low grades, few

88
Credits accumulated toward graduation, and disciplinary and

personal problems. Not only was the definition of potential

dropouts subjective, but the CIP selection process also took

time. The student's transcript had to be reviewed to an overall judgment about the, probabilities of his or her completing high

school could be computed. In addition, school personnel hesitated

to identify potential dropouts since to do so is tantamount

to admitting that the public school has failed to meet the needs

of some students.

The lists of actual dropouts produced by the LEAs were of

little use to the CIPs that received them (Sites A, C, and D).

The addresses were often incorrect and many telephones were out of

order. Site A reports having begun with an LEA list of 3,590

names. After identification, contact, review of transcripts, and

administration of the reading test, these 3,500 names produced 14

CIP enrollees.

To recruit actual dropouts, the CIPs had to resort to communit7 agencies, word-of-mouth referrals, and on-the-street

rec-ditment. This in turn, necessitated the involvement of many

staff members in addition to the school coordinator. To canvass

neighborhoods, staff members often recruited in pairs, taking time

away from their regular duties.

At Site A, where the CIP was given the status of an alternativc school within the LEA, school officials had decided that only

actual dropouts would be referred. This decision meant that

students enrolled in the schools had to drop officially from their

high schools to enroll in the CIP. However, schools were reluctant to release students because it meant a loss of revenue.

Thus, the CIP was competing with these schools. Furthermore,

students who dropped out of school on their owu to come to

the CIP were taking a chance: if they failed the reading test,

they would have to seek readmission to their former schools.

At Site B, where one feeder school promised to send its

excess students to the CIP, recruitment was not expected to pose

problems. Nevertheless, problems arose because a minimum number

of credits was required for admission so interns could complete

their studies and receive their high school diplomas within the

two-year demonstration period. Though the high school prineipal

was willing to help, some counselors were less willing to comply

with the credit requirement, and the school employee assigned to

work with the CIP lost student transcripts, failed to give referrals when needed, and was hard to locate. Thus, while Site B

operated almost exclusively with potential dropouts, its enrollment was lower than anticipated.

At Site C, the small city, it was soon discovered that the

pool of potential dropout students at the feeder school was too

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small to meet the intake goal. The feasibility study mentioned

that the local high school could refer to the CIP approximately

150 potential dropouts. But this figure yielded a much smaller

number for the CIP because many of the potential dropouts did not

show interest in the CIP and high school counselors were intially

very slow in identifying and releasing them. In consequence, Site

C had to approach additional LEAs in the area to meet its enrollment targets.

At Site D, the instability of previous federal demonstration

programs left bad impressions among residents that became barriers

to CIP recruitment. The city's economy also utilized unskilled

and low-skilled labor, ant: though unemployment was high, it was

cyclical. In addition to these conditions, the CIP school liaison

inadvertently contributed to recruitment problems. He bad understood from the CIP director that potential interns would first

have to drop out of school. Fearful of "losing" students, school

counselors did not identify any potential dropouts, and students

interested in the CIP did not ask for admission into the program

because they considered too risky to drop_from school given

their uncertainty about passing the reading test. The failure

rate on the reading test was, in fact, most severe at Site D--35Z.

The recruitment experience of the sites showed them that,

for a variety of reasons, a small proprotion of the "actual" and

"potential" dropouts interviewed or otherwise contacted by CIP

staff eventually enrolled in the program. Partial data from the

sites, presented below in Table 2, show that on the average, one

of six "potential" and one of twelve "actual" dropouts joined the

program.

Table 2

Differences in Numbers of Interviewed and Enrolled Youths

Site

Interviewed/Contacted Youths Enrollment

Total

Actual

Dropouts

Potential

Dropouts

Actual

Dropouts

Potential

Dropouts

A N/A N/A Ill 88 199

B* N/A 307 4 110 114

C* 398 N/A 76 12 88

D ** 1873 805 112 57 169

*Refers to data for the first and second cohorts only.

**Refers to data for all three cohorts.

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Another factor contributing to recruitment problams was the

lack of congruence between the CIP and feeder school calendars.

Recruitment for the first cohort took place in the middle of the

second school semester and towards the end of the academic year.

Recruitment for the second cohort took place in the summertime.

Neither time was suitable because LEA personnel do not identify

"actual" dropouts until September and "potential" dropouts until

several months after the academic year begins. The third recruitment in December and Jarmary coincided with the closing of the

first school semester; hence, it was easier to identify the

"potential" dropouts.

Al two sites, competition from other federal programs (with

recruitment goals of 5,000 to 6,000 youths during an 18-month

period) made CIP recruitment more difficult. This was particularly true at Site D, where the other programs offered students

paid jobs in the summertime. Both sites resolved this problem by

cooperating with these federal programs so that youths could

participate in both.

Recruitment issuee turned out to be moat difficult and time

consuming. The data provided by the feasibility study in the

category of community need proved to be of little use because

only a small proportion of thuae broadly identified as "unemployed" or "school dropouts" later showed interest. Furthermore,

many school dropouts had accumulated practically no credits toward

gradustion, and so were unacceptable under the demonstration's

requirement that participants would graduate before December

1979.

The ability to recruit was linked to CIP visibility in the

community, a condition that only time could create. The sites did

become more successful in recruitment with successive cohorts as

recruitment methods increased in diversity and shifted from

reliance on high school counselors and community groups to more

direct approaches. Extensive use of mass media, access to the

feeder schools, and assistance from interns improved recruitment

results. In addition, school administrators' willingness and

efficiency in producing referrals for the CIP increased over

time.

Table 3 shows the enrollment and composition of the three

cohorts. According to these figures, the CIPs had a 49% "actual"

dropout enrollment, much higher than the 32% in the prototype

site.

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In-Service Training and Technical Assistance

A main role of OIC/A in the demonstration effort was to

provide in-service training and technical assistance. Since OIC/A

is three hours by car from the nearest site and five hours by

plane from the farthest site, training and technical assistance

were difficult to provide very frequently. In fact, personal

visits from OIC/A staff members took place approximately every two

months, and there was much telephone consultation. OIC/A did not

initially reserve time on the CIP calendars exclusively for

training and technical assistance, so when workshops did occur,

they conflicted with regular classes.

In early January 1978, as a follow-up to the initial training

effort, OIC/A organized a workshop/conference for local OIC

representatives and members of the CIP staffs in Philadelphia.

OIC/A's purposes for the workshop were "to reinforce CIP programmatic concepts, to forge a level of cohesiveness and unity among

participants, and to provide reinforcement for the belief of

importance of succeeding in the endeavor." CIP participants

recalled mainly the address given by Dr. Sullivan- -the founder of

OICand the sessions that dealt with sensitivity training. Many

of the CIP staff members who attended this workshop found it

"interesting" but "not very helpful."

Table 3

CIP Enrollment and Composition by Site and Cohort

First Cohort Second Cohort Third Cohort

Enroll- % Actual Enroll- X Actual Enroll- % Actual'

Site ment Dropouts ment Dropouts ment Dropouts

A* 47 62 52 66 100 48

B 54 0 60 6 119 10

C 38 100 50 77 105 30

D 23 100 41 100 105 46

*The LEA in this site refers only "actual" dropouts to the

CIP. It has been noted that these youths are those who were

attending a school but were recently taken from the LEA rolls due

to attendance problems. The "dropouts" so obtained by this LEA

are considered as potential dropouts in this table for the purpose

of distinguishing between youths who were recently attending a

school and those who had been out of the educational system for at

least two months (the U.S. Census definition for "dropout").

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By July 1978, OIC/A had produced a list of workshops it could

put on for to the sites, but the issue of who determined what type

of technical assistance and when it would be given was never

formally settled. In practice, this decision was often left to

the discretion of the sites. Not wanting to impose on the local

OICs or the CIP staffs, OIC/A suggested a number of workshops to

each site. Two of the sites, with weak CIP leadership and local

OPG leaders who favored local autonomy, did not request technical

assistance. OIZ/A staff found that "the staff at [Site C) kept

asking for training in individualized instruction, but the director never seemed to find a time that was suitable. The staff also

asked for training in team building and value clarification but

the director didn't feel it was necessary."

The training given by ')IC /A dealt with issues such as goal

setting, team building, working with adolescents, rostering,

instructional and counseling methods, and relations with the LEA.

0/C/A provided workshops dealing with some 20 topics all together.

Each CIP received about the same number of workshops, though only

two identical workshops were provided at all CIPs. The remaining

topics were interspersed among the four CIPs in such a way that

eleven workshops were given only once and seven topics were

addressed at only two sites.

In evaluating the technical assistance received, CIP staff

members commented that OIC/A personnel contributed a great deal by

observing operations, providing feedback, and offering workshops.

For reasons that are not clear, CIP staff members have little or

no recollection of the more detailed workshops mentioned above.

The training and technical assistance process was also a learning

experience for OIC/A and, in some instances, they used techniques

developed at one site when training another. For example, when

Site A developed a short but effective format for disposition

conferences, OIC/A introduced the format to Sites C and D.

There was interaction between local conditions at the CIP and

the site's ability to use OIC/A's training. For instance, rostering was a troublesome and time-consuming procedure in all sites.

When Site B had problems with rostering, its director first sought

assistance from other alternative schools that did their own

scheduling manually. After getting some help but finding it

insufficient, he asked OIC/A for assistance in rostering, and

found the training most helpful. "After the training," he said,

"we knew more about rostering than anybody else." But facilitating this process was the fact that Site B admitted students who

had already completed a certain number of credits toward graduation. Thus., the number of different courses these students needed

was smaller than at other sites where students had fewer credits.

At these sites, rostering was more problematic, and the technical

assistance from OIC/A uas not perceived as helpful.

1 u?
Another common comment made by CI? staffs was that they would

have preferred more frequent technical icsistance. As it was, the

OIC/A visited the sites on the average of once every two months,

which meant that many small, day-to-day problems were not treated.

Another complication was that in addition to ite technical assiatance and training role, OIC/A also performed an auditing role

...hat would determine whether the program would be funded its

second year. This duality of roles-the zonsultaut/trainer

on the one hand and the monitor/evaluator on the other--caused

both the local OICs and the CIP staffs to be cautious in asking

for help for fear that admitting the existence of problems would

be construed as an indication of poor performance, and might

affec.. future funding.

The contractor-subcontractor relationship between OIC/A and

the local OICs was contrary to accepted organizational prerogatives. The staff of OIC/A noticed problems with the leadership

provided by the director and the instructional supervisor at Sites

C and D. "We presented our recommendations to the local OIC but

nothing changed." According to OIC/A staff, "both sites resi3ted

interference and waated to make their own decisions." It! Site C,

the leadership of the local OIC did not react because "they were

pretty much in control and didn't want outside help." In Site D,

the local OIC would not intervene because its leadership preferred

to "manage by exception" and to have a "htinds-off attitude"

vis -a -vis its programs. The OIC/A staff believed that their

recommendations had had little Impact also because the CIP directors in those sites protected themselves by stating that "the

OIC/A people don't know anything." The recommendations made by

OIC/A regarding leadership changes for Sites C and D were accepted

only in November 1978, when OIC/A presented preliminary audit

reports.

The seriousness of the problems in Site D led the local OIC

to request that OIC/A assume direct control of the CIP for approximately four weeks. During this time, OIC/A retrained the staff

in their roles and responsibilities, dealt with the various procedures problematic to the staff, clarified the relationship between

the LEA and the CI', and helped the site undertake a massive

recruitment effort. This intervention constituted the most

effective display of OIC/A's ability in providing technical

assistance.

In all, the training .ind technical assistance provided by

OIC/A was available and usually helpful to ties sites. On the

other hand, it was neither as constant nor as specific as mane

staff members would have liked, though there is some doubt it

could have been under almost any circumstances. Further, the

perceived dual role of OIC/A as both auditor and technical assistant did not encourage the CTPs to reveal their problems.

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The liaison role of the local OIC. Since the CIE had been

developed by OIC/A, it was a natural extension that OIC/A affiliates would be enlisted to provide local support and monitoring

for the demonstration. The basic understanding was that each

local OIC would treat the CI? as one of its programs. This meant

it would monitor CI? operations, administer its budget, process

its requisitions, and provide other supportive services. There

were, in addition, f.ertain other resources of the local OICs

that could facilitate CIE implementation, such as access to the

target population, and familiarity with business, educational, and

government agencies in the community.

Unquestionably, one reason for OIC/A's reluctance to provide

specific guidelines for implementation W%5 the realization that

OIC affiliates were accustomed to running their own programs.

Intrusion on that customary autonomy could easily be rejected.

The role of the local VIC was thus left to local discretion and

therefore varied according to the prevailing management practices

at each site. At one site, the local OIC made all budget and

personnel decisions for the CIP. In contrast, at another site,

the CIP director had total control over the CIP budget and

personnel selection. At the two other sites, important decisions

were made jointly by OIC leadership and the CIP director.

In administering the budget, the local OICs at two sites were

reasonably diligent in processing purchase requisitions and

budget modifications quickly. At the other two sites they hampered program operations. These problems were caused in part

by the lack of efficiency at the local OICs and by the fact that

processing CIP requests placed an additional burden on the purchasing and payroll staffs.

Obtaining the necessary materials and supplies was a problem

for all sites. Materials and supplies had to be ordered via

local-OIC requisitions, which added a significant amount of time

to the process. In fact, members of one site's staff charged that

the local OIC "sat on" requisition orders without informing the

site of their status. A second factor contributing to the problem

was that some CIP staff members took a long time to determine what

materials and supplies were necessary. In these cases a problem

would have existed even without the additional time required by

OIC review and approval of requisitions.

. Another factor delaying acquisition of some materials

and supplies was the local OTC's caution about exceeding the

budget. To replicate the CIE, each site was allocated a budget

based approximately on the operating expenses in the prototype

site. This allocation did not sufficiently recognize the need

for sites to make start-up purchases of such items as classroom

furniture and materials. Expectations that significant amounts

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of materials would be donated by the LEAs also turned out to be

unrealistic. In only two sites did the LEAs contribute any

furniture or textbooks.

The budgets initially drafted by the local OICs turned out to

be low. Site B had overspent $20,000 by its 14th month of operation, despite the fact that there the local OIC had contributed

020,000 to remodel the building. The CIP director estimated

later that the site needed 0.3 million per year (more than twice

his budget) to cover fully all needed expenditures. The realization that funds were limited forced the local OICs and the CIP

directors at all sites to leave some important staff positions

vacant, to limit the number of field trips, to order fewer instructional materials, and in some instances to shift funds from

significant program areas (such as the science lab funds) to more

immediate needs (such as file cabinets).

At Site A, the local OIC considered the CIP one of its highpriority programs and gave its director substantial support in

establishing contact with other community organizations, particularly with the LEA. At Site B, the local OIC was instrumental in

providing Bands-On experiences to the interns and contributed its

own funds for remodeling the CIP facility. In the other sites,

local OIC support was limited and access to community resources

was achieved mostly by the individual efforts of the CIP staff

members. On the other hand, several career developers and counselors at these CIPs had worked at the local OIC and had developed

community contacts there.

Altogether, the local OICs have shown mixed performance with

respect to model expectations. There is evidence that some of the

problems encountered by the CIPs led the local OICs to be more

aware of the need to help. The crisis experienced by Site D

in November and December 1978, however, when the CIP had to be

"reshaped" by OIC/A, was a lesson for the leadership of the local OM Its executive director later commented: "We did not

know when we undertook to have a CIP that it would take 1102

of an administrator's efforts. But we're committed to making it

work." At Site C, where OIC/A also identified personnel and

procedural problems, the board of the local OIC realized the CIP

needed greater supervision and help, and stated its commitment to

work more closely with OIC/A. From recent events, it is quite

likely the local OICs' performance will continue to become more

functional over time.

Evaluation Activities

The Interagency Agreement between DOL and NIE refers to the

provision of CIP services to 150-200 participants at each project

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site annually." For evaluation purposes, the agreement stated

that students at each site would be served in four cohorts and

that sufficient numbers would be recruited for at least two of the

cohorts to form both treatment and control groups. At the time

the agreement was signed, the evaluation requirements seemed

reasonable to DOL and NIE. Yet compliance with them interfered

significantly with implementation efforts.

Though the subcontracts between OIC/A and the local OICs

stipulated that the first cohorts would have 150 interns and an

equal control group, the first cohort actually admitted by the

sites was a "try out" cohort. The sites experienced major dif

ficulty finding enough youths to enter the program. The largest

first cohort had only 54 interns.

As the sites started their second cohort, which was to be the

first cohort in the evaluation, more problems arose. First,

because plans called for testing the students in groups of 15,

intern recruits had to be told they would be "contacted later to

come to take a test." Since recruiting was slow and uncertain,

CIF staff members could not tell the youth when the testing would

occur. Several had to wait as long as four weeks, and many of

them lost interest. Attrition rates between the initial interview

and testing ranged from 26% to 59%.

Because the sites were aware that they would have to serve

150-200 interns per year, they understood the second cohort,

scheduled for June 1978 intake, should consist of at least 75

interns. Because recruitment yielded fewer candidates than

expected, the intake was postponed, and future interns were

informed they would be "told later when their classes would

begin." Interns had to wait between one and 14 weeks for news

about the program initiation. Not surprisingly, many lost in

terest and never enrolled. Site D lost 49% and Sites A and

B about 20% each of their potential interns due to the waiting

time between testing and intake.

A third complication was the evaluation design's requirement

for experimental and control groups. It was difficult enough

for CIP staff members to sell a program to potential interns who

considered it risky because it was part of a "demonstration

program," because it was perceived as "a school for dropouts," and

because a test was required for admission. When admission was

also dependent on luck in being chosen by lottery, the CIP's

appeal was further reduced. The sites fought the idea of having

control groups snd concentrated on getting at least the numbers of

youth needed for the experimental group.

Both local OICs and CIP staffs became aware of the evaluation

requirements only gradually. The evaluation design was not

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formalized until May 1978. One local OIC administrator stated:

"At the time of the feasibility study, there was never an indication of the numbers to be served. Had I known, I would not have

contacted just one LEA." As the sites complained to OIC/A of

what they perceived to be unreasonable demands, OIC/A asked both

NIE and RMC to work out solutions to the test-scheduling, waiting-period, and control-group problems. One site started its

second cohort without a control group and, with this precedent,

the other sites followed suit.

The problems resulting from the evaluation requirements were

discussed by the sites at the first meeting of the CIP evaluation

advisory panel. Recommendations by panel members suggested that

"data collection for evaluation purposes (mainly testing] should

be synchronized and coordinated (with CIP staff] to minimize

any adverse effects on the implementation of the program." The

panel also recommended that "interview, testing, and entry be

compressed into a minimal period."

The recommendation for liberalized testing made by the panel

was taken into consideration for the third cohort, so testing was

done on a demand basis. This reduced the attrition between

testing and intake to 7Z to 152.

By November 1978, DOL had become increasingly concerned about

the inability of the sites to attract the anticipated number of

youths and the failure to produce control groups. From its

perspective, DOL had been contractually promised control groups.

In early December, after examining a number of possibilitiesall

of them involving a control group--DOL communicated a decision to

NIE: given the recruitment difficulties, the sites would not be

required to serve four cohorts; instead, they would recruit one

last cohort (the third for the sites), to consist of an experimental group of 90 students and a control group of 55. Failure to

meet this goal would result in contract termination. The sites

were told they had until the end of January 1979 to recruit a last

cohort, but the exact numbers were not communicated until late

December or January 1978. During the months of November and

December, the most important concern for the four CIPs was survival. Activities intrinsic to the program such as instruction,

counseling, and the provision of Rands-On experiences came

practically to a halt as the entire staff, am.; in three sites the

interns also, put their efforts into recruiting. Recalling the

recruitment efforts, a staff member commented, "We had to stop

everything. We made it by 6 p.m. that day. I worked every night

for two months. I spent days away from the program."

Each site was required to meet the 90/55 criterion, without

regard for community size. Doing so was a particularly difficult

task for Site C, where a total of five LEAs had to be canvassed,

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and for Site D, where applicants failed the reading test at a high

rate. By January 31, all sites had met their goals, but the cost

was high. Site C was forced to admit youth with few credits

toward high school graduation and without examining their transcripts. Approximately 302 of Site C's last cohort had five or

fewer of the 16 credits required for graduation. This situation

had a serious impact on rostering procedures. Instructors had to

teach a large variety of courses to meet intern's graduation

requirements.

Subsequently, as the transcripts of interns were obtained

from the feeder schools, it was discovered that the students'

recollections of the work they had performed did not match what

the transcripts stated. Many transcripts were unclear, internally

inconsistent (grades and credits did not match), and out of date.

In Site D. similar problems existed with the transcripts. The

greatest impact at Sites C and D, however, was that, since the

minimum-credits requirement and the reading cutoff test scores

had been lowered, many students could not cope with the instructional materials and were difficult to motivate. The CIP curriculum is not designed for students at such low achievement

levels.

The creation of control groups did not initiate the community

uproar that some CIP staff members had feared. Nonetheless, it

had serious repercussions. Officials at the lEAs complained that

lottery results could place students out of both the program and

the school system. The comment was frequently made that recruiting people for a program with assurances that it would help them

and then denying them admission was unfair and cruel. A few

parents complained of the use of their children as guinea pigs and

threatened legal suits. The youth in the control group were told

that, though they had passed the test, unfortunately they would

not be admitted into the program. In effect, this amounted to a

negative treatment. The evaluation concerns of the study had a

significant impact on a number of program implementation activities. While the primary impact was on recruitment operations, the

need to recruit so intensively robbed time and effort from program

activities.

Program Status

Processes discussed to this point have been supportive or

enabling in nature. Discussion now shifts to the program components that mate up the CIP treatments the cognitive, careeroriented, and affective features of the CIP that are conveyed

directly to interns.

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Instruction. CIP classes have from 3 to 35 students, with a

modal enrollment of 15. Instruction is individualized in the

sense that interns proceed at their own rates of progress,

but fewer instructional options and less individual attention

are given than the model describes, though there is considerable

variation across sites. The instructional techniques described

in the design--problem solving, role playing, and small-group

activities--are not as much in use as expected. Instances of

whole classes involved in the same activity are more evident than

in the model description. Similarly, the sites differ in variety

of learning materials, but no site provides the variety described

in the model. The CIP's inadequate budget for instructional

materials and the need to comply with the LEA curricula have

contributed to the use of few and rather traditional instructional

materials. The limited experience of some instructors has also

been a factor.

The OIC/A learning packets are not being used as had been

expected, except in CCS classes and, occasionally, in social

science classes. Instructors have mentioned a variety of reasons

for abandoning most of the learning packets: (a) they are not

advanced enough for the interns or for the content of the LEA

curriculum, (b) they were too difficult to read for some interns

(the case of sites where interns were mostly dropouts or were

reading at the fourth-grade level), (c) the packets have ethnic

references that are not suitable for the new site, (d) the

interns consider them boring unless supplemented by other materials, (e) instructors feel they do not allow for the development

of needed skills, and (f) they are difficult to reproduce in the

numbers needed. Although most OIC/A-developed packets are not

used, instructors in all four sites have borrowed the learningpacket format, which they find very appealing because of its

"bite-size approach." Using this format, instructors divide their

course content into several small units, for the interns to work

through one at a time.

All CCS classes are using the learning packets. Instruction

in these classes approximates model guidelines. Many interns

enjoy these classes very much because the opportunity to explore

career choices and to learn about jobs is a new experience.

Describing how he liked the CCS, an intern said:

Just being here has allowed me to think,

write a resume, business letters...things

hadn't thought about. The CCS is very valuable. How can you get a job with wrinkled

pants and a comb in your hair? I always

wondered how I could never get s. job. The

people I was hanging around with looked the

same as me so I didn't tell the difference.

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According to program specifications, interns in the CCS prepare

two career reports. These reports have helped interns clarify

their understanding of selected occupations. In consequence some

interns have become more committed to original career interests

while others have decided to investigate new fields. In one site,

the career reports have been modified so the interns prepare them

in stages, before and after their Hands-On experiences. In

another site, only one career report is required of interns bcause

of their low writing abilities.

It was expected that a "fused curriculum" (relating academics

to careers) would be heavily emphasized at the sites. However,

this emphasis was observed in only three sites and is occurring

mostly through the efforts of individual instructors. The integration of practical and academic learning is not as extensive

as described in the model. Fused curricula have not been fully

developed because meeting LEA course requirements has been difficult and instructors have had little time to spend in "fusing"

curricula. Instructors' daily routine includes five to seven

hours of classes, and there have been no breaks between terms when

curriculum development could be pursued.

Field trips have been made for both career and academic

purposes (e.g., to industrial and business firms, nearby colleges

and vocational schools) and for cultural enrichment (museums,

plays). For several interns, who reportedly had seldom visited

places beyond their immediate neighborhood, the trips have been

unique experiences. Difficulty in arranging transportation and

efforts to be frugal have kept the sites from making as many field

trips as desired. Career-day seminars were not observed, but the

sites all reported having had them.

The expected teaching format in which an instructor, a

counselor, and a career developer share planning and instruction

for the CCS has been generally implemented. The CCS formats range

from rotating the teaching schedule among staff members to team

teaching. The design also describes instructors working together

in planning academic instruction so that skills taught in one

subject area can be reinforced in others. This kind of coordination was reported to occur from time to time, but it is not common

practice. Both the shortage of time available for joint planning

and the lack of emphasis on teamwork by the site leaders are cited

as causes. During litter visits, instruction was observed to have become

less like that in the model than during earlier visits. Staff

turnover is a major factor related to this trend. Another factor

appears to be a general lack of systematic, developmental, inservice training programs. A third factor has been increased

enrollment with the latest cohort. At one site, the failure of

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the photocopying machine made individualizing instruction difficult for a time.

At some sites, particularly where leadership was weak

or the staff was divided, intern attendance has been low, and

considerable class cutting has taken place. In general, class

attendance has been more of a problem on Mondays and Fridays and

during public-school vacation periods. Low attendance appears

strongly related to the difficulty many interns face in reentering the academic world. General program climate is also

believed to be a factor, in that it is not motivating enough to

keep interns "turned on."

Counseling. At all four sites, interns receive as much

individual attention from the counseling staff as the model

describes. The small counselor/intern ratio--an average of

1:35--no doubt contributes to the frequent attention and consistent follow-up. Counselors and career developers work well

together, and are supportive of each others' roles. Most counselors and career developers also play larger roles than described

in the model. Career developers provide substantial counseling

in the course of talking to interns about jobs, and counselors

frequently proVide the career developers with contacts for generating Hands-On and job oppot_unities.

Counselors describe their day as "hectic," with "lots of

discipline, documentation, counseling sessions, telephone calls to

parents, meetings with staff." In their opinion, the CI? is a

"program that recognizes barriers to learning that are not academic." They describe the interns as youths with "non-traditional

problems," which include pregnancy, housing problems, court

appointments, and need for welfare aid. In addition to academic

and career counseling, therefore, counselors provide a number of

critical auxiliary services, such as arranging for child care,

accompanying some interns to juvenile court to report on their

current progress, and finding part-time employment.

Substantial counseling effort goes into motivating interns to

attend classes punctually. Though the process takes time, given

the fact that many interns come to the CIP "completely turned off

by school," counselors stated that interns are making progress and

that "interns who missed two classes a day have improved to a

ten-minute tardiness." Much time is also spent going over interns' personal files and transcripts with them. In the opinion

of one counselor, this process is critical because "some students

have never had information given to them, shared with them or

[they] have never been made aware of time frames and planning."

In referring to her counselor, an intern who "had been kicked out

of school," commented: "She is really sweet. Helps me a lot with

real problems and school problems. If I have trouble getting up,

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she'll call me up before it's too late." Mother intern said:

"Counselors are nice. My counselor has helped me get a very good

job at I'll be assistant secretary." For some interns,

staff concern fon their personal situations provides an important

element in their lives. For their part, counselors report that

"with those students Uwith whom we have been successful, it has

taken a great deal of one-to-one meetidgs, with one counselor and

also with a career developer."

Interns speak very highly of the individual counseling they

receive, as they do of the attention they get from the whole

program. Some interns were surprised by the real concern the

staff members show about them, and, as they spent more time in the

CIP, thit concern became more and more important to them. "Really

caring and showing it" were what interns mentioned most frequently

about the difference between the CIP and the high schools they

came from. This attitude reflects both the quality and the amount

of attention interns receive from the CIP staff, in contrast to

the regular high schools, where counselors typically carry caseload: of 300 or more students.

Referral to social service agencies is extensive. So are

such activities as reminding interns of events and getting them to

school. The only area in which the model expectations are not met

is in regard to home visits by counselors to involve and inform

parents. This can be largely attributed to the extraordinary

efforts made to recruit interns for the second and third cohorts.

With a reduction in recruitment activities, however, home visiting

has increased.

In two sites, frequent group counseling is also being. carried

out in the CCS classes, focused on such career-planning issues as

how to arrange and conduct interviews with prospective employers

and the importance of keeping appointments on time. Adequate

opportunites for interns to express their feelings and concerns

about the program are arranged whenever :,.terns ask for them. The

CIP staff members have found these "rap sessions" to be a valuable

feedback mechanism.

There was some concern that the entry of the last and largest

cohort of interns might affect the time counsaors could spend

with individual interns. This situation could become severe at

Site D where the counseling team has fewer than half of its

members. With the new influx of interns, the ratio of counselors

to interns has increased to 1:45 in some sites, which will make

such events as home visits more difficult to schedule. Nonetheless, since recruitment pressures have ceased, counselors are

making stonger efforts to meet more often with individual interns

and involve parents.

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Hands-On. To date, career developers in all sites have

found Hands-On experiences for the interns in their first- or

second-choice career fields. The Hands-On placements have been

one week long and have occurred during the interns' second term,

as specified by the design. Hands-On experiences have been

arranged in many diverse fields, including secretarial work,

computer programming, sales, child care, broadcasting, photog

raphy, and social services. In several instances, the local OICs

have provided Hands-On experiences for interns.

Interns returning from their Hands-On experiences have

expressed a great deal of satisfaction. Illustrative of the

reactfon to the Hands-On experience are the following comments by

two interns:

I had two career choices--computer programmer

and accountant. For my first choice I went to

(firma in (city) . I spent a whole week there.

I got turned on changing reels, reading cards,

setting up a printout. I learned a whole lot.

For my second choice I went to OIC's finance

department. I worked with records, books,

purchase orders, paid bills, filing. I

worked there four full days. I wrote a HandsOn report later about what I learned. Now

I am more interested in computer programming.

I had two choices--special education for

the deaf and freelance photographer. I had

my first choice altady. Instead of having

a week period I go one day a week to

School for the Deaf. I observe what teachers

do with deaf children compared to regular

teachers. I had the opportunity to talk

to teachers. They said their job is difficult but rewarding. I volunteer in a kindergarten class. It has been a meaningful

experience. The teachers told me it wouldn't

(make sense to) pay for five years of college

if I wasn't sure that's what I wanted to do.

I'm sure now even more that this is what I

want to do. Without the Hands-On experience I

probably would have not known very clearly how

to go about it.

Some difficulties have affected the Hands-On component.

Two sites experienced problems related to transportation and

lunch costs because of the distance to work sites. Consequently,

intern attendance at some working sites has been low. Other

difficulties resultzd from the confidential nature of some occupations, the scarcit of Hands-On opportunities in some career

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fields (e.g., mortuary science, medical areas, auto mechanics,

.police, and airline stewarding services), and some negative

employer reactions to the prospect of dealing with "dropouts."

These difficulties have precluded always obtaining first-choice

Hands-On experiences at two sites; nevertheless, suitable Hands-On

assignments have been arranged for all interns.

The sites are apprehensive about obtaining the necessary

number of Hands-On opportunities now that the CIP enrollment has

attained its highest point. In developing the inventory of

placements for the Hands-On experience, the career developers have

relied almost exclusively on their own or fellow staff members'

personal contacts, gained in several cases during employment at

the local 01C. The anticipated role of the Advisory Council in

providing leads to potential Rands On providers has not yet

materialized. The major test for the CIPs' ability to provide

Hands-On experiences will occur in the months of September to

December 1979, as a large number of interns will then be reaching

this stage of the program.

Intern assessment. Intern assessment is a major activity at

all sites. Diagnosis of interns' learning needs was performed

shortly after intake for all interns in all sites. In general,

however, the assessment procedures were not as formal as those

described in the model. In only one site has the assessment

procedure included a presentation to interns' parents, and in only

two sites have there been in-depth discussions of the assessment

results and their implications with interns themselves. These

were held at the end of the term, but not at midterm.

Disposon conferences are held at three sites at least

biweekly, although recruitment pressures caused a hiatus at one

site. Staff members report they are very pleased with the results

or these conferences. Not only do they benefit from hearing

others' perceptions of interns, but they feel the interventions

planned in the conferences have vade considerable differences in

interns' behavior and progress. Tie disposition conferences have

also provided the sites with new avenues for staff communication.

Procedures for holding disposition conferences vary from site

to site. In three of the replication sites these conferences are

held on a regular basis, using locally developed procedures. At

one of the three sites, during the time period when recruitment

pressures were strongly felt, the conferences were limited to

interns who had problems. At the site where disposition conferences were not being conducted until recently, they are now being

instituted, using the procedures developed in one of the other

sites and transmitted by 01C/A.

Program climate. The climate of the CIP has been highly

reactive to implementation problems such as ambiguoui relations

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with the LEAs and teachers' unions and recruitment pressures.

Because of this susceptibility, program climate has fluctuated

throughout the demonstration. Various subclimates at the sites

correspond to subgroups in the program--old interns, new interns,

dropouts, new staff, old staff, counselors, instructors, and so

on. However; two general categories are predominant: intern

climate and staff climate.

At Site A, the staff climate began at a high point. Morale

was high and staff members were enthusiastic. However, staff

salaries were much lower than in the public schools, and an

austerity budget led to a policy of no raises--for either merit or

cost of living. This policy, coupled with "weak" management,

infighting, and constant intrusions by evaluators soon contributed

to high staff dissatisfaction, absences, and turnover. Staff

climate deteriorated.

Recently, however, .staff spirit has been "rekindled."

Changes in administrative personnel and greater local-OIC support

have significantly contributed to the staff redirection. Through

minor conflicts remain, including fears that the management will

use scapegoat techniques to remove middle management personnel,

preliminary indications suggest morale will continue to improve.

Intern climate at Site A has paralleled staff climate--heginmIug at a reasonably high point and progressively declii4ng. High

staff turnover detracted from program continuity. Mast interns

report coming to school to see specific instructors, and high

staff turnover or absenteeism (often interpreted by interns as

forms of "not caring") decrease interns' motivation to attend

regularly. Although many cf the staff-level problems have been

resolved, the effect on the interns remains. In addition, new

dress code and attendance policies have been instituted, to the

dismay of the interns. There was talk among interns of boycotting

the program in protest, but the boycott did not materialize.

Interns are "more complacent here," than in other communities, according to administrators, instructors, counselors, and

interns themselves. Many interns report satisfaction with their

jobs, social relationships, and overall situations. Also, interns

are aware that they don't have to dress according to convention to

get a job. Many already have jobs. The principal of one of the

feeder schools wears a hat and shorts in the high school. Therefore, the interns believe the new dress code rules are "arbitrary

and irrelevant." Although the interns were indignant about the

new policies, few became involved in discussion about or attempts

to alter the dress code during student council meetings, giving

credence to the charge of complacency.

Stabilization of the staff-level climate should remedy many

of the current problems. In that event, the climate at Site A

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will again approximate the climate attained in the early months

but it will take conscientious effort. Counselors report they

must use more motivational techniques, for more interns, more of

the time than reported for the ipxototype CIP.

The staff climate at Site B has remained relatively positive

throughout the demonstration. Minor hostilities and personality

clashes exist, but they do not significantly affect program

opera ion. The director is often referred to as a dictatorial

figure by interns and a few staff mesbers; however his ability to

run the program is respected by the majority of the staff and

interns, and most of these remarks are tongue-in-cheek and fondly

delivered.

The intern climate vas extremely positive during the early

months of the demonstration. Interns were enthusiastic about

learning and supportive towards other interns. This climate was

temporarily interrupted when the last cohort entered the program

and the building became crowded. The site required expansion

to accommodate the new interns, so a second building was secured.

Though this tempted interns to cut classes or roam in the streets

while passing between buildings, most of this behavior was reduced

by strictly enforcing existing rules. The climate has improved

considerably since that period, and interns rate Site B highly for

its supportive, caring, and productive atmosphere.

At Site C the staff climate had been characterized by conflict, confusion, and disillusionment until recently. Interpersonal communication problems had been extensive throughout the

staff, reflecting serious leadersip deficiencies. The morale

of the staff was given a temporary boost in mid-I978 when the

local OIC executive director intervened to monitor and train

the original director and to direct recruitment efforts. However,

the original director was reinstated and the same destructive

patterns of behavior re-emerged. Finally, the original director

was removed. An interim director began a process of revitalization within the staff, and a new permanent director was appointed

over. Though the new director has serious problems to deal with,

staff response so far has been encouraging and major improvements

have been effected.

Concomittently, the intern climate in Site C has been far

from the spirit of the prototype. Large numbers of interns

customarily loitered in the halls during class hours. Altercations periodically occurred in and around the building and many

interns complained about the staff. One intern said she was

really hurt when told, "You don't have the stuff to make it in an

accounting program in college." A few interns have complained

about not receiving the credits from the CIP that they anticipated. This situation has improved since the installation of the

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121
new director. The new director has developed a streamlined and

more accurate method for analyzing incoming trantclapts and

rostering interns. In addition, she has pushed the concept of

personal accountability for all members of the progru.,. The

director was very concerned about the large number of students

hanging around in the balls, or the steps, and in the lounge, so

she has initiated actions to involve instructors and other staff

members in enforcing class attendance. Overall, the new director

appears to be creating substantial changes in the program operation and climate.

The staff climate at Site D has fluctuated dramatically from

committed and enthusiastic, to alienated and demoralized, to the

present state of cooperative and committed once again. Significant difficulties at the site during the first year eroded the

morale of the staff. The local OIC was considered "non-supportive," the director was considered aloof from program concerns,

and the instructional supervisor was viewed as harassing.

The replacement of the director and the instructional supervisor in late 1978 improved staff morale immediately. Onl-ifili

member said it was as if "a yoke had been lifted from our Shoulders." The new director has been positively received. Staff

members have described her as a "competent administrator 114

educator.... Interns and staff members cart and do respect and

trust her.... (The direct-es] leadership can help make the

site] first class."

Intern morale at this site has paralleled the staff morale

with some time lag. During the first site visits, significant

differences between "serious" and "immature" interns were observed, but everyone appeared to "get along with one another."

Few rules were adhered to or enforced, but a warm and friendly

rapport existed among interns and between interns and staff

members. Thus, though the climate was accepting and friendly, it

'did not resemble the prototypical climate because it was not

balanced--"it was caring but not firm."

Morale at Site D suffered a serious setback immediately

preceding and during the recruiting crisis. Staff had already

become di.,enchanted with the administration and the local OIC, and

staff absences or early departures were frequent. Interns interpreted this it as a fora of not caring. This was compounded by

the lack of adequatl heat in the building, which resulted in the

CIP being closed for a period because it was simply too cold

to hold classes. The lack of heat and winter vacation broke the

continuity of the program and further lowered interns' morale.

During the recruiting crisis OIC/A intervened, replacing staff

members and initiating a media "blitz." The overall effect was

positive, though the confusion created for the interns had repercussions. The establishment and enforcement of rules concerning

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attendance and suitable attire has produced a marked change in

the interns' attitudes and appearance. Only one or two interns

continue to wear clothing characteristic of the "street culture."

Older interns (secondcohort interns) who were originally less

serious about the program now defend and enforce program rules.

Overall, the intern climate has improved since the early and

middle months of operation. Interns continue to be as friendly

and open as before and their attitudes toward careers, school, and

social norms have become more mature. The site climate as a whole

is "caring and firm" and now closely approximates the climate

reported for the prototype.

Despite the fluctuations in program climate, most interns

find the program to be unique in the care and individualized

attention they receive from staff. Most significantly, they find

the CIP to be "a lot better" than their old high schools, espe

cially in its supportiveness and small size. Representative

comments from interns in the various sites illustrate this.

We are all together here as one body and

all one group. We all is friends together.

We're mostly like family here.... It's

like our own little community here you know.

They check out and see where your Lind is

at, you know. Try to see where your head is

at... and they give you a lot of advice.

Everybody is interested, you know.... They

can deal with people now better than the

public schools, 'cause some of them have been

where we going and where we are trying to get

to. So they can deal with us better. It's

alright.

I think CIP is alright, you get more free

dom.

If this place was to cloae there is no way

I'm tellin' you, ain't no way I'd be goin'

back to the high school. I'd be just hang

in' out again, gettin' back with and

and gettin' back into my old ways,

you know.

Implementation Results

After 18 months of operations, the sites have implemented

most program components, even though their degree of congruency

with model descriptions varies.

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14'1" <40
In general, implementation of enabling componts has been

laborious and time consuming. Personnel to staff the programs

and resources to operate them have been procured; relationships

with LEAs took months to develop, but now school authorities

understand the purpose of the CIP and are, in all sites, very

supportive. Community relations need to be strengthened, but

efforts to set up Advisory Councils were intensified following the

intake of the third cohort and the Councils' contributions should

show effects it the near future.

Staff roles have been fully implemented by counselors and

career developers. Instructors understand the need to provide

individualized instruction and a fused curriculum, but have not

yet completely succeeded--as a group--in doing so. Ambiguity

about supervisory roles and operating procedures has required

strong guidance and initiative by the site directors and intermediate leaders. In two sites, these personnel have met most

administrative and coordinating responsibilities, but two sites

developed serious leadership problems that were not resolved until

after about a year of operation. The local OICs interpreted their

roles in the implementation process variously. CIP autonomy has

not been as great as the design calls for until recently. However, this issue is now generally resolved.

The sites have attained generally high fidelity to the

design in regard to counseling, the Hands-On, and intern experience of program climate. Interns have received frequent personal

counseling and been referred to auxiliary services, particularly

child care, as needed. Most interns have received Hands-On

assignments in their two selected career fields, and have found

these experiences useful and enjoyable. Instruction, though

outstanding in some cases, is less varied than described in the

model. Assessment procedures are not, in most cases, as formal as

the model describes and do not usually involve parents extensively. At the same time, they do appear to be accomplishing

their functions, especially in initial diagnosis and the disposition conferences. Staff members' experience of the program

climate has not been as positive as the model indicates is appropriate. However, the interns perceive the treatment they receive

in the CIP as far superior to that in the schools they previously

attended. In general, the current status of the treatment given

to the interns is remarkable considering the many obstacles faced

by the CIPs in their early stages.

1.10
M. FURTHER FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

A central focus of this study is the of extent to which

the new CIPs are able to retain the objectives and practices of

the prototype. The description of events in Chapter VI shows a

harried and unstable existence for the CIPs. It also shows that

despite considerable difficulties in the attainment of essential

" enabling" components, most CIPs had--after 18 months of operation--attained a satisfactory level of implementation.

Does the Program Remain the Same?

The process of implementation brought about a series of

changes from the CI? prototype. The issue of change is complex.

There is a prevalent view among experts in the field of dissemination that total fidelity to a model is seldom possible. In

fact, innovations which "take hold" are usually characterized by

significant changes from the originzl prescriptions.

Changes, defined as departures from the C/P design, could

have been manifested in five areas:

departures from pursuing Cl? objectives,

departures from model specifications regarding basic

inputs,

departures from model specifications regarding organizetional_Procedures,

departures in attaining "treatment" features in the

design; and

departures in accomplishing program oblectives.

(Assessment in this area involves the measurement of

student outcomes and is dealt with in separate reports;

see Tallmadge & Lam, 1979.)

In assessing changes, it is crucial to identify their

sources, since the feasibility of program implementation is

related to the ability to achieve key functions. If implementors

cannot control or influence program changes, the advisability of

dissemination is called into question. Another consideration in

the assessment of changes relates to the time at which observations are made. There is agreement among students of the innovation process that a new program takes some time to become

stable. While the state of the art does not allow the prescription of a specific period for program "maturation," a rule of
thumb, judging by the time allotted to most educational programs

before evaluating them, has been two to three years.

The new CIPs have remained committed to their original

objectives. This commitment is evident in day-to-day site operations. The emphasis on providing a career-oriented education is

seen in the daily CCS and the Hands-On experience. The attempt to

improve basic skills is reflected in instructors' efforts to

meet intern's needs in the core subjects of English, reading, and

math. The objective of school retention is demonstrated by

frequent personal counseling, provision of auxiliary services to

the interns, and the overall caring atmosphere at the CIP.

Likewise, the objective of facilitating the transition from school

to work is manifested by the provision of career-oriented experiences and the assistance given to interns in job placement or

admission to post-secondary instititutions upon graduation.

The maintenance of a commitment to the program objectives is

no minor achievement. Studies of innovation have frequently

reported that initial program goals are watered down or forgotten

as time goes by. In the case of the CIP, two factors emerge as

powerful determinants of this retention of program objcltives.

First, the fact that the CIP is a totally new'program precluded

the emergence of such internal forces as staff resistance to

change, bureaucratic obstructionism, or lack of top management

support. Second, the ideology of OIC/A was transmitted to staff

through the start-up and in-service training on the philosophical and affective aspects of the program. The ideology W8S...q.S0

transmitted by staff members who subscribe to the OIC philosophy.

Approximately 30% of the CIP staff in each site had worked for OIC

prior to coming to the CIP. There is reason to believe that the

presence of these individuals accounted to a significant extent

for the "caring" and "self-help" norms in the CIPs. In addition,

these staff members served as effective role models for the

.interns and acted as the main conveyors of "high expectations" for

them.

In regard to CIP practices, differences from the prototype

have emerged in inputs, organizational procedures, and the attainment of anticipated "treatment" components. Three main types of

changes have been identified:

Changes were initiated by staff in order to improve

the program design or accommodate program features to

the contexts in which the program operated. These are

called intentional changes.

4EBCE, one of the largest cases of educational innovation and

one that has been thoroughly researched, was evaluated after three

years of implementation.

1.12

')(;
Modifications resulted from unanticipated events or condi

tions that forced a site to do something differently.

These are called unintended changes.

Differences from the prototype are also evident that do

not reflect either intentional or unintended changes, but

are rather products of their stage of development. These

are considered developmental differences.

Intentional Changes

Departures from model guidelines resulting from formal or

conscious decisions by local CIP staff members or the local

OIC leadership had two sources, both reflecting local intentions

to facilitate implementation:

preferences stated by staff

accommodations to the LEAs and teachers' associations

Changes due to staff preferences. These changes were a

combination of position and role changes, modifications of certain

organizational procedures, and alterations to the "treatment"

components of the program. Overall, intentional changes due to

CIP or local OIC staff preferences varied across sites, except

those affecting the use of the OIC/Adeveloped instructional

materials.

At one site, the CIP director's realisation' that his counsel

ing department did not include certified personnel led him to

create two subunits (one for counseling and one for career

development) and to appoint a "team leader" to each. Re believed

that by substituting the title "team leader" for "counselor"

he could avoid having the teachers' union or the LEA question the

lack of certification. At two sites there was no curriculum

liaison/learning resource center specialist. One CIP director

thought the role of curriculum liaison was being adequately filled

by the instructional supervisor, the other felt the learning

resource center did not require a fulltime staff member. At

one of these sites, the director' reasoned that it would be more

effective to have learning resources in each classroom rather than

all together in one central location.

Another change affecting roles was the appointment of a

program manager at one of the CIPs to maintain the organizational

structure common to all the programs of the local OIC. The

creation of this position resulted in the director and the program

manager sharing (in an ambiguously defined manner) the roles of

the instructional supervisor and the school coordinator.

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CIP staff members at one site changed the format of the

disposition conference so that instead of being held every two

weeks and including review of about 15 interns, it was held weekly

and encompassed review of the entire student body. The format was

simplified and incorporated a decision procedure that appointed

either an instructor or a counselor to do any necessary follow-up

on each intern's case. At the same site, counseling was organized

on a team basis, with each team of a teacher, a counselor, and a

career developer responsible for 30-35 interns. It was felt that

in this way the counselor would have an opportunity to interact

closely with an instructor and a career developer so that items'

academic, personal, and career needs would be coordinated.

At two sites, formats for Career Development Plans were

simplified and modified to facilitate the acquisition and review

of data. Other procedures included the development of formats

that allow the staff to conduct intawe interviews more efficiently

end compute more easily the courses taken and credits earned by

the interns.

The major instances of intentional change caused by staff

preferences have been those affecting use of the learning packets

developed by OIC/A. Although OIC/A described the packets as

essential to a fused curriculum, the sites have gradually abandoned their use. As noted in the preceding chapter this change

had a variety of causes. For instance, one site felt the packets

did not adequately reflect the ethnic diversity or the economic

activity of the community. However, all sites have adopted the

learning-packet format, thus allowing instructors to present a

small amount of new material at a time and permitting interns to

progress at their own pace. In almost all cases these new learning packets are used in conjunction with textbooks.

It is of interest to observe that the only course in which

the learning packets developed by OIC/A are used consistently is

the CCS. Here, the innovative nature of the course and the fact

that few teachers had "career" knowledge have encouraged retention

of the original materials. Over time instructors have added new

materials to this course, but they have not replaced the learning

packets.

Changes to accommodate the LEA or the teachers' association.

Changes in this category occurred at all sites. At one site the

LEA response to the CIP was to incorporate it into the system

by making it an additional alternative high school, even though it

was not funded by the LEA. This decision brought with it the

appointment of two LEA curriculum consultants and one clerk

charged with monitoring the CIP curriculum and maintaining records

of grades and attendance. At another site an LEA condition for

cooperation with the CIP produced a change in the type of intern

114
recruited. The feeder-school principal insisted that CIP recruiting efforts focus on potential dropouts. In response to these

conditions, the CIP directors in these two sites decided not to

appoint a school coordinator. It was assumed that the duties of

the position (seeking referrals, obtaining transcripts, and

keeping records) would be shared more or less equally by the LEAs

and the CIPs.

At two sites, the teachers' associations demanded that the

CIPs hire a certain proportion of union teachers. At one site,

three union staff members were hired. In the other site, the

CIP /teachers' association agreement vas not enforced, but the

union's antagonism toward the principal of the selected feeder

school forced the CIP to deal with another school in a different

section of the city.

Unintended Changes

These changes, which were beyond the CIPs' staffs' control,

derived from five main sources:

community characteristics such as size, economic conditions, and performance of the school system

. start-up pressures

inefficient CIP leadership performance

evaluation design requirements

sites' anxiety about model specifications

Community characteristics. In the case of the small site,

-enrollment pressures led to lowering entry requirements so as to

be able to recruit more students. Thus, approximately 30% of its

third cohort interns had five or fewer credits accumulated toward

high school graduation. At another site, where general high

school achievement was lower than the national average and where

employment opportunities and other federal programs competed

for the youths' attention, entrance requirements for reading were

lowered to a fourth-grade level. The admission of youths who did

not meet the original admission criteria added to staff workloads

as additional courses had to be offered, increased counseling

became necessary, and a number of auxiliary services had to be

provided. Other effects of. community characteristics included

prolonged negotiations between the LEAs and the CIPs in the two

sites where the LEAs had no experience dealing with alternative

high schools, and increased recruitment difficulties in two sites

where massive work-oriented federal programs competed with the CIP

for participants.

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Start-up pressures. The need to start program operations ap

soon as possible led to hiring personnel who did not meet all of

the instructor and counselor qualifications required by the LEA at

two sites. As a result, several staff members had to expend time

and energy obtaining the required credentials, which lessened

their effectiveness in their CIP role. The short start-up period

was not the only factor leading to discrepancies. between LEA and

OIC/A staffing criteria and the qualifications of the staffs

actually hired. CIP salaries were based on OIC pay scales, which

are significantly lower than LEA scales. Thus, many qualified

educators simply were not interested in working at a CIP. The

same, issue has made it difficult for the CIPs to retain some of

their more highly qualified staff members. Other differen-.:es

between the CIPs in the replication sites and the prototype

that were influenced by,if not directly caused by, start-up

pressures include incomplete curriculum development, lack of

on-going in-service training programs, the immaturity of program

climate, and lower-than-expected staff morale.

Inefficient CIP leadership performance. The .dysfunctional

performance of so._ CIP directors and instructional supervisors

created departures from the model in the execution of several

organizational procedures. Role confusion and staff divisiveness

emerged, affecting the overall climate of the CIP. As noted

in the preceding chapter, the ineffective performance of these key

CIP staff members was a result of their inexperience with educational programs and their limited managerial abilities for the

positions they held. These administrators were replaced between

December 1978 and May 1979; the new leaders brought significant

changes at two sites and it is anticipated that a similar development will occur at the other site.

Evaluation design requirements. The evaluation design

created recruitment pressures to meet experimental and control

quotas and indecision as to the beginning dates for program

cohorts. Evaluation design requirements also affected certain

organizational procedures and attainment of "treatment" features,

because the time given to recruitment had to be taken from other

tasks. Involved in recruitment, the staff had little time to

spend in holding disposition conferences or making home visits.

Instructors had to suspend classes to help in door-to-door or

in-school recruitment. Counselors had to limit their meetings

with interns to "emergency cases" only. The possibility of not

meeting the enrollment quotas brought fears of program termination. This, in turn, affected staff morale and caused delays in

attaining the cooperative staff climate that is supposed to

prevail at the CIP.

When recruitment pressures ended in late January 1979, all

sites were able to show improvement in instruction and counseling.

Ztaff meetings were then held more frequently and attempts were

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1 0
made to rebuild the various program areas that had been neglected.

"Nevertheless, the evaluation caused setbacks in implementing the

CIPs.

Sitee'anxietv about model specifications. Implementation

guidelines pertaining to operational procedures and the role of

the local OIC were less specific than the sites would have liked.

These deficiencies coupled with the difficulties OIC/A experienced

in providing timely and concrete technical assistance to the sites

on such issues as recruitment, rostering, and holding disposition

conferences sometimes led to weak implementation. Thus, sites

with poor leadership failed to schedule interns into appropriate

courses, to provide effective follow-up of intern progress, and to

maintain a smooth process of intern referral and admission. These

departures from model procedures were not in kind but only in

degree.

The fact that the role of the local OICs was undefined tad to

variations in their attitudes toward the CIPs and to departures

frcm the model in providing basic resources and giving autonomy

and support to the program. The slow processing of budget modifications and purchase requisitions by the local OTCs caused

delays for two CIPs in remodeling their buildings, receiving

needed furniture and instructional materials, and obtaining timely

approval and funds for field trips. The limited autonomy given to

the CIP directors of these two CIPs made it difficult for them to

make decisions, ranging from approval of field trips to hiring of

new staff members. These difficulties, however arose in the early

months, and the realization that theie issues hurt the CIPs led

the local OICs to be more responsive to their needs.

Developmental Differences

In addition to the intentional and unintended changes discussed above, a number of other features differ from model descriptions in degree. These deviations are characterized by an

evolving nature, generally moving toward more closely approximating model descriptions over time. These differences are

considered developmental because their status depends mainly

on the point in time at which the CIP implementation was last

observed.

Earlier, vague program prescriptions regarding certain

important operational procedures were mentioned as sources of

unintended changes in CIP operations. On the other hand, it must

be underscored that no amount of detailed guidelines could serve

as a substitute for experience or incremental learning. Prom

0/C/A's perspective, "one of the main problems was communicating

the MP model to the sites." From the implementors' perspective,

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1
some of the initial technical assistance workshops were not even

remembered. As time went by, however, instructors and counselors

at the sites perceived the technical assistance as more focused

and more helpful.

Some of the CIP model components require a maturation

period before satisfactory implementation can be expected. Some

ok the recruitment difficulties, for example, arose from the

newness of the CIP in the community. For the first and second

cohorts signiCicant problems were experienced in appealing to both

potential and actual dropouts because the youths had not heard

aoout the CIP before and had no evidence supporting its claim to

be successful. In one site, there was considerable reluctance to

participate in the CIP because community members felt that "federal demonstration projects" had often "used" people, rather than

helped them. As the program became known in the community and

produced graduates, the sites developed waiting lists of potential

enrollees for their fourth cohort.

In the case of rostering, it was unclear to the sites what

steps should be taken to determine course offerings and to assign

interns to courses; similarly, it was unclear whether the task

should be accomplished by the school coordinator, the instructional supervisor, the career counseling supervisor, the instructors, or all of them. In the case of the disposition conferences,

there was also ambiguity about staff roles and, particularly,

about the function of the disposition conference. The role of

establishing and maintaining liaisons with the schools fell upon

the school coordinator; but it also devolved upon this person to

obtain youth referrals for the CIP as well as to obtain and review

their transcripts. The task of recruitment was so time consuming

and complex that although one staff member was officially in

charge of it, other personnel had to become involved. During the

three cohorts the CIPs have served, staff members sometimes

assumed each others' official roles to get an on-going process in

place. In sites with resourceful directors, implementation was

generally accomplished more readily; in sites wheke leadership was

less competent, the staff foundered repeatedly.

Some difficulties in finding first-choice Hands-On experiences also can be attributed to the newness of the program in the

community. To many employers, the "Hands-On experience concept

was new, and initially indistinguishable from "on-the-job traiming." On the other hand, since CIP Advisory Councils had not been

sec up in three of the sites, CIP staff had not been able to

utilize these bodies as sources of referrals for the Hands-On

experience. As the career developers' familiarity with existing

resources for Hands-On increased, difficulties in obtaining the

deoired experiences diminished.

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Two treatment components currently not implemented as fully

as anticipated in the model are individualized instruction and

the fused curriculum. At present, individualized instruction is

primarily characterized by allowing the intern to proceed at his

or her own pace rather than by using a variety of instructional

methods. Regarding the fused, curriculum, some instructors make

efforts to provide practical, career-related examples when presenting academic subjects, but these attempts are not systematic

or coordinated. The dearth of these features appears to have

resulted from their inherent difficulty and the consequent need

for additional time to incorporate them. In the most recent CIP

visits there was evidence of an increased awareness among instructors of educational materials ..Lth a career-oriented, practical

emphasis.

An important program feature also affected by developmental

changes has been the ilationship between the CIP and the LEA.

Initially, LEAs feared that the CIP would take away many of their

students or that the alternative program would "cheapen the high

school diploma." For their part, CIP staff interpreted LEA

hesitance as "sabotage" or "unwillingness to help." These problems have not totally disappeared, but trust has grown and LEAs

are manifesting cooperation with the CIP, as demonstrated by the

agreements and letters of support signed by school authorities to

approve CIP operations for an additional year.

A last but crucial feature of the CIP subject to developmental changes is program climate. CIP climate has fluctuated in

response to staff composition, recruitment pressures, the type of

youths admitted, fears of program termination, and even the

time of year. Summertime, for instance, brought about a very low

attendance rate, which in turn affected the program climate. The

site with the most stable leadership and staff has been able to

develop a relatively stable program climate but in the other

sites, the climate has been susceptible to high and low points.

The fact that the site with stable staff has also been the site to

exhibit a consistent and desirable climate suggests that this

condition will emerge in other CIPs as their staffs stabilize.

Summary

Three major types of changes took place as the CIPs were

implemented. Intentional changes affected positions and roles,

organizational procedures, and the mix of enrollees. Unintended

changes affected all sites with diffuse results on multiple

aspects of program operation. Finally, the early stages of

component development were characterized by weak implementation,

but maturation has led to more robustness and promises to continue

to do so.

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1 "
In spiteof numerous factors producing changes that could not

be avoided, two sites in the CIP replication had succeeded by

mid-1979 in recreating model features that approximated the CIP

prototype. The two other sites had not, but by September 1979

there were strong indications that major progress had taken place

at one of these sites. The fourth site underwent important

leadership changes in during the summer and early fall of 1979.

The effect of this could not be assessed by the time of this

report.

A review of the changes that took place by site reveals that

the sites that have been able to reproduce the CIP model features

most closely were sites where the most intentional changes had

been made but where unintended changes remained at a minimum. In

contrast, sites that by mid-1979 reflected significant departures

from the model were those characterized by a small number of

intentional changes but a larger number of unintended changes.

Most of the intentional and unintended changes that occurred

in the sites took dace early in the life of the CIP, Developmental changes were departures in.their degree of approximation to

CIP model descriptions, rather than failures to recreate specific

components. In general, the four CIPs remain committed to original program goals and most of their practices are congruent with

the stated goals. 1 Are Changes Improvements?

Changes made in the Implementation of the CIP are evaluated

as adaptive or maladaptive based on their consequences. The most

important consideration in evaluating a change is the extent

to which it resulted in a modification of the CIP goals. A

second consideration is whether the change facilitated essential

implementation tasks, or led to their disruption or abandonment.

Many of the observed changes have been classified as adaptive

or maladaptive based upon the current status of the sites and

trends that have been observed. Important changes are still in

progress at three of the sites, however, and one can only speculate as to what the ultimate outcomes of these changes will be.

For this reason, and because the impact of the changes on student

achievement, graduation, and othir CIP outcomes are not yet known,

the findings thus far should be considered tentative.

Instructional Changes

A number of changes to the instructional program were observed at the four sites. The "fused" curriculum was not emphasized at one site and at all four sites instructional techniques

120
such as problem solving and role playing mere not as much in use

as expected. It appears that these departures from the model were

unintentional and were caused by the limited time available for

curriculum planning and development. Thus these changes, although

maladaptive, are expected to disappear with time.

The development of new English, social studies, and math

learning packc.s by the instructional staff is viewed as an

adaptive change for several reasons. First, the change assisted

the sites in movement toward the goal of providing an instructional approach that was not only innovative, but also tailored to

the needs of interns. In those instances where staff felt the

materials were too elementary for their interns, for example, more

challenging materials were developed. Second, a direct comaequence of the changes to the content of the vackets was a feeling

of "ownership" among the staff as a result of having developed

their own materials. Finally, interns were motivated by the fact

that instructors had, developed materials specifically for thee.

Counseling_Changes

Only a few changes to the counseling component were observed.

One such change was that counselors did not make home visits as

often as expected. All the sites changed. the record keeping and

documentation required for each intern. Finally, one site changed

the format of the disposition conferences. These changes are

considered adaptive for the reasons outlined below.

It now seems likely that none of the sites will make home

visits as frequently as described in the CIP model. Staff at

several sites commented that while information was gained about

the interns, the visits themselves had not resulted in increased

parent involvement. Staff at one site commented that parents were

reluctant to have them come into the homes. Efforts other than

home visits have been made to involve parents. For example, two

sites have set up regular meetings for parents and parents have

been involved in school activities through special events. Also,

sites have frequent telephone contacts with parents.

The change in format of the Career Development Plan and other

counseling documentation has made record keeping more efficient.

At one site, the development of an abbreviated interview form made

intake more efficient. As another example, adding t.ew information

to the counseling forms (e.g. on social services received, and

number of dependents) helped the staff know the kinds of services

the interns needed.

The change in the format of the disposition conferences by

one site had four consequences, all positive. First, the new

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format allowed all staff to become familiar with the problems of

the interns. Second, the new format made it pczsible for staff to

review the progress of each intern on a more frequent basis.

Third, staff are immediately assigned follow-up responsibilities

depending upon the intern's problem. LIst, the new format has

been adopted by two other CIP sites, and they have found it a

msjor improvement.

Changes to the Hands-On Component

Sites have been slow to use a CIF Advisory Council to expand

community support and help place youth for Hands-On experiences.

Only one site had an active council during the first year and a

half. At other sites, staff have relied upon local OICs aid

personal contccts for youth placements.

Thus far, not using the Advisory Council to recruit Hands-On

opportunities has had only minor negative consequences. It has

not always been possible to obtain two Hands-On experiences for

each intern. In a few sites, first-choice Hands-On experiences

have not been provided. However, it is not clear that the formation of Advisory Councils would have changed these situations. As

more sites make greater use of the Councils, this question will

receive more attention.

Changes to Staffing Patterns/Personnel Qualifications/Roles

The CIP model has clearly defined staffing patterns, staff

skill requirements, and role responsibilities. *All four sites

have made some changes in this area. For example, in one site a

program manager was hired to assume the roles of the instructional

and career counseling supervisors. In another site the school

coordinator's responsibilities were allocated to the instructional

and career counseling supervisors. At all sites, changes in the

certification requirements were made, and a number of staff

members (e.g. counselors) were hired who were not certifiable as

was required by the LEA.

These changes to the personnel requirements had negative

consequences on CIP operations in three sites. In those instances

where a different staffing pattern was established, staff members

were confused about their responsibilities and the lines of

authority and/or suffered from overwork. At the site where a

program manager was hired to function in turee different roles,

supervision of instruction suffered. In the site where changes to

the configuration did not have a negative effect, the leadership

was stronger and lines of authority were clear-cut.

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All four sites hired personnel with less than the recommended

certification and skills. Again, this change had a negative

effect in all sites but the one with the strongest leadership.

The greatest negative effects occurred in the case of the CIP

directors. At one site the director was fired. At two other

sites, the directors resigned.

Changes in staffing patterns, qualifications, and roles

cannot be viewed as adaptive or as improvements to the CIP. Staff

morale has been affected, especially in those instances Where

there was confusion in roles and lines of communication and

authority.

Recruitment Changes

The practice of involving the feeder school in the recruitment process has caused the sites a number of difficulties. At

three sites, difficulties with the LEA led to on-the-street

recruitment and expansion of catchment areas. The result of this

change was that in two sites more actual than potential dropouts

were recruited for the first two cohorts. This change may be

contributing to low attendance rates.

A second change resulting from recruiting pressures was that

very few parents were involved in the intake interview. Consequently, the credibility of the CIP to parents may not have been

established as early as was needed. Some parents were initially

reluctant to let their children participate. Over time, however,

all sites have been able to establish and maintain parent support

for the CIP.

Changes in Relations with the Local Education Agency

. All four CI? sites experienced difficulty in gaining LEA

support. Particularly in regard to the length of time it took to

get LEA approval and cooperation, relationships with the LEAs have

made implementation difficult.

In one site, the CIP was changed from an independent alternative school to one of the district's alternative schools. This

change in CIP status resulted in the LEA having more authority

over CIP instruction. As a consequence, there were disagreements

between the on-site LEA staff and CIP staff during the early

months. The problems in this CIP-LEA relationship have been

worked out, but they were not initially conducive to implementation.

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Changes in Relations with Teachers' Associations

It was expected that the CIPs would have to get permission

from teachers' unions to operate. It was not expected that the

CIPs would have to have union teachers on their staffs. In one

site, however, the union insisted on this. The union, members

hired there received union-scale salaries and felt little obligation to accept the CIP philosophy or methods. Consequently, they

were disruptive to CIP implementation. - Changes in OIC /A Role

The technical assistance role of the OIC /A was expected to be

confined to providing workshops. However, it was necessary for

OIC/A to assume a management role temporarily at one site, and in

the case of another site to negotiate with the teachers' union.

In the first instance where OIC/A staff came on site to

handle project operations until a new director was identified--the

implementation of the CIP was enhanced. The intervention of the

OIC/A staff not only resulted in a revitalization of the CIP, but

it also improved the site's ability to serve the required numbers

of youth and strengthened its relationships with the LEA staff in

the feeder schools. This was clearly an adaptive alteration in

OIC/A's expected role.

The second change in the OIC/A role --- involvement in union

negotiations at one site--had both positive and negative consequences. The intervention resulted in a needed resolution of the

dispute with the union. However, because the intervention was

resented by local staff, they did not request the technical

assistance they needed to implement the program. Subsequently,

instruction suffered because the CIP staff did not receive training in individualizing instruction and other topics.

Changes in the Local OIC Role

The precise nature of the role played by the local OIC in

CIP implementation is not described in the design, Generally, the

local OIC was expected to provide logistical support, accass to

community resources, and autonomy to the CIP leadership to operate

the program internally.

The local OICs have generally allowed the CIP directors less

autonomy than implied in the design, especially in personnel

matters. The local OICs have also required all CIP purchases, in

any amount, to be approved by the OIC purchasing departments. An

almost ludicrous illustration is that one CIP was forced to wait

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two months for a ten-dollar bottle of developing fluid for its

photocopy machine. During this time, instructors could not make

copies of instructional materials for interns. Though extreme,

this instance was not atypical. For example, the CIPs were not

allowed to have petty-cash accounts to cover minor or emergency

needs. In general, during the early months, the local OICs did

not allow the CIPs to make their own decisions. Though this

situation has changed, it was a significant problem during the

first year of implementation.

Summary

In general, changes made by sites to the instructional

and counseling components have been adaptive, while changes to

personnel qualifications and roles have been maladaptive. the

one site that had strong leadership, personnel changes did not

have a significant negative effect, while at other sites they were

disruptive. Changes to the local OIC role and to the Hands-On

had some initial negative consequences, but these have since been

alleviated.

Differences in program climate were not discussed. Differences do exist, but the sites are still in the process of stabilizing program operations. Improvement in climate over time

has been observed and is expected to continue. However, it is

likely that the sites will not achieve a climate that exactly

replicates that of the developer site, because the students and

communities are so different.

Relative Effectiveness of Disseminating the CIP through the OIC

System

The OIC/A system offers a constructive alternative mechanism

for implementation that available data suggest is at least as

effective as the usual developer-public school linkages. The

question of whether the OIC/A system is better than the traditional system is addressed here, but no final answer can be

offered since the evidence is not conclusive.

The traditional public school system tenas not to recognize

the need for programs of the magnitude and complexity of the CIP

for students it has been unable to help. As a consequence, no

attempt has been made to disseminate this type5 of alternative

program through the traditional linkage system. Furthermore,

5 Though the EBCE program is similar to the CIP, it is

not directed to the same group of young people. Rather it is

directed to "average high school students." Though EBCE's various

models were disseminated through "traditional" linkages, data

about its implementation are not yet available.

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if such an attempt were made, it is unlikely that the alternative

program would be disseminated with significant modification of

Nbe:et elements. The fidelity of a "replication" appears to depend

on the amount of control the disseminators have, and school

systems typically try to preserve local autonomy rather than

accept central control.

The single most powerful advantage of the OIC/A system over

traditional linkages is the ethos derived from a religious/social

movement with political strength. OIC/A is capable of providing

potential sites with a "family" identity as part of the larger organization. This serves to establish cooperation, self- sacrifice,

and a sense of purpoae.

The Reverend Leon R. Sullivan is the most influential and

charismatic leader of OIC/A. He has imbued OIC /A with a religious

commitment to social change. The OIC/A philosophy is captured in

its sotto --We Help Ourselves. At a recent OIC/A national convocation Reverend Sullivan said he told the President of the United

States, "We're not going to wait for the government, we are going

to wage our own war on poverty."

Observations of OIC/A convocations are convincing evidence

that "Webster's definition [of convocations) hardly captures the

magnitude and symbolism of the word" (International Voice, Spring

1979). .Church songs are sung. Petitions are signed and collected. Uplifting speeches and audiovisual presentations abound.

These elements create a spiritual milieu that instills participants with the motivation and commitment of a mass movement.

OIC/A is capable of infusing or transmitting the ideals and

aspirations of the movement (as well as channelling appropriately

socialized personnel) through its massive network of affiliates

throughout the country. The usual developer - public school linkages and most community -based organizations (CEOs) cannot provide

the inspiration, motivation, and commitment of a spiritual movement

of this magnitude.

On the other hand, a significant shortcoming of this or any

other comparable organization is its highly politicized nature

that tends to produce factions and peer rivalry at the local OIC

level. Factions protecting their turf can significantly obstruct

demonstration programs. One of the consequences of this situation

has been OIC/A's frequent decision to "tread lightly" with respect

to the local OIC. This has interfered with the process of implementing the programs. Clearly, the organization is capable of

crossing political boundary lines and intervening with the weight

of the movement when this is seen as necessary and appropriate.

Exercising the highly centralized nature of the system seems to be

necessary to ensure that the program is implemented as specified.

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A second advantage the OIC/A system provides over the' usual.

developer -- public school linkages is the organization's reputation

and years of experience with minority populations in local communities. OIC/A's skills and reputation in working with the

unskilled, unemployed, and underemployed provide a base of community trust and respect for their programs. The usual developerpublic school linkage system would require years to attain this

level of trust in the community. Without a large, religiously

imbued movement/organization behind it, it is unlikely that any

other community-based organization would be able to engender as

much trust -and respect as the local OIC. The contacts established

in the community over the years by the local OICs produce a sense

of stability and strength.

Firmly established community business contacts can be used by

the local OIC to assist new and developing programs such as the

Cir Usual developer-public school linkages have also established contacts in the community; however, they are not necessarily the appropriate contacts for individuals who feel alienated

from the public school system and its network of relationships.

Other CBOs 'are clearly capable of developing community contacts

though new CBOs would require a substantial period of time to do

so. OIC's business contacts have been under-utilized to date in

the dissemination and implementation of the program. This situation is thought to result from time pressures and is expected to

improve in the future. In any case, better lines of communication

between resources and those who need then should be established.

The relationship between socialization and implementation is

of critical importance. The structural effects alone of the

traditional system--constantly reinforcing traditional behavior- -

will generally outweigh the influence of alternatively socialized

staff members within the system. Acquiring appropriately socialized staff can ensure the program's cohesive stability and common

purpose. The ability and conscious choice of the 0/C/A system to

recruit alternatively or non-traditionally socialized program

staff members is a third advantage over the usual developer-public

school linkage system. Staff members socialized in alternative

education or disenchanted with the traditional system are more

likely to implement alternative education goals, objectives, and

practices. Staff members socialized in the traditional system are

more likely to implement a traditional program--regardless of the

model specifications.

Other CEOs, presumably, could draw appropriately socialized

staff as readily as the OICs--assuming they had similar guiding

philosophies. In addition, CBOs are likely to maintain the goals

and practices specified in a given model because they are largely

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Illimemmenswm=r

unaffected by the traditional structure and organization of the

school system.

On the other hand, a significant drawback of using CBOs may

be communication difficulties between the LEA and the alternative

program. Alternatively aocialized administrators, for example,

will lack knowledge of the achool system and be unaware of important protocol. Miscommunication is probable during interaction

between these partiea and can impede implementation processes,

e.g., LEA giving CIP outdated lists of potential interns. With

alternatively socialized administrators, then, inefficient and

potentially disruptive patterns of interaction are likely, while

traditionally aocialized administrators may well co-opt the

program into a traditional format. Nevertheless, alternatively

socialized personnel are likely to implement an alternative

program with less deviation from its design.

OIC/A's general competency and specific dissemination akills

complement the organization's socioreligious ideals. Some of

OIC/A's skills can be highlighted by drawing briefly on dissemination models discussed in the literature. Juxtaposing these

models and the OIC/A process can provide useful insights into the

complex nature of the OIC/A dissemination and implementation

process.

Fundamentally, the OIC/A system resembles the Research,

Development, and Demonstration (RD &D) Model (Havelock, 1969).

This model involves a rational sequence of activities from research to development to diffusion. The model requires a passive

consumer ready to accept an innovation that is appropriately

delivered. A large number of consumers are required to offset the

high initial development costs.

The OIC/A system also has elements in common with the Social

Interaction Diffusion Model (Havelock, 1969) as evidenced by its

emphasis on such qualitative variables as treating interns as

Whole persons; understanding the interrelationships among instructors, counselors, and interns; "charismatic" leadership and

management; and so on. This model is more sensitive than the RD&D

Model to the program's context--the labyrinth of human interrelationships, roles, network, societal and organizational structures

and substructures, and patterns and processes of communication.

In contrast, the Problem-Solving Model (Havelock, 1979)

focuses on self-directed change, and assumes the user's needs

should take precedence in the utilization of knowledge or in the

search, selection, and potential adoption of specific innovations. The "outside" change agent simply guides self-initiated

and self-directed change. This model, although apparently antithetical to the basic tenets of the RD &D Model, reflects the

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strategy OIC/A employed at Site A during the start-up and operation stages of the dissemination process. OIC/A adopted the role

of simply guiding self-directed change at Site A because a more

directive approach would have aroused strong antagonism and

territorial behavior. Since OIC/A did not wish to engage in

a major confrontation, the decision to adopt a consultant role was

appropriate. The benefits included a highly developed sense of

distinctiveness, autonomy, and affiliation with the program. The

latter was a direct result of the participatory decision-making

process that took place in the absence of OIC/A directives.

As the dissemination effort progressed, circumstances forced

OIC into additional roles. OIC/A's intervention in Site C during

its management and recruitment crisis, for example, exemplifies

the crisis intervention category in Sashkin's (1973) TherapeuticIntervention Model. OIC/A's intervention and resolution of the

program's problems has significant consequences for future development. The staff gained renewed vigor and commitment to

the program because "somebody finally listened" to them and

took specific steps to alter the dysfunctional elements of the

program. Lingering doubts, however, do remain at the sites

concerning their future relationship with the disseminator (OIC/A)

because they "waited until the 11th hour before coming in to save

Ulf II

OIC/A's behavior at Site D, where the technique of listening

to staff "gripes" about management was used to relieve tension and

obtain a more objective perspective of the situation, exemplified

What Sashkin terms cathartic intervention. While this approach

proved useful, one of its drawbacks is that an enormous amount of

time can be spent in gaining an in-depth understanding of a

problem that could be corrected through some straightforward

administrative action.

Examples could be cited where OIC/A employed catalytic intervention, confrontation intervention, and prescriptive intervention

strategies--other types of behavior described by Sashkin. Parallels could also be drawn with other well known dissemination

models. OIC/A's use of most, if not all, of the strategies

described in the literature suggests that the OIC/A staff left few

stones unturned in the dissemination effort. On the other hand,

each strategy had to be developed as situations arose for which it

was appropriate. This conclusion, of course, implies that OIC/A

would be a significantly more effective disseminator now than it

was during the early stages of the present demonstration. In

fact, OIC/A staff members have expressed the same conviction.

Thus far this discussion has been confined to considerations

of OIC/A and the developer-public school consortium as two alternative dissemination mechanisms. Another alternative to the

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I i3
present format involves an OIC/A-LEA team approach. OIC/A could

transmit the structure, organization, and functional dynamics of

the Career Intern Program to the LEA staff. The LEA would make

decisions concerning staff selection, youth referrals, curriculum

modification, and so on. The LEA would rely on OIC/A for training

and technical assistance. This system would be extremely efficient and OIC/A,LEA political problems would be largely eliminated.

A major disadvantage of this approach is that it ignores the

significance of the context (LEA versus OIC system) of a program.

In addition, it neglects the potential importance of the OIC/A

philosophy, reputation, and power in dissemination and implementation. The survival of a program is dependent on a variety of

variables. One of them is placement in the appropriate environment. Placing an alternative program in an LEA context is likely

to result in rapid erosion to more traditional educational approaches.

A third option involves selling the CIP to an independent

contractor who would agree, under contract, to follow the model as

stipulated. OIC/A would closely monitor the implementation. The

contractor would assume the role presently assumed by the local

OIC. The assumption underlying the selection of an independent

contractor is that much of the counter-productive territorial

behavior would be ameliorated. A disadvantage of this approach is

that OIC/A's accumulated knowledge, experience, and charisma would

not be utilized. Significant obstructionism from local OICs could

also develop. Furthermore, the local networks available to the

OICs could not be as effectively involved.

The last option involves packaging the CIP for a government

network system. OIC/A has already received government validation

of the CIP. The National Diffusion Network has added the CIP to

its catalog of innovations and refers it to interested LEAs

wherever appropriate. OIC/A potentially serves as a consultant.

This option has not yet been used. A disadvantage of this approach parallels the disadvantages cited in the last two options--

OIC/A talents and experience are minimized. A probable result is

that errors made by the OIC/A early in the dissemination would be

repeated--over and over again. This option might be useful,

however, when serving populations outside OIC/A's range of

experience or in locations where there is no OIC affiliate.

The OIC/A process of dissemination/implementation appears to

be at least as effective as the usual developer-public school

linkages. It's advantages include: the ethos provided by a

soicoreligious movement/organization; the local OIC's reputation, experience, and community ties; and the alternative socialization pattern of the OIC/A-OIC network. Major disadvantages

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11
demonstrated by the OIC/A process of implementation/dissemination

include: political divisiveness; under-utilization of resources;

and interface difficulties, particularly with the LEAs. To some

extent, however, these disadvantages are likely to diminish with

time and increased experience. Finally, consideration of alternatives does not imply the existence of any mechanisms significantly more effective than the OIC system. In fact, RMC believes

OIC's advantages outweigh, by a considerable margin, its disadvantages. Certainly, no other aystems have demonstrated greater

ability to disseminate such a complex program in such a short

time..

Findings about the Implementation Process

In earlier sections, an idealized general approach for

disseminating and implementing the CIP and the actual events that

took place were described. In the following discussion the ideal

and the actual are brought together for consideration. Findings

and conclusions of other research are cited to determine the

extent to which the experience of the CIP demonstration corroborates or refutes what others have observed.

Of course, no series of actual events is ever likely to

follow an ideal path to its intended outcomes without problems.

Even the most experienced program disseminators are bound to make

some strategic or tactical errors, to misinterpret situations, to

fail to anticipate some conditions or responses, and to encounter

points of resistance or hesitancy among the groups affected by the

implementation. Nevertheless, there is a substantial body of

knowledge about the dissemination/implementation process that can

be very helpful to those who are charged with introducing a new

program to a community. It is in light of this knowledge that the

findings about the CIP demonstration are presented.

Time and Timing

Adequate time for planning and start-up is critical for a

program to succeed in actual implementation. The more complex a

program is--and the CIP, being so comprehensive, is very complex--

the more crucial it is to have the time to lay plans and marshal'

resources. In the case of the CIP, not only intra-program concerns had to be addressed, but many relationships with outside

groups also had to be established in order for the CIP to operate

effectively.

The intra-program concerns included selection of a qualified

staff, staff orientation and training, intern recruitment, facilities selection and renovation, materials and equipment procurement, curriculum adaptation and development, and, finally, a start

13].

1 4 tr
on creating staff cohesiveness or "team spirit." With the exception of the last, these concerns are relatively straightforward.

However, they do take time to accomplish, especially the selection

of a staff, since the person selected as project director should

be involved in selecting the remaining staff members.

Relationships with other groups in the community are less

straightforward. In order to gain the LEA's authorization to

grant graduation credits to interns, the CIP must have the school

board's and administration's explicit support. The program must

be explained to the LEA and procedures worked out for accomplishing the necessary paperwork. -Similarly, the LEA's approval is a

prerequisite for CIP recruitment in the schools and for getting

access to interns' LEA records. Making these arrangements takes

time, not only for making presentations to the school board and

top administrators to get official endorsement, but also for the

endorsement from the top to be transmitted to the operational

levels of the LEA. Another significant relationship is that with

the teachers' association or union. Especiall7 at a time of

declining enrollments and public reluctance to finance schools,

teachers may be threatened by -my program that will remove students from the public schools. In addition, as professional

associations, teachers' groups take an interest in maintaining

high standards for teachers. Therefore, they may want some

involvement in defining the qualifications of teachers and counselors to be hired and assuring the standards are met. Establishing relations with a teachers' group in a new CIP site may thus be

critical to getting the program going.

Business and industrial groups and social service agencies

are also important to the program for developing Hands-On resources, for establishing the CIP as a program to which agencies

can refer youth, and for creating a pool of resources to whom CI?

interns with specific needs can be referred. Finally, the CIP

needs to make itself known to a wide array of such diverse

community groups as block associations, youth clubs, and gangs in

order to generate interest for intern recruitment. Making initial

contact and developing relationships of mutual trust and support

with all these groups and individuals is a major, time-consuming

task. Of course it would be unrealistic to expect these relationships to be fully developed before program operations begin.

Indeed, several years are required for the full potential of such

relationships to be realized. Still, the operation of the

program requires relationships with such groups, so time to

initiate them solidly is essential during the preparatory stage.

Earlier studies confirm the necessity of thse activities and

of time to accomplish them. Miles (1964 a, 1964b) calls attention

to the complexity of planning needs in innvoation and program

implementation efforts, noting the highly interactive nature of

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planning processes. The Rand change-agent study reports frequently point out a positive correlation between successful

program implementation and early, comprehensive, and inclusive

planning, while %lien and Pomfret (1977) found in their review

of implementation studies that lack of time for planning led to

poor implementation. Paul (1977) and Upham (1977) both discuss

planning issues. Stearns (1975) pointed out difficulties that

emerged from lack of clear planning by LEAs that hurriedly adopted

Project Information Package (PIP) projects, as did Campeau,

Binkley, Treadway, Appleby, and Bessey (1979). In his review

of implementation of Follow Through programs, Beers (1976) cited

thorough planning activities as very important to success. Many

others have also discussed planning as an issue in implementation.

These Iarlier studies do not indicate precise amounts of time that

sholi be given to planning before other activities commence. Nor

do we. The amount appropriate for a given implementation is

dependent on the complexity of the program and the characteristics

of the context.

A review of the implementation schedule planned for the CIP

demonstration reveals the sites had at most six to seven weeks

from the time their contracts with OIC/A were signed (15 December

1977) to the expected entry of Cte first cohort of 150 interns,

with a control group of the same size also in place. (January

1978 is identified in the Interagency Agreement between DOL and

NIE as the time when service to youth in the sites was expected to

start.) Though the sites were notified of their selection prior

to conclusion of contracts and were told to begin recruiting staff

members in early December 1977, actual hiring could not be done

until contracts were signed. In fact, most staff members started

on the first day of initial training, 19 December for three sites

and 26 December for the other. Also, the first cohorts, far

smaller than 150 members and with no control groups, did not

actually start in the CIP until late February 1978 in one site,

mid-March 1978 in a second, mid-April 1978 in a third, and June

1978 in the fourth. Thus the time between beginning implementation and serving interns was longer than originally scheduled, but staff were under pressure to hurry, and planning and

preparation were characterized by uncertainty and a lack of

adherence to a well articulated plan. Furthermore, in three sites

the original endorsements from LEAs and/or acquiescence from

teachers' groups the local OICs had obtained when putting together

their proposals did not result in cooperation and support when

implementation began. This further delayed implementation.

Protracted negotiations with LEAs and teachers' unions had a

debilitating effect on recruitment and clouded operations by

casting doubt over the whole enterprise.

Long negotiations with these soups were not the only factors

unanticipated by overly ambitious schedules. Recruitment and

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selection of staff members were very hurried, resulting In appointment of some seriously under- or misqualified personnel.

Review and adaptation of the original CIP curriculum and instructional materials took longer than planned. Acquisition of materials and equipment and renovation of facilities could not be

completed within the time allotted, both because suppliers could

not respond with the time frame of the schedule and because the

local 0/C requisition procedures delayed sending CIP purchase

orders to suppliers. In sum, the original implementation schedule

was far too tight to allow for orderly planning and preparation.

The slippage in the entry dates for. the first cohorts, while it

could have conceivably been used for more thorough preparation, in

fact served primarily to create anxiety in the sites. This was

not alleviated by the threats of the 0/C/A project director to

close the CIPs down if they didn't meet their enrollment targets

by certain dates, nor by the hands-off attitude of NIB, which

refused to play a more active role.

The early confusion and frantic pace demoralized the staffs

and curtailed the development of the esprit de corps that should

characterize the program. The selection of inappropriate staff

members, especially in leadership roles, delayed the growth

of teamwork and resulted in some ineffective teaching and counseling. Of the original holders of the twelve leadership positions

in the four sites (director, instructional supervisor, and careercounseling supervisor), only three are still with the project.

Total staff turnover has been slightly lower, but is still a major

problem. While the time allowed for assembling the staffs is not

by any means solely to blame for this, it was clearly a factor.

Just as earlier research does not give specific, consensual

findings about the appropriate amount of time for program planning, no conclusive recommendation emerges from the findings

about the CIP demonstration. Too many interacting factors contributed to implementation problems to isolate the effects attributable to shortness of time alone. This dissemination has demonstrated that when objectives are clear and appropriate ways

of achieving them are known, 0/C/A is a very effective organization. 0/C/A's record and the authors' prior experience in educational dissemination lead to the conclusion that, with the OIC/A

team in the lead, the local planning and preparation necessary to

lay a solid foundation for CIP operation could have been accomplished in about one semester.

Another way in which time caused difficulty in the implementation of the CIP was in the early exposure of the replication

sites to the scrutiny of the evaluation team. Even under the best

circumstances, some aspects of program implementation take considerable time to develop. Program climate, for instance, involves the gradual acculturation of staff members to each others'

134
ways of doing things. Though there are structured ways to encourage development of a desired climate, much depends simply on

working on shared tasks directed at shared goals. Thus expectations that program climate can develop quickly are unrealistic,

and imposition of evaluation processes on a still developing

program can result not only in failing to find the expected

characteristics but also in impeding their development.

A few researchers have called attention to the effects of

evaluation on program operations. Glass (1975) refers to "evaluation anxiety" that can detract from program operation. Pullen

and Pomfret (1977) mete that if evaluation is imposed before

users feel they know what they are doing, there may be few valid

data collected. Miles (1964b) points out tha informal evaluations--i.e., those done with no formal design or data collection,

but on the basis of higher-ups' feelings about projects--have been

done before projects have taken hold, leading to their discontinuation. Likewise, Sikorski, Turnbull, Thorn, and Bell (1976) find

that "too much evaluation can strangle an innovation" (p. 122).

Rossi (1976) notes a variety of issues concerning evaluation of

social-service programs. Wore common than reference to evaluattions' harmful side effects are many observations that implementing a program simply takes time (the Rand reports; Moore et al.,

1977; Imrick, 1977; Stearns et al., 1975, 1977; Campeau et al.,

1979; Havelock, 1970). Hall (1975) and his colleagues seem to be

expressing a near-consensus that innovations should not be summatively evaluated until the users have bad at least one complete

program cycle's experience, because the program will not become

fully operational until then.

The experience of the evaluation team in studying the CIP

demonstration corroborates these conclusions. Though CIP staff

members in all the sites have been most gracious and forthright in

responding to evaluators' questions and in allowing observation of

CIP activities, their anxiety about the conclusions that could be

drawn from observing immature program operations has been very

evident. It is clear from the trends in all the CIP sites that

operations are moving toward full implementation, and that mature,

stable, sad full implementation is relatively close where !t has

not already been achieved. Thus, the findings of this report

should be viewed as no more than preliminary indicators of the

success the CIPs may ultimately have in achieving full implementation.

The timing of the sites' implementations, relative to the

schedules of other local programs, has also had an effect on the

demonstration. Timing has not been the focus of extensive re

search. However, the SRI/RMC evaluation of the PIP field test

found several ways in which timing had a major effect on project

implementation (Horst et al., 1975). Most of these findings

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140
concerned the importance of coordinating project planning and

start-up with the LEA calendar.

The timing of CIP activities has been important.. in three

ways. First, the CIP started in the middle of a school year.

This made fewer potential staff members availble than if staffing

had occurred in spring or early summer. Directors of all four

sites mentioned the December project start as a negative factor

in recruiting staff members. One director summed it up this way:

"Since we started :u Dftcember, the only teachers available were

ones who couldn't get jobs in the regular schools anywhere around

here or who had just moved to the area. We were lucky to find

some good teachers, mostly from the new arrivals...."

Secondly, CIP versus LEA timing affected recruitment of

interns, especially for the second cohort, originally scheduled to

enter in June 1978. Though the difficulty in working out arrangements to recruit potential droputs in the schools presented major

problems in reaching in-school youths during this period, an

equally severe problem was that young people did not want to

commit themselves to starting in a school program immediately

after finishing the regular school year. Potential intcrns'

desires to have their accustomed summer vacation and summertime

job opportunities contributed to reluctance to get involved in the

CIP at this time. The schedule for CETA and other DOL youth programs also failed to match the original CIP calendar. CIP staff

members who were involved in recruiting during this period unanimously mentioned vacation and summer job opportunities, almost all

with DOL programs, as the prime reasons potential interns bad

declined or postponed further investigation of the CIP.

Finally, timing affected the CIPs by virtue of the mismatch

between CIP and LEA school-year schedules. This aspect of the

failure of the CIPs to coordinate with LEA calendars has been most

evident in terms of attendance. Attendance has been especially

problematic during the times the CIPs have been operating but the

public schools haie been on vacation. Thus, for instance, the LEA

spring-break ?eriod drew large numbers of CIP interns out of

school to enjoy the spring weather with their fr:..-ds who attend

public schools. This probably could have been avoid,. had the CIP

and LEA schedules been the same.

Lack of time and lack of coorAination between the CIP and

other local calendars have effected CIP sizes ix, important ways.

Program implementation, youth interest in CIP, and attendance have

all suffered as a result of the failure of the demonstration to

take these factors into acount. These findings confirm those of

earlier research, and they reinforce the notion that time and

timing are important factors to consider in Implementation plans.

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1 4.; j
Agency Roles

The literature contains little discussion of possible effects

of institutional roles in dissemination projects, though Sikorski

et al. (IWO note organizational roles as important and Gross,

Giacquinta, and Bernstein (1971) discuss organizational innova

tions in terms of institutional roles. In the CIP demonstration

several results of institutional roles can be seen. The first is

that when agencies have multiple roles, ambiguity and confusion

can result for program staff. Four agencies--NIE, OIC/A, the

local OICs, and RMC ---had multiple roles in this demonstration.

NIE had responsibilities for managing both the operation and

evaluation of the overall effort. OIC/A was given the roles of

overseeing the demonstration, providing technical assistance, and

administering the contracts with the local 0/Cs. The local OICs'

roles included getting the CIPs underway and giving assistance as

needed, acting as fiscal agents for the CIPs, and monitoring the

CIPs as units within their local OIC structures. RMC had a purely

evaluative role in theory, but the nature of the evaluation

impinged on site operations, so a role in program operation

devolved on RMC soon after the evaluation began.

At the sites, NIE and the local OICs soon became perceived as

evaluators. As a result, visits from either to the CH's created

anxiety among the staff members. Local OIC executives seldom

appeared at the CIPs. However, they made their presence known

to the CIPs, particularly in fiscal matters, and came to be

regarded by some CIP staff members as meddlesom and insensitive.

NIE was a rather frequent visitor to the CIPs. NIE's interest in

visiting is perfectly understandable. However, since they wert

perceived by the CIP staffs more as judges and important funding

sources than as benignly interested observers, the staff members

were put on the defensive by their presence. In all four sites,

staff members report having been given explicit warnings of

impending NIE visits and told to put their best act on. Thus the

two agencies without direct aluative responsibilities were

nevertheless cast in the evaluative role, with the result that

their activities tended to raise tensions and retard implemen

tation.

01C/es role also included an evaluative responsibility.

Since OIC/A was also the direct funding source for the CIPs, OIC/A

staff members were regarded with substantial. trepidation. The

perception of OIC/A as an agency that might cut off funds was

reinforced by the early threats from the OIC/A project director,

and by the structure of the OIC system. Probably the most severe

effect of OIC /A's multiplicity of roles was the way in which the

evaluation and funding roles significantly obscured the technical

assistance role from the viewpoint of the CIPs' staffs. Staff

members at all sites affirmed that they were reluctant to ask

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151
OIC/A for assistance because they were afraid that revealing

implementation problems might jeopardize future operations.

RMC came to have an operation role by virtue of the impact

of the evaluation design, which called for administration of

pretest to large groups of CIP applicants. As the problems

created by this approach became evident, the sites asked for a

revised testing approach, involving frequent small-group sessions

and staggered admission of interns. In turn, this necessitated

changes in the entry procedure and in some operational practices.

Another way in which the evaluation design affected implementaton was in the need for random assignment of qualified

applicants to the intern and control groups. This process created

public-relations problems, especially when there were fewer

applicants than places in the program. While a control group

design might find acceptance when a program is heavily oversubscribed, the assignment of needy youths to control groups while

program slots remained unfilled was odious to CIP administrators,

the youths themselves, and the entire community.

The implementation was affected by the multiplicity of

institutional roles, and also by the number of different agencies

involved in the demonstration. Six actors--DOL, NIB. °IC/A, local

OICs, CIPs, and RMC--were linked together in. an often- confusing

communications network. It is significant that at the time of

this report, there has never been a meeting at which all actors

could interact together. Such a meeting might have served to

resolve problems more quickly and facilitate prowpt decision

making. Instead, messages became ambiguous, rumors circulated,

and making decisions became a confusing and protracted process.

One example is the way in which the sizes of the final cohort and

its control group were determined.

The original demonstration plan called for each site to put

four cohorts of interns through the CIP. The total number of

interns at each site was to be 300. Two cohorts were to have

control groups of equal size. As the demonstration approached the

end of its first formal year--chat is, in late fall 1978 --it

became clear that the sites would not be able to meet either of

these objectives. Both NIE and DOL considered aborting the

demonstration, but after appeals from and consultations with the

local OICs and the CIPs, DOL and NIE considered consolidating the

third and fourth cohorts, setting the size at 90 interns and 90

control group students. NIE asked RMC to comment on the effects

of such a change on the evaluation's validity and reliability.

RMC accepted the plan, but suggested the addition of some comparison groups of youth in similar programs. NIE then took the plan

to DOL, which added the stipulation that these final third/

fourth cohorts and their controls had to be in place by the end of

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January 1979, or the site would be terminated. NIE relayed this

message to OIC/A, which sent it on to the CIPs via the local OICs.

Massive recruitment drives, involving all staff members and even

some interns, began st the sites.

As the sites launched their final recruitment drives, however, OIC/A asked RMC how small the control groups could be and

still offer sufficient reliability. RMC responded that control

groups of 45 members would be minimally adequate, and OIC/A took

this number to NIB and DOL. After lengthy telephone conferences

in Which HIE suggested control groups of 55, DOL superseded its

original directive four days later with one requiring 90 interns

and 55 controls. However, the reduced control-group size was not

made known by OIC/A to the sites until several weeks later, for

unknown reasons. During those weeks the sites were aware that

decisions were being made but were unable to learn their content.

Frequent phone conversations were held between CIPs in which they

speculated about what would happen.

Early in January 1979, the final cohort and control group

sizes were disclosed to the sites, whose recruiting efforts had

begun to yield numbers of applicants approaching the target. By

31 January 1979, each site had secured 145 applicants, 55 of whom

had been assigned control status. The frantic and demoralized

nature of this period for the sites was testified to by virtually

all staff members in all four sites. This series of events

illustrates the cumbersomeness of the decision-making apparatus in

the demonstration, and its potential and real effects in terms of

creating confusion and ambiguity at local levels.

Another institution with a role in the implementation is the

LEA. The fact that the LEA role has not been mentioned earlier

underscores the minimal involvement of the LEAs. Perhaps paradoxically in view of other findings, the relative non-involvement

of the LEAs in the demonstration had negative effects on implementation. Indeed it is surprising that with the leverage afforded by the pivotal nature of its major role--i.e., allowing the

CIPs to grant credit toward LEA diplomas - -only one LEA insisted on

a greater share of operational involvement.

One LEA used its leverage to place district personnel on site

in an advisory and monitoring capacity. This LEA also had had

long involvement with alternative school projects, and had an

established organizational division for alternative schools. Both

the placement of LEA personnel within the CIP and the experience

with alternative schools are thought to have contributed to the

relative ease with which this tine obtained LEA support. This LEA

assisted the implementation from the beginning. In the other

sites, active support and encouragement were not forthcoming until

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5 3
much later. Obtaining potential interns' school records, curriculum approval, teacher accreditation, and cooperation in recruitment were all areas affected by the CIPs' relationships with the

LEAs. The LEAs' hesitancy about the CIP, exacerbated by their

exclusion from the implementation, most certainly had a retarding

effect. As one top LEA official put it,

They haven't consulted with us about anything. I really support what they're trying

to do, but I've got to report (to the school

board) about program quality and I don't

really know what's going on there. My reputation is at Stake. I'd feel a lot better

if I had some impact, even on staffing the

thing, some control.

An official in another LEA put it more bluntly: "I can just see

what would happen if some investigative reporter found out about

this (arrangement)."

The roles of the various agencies in the implementation had a

definite, if unmeasurable, impact on the overall process. The

multiplicity of roles some actors held was confusing and provoked

anxiety in the CIPs. Different structuring of the demonstration

ight have alleviated some of the problems. The complexity of the

demonstrations' structure slowed and made more intricate the

decision-making process. Though the number of actors involved was

not realistically reducible, it might have been possible to design

an explicit process for communication and decision making. Finally, the non-involvement of the LEAs in the active processes

of implementation appears to have led to a lower level of LEA

cooperation than might have resulted had they had fuller participation. Each of these findings should be tested further for

corroboration. If generalizable, each has implications for future

dissemination/implementation policy.

Personnel

Disseminating and implementing a complex program such as the

CIP is a major undertaking. The skills required are specific and

well documented. Sikorski et al. (1976), Moore et al. (1977),

Crandall (1977), Havelock and Havelock (1973), the Human Interaction Research Institute (1976), Piele (1975), Siebert (1972),

Campeau et al. (1978), Treadway (1978), and Harris, Eiseman,

Harris, and Doyle (1979), as well as others, have all pointed out

sets of educational dissemination knowledge and skills that relate

to successful program adoption and implementation. Some sets are

very specific, as Crandall's and the Havelocks', while others are

more general. In addition, there are several general guidebooks

to implementing educational innovations, such as Havelock's

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154
A Guide to Innovation in Education (1970) and Niehoff's Handbook

of Social Change (1966). Collectively these sources represent a

very comprehensive pool of approaches and strategies for planning

and effecting an educational program's installation in a new

setting.

By and large the personnel involved in the CIP implementation

were not experienced in educational dissemination. DOL personnel

had been involved with previous DOL youth programs, but not with

dealing with school programs or with dissemination issues. It was

in fact because DOL did not have expertise in this area that the

partnership with NIE seemed appropriate, particularly because of

NIE's long association with the development and diffusion of the

Experience-Based Career Education (EBCE) program. Nevertheless,

the NIE staff members assigned immediate responsibility for the

CIP demonstration had not been involved with EBCE, nor with other

NIE dissemination programs.

Within the OIC system, the OIC/A demonstration staff included

one member who had helped develop the CIP, taught in the prototype, and conducted other OIC training programs, and one other

member who had been involved in the evaluation of the original

CIP. However, the demonstration staff did not include anyone with

experience in the operation of traditional school systems or

educational-program diffusion. At the local OIC level, neither

the 0/C executives nor the project leaders (director and supervisors) had experience in disseminating or developing schoolaffiliated educational programs. As a result of this consistent

lack of experience with school systems among the leaders of the

demonstration, there was no first-hand knowledge about some

of the important issues relevant to implementing the CIP--for

.instance, the extent to which LEAs would be critical to the

process and the kind of training that would help CIP staffs meet

LEA requirements.

Staffing practices within the CIPs also affected implementation, though it is unclear whether staff recruitment could

have followed a different course. The impact of the time of year

at which the staffs were chosen and of the short lead time given

the sites have been noted. The decision to use the 0/C pay scale

also affected staff quality, as LEA scales in all sites are

considerably higher. For these reasons, the initial staffs put

together for the CIPs were generally less qualified than the

design specified, especially in the areas of school teaching and

counseling.

Moreover, staff turnover in the CIPs has been high. While

this has removed some unsatisfactory staff members, it has also

led to bringing in new staff members who were unfamiliar with the

CIP philosophy and design and had to be trained. In addition,

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1 55
some well qualified staff members have left as well as unsatisfactory ones. The present CIP staffs are generally well qualified

and experienced, but this state has been achieved only with delay

and travail.

Those initial staff members who were underqualified or underexperienced were ineffective in developing their instructional or

counseling programs in the early days of operations. As initial

staff members exited and were replaced, the new staff members had

to be oriented, trained, and acculturated to the CIP. The frequent injection of new members into the staff delayed both implementation of the CIP components and development of an esprit de

corps. The overall result was to slow the implementation process.

Training and Technical. Assistance

The CIP staff members were very impressed with the personal

qualities and desire to help of the OIC/A technical assisters, but

less so with the clarity, depth, and organization of the training

and the program materials OIC/A provided during the start-up and

early operation periods. Typical staff members' comments were to

the effect that the training left them with a good overview of the

CIP's goals and the nature of program components, but with little

idea of how to put them into practice. CIP staff members' recollections of the training they received does not correspond with

OIC/A's recollection of the training it gave. The reason for this

discrepancy is not clear, although some of it may be due to the

fact that much of the training was delivered over such a short

period of time. Since RMC staff did not attend the training

sessions, the content of the sessions cannot be evaluated.

The reports of several earlier studies and projects point

out the need to give concrete guidance to new users of an instructional approach. Documentation of the characteristics of

effective training materials for new implementors of exemplary

educational projects is included in Horst et al. (197-.. Pullen

and Pomfret (1977) note the relationship between lack of specificity in training materials and low implementation. Sikorski

(1976), Miles (1964b), and Emrick (1977) all discuss the importance for effective implementation of concrete training and

materials with a "how-to" orientation. In addition, there have

recently been published some excellent materials on how to package

information about educational programs for adopters, such as

Rosenau and McIntyre (1977).

One especially salient finding of the earlier work done by

RMC with the PIP projects was that program descriptions and

implementation materials are made more useful for new users when

an outsider is involved in developing them. The analytical

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perspective of the outsider serves to make the descriptions and

materials more balanced. An outsider also is less likely to

overlook details that are so obvious to an insider that they are

omitted from training materials.

Perceived Design Inflexibility

The basic thrust of the CIP demonstration has been to install

the components of a program developed in one location in four new

sites. According to the documents generated in the course of the

demonitration, a strong emphasis was placed on adherence to the

CIP design. The very use of the word "replication" in many of

these documents illustrates this emphasis. The local OICs'

subcontracts specifically stipulate that no modifications can be

made without prior consultation and permission from 01C/A.

However, staff members were also expected to adapt the model to

local conditions. Interviews with CIP staff members revealed

it was their impression that they were expected to copy the design

exactly. Although they were aware of the need to respond to the

unique requirements of their sites, the CIP staffs were under the

impression that any deviations from the model would be negatively

received by OIC/A.

On the other hand, OIC/A staff members report they were

quite aware of the need for local adaptation, and point to the

broad nature of the design as evidence they expected the local

staffs to adjust procedures to meet local conditions. They feel

they never insisted on exact fidelity to the extent the sites

perceived. The reasons for this inconsistency betweeen local and

OIC/A impressions are difficult to identify. It is probable the

wording of the subcontracts about modifications was a factor. It

is also likely that the pressures of getting the program underway

and the sites' staff members' uncertainty about how to proceed led

the staffs to interpret too narrowly OIC/A's insistence that the

program components had to be implemented. That is, while OIC/A

was telling the sites to get the program components operational in

any way that would make them functional, the sites were hearing a

message to do things just like they were done before without an

accompanying plan for doing so. As one staff member said, "They

tell us to follow the model, but the don't tell us how." Regardless of the reasons, the results of this miscommunication between

OIC/A and the CIP staffs were confusion, frustration, some 411

will, and slowed implementation. The delay caused for these

reasons reconfirm Rogers' and Shoemaker's (1971) finding that the

perceptions of adopters' determine the rate of adoption of an

innovation.

It is unfortunate that the sites and OIC/A did not clarify

the extent to which local modifications to CIP practices were

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expected, for in the early months of implementation, adaptations

rarely grew out of a joint OIC/A-CIP analysis of how best to

accommodate the main functions of the program. The conflict

between adaptation to local conditions and strict adherence to

model design is a common one. The concept of "mutual adaptation"--both the program and the context must be adapted for

successful implementation--has become a mainstay in the lexicon of

educational diffusion since its appearance in the Rand reports.

Others who have noted the necessity to allow for adaptations

in project implementation include Emrick (1977), Stearns (1977),

House (1974), Pullen and Pomfret (1977), Sikorski et al. (1976),

Campeau et al. (1979), Beers (1976), Pincus (1974), and Miles

(1964b).

In addition to complicating the process of fitting a program

into the local context, a pure replication approach slows the

development of ownership feelings among local implementors. This

has been found particularly significant in relation to program

material, as reported by Beers (1976), Sikorski et al. (1976),

and others.

Evaluation Issues

The evaluation also had a negative effect on implementing the

CIP in the new sites. It began too early, and so intruded on

local program development. CIP operations in the sites had not

matured and stabilized before being subjected to the evaluators'

scrutiny. CIP staff members complained that the early investigation detracted from their ability to get the CIP running properly. This is not to argue for eliminating study of implementation. However, it would seem desirable to restructure such

study so it is not threatening or intrusive. This might be accomplished by building a research component into the start-up and

early operation phases and using the results for program improvement and future implementation planning, but not for making

judgments about a site's continuation before operational stability

has been achieved.

Implementation was also affected by the control-group requirement of the evaluation design. Using a control group to

determine no-treatment expectations against which actual results

of CIP participation can be compared would be the most accurate

way to evaluate program impact. However, there is strong evidence

that assigning people to control status constitutes a negative

treatment. Thus, measures of control-group achievement do not in

fact determine no-treatment expectations. Moreover, the need for

the sites to recruit control groups in addition to interns added

to recruiting pressures. Tallmadge (1979) explores theoretical

and practical problems with the control-group design, finding it

144
inappropriate for situations such as the CIP demonstration. Rossi

(1978) also addresses many issues relevant to evaluating programs

like the CIP..

All sites reported that significant numbers of potential

applicants lost interest when told they might be placed in a

control group even though they met all entrance criteria. Public

relations with the community in general were affected also. As

one site director said,

It turns people off. It makes us seem like

another social experimenthere today, gone

tomorrow, and not really interested in helping

peopIe,..just. in using them as guinea pigs.

Some kids come'here after they get the rejec

tion letter aid beg to be let in. They say

this was their last chance, and it might have

been. It just tears me up. And it doesn't

make the program look too good either. Bow

can we come in here talking about helping

people, turning.lives around, and do that. If

we had more kids applying than places (for

them!, it might not be so bad, but I still

would hate Shutting them out. With room in

the program I can't justify it to anybody,

including myself.

Testing procedures necessitated by the evaluation also

created recruitment obstacles in the early stages of the demon

stration. Overall, the evaluation's impact on implementation was

serious. Begun too soon to permit the CIP staffs to learn their

roles thoroughly, the evaluation was threatening and deterred full

implementation. Moreover, the evaluation design itself was

responsible for keeping many potential participants from enter

ing, or even applying for, the program.

,Summary,

Under even the most propitious circumstances, getting an

operation as complex as the CIP successfully underway takes

dedication, energy, creativity,' time, careful forethought, appli

cation of relevant knowledge, and a fair share of good luck. In

the case of the CIP demonstration, there were available large

quantities of dedication, energy, experience, creativity, and some

luck. What seems to have been missing were time, planning,

and in some instances application of relevant knowledge.

The principal actors learned a great deal about educational

program dissemination and implementation. As the demonstration

145
proceeded, they applied their knowledge to the unique problems of

each site with increasing effectiveness. As the present status of

the CIPs attests, the sites have achieved or are approaching full

implementation. What is unfortunate upon review of the implementation process is that full operation was achieved later

and with a good deal more difficulty than was probably necessary,

because of the lack of time to plan fully and to hire appropriately qualified GIP staffs.

However, not only does the experience of the GIP demonstration underscore the importance of adequate time and fully qualified staffs in implementing innovative social-service programs.

It also raises questions about the appropriateness of dominant

policy-research approaches. As the events of this demonstration

have made clear, there is need both for more careful forethought

in conducting demonstrations of programs and for more sensitivity

to the inherent complexities and difficulties of implementation in

the ways in which research about implementation is planned and

conducted.

The CIP demonstration has been successful. The program has

been implemented in four new sites and scores of disadvantaged

young people have been or are being benefitted by it. The OIC

system has proven to be an effective diffusion mechanism. Existing knowledge about implementation processes has been corroborated, and new knowledge has been generated. In the policy

sciences, knowledge is cumulatively and iteratively spawned. The

authors hope that their research, and the efforts of those whom

they studied, will facilitate future endeavors of the same sort.

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L)

This section describes the instruments used to collect

and process data pertinent to the CIP implementation study.

The descriptions encompaso development and nature of the instruments, ethnographic methods used in the Etudy, data-collection

procedures for each site, and the data analysis methodology

used to arrive at the findings. A complete set of the instruments

for the study is presented at the end of this section.

Other sources of data, not dealt with in this appendix,

were the monthly and quarterly reports prepared by the sites

and OIC/A, as well as reports and correspondence by NIE and DOL.

Development and Nature of the Instruments

The instruments used for this report include unstructured

interview guides and classroom observation schedules. The

purposes of each instrument, how they were used in the study,

and how they were developed are presented below.

Interview Guides

The primary avenue through which data were obtained was

in-depth interviews with staff members, interns, and relevant

others in the community. Prom these, answers were sought to

questions about CI? processes and outcomes. By pooling answers

from many individuals in each site it was possible to develop

models of the CIP as implemented in each site for comparison to

the prototype model.

Interview guides (see Discussion Topic Checklists) were

developed for all staff positions explicitly contained in the CI?

prototype. In addition, interview guides were designed for CI?

interns, program graduates, program dropouts, and various other

individuals in the community who played significant though unofficial roles in the program. The interview guides that were

developed for the interviews are little more than mnemonic lists

of topics to be covered in all interviews. Their unstructured

nature resulted from BMC's experience that the most comprehensive

and accurate data are obtained when respondents are not limited to

a prespecified set of responses to preworded and presequenced

questions.

Interview guides were developed for the 17 different actors

in the CIP:

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-1. "1) aw
Director

Instructional Supervisor

Career Counseling Supervisor

School Coordinator

OIC/Local Director

Curriculum Liaison/Resource Center Specialist

Intern Operation

Intern Follow-4p

Instructor

Counselor

Career Developer

Associate Professional

Parent

Community Leader

Social Agency Personnel

Business/Industry Contact/Decision Maker

Hands-On, On-Site Supervisor

Two of the checklists--the Intern Operation Checklist

and the Intern Follow-Up Checklist--were used to elicit complete

descriptions of the CIP in the adopter sites from the intern's

perspective. The various staff checklists were used to elicit

information about personnel qualifications, orientation, training,

and staff roles and relationships to determine whether model

specifications have been replicated. The Parent, Community

Leader, Social Agency Personnel, Business/Industry Contact/

Decision Maker, and the On-Site Supervisor for the Hands -On

checklists were intended to provide information about the involvement of these persons in the program that was used to determine

what chroages to the model specifications had been made and

why. Relatively few individuals in the last gnat') of checklists

could be interviewed during the field visits. Reasons include

the brief duration of the visits, the fact few interns had

been on Hands -On by the time of the field visits, and the unavailability of some individuals. Pertinent data about these individuals, however, were obtained indirectly from staff and intern

informants who had came in contact with them.

Classroom Observation Schedule

The Classroom Observation Schedule (COS) was designed to

assess the extent to which classroom instruction in the four sites

was similar to the instruction specified in the CIP model. The

COS was developed as a systematic way for recording specific

teacher and intern activities in the classes and for describing

grouping patterns and characteristics of the physical environment

of the classroom. Teacher feedback and questioning strategies,

management and discipline techniques, instructional practices,

and instructional materials used, classwork assigned to interns,

149
and instructor-intern interactions are assessed by the instrument.

For each visit, a minimum of two, tee-minute focused classroom

observations were conducted for each class over a two-day period

by two observers. For the intern and teacher activities section,

the observers made judgments about how frequently each type of

activity occurred.

The instrument is patterned after the classroom observO:ion

instrument developed for the Follow Through Planned Variation

Study (Stallings & Kaskowitz, 1975) and the instruments developed

by SRI and RMC for the PIP replication study (Stearns, 1975).

To develop the COS, a detailed review of the CIP model

and learning packets developed for the original GIP was conducted.

A list of all teacher behaviors and activities and intern activities was generated by reviewing, and in many instances simulating, the activities specified in the learning packets. The

list was not exhaustive; it was designed to cover the most

important instructional features associated with ehe CIP model.

The RMC research team was properly trained in the coding

of classroom activities covered in the instrument. The COS

was pretested in a preliminary visit to ane of the sites.

Data from the COS was used to substantiate interview information

and to draw inferences about whether the sites implemented

the instructional program as specified in the CIP model.

Ethnographic Techniques

Ethnographic concepts and techniques were incorporated

into the study to supplement the more structured evaluation

techniques and to allow site visitors to assess better the

qualitative components of the CIP such as its ethos, program

climate, the charismatic qualities of staff, and com-enity support. These techniques are summarized in the Site Visit Guide

and the Site Visit Procedures Manual at the end of this section.

The Site Visit Guide was developed prior to the f%:s::

round of site visits and is divided into two parts: the ethnographic orientation and the ethnographic observation-of-the

classroom section. The first section provides a general ethnographic orientation to data-collection procedures. This section

comprises a number of ideas borrowed from the field of anthropology and its subdiscipline, ethnography. The overall aim

of providing these concepts was to teach site visitors nos:

ways of eliciting qualitative information in the data-collection

process. The document describes how to perceive the school

as a cultural system and how to elicit the insider's (or emic)

perspective. This orientatic6 was adopted to enhance the site

150

Arl4
visitors' senstivity to facts and relationships that might

not have been anticipated when formal data-collection instruments

were developed.

The second section of the Site Visit Guide provides specific

guidelines for conducting naturalistic classroom observations.

This section was also developed to supplement more structured

data-gathering procedures. Description of naturalistic classroom

observation was included to prepare the site visitors to detect

and respond to events other than those covered by the structured

instruments. Included were methods for documenting the larger

context of the CIP in before-, during-, and after-class sessions.

Guidelines were presented for observing the moods, attitudes,

and motivations that the interns and instructors bring into

the classroom each day. Specific techniques such as the use of

mnemonic de/ices were also included in the guide to assist

the site visitor in observing and recording information.

The Site Visit Procedures Manual was developed to provide

the site visitors with guidelines for accomplishing the datacollection tasks. Information on aspects of interactions between

interns and instructors were provided. Twelve primary categories

of comparisons between the kinds of interactions and the frequencies with which they occur were made between classes at each

site and across the sites.

The entire project staff reviewed the Site Visit Guide

and Procedures Manual prior to the first site visit. Group

discussions, led by the staff ethnographers, were held to clarify

and expand upon the most important points. Questions raised

in these sessions were explored in depth until all prospective

site visitors felt comfortable about their ability to collect

the desired types of information.

Data-Collection Procedures

Data collection was carried out mainly through site visits

to each of the adopter sites. Get-acquainted visits were made

to all sites to introduce evaluation staff and discuss the

requirements of the evaluation.

A total of three formal data-collection visits were made

to each site. All visits were carried out by a team of two

researchers per visit. A total of five researchers were involved

in data-collection activities, which took a week to ten days

per visit. The visits were scheduled to coincide with the

intake and recruitment timelines of the sites as specified

in their agreement with OIC/A. The rationale for this timing

was that it would allow researchers to obtain data from similar

151

1

.
program operations at different points in time and, thus, to

observe the program as it evolved over time. Difficulties

in recruitment and unanticipated consequences of this upon

program operations led to delays in the time of the visits,

although their close occurrence relative to cohort initiation

was maintained. Table 4, below, lists the visit and cohort

initiation times.

Initial Conditions, Adoption/Selection, and Start-Up were

the primary foci of the initial data-collection efforts. Subsequent site visits centered on Operations activities.

The RMC site visits in the context of CIP operations were

as follows.

Site A took in its first cohort on March 20, 1978, just

twelve weeks after its director was hired. The site took in

the second cohort 18 weeks later (July 24). The first

official data-collection visit was conducted on August 7-15.

The third cohort of interns entered the program in February,

1979. The second site visit closely followed that intake

(February 26-March 2). The third site visit was conducted

shortly after the second following a major change in the

CIP leadership (April 23-May 2).

Site B was organized 15 weeks before it took in its first

cohort on April 17, 1978. The site took in the second cohort

26 weeks later (October 16). The first site visit was

conducted from October 23 to November 2. The third cohort of

interns entered the program February 1. The second site

visit closely followed this intake (February 12-16). Another

(brief) visit was made by one team member (March 8) to show

interns the pictures he had taken during the previous visit,

to observe changes, and to speak informally with the director. The final site visit was conducted shortly after

the second (April 23-27).

Site C operated for eight weeks before taking in its first

cohort on February 23, 1978. The 'Ate took in its second

cohort 33 weeks later (October II). The first site visit was

conducted from October 30 to November 3. The third cohort of

interns entered the program on February 5, 1979. The second

site visit closely followed that intake (February 26-March

7). This site visit followed a major alteration in CIP

leadership. The third site visit was conducted shortly

after the second (May 7-11).

Site D had 22 weeks before taking in its first cohort

on June 5, 1978. The site took in its second cohort 19 weeks

later (October 16). The first site visit was conducted from

152
TABLE 4. COHORT INITIATION AND VISIT TIMES PER SITE

Cohort Initiation Visit Time

Site A

First Cohort

Second Cohort

Third Cohort

Site B

First Cohort

Second Cohort

Third Cohort

Site C

First Cohort

Second Cohort

Third Cohort

Site D

First Cohort

Second Cohort

Third Cohort

20 March 1978

24 July 1978

1 February 1979

17 April 1978

16 October 1978

1 February 1979

23 February 1978

11 October 1978

5 February 1979

5 June 1978

16 October 1978

5 February 1979

7-15 August 1978

26 February--2 March 1979

23-27 April 1979

23 October-2 November 1978

12-16 February 1979

23-27 April 1979

30 October-3 November 1978

'26 February-7 March 1979

7-11 May 1979

.1=1.11 13-17 November 1978

8-16 February 1979

7-11 May 1979

153

7
Nnvember 12 to 23. The third cohort of interns entered the

program February 5. The second site visit closely followed

the intake (February 8-17). This site visit followed a major

change in CIP leadership. The third site visit was conducted

shortly after the second (May 7-14).

Site visits were not made during the early months of the

project, which included start-up activities and the first cohort,

due to the fact that the evaluation contract was not awarded

until April. In retrospect, site visits duriag these difficult

periods would have been extremely useful. The first site visits

were conducted shortly after intake of the second cohort to

observe the program participants during orientation and the

beginning of the term. The second site visit was also conducted

almost immediately after the initiation of a cohort--in this

case to observe the effects of the intensive recruitment that

had been required to meet enrollment quotas and to observe

the major leadership changes in two of the programs. Contractual

deadlines for the preparation of the Task A report required

that the third site visit be conducted very shortly after the

second.

As mentioned above, the CIP data- - collection, methodology

was planned to include ethnographic evaluation techniques to

complement more structured data-collection procedures and to

add qualitatively to the evaluation of the CIP sites. The

RMC research staff included an anthropologist trained in ethnographic techniques who, in addition to collecting data in a

naturalistic way, observed and interviewed beyond the initial

week of data collection. Other members of the staff included

individuals with expertise in program dissemination and implementation, and organizational behavior.

During the data-collection effort RMC adapted to the program

schedule and talked to staff and observed classes at the CIP

staff's convenience. Interviews and observations were conducted

with staff, in classes, and in the school using the naturalistic

approach whenever possible. Interviews were conducted, for

example, in restaurants, hallways, and other informal settings.

In addition to those with CIP staff, interviews were conducted with loced OIC administration who had been directly

involved with the feasibility study and the actual start-up

of the program, including the choice of site and staff hiring

and training. These OIC individuals were also questioned about

the ongoing technical assistance the local OIC provided to

the CIP.

All CIP staff members, from the CIP director to clerical

staff, were interviewed during the staff visits. The interviews

154

NIN
were conducted by both of the RMC team members to glean as

much information as possible. Interviews covered the following

areas of implementation.

(1) The professional background of staff

(2) Staff training

(3) Intern recruitment

(4) Materials (use, availability, and appropriateness)

(5) Instruction

(6) Counseling

(7) Site selection

Although interviews formed the major part of the data

collection, observations were conducted in a variety of settiass

to substantiate interview data and to obtain data on the interaction of CIP staff and interns.

Observations of the CIP consisted of formal classroom

observations using the previously described classroom observation

achedule and ethnographic observations of staff and intern

behavior in and out of the formal setting of the class and

on school grounds. All instructors were observed in Classes.

The ethnographic observations focused on a range of intern

and staff interactions and interaction among staff.

Data-Analysis Methodoloav

Immediately after site visits, RR researchers completed

debriefing forms, which called for sorting the interview and

observation data according to the intended processes and outcomes

specified in the CIP model.

According to this debriefing approach, intended outcomes- -

for each stage of the dissemination/implementation process - -are

stated in question form. For example, a question from the

start-up stage reds, "Were appropriate brochures, training

materials, etc. available for diffusion of the CIP?" To answer

the question, site visitors used the following rating system:

0 = the task was not accomplished at all

1 = the task was accomplished, but not as specified in the

CIP model

2 = the task was accomplished as specified in the model

Each specific rating was justified by explaining, in nerrative form, problems the situ experienced in implementation

and the site's rationale Zoe the selection of a particular

approach that differed from the CIP model specifications.

155

1 On 4- Vt.'
Finally, the site viaitor recorded the bases for statements

made and listed dates and sources of information, including

documents that support the statement. This information was

recorded for each of the anticipated CIP processes and outcomes

and entered in their respective Debriefing Form.

Site visitors shared the debriefing task and discussed

each others' observations and opinions. In case of divergent

ratings, the data supporting these positions were reported.

This format of recording observations allowed for systematic

comparison of each of the sites based on the same criteria

used to assess the process of implementation between sites.

The various interview guides, sitevisit procedures, and

related instruments used in this report are presented below.

156
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Director

1. Background

* recruitment

* prior experience

* special qualifications

* motivation, goals

2. Relationship with OIC/A

* satisfaction

* level of direction/autonomy

3. Start-Up

* LEA arrangements

* personnel

* materials

* facilities

* interns

* community, Advisory Council

* training

4. Operation

* role, management style

* relationship with staff

* relationship with interns

* relationship with parents

* relationship with community , * relationship with °IC/local

* relationship with LEA

5. Problems, issues so far

6. Menges to CIP design

157
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Instructional Supervisor

(in addition to Instructor's topics)

I. Why selected as supervisor

2. Role as supervisor

3. Relationships with

* instructors

* director

* other staff members

* interns

* others (outside CIP)

4. Problems following CIP design

5. CCS planning and instruction

158

172
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Career Counseling Supervisor

(in addition to Counselor's topics)

1. Why selected as supervisor

2. Role as supervisor

3. Relationships with

* counselors and career developers

* director

* other staff members

* interns

* others (outside CIP)

4. Problems following CIP design

5. CDP use

6. CCS planning and instruction

159
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

School Coordinator

1. Background

* recruitment

* "selection process

* prior experience

* special qualifications, skills

* motivation, goals

2. Orientation and training

* process

* satisfaction

3. Role

* via a vie CIP

* via a vie LEA

* others

4. Problems, issues to date

* with recruitment

* with LEA

160
CIF Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

OIC/Local Director

1. Background

* prior experience

* OIC/local history in community

* why applied for CIP

* other OIC /local programs

2. Feasibility Study

* process

* critical people

* data sources

3. Start-Up role

* staffing

* facilities

* materials

* LEA arrangements

* teacher-union arrangements

* community support

4. Operation

* linkage to community

* budget/fiscal process

* CIP autonomy . * other

5. Relationship to 01C/A

rit

161
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Curriculum Liaison/Resource Center Specialist

1. Background

* recruitment

* selection process

* pb.ior experience

* special qualifications

* motivation, goals

2. Orientation and training

* process

* satisfaction

3. Role description

4. Relationships with

* instructors

* counselors

* supervisors

* interns

* others

5. Problems, issues to date

* getting materials, supplies

162
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Intern - Operation

1. Program intake

recruitment

motivation for application

selection

interviews

testing

notification

2. Orientation to program

3. Instruction--Required and Electives

content

methods

materials

projects

4. Counseling

* content

* methods

materials

5. Intern Formalized Assessment procedures

6. Program climate

7. Field trips

8. Hands-On Experience

placement appropriate

activities

relationships with On-Site Supervisor

feelings about future career in field

9. Feelings about CIP

* relevant * helpful to decision making about personal future

* self-perception of changes in behavior, attitudes, knowledge

163

4 "
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Intern - Follow-up

1. Present occupation

* job (to Part II after Part I)

* school (to Part III after Part I)

* other (specify; to Part IV after Par': I)

Part I: assessment of CIP and CIP follow-up

2. Recollection of career goals at CIP enrollment

* career preference and reason 44L

* impact of CU program on preference

- reason for change, if any

- CIP help in deciding to study with preference or to change

- career development plan

- career awareness classes

- Hands-On

3. Satisfaction with CIP experience

* reasons for satisfaction or dissatisfaction

* ways CIP helped

-classes, people

- involvement in present occupation regardless of attendance in CH'

-ability Z. plan future

4. Follow-Up contact from CIP

* frequency, last, future

* nature

164

173
Part II: for graduate who is working

5. Nature of present job

* prepared for in CIP

* satisfaction

-preferred alternative, why

-raises, promotions

* may we talk to (get ident. data)

6. Length of present employment

7. Job changes or other intervening activities since CIP

--87 Goals, plans

Part III: for graduate in school

9. Nature of school program

* related to career preference in CIP

* satisfaction

- reasons why or why not

* may we talk to (get ident. data)

10. Length of attendance

11. Changes in studies/majors or other intervening activities since CIP

12. Goals, plans

Part IV: for graduate in neither job nor school

13. Reasons for neither job nor school

14. Intervening activities since CIP

15. Goals, plans

165

170
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Instructor

1. Background

* Recruitment

* Selection process

* Prior experience (esp. with disadvantaged youth)

* Special qualifications and/or skills

* Motivation, goals

* Prior knowledge of OICs, CI?

2. Training

* Recollection of methods

* Recollection of content

* Summary of rev-14s

* Satisfaction with results

* Suggestions for improvements

3. Instruction

* Self-assessment of reaching style

* Characterization of relationships with interns

* Description of "typical" class period

* Materials used

* Methods used

* Diagnostics and prescription

* Assessment procedures

4. Non-Instructional Duties

* Interface with other staff members

* Interface with parents

* Extra-curricular internal contact

* Field trips

* Disposition conferences

166

U0
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Counselor

1. Background

* Recruitment

* Selection process

* Prior experience (esp. with disadvantaged students)

* Special qualifications and/or skills

* Motivation, goals

2. Training

* Recollection of methods

* Recollection, of content

* Summary of results

* Satisfaction with results

* Suggestions for improvements

3. Counseling

* Self-assessment of style

* Characterization of relationship with interns

* Description of "typical" counseling session

* Methods, materials used

4. Instructional

* Role it Career Counseling Seminar

* Electives

5. Non-Instructional

* Interface with other staff members

* Interface with parents

* Interface with others

* Extra-curricular intern contact

* Disposition conferences

167

181
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Career Developer

1. Background

* recruitment

* selection process

* prior experience

* special qualifications

* motivation, goals

2. Orientation and training

* process

* satisfaction

3. Role description

4. Relationships in CIP

S. Problems in community support, contacts

6. Problems, issues to date

168

1°1
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Associate Professional

I. Background

* Recruitment

* Selection process

* Prior experience

* Special qualifications and/or skills

* Motivation, goals

2. Orientation and Training

* Recollection of methods

* Recollection of content

* Summary of results

* Satisfaction with results

* Suggestions for improvements

3. Duties and Roles

* Instructional

* Non-instrutional

* Interface with other staff members

* Interface with interns

* Interface with others
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Parent

1. Awareness of CIP

2. Motivation to have child involved

3. Selection Process

4. Orientation

* Process

* Content

* Satisfaction

* Understanding of CIP

5. Contact/involvement during operation

* Intern assessment

* Other

6. Relationship with CIP staff members

* Director

* Teachers

* Counselors

* Other

7. Perceptions of impact on child

S. Feelings about CIP

* Thus far

* Prospects

170

9
V

CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Community Leader

1. Individual's role in community

2. Initial contact

3. Motivation for involvement

4. Evolution and extent of involvement

5. Perceptions of CIP

* Relevance to needs of community

* Realism of CIP approach

* Prospects

* Suggested modifications

* Community support

6. Plans for continuing support/involvement

171
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Social Agency Personnel

1. Agency's role in community

2. Individual's role in agency

3. Initial contact with CIP

4. Motivation for involvement

5. Evolution of involvement

6. Nature and extent of involvement

7. Perceptions of CIP

* relevance to needs of community

* realism of CIP approach

* prospects

* suggested modifications

* community support

8. Plans for continuing involvement

172

186
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Business/Industry Contact/Decision Maker

1. Firm background

* nature of business

* number of employees

* roles for interns

-- Hands-On

-- future employment

* previous involvement - -social concerns programs

2. Individual's role in firm

3. Individual's previous involvement in social concerns programs

4. Initial contact with CIP

5. Motivation for involvement

6. Evolution of involvement

7. Nature and extent of involver.Int

8. Perceptions of CIP

* relevance to needs of community

* relevance to needs of firm

* realism of CP approach

* prospects

* suggested modifications

* community/business-industry support

9. Plans for continuing involvement

173

187
CIP Study

Discussion Topic Checklist

Hands-0n, On-Site Supervisor

1. General background

* nature of supervisor's firm's business

* genesis and evolution of firm's involvement with CIP

2. Supervisor's background

* nature of job

* experience in job

* initial contact with CIP

* motivation for involvement

* prior involvement in social concerns programs

* expected rewards froWInvolvement

IP 3. Nature of intern position

* supervisor's expectations at beginning

* job duties

4. Supervisor's relationship with intern

5. Supervisor's satisfaction with intern performance

6. Supervisor's perceptions of intern's experience

* intern's satisfaction

* intern's.future in career field

* changes in intern's behavior

* changes in intern's attitudes

* changes in intern's knowledge

7. Suggestions for modifications to CIP

174
CLASSROOM OBSERVATION SCHEDULE

Instructions

The classroom observation schedule comprises a classroom summary

sheet; a materials, equipment, and physical environment checklist; and

an intern and teacher's activities checklist. The schedule is used to

record a minimum of two observations in each CI? classroom. These observations should be conducted sometime during actual instruction and at

mutually agreed-upon times by each observer (through eye contact). Each

observation period should last for ten minutes. After each ten-minute

focused observation, all judgments about the instruction should be recorded. The comments section on the bottom of the cover sheet should

be used to write a one- or two-sentence statement about the type of instruction that occurred. Any unusual circumstance that would invalidate

the observation should also be reocrded here, including any statements you

have about coding.

175
CLASSROOM °NERVATION SCHEDULE

Classroom Summary

Date

Site

Observer(s)

Additional Observer (Specify)

Intern Arrival

Title

Time

Start of Instruction StartUp Technique

Time

Tescher(s) present Name

Associate Professional(s) present

Ham,

No. of Interns Enrolled

No. of Interns Present

Sex Ho. Females No. eales

Subject Hatter

Nature of lesson (e.g., review session, presentation, film, etc.)

End of Instruction

Time

COMMENTS:
CLASSROOM ObSERVATION SCHEDULE

Furniture. Equipment. Classroom Displays and Materials

(In present. l used today)

Issniture

Desks(teachets)

Desks (assoc. prof.)

Desks(interns)

Tables

Filing cabinets

bookshelves

bulletin boards

Catpet

Learning centets

Storage cabinets

Other(specify)

111,

111,

..11.111.

Classroom Displays

Career education 0111=111. Academic

Art pictures

111,

Ethnic Ctoup

Current Event

Other (specify)

111,

111,

Equipment

Projector

Filmstrip viewer TV

Radio

Record player

Earphones

Cameras Typewriters

Cassette player/

tecorder

Calculators

Videotape equipment

Teaching machines

Science equipaent

Other(specify)

ttP

MOI

11011.

110111

4010=11

Materials

Career H4terials

Textbooks

Leatning Packets

Publishers kits

(e.g. readina kits)

Reference books

(e.g. encyclopedias)

Resource library

Cameo. putzles

Programmed materials

Skill tapes

Other (specify)

Physical Environment Features

Classroom

Size

Ventilation

Lighting

Noise level

177

191

Adequate Inadequate

Adequate Inadequate

Adequate Inadequate

Adequate Inadequate
CLASSROOM OBSERVATION SCHEDULE

MEV START: END: Tine Time

Intern and instructor Activity Codes: (3 0. freq., 2 « occasionally, I never)

Intern Activities A Silent reading (books etc.)

B Reading aloud

C Oral presentations

D Role }laying, drama

E Discussion, r.ademic

F Discussion, nonacademic

C Providing feedback, reinforcement

H Taking notes

I Listening, watching

.1 Forms, applications

K Writing, composition

L Writing, answering questions

M Checking work assignments

N Tutoring

O Recording progress

P Assisting with materials/equipment

Q Using equipment, typewriters,

ft Self-instructional materials

(learning packets)

S Worksheets, workbooks

T Games, puzzles (individual)

U Games, puzzles (group)

Projects (drawing, constructing)

W Flashcards, drill

X Publishers Kits

Y Reference materials

7. Career Materials

22 Self-test

YY Oral outs.

XX Written test

WW Transitional activities

(e.g. getting organized)

VV Disruptive behavior

SS Idle

IT Solving math problems

Percent Teacher time

Percent Ins:4n time

Instructor Activities

AA Testing/diagnosing

BB Reviewing/evaluating CC Assigning/prescribin4.4ireetions

DD Watching/monitoring

BE Lecturing

FP Demonstrating /explaining /reaping aloud GC Drilling

NH Tutcring

II Assisting with materials

JJ Questioning/ptompting

XX Discussion, academic

Discussion, nonaeWerate

NM Discusslum, discipline NN Discussion with staff

00 Providing feedback, reinforcemenr

pp Equipmenthaachines

QQ Classrcim managsment/administrative

RR Idle

Individual Two Small Group Large Group

Interns Interns (3-8) (9 and aver) ..

0111ImSD

-

11111 11.

178

192

.11,...

Im

MO11.1,

MO11.1,
SITE VISIT GUIDE

CIP Evaluation

The following is a guide for the first round of site visits. It describes an ethnographic approach for conducting interviews and classroom

Observations. The guide is divided into two parts. Part 1 includes a

lumber of ideas borrowed from ethnographic techniques that may be useful

in structuring interviews with individuals and observing processes of

social interaction that will add qualitatively to data collection. These

ideas are meant to supplement and induce new ways the interviewer might

look at and think about the school, staff, and interns. Part 2 of the

guide provides specific guidelines for conducting naturalistic classroom

Observations.

Part I: Ethnographic Orientation

In addition to the classroom observation instruments that each site

visitor will use, ethnographic observations will be done to record social

processes as they occur in the school and classroom. Following are a number of conceptual and methodological ideas that can help each of us create

new methods of perceiving school interaction and of "what is going on"

and "how things are happening." Specific guidelines for classroom interactions and ethnographic observations in the classroom are included in

Part 2 of this guide. The ultimate goal is to ask ourselves different

questions in order to structure interview questions and data collection

for the purpose of retrieving a variety of information. Most of these

ideas are merely different ways of asking about the same processes in

order to obtain similar but substantiating data.

11LeSchool as a Cultural System

The primary assumption of an ethnographic methodology is that all

human interaction--social behavior--takes place in a logical systematic

179

`i
way. This logical system is the culture--or cultural system (so often

viewed as an overused reference). When we begin viewing human interaction as a systematic pattern, questions about behavior can take on new

directions that may not have been perceived, for example, by looking

specifically at individual roles. The idea of a system connotes 1)rocess

and interaction, and specific modes of behavior. Individuals are viewed

in relation to other members of the system being focused on.

Every cultural system has appropriate behavior that defines membership and participation in the group. There is appropriate behavior for

classrooms, bars, schools, research, and whole societies. When we ask

"What is appropriate behavior in a specific social setting," we are asking

"How does an individual interpret and use knowledge in this group?" What

are the rules and regulations that structure behavior and how are people

using these rules? This becomes a discovery process. We have all experienced this discovery process in travel or when we find ourselves on

"foreign turf." Much of the discomfort we feel comes from not knowing

the ground rules (cultural knowledge and its appropriate use). And until

we dd know the basics, our discomfort continues.

All cultures have rules and regulations-- -norms and roles that condition and produce members of a culture. It is these people, the members,

who know and use the rules to succeed and survive. In our case, these

individuals are staff and interns. Each of these individuals have interpreted the knowledge of the school culture--the body of knowledge that

enables them to partake in the system as it exists. For the researcher

the main questions become questions of discovery: What are the rules and

regulations that govern successful behavior? How does one survive in this

game of school success? The analogy of a game is a good one for us to

think about because it can help produce questions we may not have thought

about. It may help get at the questions "What is really happening here?"

and "How is it taking place?"

they

only do we want to know the ground rules but we want to know how

are interpreted by individuals at the schools. The variation we

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expect to find at the local CIPs can be interpreted as a result of local

interpretation of the rules (guidelines). Along with local adaptations,

each group of individuals (staff, interns, instructors, etc.) will have

interpreted the rules for success on the basis of the knowledge being

shared within the system. In order to compare and describe CIP implementation we need to know the ground rules and how they are interpreted at

the school and individual level. Knowing the ground rules is not enough.

A good illustration is traffic signal lights. The written law states that

a yellow light means "Caution--slow down." The light will soon change

to red, which means "Stop." Actual behavior, however, tells us that most

motorists interpret the yellow light as "Step on the gas." Not only are

individuals interpreting the ground rules to their advantage, but the interpretation is opposite the designed meaning. Instead of "slowing down"

they are "hurrying up."

For this project it is important to understand how it is that interns

interpret the knowledge (rules) they are getting from the staff, and what

that knowledge is. It is this knowledge that permits or disallows learning and growth to occur.

In summary, the view of the school as a cultural system aids us in

observing and identifying the processes that are involved in the operation

of the CIP. A focus on interaction rather than on isolated events becomes

prominent. Along with looking at specific events, we are observing the

interconnections of those events.

CIP--A Cross-Cultural Situation

The situation we are entering is cross cultural in nature. The CIP

staff, personnel, and interns have a culture--a body of knowledge and accompanying rules of behavior--that is unique and different from our own.

We as evaluation researchers place ourselves in a precariously balanced

position. Not only must we be sensitive to CIP people but we need to be

aware of our own culture and how this might affect our perceptions and

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the assumptions we might make about the local CIP. It is almost impossible not to impose our own cultural definitions and categories on behavior that appears to be like behavtor we know. But until we have enough

knowledge about the CIP and the people there, this can be misleading and

inaccurate. If we attempt to maintain an awareness about our own cultural

perceptions and assumptions about school and student behavior, while realizing that the CIP is unique, our observations and data collection can

be more accurate and we will maintain a more sensitive posture towards

the school and interns. The idea in part is that others see things difcerently and these perceptions are reflected in their behavior. We need

to understand and ask "What does the intern see?" and "How?"

Naturalistic but Systematic Observations

Ethnography relies upon observation for the discovery of important

areas in which to focus study. Like most researchers, educational ethnographers enter a research situation with specific objectives in mind. A

priori instruments or specific interview schedules are, however, not

created before research begins, but are constructed from actual observations. Further observations (in addition to instruments) are structured

around the knowledge that has been gleaned by "naturalistic and systematic"

observations. Since we are limited in time and total naturalistic observations are impossible, we will be using "predefined" categories of behavior to begin structuring our observations. But we should continue to

attempt observations of behavior in natural settings in order to be more

accurate in later instrument refinement and observations.

Naturalistic observation refers not only to the behavior and environment the researcher is observing. The researcher-observer is also part

of this methodology in that his observations should ideally be totally

unstructured, and unhampered by a priori assumptions and instruments.

The intent is to liberate the observer and allow the natural highlights of human behavior to stand out. As behavior takes on a recognized

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pattern, the observer can then focus on those areas most pertinent to his/

her research quest. This of course is the ideal. and it takes a significant amount of time. Time that we don't have. But the method is important and can be used in time segments that fit our research design.

Each.of us will probably create new questions based on personal obsevations. Below are some that may help us in observing. Much educational

and learning research has focused on the obvious variables that seem to

structure learning environments. Ethnographic research helps discover

the hidden agendas that aid or impede communication, and influence learning. What are the non-obvious "things" people are doing? How are students controlling or structuring the learning environment? Is the teacher

really "in control" or is there an unwritten social contract that he/she

is sharing with interns?

The interviewer in the context_of specific environment: Most of us

have stated "Sometimes the real information comes after work hours or in

the bare." Although we realize that on-site visits produce data leading

to analysis, there is much validity in the "after hours" Ma of interview.

Anthropologists seek to condtct interviews in settings that allow freedom

for the person being interviewed. An "interview" of the director in his

office will probably produce different information (or at least a different

insight) than one conducted on the street corner, in a restaurant, or in

a bar. It is often the environment that structures interviews, regardless

of the methods employed by the interviewer. The idea here is that when

possible it might be a good idea to get the person being interviewed into

an environment that does not predicate acting out of (professional) roles

or interview conditioning. Students, for example, react to individuals differently out of classrooms (even within the school environment, because they

are no longer in classroom X) a role that comes with being in classroom X.

!then changing environments is not feasible, the idea itself helps

us think about the framework/environment in which we are doing the interview. This environment includes people, as well as structure for roles.

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The same concept applies when observing of an individual in his/her

specific role. A good way to see an individual role is to actually place

the individual in multiple settings that prescribe role interaction.

School and community tours, participation in meetings, and other situa

tions are good contexts for observing specific individuals in their roles.

By requesting such tours, etc. we not only set up an interview in a dif

ferent environment, but we can ask specific questions in less threatening

ways because they are based on observation, etc. In short, techniques

should be emplo7ed to get people into varying environments both to ob

serve them in multiple roles and as a basis to view and ask about the

school interns/staff from different perspectives.

Key informants: Anthropologists rely on key individuals for a major

ity of indepth information about the culture or about specific problems

that are to be studied. Along with observations, interviews, etc., key

individuals can become reliable sources for checking, refining, and ob

taining data. Each of us will gain rapport and become 'friendly' with

specific individuals through the duration of the project. As we honestly

share our objectives (to know what is happening) and trust develops, these

individuals can become key sources of information.

We should begin nurturing onetoone relations during this first

site visit. If we are; fortunate (and careful) enough to identify an

intern or interns on this firscweip who might prove to be key individ

uale, we will profit tff'tfts..1o21

run. Since we will be returning to sites,

an effort to seek out this individual and talk with him/her would eventu

ally establish rapport and a 'case study' observation. The idea is that

continual discussions. interviews, and observations over the project's

duration with specific individuals will lead to indepth information about

the school, its staff, and the interns. If the student drops out of the

program at a later date and if rapport has been established, we have a

basis (and hopefuly an honest desire) to find out what the student is do

ing, and why he or she dropped out. Similarly, a longterm view of suc

cessful graduates can be pursued.

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Establishing rapport with key individuals will take some effort on our part, but it can be done in conjunction with the primary interviews

and observations we must do. On the first site visit, we shorn try to

identify specific interns (or staff) for this purpose.

Rapport with interns: Most of the local CV staff know who we are

and what we are doing from a variety of sources (01C/A, RMC). Students

(and perhaps others), however, will probably not understand our role and

objectives. The situation we are entering is cross-cultural in nature.

Most of our backgrounds and cultural understanding are different from ;ghat

of the average intern we will be observing and interviewing. as in any

cross - cultural situation, we should try to be honest and informative about

our roles and interest, not only to accomplish our goals but to respect

the individuals we are solicitiv, information frcm.

The Site Report: A Guide for Field Notes

Along with .:he general site report that each visitor will make upon

returning to 141C, it is important to record site notes intermittently

throughout the field site visit. These 'field notes' should ideally be

done after each day during the visit, in as much detail as possible. Given

the amount of work each of us has to do during the site visit day, this

can be difficult and overburdening. However, it is still important to

at least jot down a few phrases, ideas, or impressions you have after the

day. Simple jotting down may prove to be important cues for recalling important events and/or be used later in discussions, write-ups, or for comparisons as the site. visits and general program evolves. The Daily OnSite Field Report Form is included in the Site Visit Guide.

The insider's perspective: An "mile orientation. One of the most

valuable conceptual methodologies used in ethnography is the view of the

system (in our case, the school) from the perspective of participants (the

intern, instructor, eta.) A true insider's view is difficult (if not impossible) to obtain, but this methodology can help us to structure different questions and new observations of the school and intern. The idea

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Is to place ourselves in the position of the. intern (or staff). We should

try to be "participant observers" in the sense that we can take the "role,"

at least mentally, of the individuals we are observing and spending time

with.

Teacher effectivness. Teacher effectiveness is often conditioned

by the attitudes, beliefs, and cultural background a teacher brings into

the classroom. We should keep this in mind and attempt to identify correlates that will aid us in describing and analyzing thesA attributes as

they affect classroom dialogue. This includes locus of control, as well

as attitudes and specific beliefs an instructor might have. Relevant

questions to ask ourselves include: How is it that the teacher is communicating and how does this affect the climate and interns in the class?

How do teachers react to and discuss specific problems? Interviews and

careful observations of intern-teacher interactions, and teacher - teacher

interactions will help identify these personal attributes and attitudes.

Interview of the tester. The tester at each site will have spent

more time on site than any member of the RHC research team. This individual is an important source of information about the school, staff, and

interns- Because the tester is an "outside" person, his/her views of the

school will be different than actual school staff. furthermore, this person will return to the school for new cohort testing and in the process

get segmented but overtime views of changes in the local CIP. It will

be important for us to interview the tester and utilize his/her presence

and knowledge about the CIP. General questions regarding staff attitudes,

interaction, student.reception, etc. should be asked of this person.

Manapeaent style. In addition to interviewing about the management

of the schools and local program, we should be on the lookout for the

characteristics of management "style." Observations should focus on staff

interaction and communication in an attempt to answer the basic questions:

How does supervision occur and how does it affect communication? How

does supervision style affect the quality of interaction and the climate

of the local program, and how do these styles compare across sites?

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2O
Part 2: Ethnographic Observation of the Classroom

Anthropology is fundamentally "holistic" in its outlook. This holism

refers to the entire system of interrelationships in any given situation.

Single isolated series of events are better understood and analyzed when

placed in larger contexts of meaning. For example, p solitary scene in a

play provides the audience with little insight into the meaning or significance of the scene until placed in the context of an appropriate act.

Greater meaning is derived when the scene is placed in the context of the

entire play from which it was drawn. Similarly, greater meaning and understanding of classroom activities can be obtained when class behavior is

placed in progressively larger contexts.

This classroom observation guide is intended to document the larger

context of the CIP classes we observe. This includes three stageswhich

incorporates before-, during-, and after-class sessions.

Pre-classroom observations often provide insights into the moods,

attitudes, and motivations that students bring to the classroom each day.

Interns enthusiastically discussing details of their classroom projects

before class will be geared up for the class session. Other examples

include when an intern is emotionally "charged up" because he is going

to a?concert that evening, or an intern is withdrawn or angry because

she was arrested the day before. The following is m specific guideline

for the pre-class observations.

1. It is important to observe and record how, when, and what interns

do as they enter the classroom. (Recording this can be done by

writing down key words or phrases that will help us reconstruct

the event later in the day.) Some of these signficant characteristics of pre-classroom activity that should be recorded are:

conversations of interns, e.g., about academic or social

matters;

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4 attitudes, a.g., happy, upset, tense, bored, and so on;

non-verbal communication, e.g., eye contact, hand gestures,

posture, and so on--but specify relationship of non-verbal

communication to behavioral or verbal activity;

number of "loners" and cliques or groups and their appearance, dress, and speech (jargon, tone, etc.).

It is important to be specific about appearance and speech. For example:

Are most of the interns wearing jeans? Record your assessment of the individual or group's appearance (e.g., neat, clean, dirty, sloppy).

2. Observe and record the time and techniques necessary to begin

instruction. For example, does the class begin exactly on tine

or 15 minutes late? Is it intern initiated (if so how), teacher

initiated, and so on.

Instructional period observation is the focus of the ethnographic

classroom observation. The roles, the cultural knowledge, and the interaction patterns operating during this period represent one of the most revealing components of an educational program. The aim of classroom ethnography is to elicit, observe, and record the emic or insider's point

of view as unobtrusively as possible. Below is a brief list of guidelines

for an ethnographic observation of a classroom.

Mnemonic devices. It is important to record key words, phrases,

and quotations of participants and of the classroom activities

when possible. These mnemonic devices help reconstruct the situation for write up at the end of the class or at the end of the

day.

It is important to record significant gestures or body language

of teachers and interns. Some gestures can serve as manifestations or indications of attitudes, (e.g. an intern that has his

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head on his desk and is yawning may indicate boredom or exhaustion, an instructor that is asking an intern a question but

looking at another intern may indicate that a response is not

desired from the queried intern etc., an intern that is responding to a question but staring out the window may indicate boredom or preoccupation).

It is important to record mannerisms of teacher and intern whether

it appears to affect the class or not. A set of gestures or a

certain mannerism that may not bother us may con .tibute to an intern's interest in or repulsion toward classroom instruction. There

are various mannerisms that can serve as manifestations or indications of attitudinal orientatic 'is- ' -e.g., authoritarian, defensive,

bored, comfortable, enthusiastic, etc.

It is important to record the pace or progression of activities

in the classroom to help assess classroom climate, in both the

formal instructional and informal portions of the class, e.g.,

interns joining with each other, teacher attempting to gain or

regain control of interns' attention, avoidance behavior, intern

or teacher manipulation of classroom behavior, and so on. How

does pace and continuity affect classroom behavior and learning?

Post-class observation. Teachers and interns often let down their

guard and reveal more realistic attitudes at the end of the class (e.g.,

running out of the classroom as soon as possible to socialize, remaining

after class to discuss classroom projects, and so on). This is a critical period in which to secure the participant's perspective of the specific class in their own words. For example, did the teacher or interns

think the class was a typical CIP class? Did the participants perceive

the evaluator as significantly altering the classroom climate? Was the

class a review session or a session where new material was introduced?

The Classroom Observation Form is included in the Site Visit Guide (Appendix D).

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Below are a few guidelines to keep in mind while observing post-class

activity. Observation and questions should be as unobtrusive as possible.

1. Record the exit pattern of teachers and interns from the classroom, e.g., fast, slow, in pairs, groups, alone, etc.

2. Record and observe the mvaber of interns remaining after class.

Why are they remaining? Are interns discussing academic matters,

social matters, and so on? Are interns being detained for disciplinary reasons?

3. If appropriate, ask the teacher to evaluate the class in his or

her own terms.

4. Ask interns remaining after class and two to three of those who

left early what they thought of the class (as well as in comparison to other dasLes).

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Classroom Observation Notes

At the end of the day or as soon as possible, you should review your

observations and notes and expand them in a few paragraphs, identifying

routinely repeated patterns of bebavior.

Date

Site

Observer

Teacher/class name / subject

Pre-classroom description:

Classroom instruction description:

Post-classroom description:

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Daily On -Site Field Report Form"

1. What are my _general impressions?

2. What impressed me most? Event? Person? Why?

3. What are important areas for follow-up?

4. How would I characterize the interaction and dialogue of staff and

interns, among staff and interns? How did people interact? Did

I see any factioning or friction? What are examples of interaction?

5. Did something I expected to occur/to see not happen? Is it of significance?

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Site Visit Procedures Manual

CIP Evaluation

The goals of this site visit is to characterize as thoroughly as possible the adoption/selection and start-up processes in each site. We are

also planning to collect some data on the first phase of operations, although it is not essential to go into the details of project operation.

Our aim is to collect as complete site-specific information on problems

sites are having, discrepancies that exist, and program changes that have

been made. Review of the models of these stages is imperative. Other

materials that will help "get a feel" for the objectives and climate of

the CIP are the training and curriculum materials.

We will collect three categories of data to attain our goal. These

are interview data, classroom ot.aervation data, and project documentation

data. Each of these categories of data are described below. The guidelines and/or data collection forms needed for each category of information are included under the appropriate sections. A proposed site visit

agenda is included at the end of this manual.

Interview Data. We will conduct in-depth interviews with all key

project staff during the first visit. By asking appropriate questions

and using the ethnographic guidelines presented (see Site Visit Guidelines), we can learn a great deal about the difficulties the staff have

experienced thus far. There are seven major data-gathering issues, or

categories of information, for this visit. These are:

I. Staff

Method of recruitment/selection

Qualifications /competencies

Roles/relationships (interface with staff, parents, community,

CIP advisory council, etc.)

Motivation, goals

Prior knowledge of OICs, CIP

Job description (instructional procedures, counseling methods, etc.)

Locus of control

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II. Traininc

Recollection of methods

Recollection of content

Perceived deficiencies (suggestions for improvement)

Satisfaction with results

III. Intern Recruitment

Criteria (grades, credits, etc.)

Interface with feeder schools

Competing DOL programs

Intern characteristics

Intern/community communication

IV. Instruction

Use of CIP procedures (e.g., methods, materials, diagnostics, and

prescription)

Grouping and structure patterns

Scheduling, coordination among departments

Description of "typical" class period

Selfassessment of style

Intern perspective

V. Materials/Equipment/Facilities/Furniture

Acquisitions (procedures, guidelines used)

Substitutions/deficiencies

Future plans

VI. Site Selection

Why applied for CIP

Relationship with local OIC

Feasibility (e.g., criteria met, critical people, startup role,

linkage to community, relationship to OIC/A)

Motivation, goals

VII. Counseling

Description of "typical" counseling session

Methods, materials used

Selfassessment of style

Intern perspective

We will rely on a tape recorder for the interview procedure to allow us

to generate information, probing for clarification. New data categories

can be added as you feel are necessary, but relevant to the study.

There are a total of 17 types of individuals to be interviewed.

These are:

1. Local CIP Director (1)

2. School Coordinator (1)

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3. Instructional Supervisor (1)

4. Career Counseling Supervisor (1)

5. English Instructors (2)

6. Social Studies Instructors (2)

7. Science Instructor (1)

8. Math Instructor (1)

9. Reading Specialist (1)

10. Math Specialist (1)

11. Counselors (3)

12. Career Developers (3)

13. Curriculum Liaison/Resource Center Specialist (1)

14. Associate Professionals (3)

15. Local OIC Director (1)

16. Interns

17. Tester (1)

18. Designee (Person assigned to assist with director tasks (1])

Observation Data. The second category of data collection will involve

checklists of classroom activities and ethnographic observations. The observation checklists designate certain elements about the physical environment, materials, grouping patterns, kinds of activities, etc. Instructions

and a copy of the checklist are presented in Appendix C. The ethnographic

observations include the interaction and naturalistic observations of the

classroom. Procedures for conducting the interactions are described below

while the guidelines for conducting the overall classroom observations

in a naturalistic way are presented in the Site Visit Guide.

t

In addition to conducting focused interviews using the checklists,

we will conduct observations of social interactions of interns and teachers

in CIP classrooms. Twelve (12) primary categories of interaction give

the observer a matrix of types of interaction. These categories are intended to aid in the identification of social interactions normally encountered in classroom settings. They are not checklists or observation

structures in which to classify or code behavior but are intended to be

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used as suggestive observation indexes. The concept is to allow the observer full freedom to observe the natural classroom processes and record

the patterns that surface naturally rather than "structuring observation."

After observation, the prominent patterns will be categorized according

to the twelve matrix types. The frequency and deviance of these categories will then be compared to other classes and across local CIPs. Below are the categories to keep in mind:

Selectivity

Encouragement of verbalization

Intern interactions

Control systems

Avoidance behavior

Ingratiation

Play

Discipline

Time on task

Motivational techniques

Groupings

Reinforcement

,Selectivity,. This is the degree to Which an instructor selectively

focuses behavior, communication, and interactions toward specific individuals or groups of individuals While sanctioning (usually negatively)

those not selected.

Verbal encouragement. These are the modes of interaction that impart

verbal (and communicative) confidence in interns. These modes of behavior

can be verbal and/or non-verbal and can be directed from peers as well as

instructor and other adults in the classroom.

Intern interactions. This is behavior of interns that acts upon and/or

influences attitude, responsiveness, and class behavior of individuals or

groups of individuals. Peer pressure is one example.

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St
. Control systems. Refers to the patterns of behavior and interaction

that function to regulate or dominantly influence communication, dialogue,

and learning in the classroom. The "hidden structures and ethos" of student groups that relegate specific behavioral norms and sanctions of communication are an example.

Avoidance behavior. This is behavior that is directed toward nonlearning or avoiding the acquisition of instructional knowledge. For

example: doodling, tapping with feet or hands, head on desk, looking away.

Ingratiation. This type of behavior is directed to establishing oneself in the favor of others (with other interns and with the teacher).

An example is an intern offering to clean the chalkboard after class for

the teacher, or a single intern responding to every question asked by the

teacher.

Play. This is intern activity comprising non-academically oriented

social behavior in class. It Includes joking, participation in games,

conducting ritual insults, and so on.

Discipline. This includes teacher or intern reprimands, corrective

instruction, and punishment concerning maladaptive or unacceptable CIP

behavior. Examples include: interns displaying dissatisfaction with

fellow interns when an intern decides not to complete his/her homework,

teacher enforcing dress codes, and teacher requests of disposition conferences for a student with a high absentee record.

Time on task. This category refers to intern attitudes and feelings

toward the work they are doing. It is displayed by the actual amount of

time spent on a task, task persistence, and is often expressed in enthusiasm or resentment towards the task.

Motivational techniques. This refers to specific behavior used by

interns and teacher to gain and maintain intern interest. The use of

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audiovisual equipment, voice inflections, drama and supportive dialogue

(verbal and non-verbal) are examples.

Groupings,. These are the grouping patterns of interns and teachers

that are centered around specific classroom work. Groupings include individual and groups of interns working together and/or with a teacher.

ww Reinforcement. This refers to intern or teacher behaviors that

serve as cues for feedback on academic and non-academic performance.

It is characterized by responses such as corrective feedback, no response

to questions, praise, acknowledgment, academic explanations, verbal and

non-verbal demonstrations:

Prolect Documentation Data. Finally, we should try to get copies of

anything relevant to the project adoption/selection, start-up, or operations. This would include memos, correspondence, carreer d ielopment

plans, learning packets, forms used for counseling, lesson plans, admission forms, etc. These documents will serve to substantiate interviews,

observation checklists, and ethnographic observation data. We can expect

considerable cooperation if we continually emphasize that our goal is to

study the implementation, not the sites.

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Proposed Site Visit Agenda

This agenda is only suggested but may prove useful for planning all

the data-gathering activities.

Day 1 - a.m. Inteiview Project Direcir

p.m. Tour facilities

Day 2 - a.m. Interview School Coordinator/Counseling Supervisor

p.m. Interview Counselors

Day 3 - a.m. Interview Career Developers

p.m. Interview Specialists, Tester

Day 4 - a.m. Interview Instructors

p.m. Interview Instructors/classroom observation

Day 5 - Conduct classroom obervations/interactions/Interview local

OIC/A staff

Day 6-10 Will focus on the in-depth participant observation. Ideally

we will begin case studies of individuals and attempt to

procure information that is not included in the first week

of data collection.
DEBRIEFING FORM

CIP Evaluation

Summary of Analysis Section

Stage

CIP Site Date

Code No. Rating

(0,1,2)

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0

...11

Juitificar5on(s)

(Deviations, Replications, Problems etc.)

Basis for Statement

21.5'
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Berman, P., & McLaughlin, M. W. Federal programs supporting

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Berman, P., & McLaughlin, M. W. Federal programs supporting

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1977.

Berman, P., & McLaughlin, M. W. Federal programs supporting

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Study of the Career Intern Program

Interim Technical ReportTask B:

Assessment of Intern Outcomes

Prepared for the National institute of Education

RMC Research Corporation Mountain View. California

G. Kasten Tallmadge

Tony Lam

September 1979

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Because of its demonstrated success in the site where it was

developed, a decision was made to try out the Career Intern

Program (CIP) in four new sites representing a wide range of

geographic and contextual diversity. The program itself is an

alternative high school, serving dropouts and potential dropouts,

and run by the Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America,

a community-based organization. Its goals are to assist disadvantaged and alienated youth attain high school diplomas and

enhanced employability. Funded by the U.S. Department of Labor,

the demonstration effort, as well as its evaluation, has been

managed by the National Institute of Education.

The evaluation encompasses processes (Tasks A and C), outcomes (Task B), and comparisons with other similarly targeted

programs with similar objectives (Task D). This interim Task B

report, however, is confined to an examination of the effects the

CIP has had on participating students (interns). Furthermore,

because the demonstration effort was still relatively new at the

time of writing, it considers only the intermediate program

objectives of reading and mathematics achievement, career awareness, and affective changes in self-concept and locus of control.

A final outcome evaluation (Task B) report will address the

objectives of high school graduation and post-high school experiences in addition to longer term achievement, career awareness,

and affective benefits.

The evaluation design was modeled after that which had been

used at the prototype site to assure comparability. Several

methodological innovations were incorporated, however, to overcome

problems that had been encountered in the earlier evlauation, to

adjust for the extended intake testing period that resulted from

recruiting difficulties, and to enhance the interpretability of

the findings.

Taken as a whole, the evidence derived from the various

analyses that were undertaken provides a quite positive picture of

CIP impact. Statistically significant gains were observed in both

reading and math (although not at all sites or in all analyses).

Career-Planning and Use-of-Resources scales also showed consistent

patterns of gains, while some gains on other scales were observed

at some sites in some analyses.

With respect to reading and math achievement, the results

were generally more favorable for third-cohort interns than

for those in the second cohort. This finding was not unanticipated, however, as the interval between the second-cohort

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pre- and mid test had involved substantial turmoil at all four

sites. Three of the sites experienced leadership changes during

this period and all four had to undertake massive recruiting

efforts that substantially reduced the amount of staff time

available for curriculum planning and development, preparation

for classroom activities, counseling, and other "normal" school

functions. It is interesting to note that the only statistically

significant gain in reading (second cohort) was found at the one

site that did not experience a leadership change and had minimal

turnover of other staff.

It is also of some interest to note that achievement levels

in mathematics were lower than those in reading at all four sites.

At Site B, the average pretest achievement level of 40 interns

was at the tenth percentile of the national distribution while,

for reading, it was at the twentieth percentile. Site A had

the highest achieving interns, with mean math (pretest) achievement at C...t eighteenth percentile and mean reading achievement

at the forty-second, percentile. None of the sites showed significant gains in mathematics for second-cohort interns.

It was noted that the gains observed in reading and math

achievement had occurred over a relatively short period of time.

If growth continues at the same rate, the gains resulting from

an entire year of program exposure will be of considerable educational significance and will place the CIP well up in the

hierarchy of effective programs serving disadvantaged youth.

Significant gains were also found on the Planning and

Resources scales of the Career Development Inventory. The

nature of these scales, however, is such as to engender skepticism

regarding the educational significance of the gains. One question, for example, asks whether the respondent has discussed

career decisions with an adult who knows him or her. An affirmative answer verifies that such discussions (which are a normal

part of the treatment) have indeed taken place. It does not

signify that the intern has developed improved career-planning

ability.

There was no consistent pattern of gains on the CDI Information scale or on any of the affective measures. The latter

negative findings came as somewhat of a surprise since attitude

change is central to the CIP, and since on-site observations

and ethnographic analyses suggested that such change had occurred (Fetterman, 1979). It appears more likely that the

instruments were insensitive to changes that did occur than

that there were no changes. This inference led the authors

to recommend that more appropriate instruments be sought out

or developed for future CIP evaluations.

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Methodologically, the results of this study served to

verify the utility of the norm-referenced model (Tallmadge

& Wood, 1978) for assessments of this type. Information obtained from the simultaneous implementation of this model and

the traditional experimental-contre design strongly suggested

that the norm-referenced design yiucds more broadly interpretable results.

Lack of control over the control group causes educational

research in field settings to differ from laboratory experiments

in very important ways. Rather than providing a no-treatment

expectation, members of the control group may find their way

into atypical educational settings that can seriously bias

the findings of treatment-control comparisons. If, for example,

applicants to the CIP who were randomly assigned to the control

group decided to abandon educational pursuits completely, tueir

posttest performance would tend to make the program appear

more effective than it really was. Conversely, if the control

students gained admission to another particularly effective

program, they would tend to make the MP appear ineffective.

Such biases are eliminated through the use of norm-referenced

comparisons.

This demonstration of the soundness and utility of the

norm-referenced evaluation model is particularly gratifying in

view of other problems that exist with respect to control group

designs. Not only is there the moral-ethical issue of withholding

services from youth who need them desperately, there is the

valid concern that assignment to the control group may constitute

a (negative) treatment in itself (see, for example, Tallmadge,

1979).

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ve I. INTRODUCTION

The Career Intern Program (CIP) is an alternative high

school serving students (called interns) who have either dropped

out of regular high schools or who were considerd to be potential

dropouts. The CIP was developed in Philadelphia by Opportunities

Industrialization Centers of America (OIC/A). An independent

evaluation was _undertaken by a reputable social science research

organization, and the results were positive on several criterion

variables (Gibboney Associates, 1977). The evidence of success

was judged sound by the Joint (U.S. Office of Education and

National Institute of Education) Dissemination Review Panel

(JDRP), and the program was approved by that group as eligible for

federally funded dissemination.

Dissemination of the CIP was funded by the U.S. Department

of Labor (DOL). By means of an Interagency Agreement, the

National Institute of Education filled the role of monitor

for both the dissemination effort itself and for evaluation

of the program at the new sites.

OIC/A was the agency responsible for carrying out the

dissemination. That organization, through a competitive bidding

process, selected four local 'ICs to attempt CIP replications.

Three of the selected sites were urban and one was located

in a small-size (30,000) city.

The work statement for the evaluation was prepared by

NIE and DOL. To assure comparability with the original CIP

evaluation in Philadelphia, it specififed that the evaluation

of the replication sites employ the same instruments and experimental design as that study. While some modifications were

eventually made to strengthen the evaluation, care was taken

to preserve the desired comparability. A complete description

of the design and instrumentation is presented later in this

report.

Three cohorts of interns entered the CIP at each of the

four sites (four cohorts had been anticipated). The first

cohort was not included in the study for several reasons:

the cohort had entered thq program at two sites before

the evaluation contract was awarded

it was felt that the replications needed some time

to stablize and that data collected from the first

cohorts would not provide reliable indices of program

effects

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the first cohorts at several of the sites were quite

small and it was felt that findings based on such small

samples would have been difficult to interpret

This interim report encompasses the assessment of student

outcomes after approximately six months of program participation

for the second cohort and four months of participation for

the third. (The short pretest-to-midtest interval for the third

cohort was dictated by the need to collect midtest data before

the beginning of summer vacation.) Posttesting of both cohorts

will be accomplished after approximately twelve months- of Ca

exposure, and a final outcome evaluation report will be prepared

in early spring, 1980.

Three different evaluation designs were employed in the

present study to assess the Cies impact: (a) a control group

design, (b) a comparison group design, and (c) a norm-referenced

design. As is usually the case with field research, practical

considerations precluded implementing any one of these designs

in strict accordance with textbook procedures. Nevertheless,

the results are felt to be meaningful and Interpretable within

the framework of assumptions that underlie the designs and/or

derive from the procedural modifications that were (necessarily)

made to them. The next chapter of this report provides detailed

descriptions of the designs, the modifications made to them,

and the analyses that were undertaken.

The most notable finding of the study to date was that

interns who participated in the C/11 (at least third-cohort participants) made statistically sigificant achievement gains in

reading and mathematics. Both second- and third-cohort interns

also made gains on the Planning and Resources scales of the Career

Development Inventory, but the educational significance of these

gains is questionable.

Data on other criteria of success, such as job placements,

are not covered in this report but will be included in the final

Task B Report.

Several methodological innovations were incorporated in this

study and are discussed in the main body of the report.

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II. METHODOLOGY

Overview

As mentioned in the Introduction, this study encompassed

the simultaneous implementation of a control group experimental

design, a comparison group design, and a norm-referenced design.

Only the control group design was called for in the request

for proposal, but a decision was made by the time of contract

award to supplement it with a norm-referenced evaluation since

large and (probably) differential attrition of students was

expected from the treatment (CIP) and control groups. Such

attrition, if it occurred, could create serious doubts regarding

the validity of inferences drawn from comparisons between treatment and control groups.

The evaluation was further supplemented by the inclusion

of various comparison groups approximately nine months after

the study began. This step was taken because the sites were

experiencing serious difficulties in recruiting sufficient

numbers of students to fill treatment group quotas while also

providing adequate numbers for the control groups. It

feared that control groups might have to be abandoned altogether

or that they would be too small to provide a stable baseline

against which to measure treatment effects.

Constraints were imposed on the evaluation by a number

of circumstances associated with CIP operations at the four

sites. These constraints typically required that the standard

procedures associated with each design be modified. In some

cases the modifications were substantial and significantly

affect the manner in which the analyses should be interpreted.

While the authors believe that the inferences they have made

and the conclusions they have drawn are sound and credible,

the reader is advised to note carefully all the cautions and

caveats contained in the following descriptions of how each

design was implemented.

Instrumentation

The study described herein used much the same instrumentation as was used in the evaluation of the origiral CIP in Philadelphia (Gibboney Associates, 1977). Both evaluations used

standardized reading and mathematics achievement tests. The

original study used sub tests of the Stanford Achievement Test

(1973 edition) while the present study used the Metropolitan

Achievement Test (1978 edition) because the latter instrument

was considered to be substantially better suited for use with

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the CIP target population than the former. Before the final

selection was made, a careful examination of thirteen of the

most coemonly used achievement tests was undertaken. A summary

of this evaluation is included as Appendix A to this report.

Other instruments used in the original study were the

Career Development Inventory (Super, 1970), the Self-Esteem

Inventory (Coopersmith, 1967), the Internal-External Scale

(Utter, 1966), and the Standard Progressive Matrices (Raven,

1940). These same instruments were used in the present study

(except for the Standard PLogressive Matrices; copies are included in Appendix E). There was one difference, however;

the Standard Progressive Matrices test was used both pre and

post in the original study whereas it was used only as a pretest

in the present study. This change was made in response to

a suggestion made by the WIE Project Officer.

With the exception of several pretest sessions at one

site, all testing was accomplished by RMC- employed site assistants with appropriate professional qualifications. The few

test sessions not conducted by RMC were run by a senior-level

graduate student in psychometrics who was employed as a CIP

math teacher at the time. He nes trained by the regular RMC

tester at that site and was judged to be well qualified.

The Control_ Group Design

The evaluation of the original CIP in Philadelphia made

use of a randomly assigned control group in orderto generate

a baseline against which the growth of CIP participants could

be measured. More candidates were recruited for the program

than could be served, and a lottery-like procedure was then

used to determine which applicahts would be assigned to the

control group and which would be admitted to the program.

At mid- and posttesting times, members of the control group

were paid to complete the instruments.

The evaluators noted several problems with this approach

(Gibboney Associates, 1977). First, many of the control group

students who returned for mid- and posttesting lacked motivation

and were observed to mark their answer sheets at random. While

an attempt was made to compensate for this problem through

application of a statistical adjustment, the results were unsatisfactory. A second problem was that attrition from both groups

was very high (approximately 50%) and there was concern that

biases might have resulted. The more able or more highly motivated control group students, for example, might have changed

schools or taken jobs and thus not been available for midor posttest data-collection sessions. On the other hand, the

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treatment group students Who were not present for these sessions

could easily have been those at the other extreme of the distribution who would or could not do the work required to remain

in the program. Other hypotheses may be equally plausible,

but the fact remains that while random assignment may have

assured parity between the original groups, that parity could

well have been destroyed by differential attrition.

RMC attempted to deal with each of these problems through

design modifications. To control for random responding, students

were paid for correct responses on those instruments where responses could be judged either correct or incorrect. The details

of this incentive payment strategy are discussed be...ow.

To combat the differential attrition problem, a decision

was made to adopt a matching strategy that entailed the formation

of dyads or triads of students (dep( sing on treatment and

control group quotas) who were as much alike as possible in

terms of identifiable, educationally relevant characteristics.

One member of each dyad or triad was then selected for the

control group while the remaining members were invited to enroll

in the CIP. The plan was to limit comparisons between treatment

and control groups to those dyads or triads where it was possible

to obtain mid- and posttest data on both the control group

member and at least one treatment-group member. While this

procedure reduced the size of the evaluation sample, it enabled

the use of a more powerful statistical test than could have

been used without matching and, presumably, eliminated the

bias that might otherwise have resulted from differential attrition. The details of the'matching procedure are also described

below.

Incentive Payment Strategy

Because it seemed likely that students with no stake in

the study (control and comparison-group students) would not

put forth their best efforts when responding to mid- and posttest

questions, a decision was made to provide an incentive, in

the form of a cash payment, for correct responses. Thus, in

addition to paying students $10.00 for coming to data collection

sessions, they were paid $.07 for each item they answered correctly on the reading and math achievement tests, the Standard

Progressive Matrices, and the Information section of the Career

Development Inventory. (Items comprising the other instruments

or scales had no correct answers).

There were a total of 190 correct answers, so students

could earn as much as $13.30 for correct responding plus the

$10.00 for attending. In fact, typical payments were in the

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$18.00-$20.00 range. Tests were scored immediately and students

were paid in cash or by check within minutes of completing

the last instrument.

While the incentives were considered generous, it became

clear that they were not entirely successful in achieving the

desired results. In one instance, students who had been scheduled for testing were observed playing basketball on a court

outside the school. They could not be lured in for data collection. In at least two other instances, students were observed

marking their answer sheets without referring to the test booklet. Despite these occurances, it seemed clear that the incentive strategy was at least moderately successful. The majority of test scores appear to be valid and the anomalies observed

in the Philadelphia evaluation data (e.g., mean posttest scores

being lower than mean pretest scores) were largely eliminated.

Incentive payments were made to members of the comparison

groups at both pre- and midtesting times. There were no such

payments to treatment or control group members at pretest times

since they were motivated to do well in order to qualify for

admission to the CIP. Both treatment and control group members

were paid, however, at midtesttime. While treatment group

members would probably have been adequately motivated without

incentive payments, there was evidence that they would have

resented not being treated in the same manner as the other

groups.

Natching_Treatment and Control Students

The variables on which students were matched were primarily

pretest reading scores and age. Where a surplus of good matches

could be achieved on these two variables, math achievement

scores, grade level, and number of academic credits needed

to graduate from high school were also considered. This set

of criteria was incomplete and would have been expanded to

include at least pre-CIP school attendance rates had sufficient

time been available to compile this information. Nevertheless,

a large proportion of total among-student variance was brought

under experimental control by the matching process.

It was not expected that perfect matches could be achieved

even under ideal circumstances. As it happened, however, circumstances were far from ideal. Severe problems were encountered

in recruiting adequate numbers of students to meet treatment

group quotas. For this reason there was no control group for

the second cohort and the plan to serve four cohorts during the

demonstration had to be abandoned. Only three were served.

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-4.
Recruitment for the third cohort extended over a very

long time period. Many pretesting sessions had to be scheduled

with small numbers of candidates tested at each session. Program

staff at the CIP sites felt that potential interns were being

lost due to lengthy delays between being tested and being informed as to Whether or not they would be admitted to the program. As a result, they requeste. that treatment and control

group assignments be made at the end of each week in which

testing occurred and that candidates be notified of their status.

The need to assign students to treatment and control groups

on a weekly basis interferred substantially with the matching

process. Typically, data were available on only a few students,

and the formation of well matched dyads or triads was often

impossible. Despite this difficulty, the matching procedure

was continued (as well as it could be) and selection of students

for the control group continued to be random from each dyad

or triad. it was felt that, while treatment and control group

assignments could not be changed, it would be legitimate to

improve the matching of treatment with control group members

after all the students had been pretested (Cook & Campbell,

1979, pp. 47, 48). Such post-hoc matching, of course, would

have to be done without any knowledge about the status of students

after the pretest since such knowledge (e.g., that a student

selected for the treatment group had chosen not to enroll)

could clearly bias the matching process and, thereby, the results

of any subsequent analyses.

The matching (or rematching) process was further complicated

by the fact that pretesting spanned a time interval of more

than four months. Because reading and math skills develop

over time, it seemed unlikely that a student would obtain the

same test score if tested in late January that he or she had

actually obtained when tested in the middle of the preceding

September. It follows that two students who obtained identical

scores tested at widely different times would not have obtained

identical test scores had they been tested at the same time.

Adjusting test scores for different testing times. Because

of the problem just discussed, it was considered necessary

to attempt some form of statistical adjustment to obtain estimates of the scores students would have achieved had they all

been tested at the same time. This adjustment was accomplished

for reading and math achievement test scores through use of

normative data. The procedure was as follows.

The assumption was made that students whose scores placed

them at a particular percentile rank in the national distribution

at time T

1 would tend to score at the same percentile rank

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at time T2

. (This same ecuinercentile assumption also underlies the norm-referenced evaluation design described later

in this chapter.) Given the equipercentile assumption, a test

score, and a test date, it follows that interpolating between

adjacent empirical normative data points can yield estimates

of the score that would have been obtained on any other particular test date. Unfortunately, the process is not quite so

clear-cut as it appears on the surface.

The moi..c salient complication to the interpolation process

stemmed from the fact that percentiles do not comprise an equal -

interval scale. Thus, if a test score obtained half-way between

adjacent empirical normative data points was found to correspond

to the 25th percentile in the earlier norms and the 5th percentile

In the later norms, it would be incorrect to infer that the

interpolated value would be the 15th percentile. (The 12th

percentile actually lies midway between the 25th and the 5th.)

This particular difficulty was ovircome by converting percentiles

to Normal Curve Equivalents (NCEs) before interpolating.

The second complication related to the fact that cognitive

growth rates are not linear over the twelve months of each

calendar year. This complication could not be resolved as

satisfactorily as the first because little is known about the

exact shape of the growth function. What is known, however,

is that growth is slower over the summer than during the school

year--particularly for low-achieving students (Tallmadge, 1978;

National Institute of Education, 1978; Thomas & Pelavin, 1976;

Tallmadge & Horst, 1974). This difference in growth rates

can easily 1+e seen in most test publishers' norms tables by

comparing the gain in standard score points per month between

fall and the following spring with the gain between spring

and the following fall. Unfortunately, it seems likely that

further non-linearities exist since the spring-to-fall interval

usually ranges from sometime in April to sometime in October

and thus encompasses several months of the school year as well

as the summer vacation.

If one assumes that cognitive growth proceeds at one moreor-less-constant rate while school is in session, and at a

slower, but also constant rate over the summer, then it would

be appropriate to use the October-to-April growth rate from

'Normal Curve Equivalents are normalized standard scores

with a mean of 50 and a standard deviation of 21.06 (when a

nationally representative sample of any age/grade group is

tested). They match percentiles at values of 1, 50, and 99

but, under the assumption that the attribute measured is normally

distributed in the population, comprise an equal-interval scale.

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September to June and, subsequently, to determine a June-toSeptember growth rate using whatever annual gain remains after

the earlier manipulations. Although alternative rationales

could have been developed (e.g., it could have been assumed

that start-up would be slow and that the school year would

end with a tailing off of growth), the approach described was

the one adopted.

September 45th and June 15th raw-score-to-NCE norms tables

were generated by extrapolating from the October 15th and April

20th Metropolitan Achievement Test normative data points.

These extrapolated norms tables were subsequently used to obtain

interpolated NCEs for each student as a function of his /her

own particular testing date.

Caution. A word of caution should be inserted at this

point. The procedure just described must be regarded as a

poor substitute for testing all students on the same date.

(For norm - referenced evaluations, the testing data should also

correspond to one of the test's empirical normative data points.)

While the authors believe the approach taken was sound--and

that there was no better way to deal with the need for staggered

testing--small errors have almost certainly been introduced.

It seems unlikely that the magnitude of such errors would be

sufficient to obscure any educatonally significant treatment

effect, but even that possiblity must be acknowledged.

Selectinz appropriate norm. groups. An additional problem

needs to be mentioned. Most C/P nterns ranged in age from

16 to 21 but a few exceptions to this age-range requirement

were made for various reasons. Many were dropouts who had

been out of school for varying amounts of time. Most of those

who had not dropped out were classified as juniors or seniors

in their respective high schools even though they lacked too

many credits to graduate with their classes. Others had been

held back one or more years. For these various reasons, it

was often not clear what norms tables were most appropriate

for individual students.

Ultimately, a decision was made to categorize students

according to their age rather than their grade levels. The

age of each student as of 2 October 1978 was determined, and

those whose ages were betweeen 14 and 14.95 were treated as

ninth graders. Those between 15 and 15.95 were treated as

tenth graders. Those above 16 were treated as eleventh graders

Regardless of their ages, no students were treated as twelfth

graders at pretest time since twelfth-grade norms (the highest

level of norms tables) had to be reserved for use with the

posttest scores.

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233
Out-of-level testing. A final but minor problem related

to the test-norming issue is that all treatment, control, and

comparison group students were tested out of level. That is,

although the majority of the students could be considered as

tenth, eleventh, or twelfth graders, they were tested with

a level of the Metropolitan Achievement Test (Advanced Level

1) intended for seventh-through-ninth graders. This testing

approach was adopted deliberately in view of the fact tnat

the students tested were known to be low achievers. Many would

find the in-level test too difficult, and their scores, as

a result, would be unreliable.

Although the test itself was designed for students in

grades seven, eight, and nine, it was possible to gain access

to tenth-, eleventh-, and twelfth-grade norms by means of the

(vertical) scale scores. With the Metropolitan Achievement

Test (1978 edition) the process is as follows: (a) the out-oflevel raw score is converted to a scale score, (b) the scale

score is converted to an in-level percentile rank, and (c)

the in-level percentile rank is converted to an NCE.

Unadjusted measures. The techniques used to adjust achievement test scores for differences in testing dates could not

be applied to the Career Development Inventory, the InternalExternal Scale, or the Self-Esteem Inventory because no normative

data were available. Since none of these measures was used

for matching, however, and Tnce the ratio of treatment to

control group students was approximately the same for each

testing date, no biases in treatment-control analyses should

have resulted from this failure to adjust.

Systematic influences may be present in the treatmentcomparison group analyses since most comparison group students

were tested later in the year than treatment and control students. On the other hand, the nature of the measures, coupled

with the fact that the treatment did not begin until after

all students (treatment, control, and comparison) had been

pretested suggest to the authors that the differences in testing

times would not significantly affect the evdluation findings.

Again, however, readers are cautioned that this inference may

be questionable.

Analyzing the Data

It was originally intended that all treatment-control

comparisons would be based on intact, matched dyads or triads

of students. This strategy was employed to counteract the

potentially biasing influences of differential attrition.

Unfortunately, the rate of attrition was very high and the

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234
number of intact groups available for analysis was correspondingly low at all sites. Matched groups analyses were undertaken,

but they were supplemented with, covariance and standardized

gain score analyses in order to capitalize on the larger sample

sizes that were available for these analyses.

The matched groups analyses were all performed using t

tests for paired observations. This type of analysis is exactly

comparable to a single classification analysis of variance.

These analyses were done separately for each site and for each

criterion variable.

The covariance and standardized gain score analyses also

employed t tests since only two groups were involved. These

analyses were conducted using three somewhat different approaches.

Traditional covariance analysis employs a weighted average

of the treatment and control groups' post-on-pretest regression

lines. Similarly, the traditional standardized gain score

analysis employs a weighted average of the principal axes of

the treatment and control groups' bivariate scatter plots.

In both cases, the underlying assumption is that these weighted

averages provide a better estimate of the population value

than either of the individual lines. Because this assumption

may often be questionable, RMC elected to conduct three versions

of each analysis, one using the control group's regression line/

principal axis, one using the treatment group's, and one using

the weighted average regression line/principal axis. Interpretations of these analyses are given in the Results section

of this report.

The Comparison Group Design

Approximately nine months after this study began, recruiting

difficulties experienced at all four sites made it clear that

control groups available for the study would be of minimally

acceptable size. For this reason DOL/NIE decided to supplement

the evaluation through the employment of various comparison

groups.

A brief feasibility study led to the conclusion that,

in three of the sites, it would be possible to form comparison

groups of (a) potential dropouts in feeder schools who had

not applied for admission to the CIP (comparison group 1),

and (b) participants in other alternative-school programs 'conearison group 2). In one of these three sites it appeared

that a group of actual dropouts not participating in any academic

program could also be assembled (comparison group 3). The

future of the fourth site was uncertain at that time; therefore

no attempts were made to form comparison groups.

220

aft
Most members of the various comparison groups were pretested

in January, 1979. A few were tested in late December, 1978,

and a few in early February, 1979. They were mid-tested in

Nay and June, 1979. Raw scores on the reading and math achievement tests were converted to interpolated NCEs using the same

procedures employed with the treatment and control groups.

No adjustments were made to scores on the other instruments

to compensate for differences in treatment and comparison group

testing dates. Unfortunately, these differences are more likely

to impact on the comparison group analyses than on the control

group analyses. While students were assigned to treatment

and control groups shortly after each pretesting session, thereby

effecting a proportional balance, this was not the case with

the comparison group. All comparison group students were pretested near the end of the four-month interval during which

treatment group students were pretested.

All comparison group analyses were done using covariance

and standardized gain score procedures. To date, the only

covariance analyses that have been completed used pretest scores

as the single covariate. Other analyses are being planned

and will be reported in the final Task B report.

The Norm-Referenced Design

Norm-referenced evaluations have been popular for many

years. It is only recently, however, that a design has been

developed that appears adequately rigorous for applications

of this type (Tallmadge & Wood, 1976). Work in progress, where

the model is being compared with the random-assignment control

group design using data compiled from several large-scale studies,

has been especially encouraging, showing that results obtained

from the two models rarely differ by a statistically significant

amount.

The model is based on what has come to be known as the

equipercentile assumption that was referred to earlier. This

assumption holds that, in the absence of any special educational

intervention, students will retain their percentile (or NCE)

status with respect to a norm group over time. Pretest status

thus becomes predicted posttest status, and gains are measured

by subtracting predicted posttest status from actual posttest

status (Posttest NCE - Pretest NCE).

There are two recommended procedures for implementing

the norm-referenced model that could not be met in the CIP

evaluation. First, all testing (pre-, mid-, and post-) should

be accomplished within about two weeks of the test's empirical

doming date(s). Unfortunately, not only did the cohort intake

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236
dates preclude such matching, but recruiting difficulties necessitated extending the pretesting period over four months (in the

case of the third cohort). In an attempt to deal as effectively

as possible with this problem, the Metropolitan Achievement

Test's October 15th and April 20th norms were first extrapolated

to September 15th and June 15th. Each student's raw score

was then converted to an NCE by interpolating between the extrapolated norms tables according to his or her individual

testing date. Some error was certainly introduced by this

procedure, but its magnitude cannot be accurately predicted.

The second model-implementation problem concerned the

rule that a single set of test scores cannot be used both to

select students for participation in a program and as their

pretest measure. When this rule is violated, a spurious regression to the mean occurs, and gains are artifactually either

inflated or reduced. In the CIP, students were required to

read at the fifth-grade level (more accurately, the entry criterion was set at one standard error of measurement below the

fifth-grade reading level). Some candidates scored below this

level and were denied admission to the program. To the extent

that this happened, students were indeed "selected on the pretest," since they were not retested after being accepted into

the CIP.

In the authors' opinion, the biasing influence of pretest

selection was small because, except in one site, the great

majority of students scored well above the cutoff. To the

extent that a bias does exist, however, it will cause gain

estimates to be too low. The norm-referenced evaluations will

thus tend to be conservative. Real gains may be slightly higher

than the norm-referenced estimate.

The main advantage that the norm-referenced model has

over control and comparison group designs is that each student

serves as his/her own control, thus enabling the use of a more

powerful statistical test of significance. (The matched control

group design has a similar advantage but is much more vulnerable

to high attrition rates.) Thus, while the control, comparison,

and norm-referenced evaluatiqns should yield gain estimates

of roughly comparable size, these estimates are substantially

more likely to attain a given level of statistical significance

with the norm-referenced model than with the other two.

All norm-referenced evaluations were conducted using the

paired-observations t test.

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237
I//. RESULTS

This chapter, is organized by criterion variable with outcomes presented sequentially for reading, math, career planning,

career resources, career information, locus of control, selfesteem, and openness. Within each criterion area, results

are summarized by cohort and evaluation design.

Reading

Second Cohort.

There was no control or comparison group for the second

cohort at any of the four sites. The only feasible analysis

was, therefore, a norm-referenced evaluation. The results

of this analysis are summarized in Table 1.

Table 1

Summary of Worm-Referenced Evaluation Findings:

Reading, Second Cohort

Pretest

WCE Mean

Midtest

WCE Mean

WC!

Gain

Site A 45.69 46.16 .47 20 .22

Site B 32.46 36.17 3.71 40 2.56 <.01

Site C 36.23 37.74 1.51 28 .57

Site D 32.17 37.41 5.24 9 1.22

Overall 36.25 38.80 2.55 97 2.27 <.025

(25.6 Zile) (29.7 Zile)

As shown in Table 1, the overall (across site) gain was

2.55 WCEs, with the average second-cohort intern advancing from

percentile rank25.6 to 29.7. This gain was statistically

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238
significant at the .0252 level (one tailed). Only .one of the

individual-site gains was statistically significant.

It may be noted that the rank ordering of the pretest

means is the exact inverse of the rank ordering of gains.

This relationship--also exemplified by the close correspondence

between the rank orders of gains and midtest means--is no more

than a mathematical artifact and should not be interpreted

as anything more than that. It does not suggest that the program

may be more effective with lower achieving students.

What may be of some significance, however, is the fact

that both pre- and posttest scores were substantially higher

at Site A than at the other three sites. That finding may

reflect other between-site differences such as recruiting strategies.

Third Cohort

The first analysis performed on the reading test scores

of third-cohort interns was the matched treatment-control comparison. The results of this analysis are summarized in Table 2.

Although only one of the individual site analyses produced

statistically significant results (a fact that can be largely

attributed to the small sample sizes), when data were pooled

across sites, the overall gain was statistically significant.

(Notes all p-values are for one-tailed hypotheses, i.e., the

treatment group will score higher than the control group).

The second set of analyses performed on third-cohort reading test scores entailed covariance and standardized gain comparisons between treatment and control groups and between treatment and comparison groups. The results of these analyses are

summarized in Table 3. As mentioned earlier, three versions of

each of these analyses were conducted, one using the treatment

group's regression line/principal axis, one using the control

group's, and one using pooled values.

2The analyses reported here all employ t tests. Because

many such tests are reported, their tabled probability levels

are too low. While this problem could theoretically have been

avoided by employing one overall analysis of variance and various

subanalyses within it, the design would have been extremely

complex. Furthermore, interpretive explanations of results

at the level of fourth-order interactions (where individual

site, individual cohort, single criterion, norm-referenced

evaluations would fall) are so cumbersome that the distorted

probability levels of multiple t tests were viewed as the lesser

of two evils.

224 239
Table 2

Summary of Matched Treatment-Control Evaluation Findings

Reading, Third Cohort

Mean Hidtest

. NCB, Treatment

Mean Mid test NCE

NCE, Control Gain N t

Site A 34.61 26.41 8.20 7 1.19 --

Site B 38.49 37.50 .99 20 .26 --

Site C 42'.37 36.39 5.98 17 1.98 <.05

Site D 38.10 34.06 4.04 13 1.13 --

Overall 39.08 35.02 4.06 57 2.21 <.025

Table 3

Summary of NCE Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

Reading, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control. Pooled

Site A

Control 3.58 2.08 3.24 2.78 1.33 2.40

Comp 1 -2.01 -3.26 -2.66 1.12 0.69 0.79

Comp 2 -1.16 4.04 -0.39 1.81 2.68 2.29

Comp 3 1.36 6.15 3.38 4.76 7.72 5.91

Site B

Control 0.56 0.08 0.50 -0.53 -1.35 -0.62

Comp 1 0.37 0.58 0.40 -1.46 -1.21 -1.38

Comp 2 -1.21 -0.95 -1.12 -0.46 -0.64 -0.52

Site C

Control 2.50 2.13 2.31 3.15 3.01 3.07

Comp 1 -3.85 -4.14 -3.87 -2.27 -2.37 -2.32

Comp 2 2.22 -0.32 0.59 5.81 3.45 3.62

Site D

Control 3.16 3.16 3.16 3.13 3.15 3.13

Overall

Control 2.09 2.10 2.09 2.12 2.13 2.12

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Although none of the gains summarized in Table 3 was statistically significant, it seems appropriate to discuss the

rationale underlying the various analyses. Where treatment

and control (or comparison) groups can be assumed to be random

samples from a single population, it is generally agreed that

covariance analysis is the appropriate approach to compensate

for any pretest differences that may have existed between groups.

The same assumption implies that a weighted average of the

treatment and control group regression lines will provide the

best estimate of the population value and, hence, the best

estimate of the treatment effect. According to this logic,

the gain estimate in the "pooled covariance" column of Table 3

should be the r_st accurate for treatment-control comparisonsif

the original randomization was not destroyed by differential

attrition from the two groups.

The standardized gain score approach is generally considered

to be more appropriate than covariance analysis where the groups

being compared are assumed to be samples from different populations. In such cases, however, it is not clear that performing

the analysis with a weighted average principal axis is the

best approach. (It certainly cannot be thought of as the best

estimate of the population value.) An alternative approach

is to perform the analysis using either the treatment group's

principal axis (yielding an estimate of what the gain would

have been had the treatment group's mean pretest score been

the same as the control group's) or the control group's principal

axis (yielding an estimate of what the gain would have been

had the control group's mean pretest score been the same as

the treatment group's). These two estimates may then be viewed

as boundaries within which the "true" gain is likely to fall.

The standardized gain score analyses presented in Table 3

are probably more appropriate than the covariance analyses for

the comparison group evaluations, since non-equivalent groups

are being compared. They may also be more appropriate for

the control group evaluations as differential attrition could

easily have destroyed the initial randomization. The covariance

results are included because attrition may not have been differential and, more importantly, because they match the analyses

presented in the Gibboney Associates (1977) report.

The final set of analys,713 performed on third-cohort reading

scores entailed norm-referenced evaluations. The results of

these analyses are summarized in Table 4. Treatment group

gains in three of the four sites were of sufficient magnitude

to attain statistical significance, and the overall gain across

sites was highly significant. Control group gains were not

significant at any individual site or overall. It is interesting

to note, however, that the gain made by the Site B control

226 241
Table 4

Summary of Norm- Referenced Evaluation Findings

Reading, Third Cohort

Pretest Midtest

NCE Mean NCE Mean NCE Gain N

Site A

Treatment 36.15 38.24 2.09 30 .73 -- Control 33.43 32.41 -1.02 15 .26 --

Comparison 1 46.74 49.01 2.27 55 .97 --

Comparison 2 46.19 47.70 1.51 49 .63 --

Comparison 3 47.65 46.39 -1.26 19 35 --

Site B

Treatment 38.36 41.43 3.07 88 1.86 <.05

Control 35.15 38.56 3.41 25 1.38 --

Comparison 1 32.96 37.15 4.19 50 2.93 <.01

Comparison 2 40.55 44.22 3.67 53 2.94 t...01 Site C

Treatment 38.08 41.59 3.51 44 2.26 <.025

Control 41.49 42.15 0.66 30 .26 --

Comparison 1 46.48 52.98 6.50 54 3.35 <.01

Comparison 2 57.13 56.48 -0.65 39 .31 --

Site D

Treatment 32.49 37.44 4.95 52 2.38 <.025

Control 32.43 34.24 1.81 15 .54 --

Overall

Treatment 36.57 40.05 3.48 214 3.54 <.001

Control 36.60 37.98 1.38 85 .96 --

Comparison 1 42.32 46.63 4.31 159 3.78 <.001

Comparison 2 47.10 48.82 1.72 141 1.52 --

Comparison 3 47.65 46.39 -1.26 19 .35 --

227 242
group was actually larger than that made by the treatment group.

It is this fact that accounts for the small Site B gains reported

in Tables 2 and 3.

Several comparison group gains were found to be significant.

Gains made by Comparison Group 1 (students in CIP feeder schools

who did not apply to the CIP) were large and statistically

significant in two sites and gains made by Comparison Group 2

(students in other alternative-school programs) were significant

at one site. This particular comparison group (at Site B)

was comprised of students in a program providing intensive

remediation in reading and math. The finding is thus not surprising. The gains made by Comparison Group 1 students at Sites

B and C were unexpected however, and deserve further investigation.

To date, all that was done was to examine which of the two

feeder schools Site B control and comparison students attended.

For both groups, students attending one of the schools showed

near-zero gains while those attending the other made substantial

gains. The school at which the large gains occurred recently

acquired a new principal who has reputedly "turned the school

around."

It is interesting to note that the overall treatment grove

gain for the norm-referenced evaluation was quite close in

size to the estimate obtained from the matched treatment-control

evaluation (3.48 vs. 4.06 NCEs respectively). The overall

pooled covariance estimate obtained from the unmatched control

group evaluation was somewhat smaller (2.09 NCEs) and statistically non-significant. It should be pointed out, however,

that the three gain estimates differ from one another by less

than a tenth of a national standard deviation.

It can also be seen from Table 4, that the comparison

groups in Sites A and C scored substantially higher on both

pre- and aidtests than either the treatment or control groups

at any of the sites. While this fact in no way accounts for

the unusually large gains seen in several of the comparison

groups at individual sites, the lack of group comparability

does cast some doubt on the validity of the corresponding gain

estimates presented in Table 3.

Mathematics

Second Cohort

Table 5 summarizes the results of the norm-referenced

evaluation performed on second-cohort math scores.

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Table 5

Summary of Horn- Referenced Evaluation Findings

Math, Second Cohort

Site A

Site B

Site C

Site D

Pretest

NCE Mean

30.90

23.43

31.60

27.94

Midtest

NCE Mean

33.60

24.92

30.68

33.98

NCE

Gain

2.70

1.49

-0.92

6.04

H

20

40

28

9

t p

.77

1.49

.32

1.34

Overall 27.75 29.23 1.48 97 1.12

(14.5 Zile) (16.4 Zile)

As shown in Table 5, the overall (across site) gain was

1.48 NCEs and was not statistically significant. The largest

gain, 6.04 NCEs, vas found at Site D, but even it was not significant because of the small sample size. Unlike the results

obtained with the reading scores, Site A did not score markedly

higher than the other three sites. Site B, on the other hand,

showed a somewhat lower math achievement level than the other

three sites.

Third Cohort

The results of the matched treatment-control analysis

performed on third-cohort math scores are summarized in Table

6. A statistically significant gain was observed in Site C

while the other three sites showed losses. (Again, all p-values

are based on a one-tailed hypothesis. Had a two-tailed hypothesis been used, the site B loss would have been statistically

significant at the .05 level.)

4-

Table 6

Summary of Matched Treatment-Control Evaluation Findings

Math, Third Cohort

Mean Midtest

NCE, Treatment

Site A 20.06

Site B 27.11

Site C 37.16

Site D 28.36

Mean Midtest

NCE, Control

25.51

35.66

24.15

30.21

NCE

Gain H t - 5.45 7 .80 --- -- 8.55 20 2.09 --

13.01 17 2.53 <.025

- 1.85 12 .33 --

Overall 29.55 29.73 - 0.18 56 .06 --

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24 4
It is important to remember that the matching of treatment

and control students was done primarily on reading test scores

and age. The result was that students were not well matched

on math achievement. In fact, at Site A, the control group

scored 19 NCEs (nearly a standard deviation) higher than the

treatment group on the pretest. Had there been greater equality

among groups (at all sites), a somewhat more positive picture

would have emerged. However, it seems unlikely that, overall,

a statistically significant gain would have been found.

The results of the covariance and standardized gain score

analyses involving treatment and control, and treatment and

comparison groups are presented in Table 7.

Table 7

Sunmary of ICE Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

Math, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain -- Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control 9.30 13.15* 9.87 13.37* 14.51** 13.43*

Comp 1 -5.75 -5.78 -5.76 3.06 5.63 3.86

Comp 2 0.06 3.84 2.39 7.71 9.08 7.82

Comp 3 -0.70 2.45 0.94 7.75 4.92 5.33

Site B

Control -3.70 -3.76 -3.71 -3.11 -2.76 -3.03

Comp 1 -2.00 1.03 -0.94 1.47 1.86 1.51

Comp 2 -0.20 0.03 -0.09 4.43t 2.76 3.45

Site C

Control 6.50 7.47* 6.83* 5.68 6.41 5.83

Comp 1 1.56 -0.25 0.18 3.95 2.14 2.42

Comp 2 1.36 -0.85 -0.08 5.13 2.45 2.75

Site D

Control -0.12 -2.33 -0.82 0.93 -0.45 0.45

Overall

Control 6.521 2.69 5.36** 3.52 3.62 3.55

*p< .05

** p < .025

t p < .01

230 245
Several of the individual-site control group gain estimates

Were statistically significant as was one estimate derived

from the second comparison group at Site B. More importantly,

the pooled covariance estimate derived from the combined control

groups was also statistically significant. Overall, the picture

was slightly more encouraging for math achievement than it was

for reading (Table 3). Still, the gains were small and their

statistical significance marginal at best.

The results of the norm-referenced evaluations are summarized in Table 8. In these analyses, the gains made by members

of the treatment group were statistically significant at all

four sites and the overall gain was 4.25 NCEs. None of the

control group gains was statistically significant but; as was

the case with the reading data, several of the comparison group

gains were significant.

It is interesting to note that the sites fall into the same

rank order (A, C, D, B) with respect to size of the estimated

gain in both Tables 7 (treatment-control analysis) and 8. The absolute sizes of the gains are quite different, however, because

the control groups in Sites B and D made gains while those in

Sites A and C showed losses (see Table 8).

Career Development Inventory

Second Cohort

Since there were no control or comparison groups for the

second cohort, and since the CDI does not have norms that are

adequate to employ a norm-referenced evaluation design, the

only analysis possible was a simple comparison pre- and

midtest scores. The results of these comparisons are presented

in Table 9.

Three of the four sites showed significant score increases

on the CDI Planning and Resources scales. Two of the sites

also showed small but significant score increases on the CDI

Information scale.

While the observed score increases are "good," it is not

clear that they can be attributed to the CIP since no data are

available as to non-CIP growth rates on these measures. It is

of some interest to compare the score increases of the second

cohort with the corresponding gains made by the third cohort.

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2.16
Table 8

Summary of Norm-Referenced Evaluation Findings

Math, Third Cohort

Pretest

NCE Mean

Midtest NCE

NCE Mean _Gain

Site A

Treitment 19.16 28.16 9.00 30 2.71 <.01

Control 29.37 25.41 -3.96 15 1.46 -

Comparison 1 41.29 48.11 6.82 54 2.32 <.025

Comparison 2 38.37 40.43 2.06 49 .78 --

Comparison 3 40.37 42.47 2.10 19 .82 --

Site B

Treatment 27.45 30.06 2.61 88 1.68 <.05

Control 28.90 34.68 5.78 25 1.60 --

.Comparison 1 35.51 37.31 1.80 50 1.88 <.05

Comparison 2 38.21 37.08 -1.13 52 .65 -- Site C

Treatment 31.33 35.14 3.81 43 2.60 <.01

Control 27.56 24.82 -2.74 29 1.27 -- Comparison 1 42.23 44.63 2.40 54 1.23 --

Comparison 2 48.51 51.19 2.68 39 1.82 <.05

Site D

Treatment 23.72 26.93 3.21 48 2.36 <.025

Control 29.09 32.43 3.34 14 .70

Overall

Treatment 26.20 30.11 3.91 208 4.25 <.001

Control 28.55 29.18 0.63 83 .37 --

Comparison 1 39.78 43.50 3.72 158 2.99 <.025

Comparison 2 41.14 42.18 1.04 14t 1.61 --

Comparison 3 40.37 42.47 2.10 19 .82 --

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Table 9

Summary of Pretest Midtest Comparison

Career Development Inventory, Second Cohort

Pretest

Mean

Midtest

Mean Gain

Site A

Planning 104 117 13 19 1.44

Resources 79 83 4 19 .94 --

Information 12.0 13.4 1.4 19 1.17 --

Site II

Planning 100 121 21 37 6.01 <.001

Resources 82 88 6 37 1.96 <.05

Information 11.7 14.2 2.5 37 3.06 <.01

Site C

Planning 101 119 18 27 3.19 <.01

Resources 82 94 12 27 2.35 <.025.

Information 12.2 13.7 1.5 27 1.92 <.05

Site D

Planning 110 131 21 9 5.58 <.001

Resources 88 99 11 9 2.18 <.05

Information 13.4 15.8 2.4 9 1.71 --

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For the third cohort, Tables 10, 11, and 12 summarize

the findings of the covariance and standardized gain score

analyses that were undertaken. As shown in Table 10, many

of the individual-site analyses showed statistically significant

results for the CDI Planning scale and, across all sites, all

of the treatment-control comparisons were significant at the

.001 level. This finding is consistent with that reported

for the Philadelphia prototype site (Gibboney Associates, 1977)

and suggests that the program has a definite impact on careerplanning scores.

The CDI Resources scale also showed a substantial number

of statistically significant treatment effects. Although the

results were not as clear-cut as those found with the Planning

scale, there was a strong suggestion that the up affected

CDI Resources scores. Again, the finding was consistent with

the findings of the Philadelphia study.

The third CDI scale, Information, did not show any statistically significant treatment effect.

Results from the Planning and Resources scales were generally consistent from second to third cohorts. The Information scale, on the other hand, showed score increases for the

second cohort, but no gains for the third. This difference

suggested the possibility that both CIP and non-CIP students

made score increases. Under these conditions, no treatment

effect would be observed.

This hypothesis was checked by examining pre-to-midtest

score increases made by third-cohort CIP participants. Statistically significant increases were observed at Site B (t = 3.20,

p < .01) and at Site D (t 2.61, p < .01). This evidence,

coupled with the fact that the covariance and standardized gain

analyses at these sites showed no gains, was taken as at least

partial confirmation of the hypothesis.

Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory

The Self-Esteem scale of the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory showed some evidence of a treatment effect for the second cohort. As shown in Table 13, statistically significant

score increases were oberved at Sites B and D. The covariance

analyses performed on scores of third-cohort students, on the

other hand, produced no statistically significant gains (see

Table 14). As was the case with the CDI Informatin scale, this

inconsistency appeared to reflect the difference in analytic

technique rather than a difference between cohorts. Both Site

B and Site D showed statistically significant pre-to-midtest

.4

234

249
Table 10

Summary of Raw Score Cain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

CDI Planning, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Cain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control 8.17 14.12 7.67 20.10** 24.87t 18.86**

Comp 1 7.28 8.95 8.44 15.31** 21.78t 19.78t

Comp 2 14.60* 25.70t 21.90t 25.22t 41.74tt 36.0811

Comp 3 11.51 13.78 12.46 19.71** 18.92** 19.38**

Site B

Control 8.12 10.17 9.50 6.51 7.18 6.85

Comp 1 11.62f 11.02t 11.32t 10.36f 10.09f 10.141

Comp 2 13.84f 13.96t 13.88t 14.41t 14.69t 14.52t

Site C

Control 3.66 6.07 4.47 9.62 9.72* 9.52

Comp 1 31.42f 4.75 16.73 0.94 3.87 2.55

Comp 2 41.56t 15.73 29.42t 6.90 13.04 9.79

Site D

Control 8.10 7.66 7.97 8.96 8.62 8.89

Overall

Control 8.65t 9.24t 8.82t 10.7011 10.88ft 10.7511

* p < .05

** p < .025

t p < .01

ft p < .001

235

250
Table 11

Summary of Raw Score Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

CDT Resources, Third Cohort.

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control -5 1.09 -2.53 5.86 6.71 5.93

Comp 1 1.48 1.70 1.64 1.79 1.86 1.84

Comp 2 -1.03 0.88 0.22 1.89 1.78 1.82

Comp 3 5.52 5.39 5.46 5.10 4.95 5.04

Site B

Control -0.54 0.21 -0.38 2.58 2.79 2.59

Comp 1 7.29t 6.37** 6.65** 8.66t 8.75t 8.71t

Comp 2 7.62t 8.441 7.94t 9.63 9.921 9.74t

Site C

Control 5.45 7.33 5.29 14.34t 12.71t 12.91t

Comp 1 0.32 2.30 1.41 8.76** 5.85 7.16*

Comp 2 6.13 10.21** 8.05 15.72t 14.90t 15.34t

Site D

Control 7.50 9.87* 7.84 9.45* 11.15** 9.86*

Overall

Control 2.92 4.81 3.46 8.10tt 8.57tt 8.24tt

* p < .05

** p < .025

t p < .01

tt p < .001

251

236
S

Table 12

Summary of Raw Score Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

CDI Information, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control 2.14 2.23 2.16 1.53 1.44 1.45

Comp 1 0.24 0.00 0.06 0.86 0.60 0.68

Comp 2 0.79 0.86 0.84 1.04 0.96 0.99

Comp 3 0.16 0.26 0.20 0.71 0.74 0.72

Site B

Control 0.10 0.00 0.07 -6.88 -8.81 -7.31

Comp 1 0.32 0.52 0.37 0.92 0.86 0.89

Comp 2 -0.54 -0.68 -0.59 0.25 0.29 0.27

Site C

Control 0.24 0.18 0.22 0.52 0.52 0.52

Comp 1 -0.53 -1.56 -1.10 0.33 -0.24 0.01

Comp 2 -1.59 -2.22 -1.89 -0.71 -1.59 -1.12

Site D

Control 0.45 0.50 0.46 0.42 0.41 0.42

Overall

Control 0.64' 0.64 0.64 0.61 0.61 0.61

237

252
Table 13

Summary of Pretest -Mid test Comparisons

Coopersmith Self-Esteem inventory, Second Cohort

Pretest Hidtest

Mean Mean Gain N

Site A

Self-Esteem 36.9 38.3 1.4 19 1.48 -- Openness 6.3 5.4 -0.9 19 1.73 (.05

Site B

Self-Esteem 34.6 37.8 3.2 37 4.00 (.001

Openness 5.3 5.1 -0.2 37 0.55

Site C

Self-Esteem 33.5 35.0 1.5 27 0.94

Openness 5.8 5.7 -0.1 27 0.23 OM.

Site D

Self-Esteem 38.2 40.9 2.7 9 2.32 (.05

Openness 5.2 3.2 -2.0 9 2.34 (.05

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253
Table 14

Summary of Raw Score Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

Self-Esteem, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control _Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control -0.93 -0.72 -0.87 -1.51 -1.62 -1.54

Comp 1 -0.76 -0.77 -0.77 -0.04 0.01 0.00

Comp 2 -0.92 -0.88 -0.89 -1.28 -1.11 -1.17

Comp 3 -1.44 -1.79 -1.58 -0.20 -1.10 -0.57

Site

Control 1.34 1.17 1.31 1.00 0.96 0.99

Comp 1 2.82 2.47 2.51 1.51 1.55 1.50

Comp 2 0.71 1.31 0.95 1.46 1.83 1.61

Site C

Control 0.32 0.64 0.50 1.03 0.89 0.97

Comp 1 0.02 0.07 0.03 0.67 0.57 0.62

Comp 2 0.75 0.77 0.76 0.95 0.84 0.90

Site D

Control 1.78 2.28 1.83 2.38 2.75 2.43

Overall

Control 1.07 1.08 1.08 1.19 1.21 1.20

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254
score increases for third-cohort as well as well as for secondcohort interns.

The failure of the covariance/standardized gain analyses

to produce any statistically significant gains was consistent

with the Philadelphia evaluation. Unlike Philadelphia, however,

there were statistically significant pre-to-midtest score losses

at two sites on the Coopersmith Openness scale for second-cohort

interns (Table 13) and covariance/standardized gain analysis

losses for third-cohort interns at Site A (Table 15). (Note:

A two - tailed hypothesis was used with this scale as there was

no reason to expect that the CIP would raise scores.) Despite

the statistical significance of these losses, it is not clear

that they have any noteworthy educational significance.

Rotter Internal-External Scale

As shown in Tables Mend 17, there was no significant

tendency for the CIP to affect intern's locus of control. The

Philadelphia evaluators hypothesized that the program would

produce movement from an external to an internal locus of control, but, as is the case here, found no supporting evidence

that such a change did, in fact, occur.

240

255
Summary of Rev Score Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

Coopercmith Openness, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control -1.12 -0.91 -1.01 -1.40* -1.21* -1.33*

Comp 1 -1.12** -1.12** -1.12** -1.03* -1.04* -1.04*

Comp 2 -0.06 -0.06 -0.06 -0.02 -0.01 -0.02

Comp 3 -0.11 -0.11 -0.11 -0.16 -0.15 -0.15

Site B

Control 0.83 0.80 0.80 0.49 0.60 0.51

Comp 1 0.32 0.45 0.35 0.55 0.63 0.57

Comp 2 -0.03 -0.05 -0.04 0.09 0.11 0.10

Site C

Control 0.30 0.28 0.28 -0.02 0.11 0.04

Comp 1 -0.11 -0.08 -0.09 -0.25 -0.18 -0.21

Comp 2 -0.68 -0.68 -0.68 -0.56 -0.64 -0.60

Site D

Control -0.50 -0.65 -0.52 -0.18 -0.03 -0.14

Overall

Control 0.28 0.22 0.26 0.09 0.07 0.08

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256
Table 16

Summary of Pretest-Midtest Comparisons

Rotter Internal-External Scale, Second Cohort

Pretest

Hean

Hidtest

Hean Gain N t p

Site A

Site B

Site C

Site D

'15.9

16.2

15.4

14.9

17.3

15.6

14.1

15.3

1.4

-0.6

-1.3

0.4

19

39

26

9

1.25

0.65

1.72

0.50

4M4Ew

Table 17

Summary of Raw Score Gain Estimates from the (Unmatched)

Control and Comparison Group Analyses

Internal-External, Third Cohort

Covariance Standardized Gain

Treatment Control Pooled Treatment Control Pooled

Site A

Control -2.14 -2.62 -2.16 -3.28 -3.26 -3.33

Comp 1 -0.64 -0.69 -0.67 -0.71 -0.74 -0.73

Comp 2 -0.07 -0.55 -0.38 -1.37 -1.93 -1.72

Comp 3 -0.50 -0.47 -0.49 -0.68 -0.85 -0.75

Site

Control 0.22 0.15 0.20 0.45 0.48 0.46

Comp 1 0.32 0.31 0.32 0.38 0.37 0.37

Comp 2 -0.58 -0.72 -0.63 -0.01 0.19 0.06

Site C

Control -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32 -0.32

Comp 1 0.03 0.01 0.02 -0.10 -0.10 -0.10

Comp 2 0.24 0.37 0.30 0.49 0.48 0.48

Site D

Control 0.28 0.21 0.25 0.41 0.45 0.43

Overall

Control -0.44 -0.42 -0.43 -0.52 -0.52 -0.52

242

257
IV. DISCUSSION

Taken as a whole, the evidence presented in the preceding

chapter provides a quite positive picture of CIP impact. Statistically significant gains were observed in ':koth reading and

math (although not at all sites or in all analyses). CareerPlanning and Use-of-Resources scales also showed consistent

patterns of gains while some gains on other scales were observed

at some sites in some analyses.

Reading and Mathematics Achievement

With respect to reading and math achievement, the results

were generally more favorable for third-cohort interns than

for those in the second cohort. This finding was not unanticipated, however, as the interval between the second-cohort

pre- and mid test and involved substantial turmoil at all four

sites. Three of the sites experienced leadership changes during

this period and all four had to undertake massive recruiting

efforts that substantially reduced the amount of staff time

available for curriculum planning and development, preparation

for classroom activities, counseling, and other "normal" school

functions. It is interesting to note that the only statistically

significant gain in reading (second cohort) was found at the one

site that did not experience a leadership change and had minimal

turnover of other staff.

It is also of some interest to note that achievement levels

in mathematics were lower than those in reading at all four sites.

At Site B, the average pretest achievement level of 40 interns

was at the tenth percentile of the national distribution while,

for reading, it was at the tweutieth percentile. Site A had

the highest achieving interns, with mean math (pretest) achievement at the eighteenth percentile and mean reading achievement

at the forty-second percentile. None of the sites showed significant gains in mathematics for second-cohort interns.

The three different third-cohort analyses of reading scores

yielded generally consistent and positive results. On the other

hand, the matched treatment-control analyses found the reading

gain to be statistically significant at only one of the four sites

(it was also significant across sites), while the covariance/

standardized gain analyses produced no statistically significant

results and the norm-referenced analyses found significant gains

at three sites. These differences are worthy of comment.

It would normally be expected that the matched treatmentcontrol design would produce the most reliable and credible

243

I. 258
results. Because losing one member of a dyad or triad would

usually eliminate the other one or two members, however, there

was a very large loss of sample size. With as few cases as remained, it is somewhat surprising that significance was achieved

at even one site. The statistical test use with this design,

however, is much more powerful than that used in the covariance

and standardized gain analyses.

The most interesting comparison was between the results of

the covariance/standardized gain analysis and the norm-referenced

analysis. The apparent differences, when examined more closely,

prove to be remarkably predictable. At Site B, for example, the

standardized gain analysis (with the pooled principal axis) showed

a loss of 0.62 NCEs, while the norm-referenced analysis showed a

gain of 3.07 NCEs. 'What makes the two results consistent is the

fact that the Site B control group made an even larger (normreferenced) gain than the CIP group. A comparison between the the

two groups, as a consequence, must show a loss for the CIP group.

This illustration is indicative of a fundamental and very

important difference between the two evaluation strategies.

While both designs are intended to contrast post-treatment performance with an estimate of what that performance would have been

without the treatment, they employ different means to generate the

no-treatment estimate. The norm-referenced model contrasts the

performance of treatment group participants with the performance

of students at the same achievement level attending a nationally

representative sample of schools. The covariance/standardized

gain model contrasts the performance of treatment group participants with the performance of students at similar achievement

levels in the same community who do whatever they do after being

denied admission to the program.

Members of control or comparison groups may remain in the

feeder schools (which may be outstanding, average, or poor)

or they may enter some other alternative programs. They may

drop out, or take a job, or enter some job training program,

or pursue any of a number of other courses of action. In the

case of this study, most members of both the control group

and comparison group 1 at Site B (at least most of those who

could be enticed to participate in midtesting) remained in

the feeder schools. One of the two feeder schools appeared

to be outstanding. The control group members of that school

averaged a 5.5 NCE gain in reading while the ccmparison group 1

members at that school averaged a 4.9 NCE gain. These gains

exceeded those made by the CIF, participants and, even though the

CIP group made good progress, caused the program to look ineffective.

244
An analogy can be drawn between the norm-referenced model

an a sprinter's time in the 100-yard dash. A time of 9.2 seconds can only be considered outstanding when compared to the

"norms." On the other hand, a sprinter can run "a 9.2 hundred"

and still lose the race. This is what happened to the Site B

CIP. It lost the race to both the control and comparison groups

even though its "time" (performance with respect to the norms)

was quite respectable.

The pattern of mathematics achievement gains derived from

the three analyses resembled that just discussed with respect

to reading. Where covariance/standardized gain analyses showed

larger treatment effects than the norm-referenced analyses (Sites

A and C), the control group bad negative (norm-referenced) gains.

Where the norm-referenced analyses produced the larger treatmenteffect estimates (Sites B and D), the control group made positive (norm-referenced) gains.

Regardless of size, gains derived from the norm-referenced

design tended to be statistically significant more often than

those derived from the covariance/standardized gain design. As

mentioned earlier, this situation arises from the fact that

a more powerful statistical test can be used with the normreferenced model.

The matched treatment-control design produced gain estimates

for math that were clearly at odds with those produced by the

other two designs. As mentioned in the Results section, however,

these differences can be attributed to the fact that the students

were matched on reading achievement and age, with math achievement

scores considered only when there was a surplus of good matches

on the other two variables. As a result, there were substantial

differences between treatment and control groups on pretest math

achievement levels (st one site the control group scored 19 NCEs

higher than the treatment group).

Another indication of the poor matching is the fact that the

correlation between treatment group posttest scores and the

scores of the matched controls was only .27 for math, whereas

it was .65 for reading.

It will be possible to rematch the treatment and control

groups using math scores and age (rather than reading scores

and age). It was, unfortunately, not possible to undertake

this effort in time to include the results in the present report. It is almost certain, however, that when the rematchilg

is done, substantially different results wil? be obtained. For

the present, the results presented in Table 6 should be regarded as highly suspect. The data in Tables 7 and 8 are far

more credible.

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245
Career Development Inventory

Tables 9, 10, 11, and 12 summarize the study findings with

respect to the three scales of the Career Development Inventory.

Care must be taken not to over-interpret the statistically significant gains made by interns on the Planning and Resources

scales. The Planning scale in particular does not reflect ability

to plan. The scale is made up of such items as, "Talking about my

career decisions with an adult who knows something about me." The

student response, "I have not given any thought to this" earns one

point while the response, "I have done this" earns six points.

There are various response options between these two extremes that

earn intermediate numbers of points.

It seems to the authors that "gains" on items of this type

are more descriptive of the program than of its impact. It is,

for exempla, an integral part of the CIP for interns to discuss

career objectives, plans, and decisions with career developers.

It would appear then that any intern who failed to respond, "I

have done this" must have misunderstood the question. Neither

the question nor the response, however, gets at the issue of

whether the discussion influenced the intern or was useful in

any way.

Since the CDI Planning scale contains a significant number

of similar items--items that would be expected to show gains

simply as a result of participating in the CIP rather than benefitting from it--it must be concluded that the observed gains do

not necessarily reflect benefits accrued by the interns.

The CDI Resources scale is made up of similar items and

the same argument advanced with respect to the Planning scale

is equally applicable. Gains do not necessarily reflect benefits accrued by the interns.

The items that make up the CDI Information scale are of

a more traditional nature. They have correct and incorrect response alternatives and tap career-related knowledge. Gains

on this scale would reflect an increase in interns' career awareness. Unfortunately, no gains were observed in the covariance/

standardized gain analyses (although both second- and thirdcohort students scored higher on the scale at midtest than at

pretest.

The study conducted by Cibboney Associates (1977) produced

almost identical findings with respect to the CDI. There were

significant gains on the Planning and Resources scales and no

/ 4 626j
Career Development Inventory

Tables 9, 10, 11, and 12 summarize the study findings with

respect to the three scales of the Career Development Inventory.

Care must be taken not to over-interpret the statistically significant gains made by interns on the Planning and Resources

scales. The Planning scale in particular does not reflect ability

to plan. The scale is made up of such items as, "Talking about my

career decisions with an adult who knows something about me." The

student response, "1 have not given any thought to this" earns one

point while the response, "1 have done this" earns six points.

There are various response options between these two extremes that

earn intermediate numbers of points.

It seems to the authors that "gains" on items of this type

are more descriptive of the program than of its impact. It is,

for example, an integral part of the CIP for interns to discuss

career objectives, plans, and decisions with career developers.

It would appear then that any intern who failed to respond, "I

have done this" must have misnderstood the question. Neither

the question nor the response, however, gets at the issue of

whether the discussion influenced the intern or was useful in

any way.

Since the CDI Planning scale contains a significant number

of similar items--items that would be expected to show gains

simply as a result of participating in the CIP rather than bentfitting from it--it must be concluded that the observed gains do

not necessarily reflect benefits accrued by the interns.

The CDI Resources scale is made up of similar items and

the same argument advanced with respect to the Planning scale

is equally applicable. Gains do not necessarily reflect benefits accrued by the internsi

The items that make up the CDI Information scale are of

a more traditional nature. They have correct and incorrect response alternatives and tap career-related knowledge. Gains

on this scaj.e would reflect an increase in interns' career awareness. Unfortunately, no gains were observed in the covariance/

standardized gain analyses (although both second- and third- . cohort students scored higher on the scale at midtest than at

pretest.

The study conducted by Gibboney Associates (1977) produced

almost identical findings with respect to the CDI. There were

significant gains on the Planning and Resources scales and no

247

262
gain on the Information scale. 3 The last of these findings

was explained in terms of content mismatch between the careerrelated instruction provided by the CIP and the quesitons contained in the test. That argument appears valid--interns learn

about specific careers that are of interest to them, wftile the

CDI Information scale is concerned with more general issues such

as relationships between aptitudes and types of careers. The

failure of the Information scale to show gains should not be

interpreted to mean that interns learned nothing about careers.

A more relevant instrument might well have shown significant

gains.

Other Non-Cognitive Measures

As was the case with the Gibboney Associates (1977) study,

there were no meaningful gains by CIP participants on either

of the two Coopersmith scales or on the Internal-External scale.

That study concltded, however, that the negative findings with

respect to these scales were overshadowed by interview and other

ethnographic data indicative of substantial self-concept and

attitudinal improvements. While the present authors would feel

uncomfortable taking so strong a position, the interview and

ethnographic data collected by RMC also suggest that interns

have realized significant affective benefits from their participation in the CIP (see Fetterman, 1979). It would be our

strong recommendation, however that more suitable instruments

be sought out or developed for future CIP evaluations so that

the existence of such benefits can be quantitatively verified.

Additional Comments

It was noted in the Gibboney Associates (1977) report that

the ten-week interval between pre- and mid testing was insufficient

for major changes to occur. In the present study the interval was

approximately 16 weeks for third-cohort interns. Despite this

longar interval, it was quite surprising to the authors that so

many significant gains were found.

RMC has been involved with the evaluation of compensatory

education programs for many years. During that time gains as

large as one-third of a (national sample) standard deviation

(7 NCEs) have bsen encountered only rarely in programs running

over an entire school year. The CIP has apparently produced

3 There were no gains on the CDI Information scale after

interns had been in the CIP for ten weeks. There were small,

but statistically significant gains after a year of program

exposure.

248

2 63
gains in both reading and math of about half that size in about

half that amount of time--and it is not a program that places

its primary emphasis on basic-skills instruction. If the tread

observed between pre- and midtesting continues between mid- and

poattesting, truly impressive results will have been observed.

Producing achievement gains in reading and math is not

the major objective of the CIP. On the other hand, no data in

this report sre especially relevant to the program's major goals

of helping participants earn their high school diplomas and

enhancing their employability. The program had not been in

operation long enough so that success in achieving these objectives could be meaningfully dealt with in this report. Plans are

now being implemented, however, to collect appropriate data

from interns who have graduated, and findings will be presented

in the Final Task B Report.

249

264
V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

There is substantial evidence that the Career Intern Program

had a positive impact on third-cohort interns in that it produced

statistically significant achievement gains in reading and mathematics. The data were analyzed in several different ways and

the findings of each analysis were not always positive for all

sites. Enough of the results were positive, however, so that the

authors feel a convincing case has been made for program effectiveness with respect to these two criteria.

It was noted that the gains observed in reading and math

achievement had occurred over a relatively short period of time.

If growth continues at the same rate, the gains resulting from

an entire year of program exposure will be of considerable educational significance and will place the CIP well up in the

hierarchy of effective programs serving disadvantaged youth.

Significant gains were also found on the Planning and

Resources scales of the Career Development Inventory. The

nature of these scales, however, is such as to engender skepticism

regarding the educational significance of the gains. The scales

appear to more descriptive of the treatment itself than of

its impact. One question, for example, asks whether the respondent has discussed career decisions with an adult who knows

him or her. An affirmative answer (which earns a high score)

verifies that such discussions, which are a normal part of the

treatment, have indeed taken place. It does not signify that

the intern has developed improved career-planning ability.

There was "o consistent pattern of gains on the CDI Information scale or on any of the affective measures. The latter

negative findings came as somewhat of a surprise since attitude

change is central to the CIP, and since on-site observations

and ethnographic analyses suggested that such change had occurred (Fetterman, 1979). It appears more likely that the

instruments were insensitive to changes that did occur than

that there were no changes. This inference led the authors

to recommend that more appropriate instruments be sought out

or developed for future CIP evaluations.

Methodologically, the results of this study served to

verify the utility of the norm-referenced model (Tallmadge

IS Wood, 1978) for assessments of this type. Information obtained from the simultaneous implementation of this model and

the traditional experimental-control design strongly suggested

that the norm-referenced design yields more broadly interpretable results.

250
Lack of control over the control group causes educational

research in field settings to differ from laboratory experiments

in very important ways. Rather than providing a no-treatment

expectation, members of the control group may find their way

into atypical educational settings that can seriously bias

the findings of treatment-control comparisons, If, for example,

applicants to the CIP who were randomly assigned to the control

group decided to abandon educational pursuits completely, their

posttest performance would tend to make the program appear

more effective than it really was. Conversely, if the control

students gained admission to another particularly effective

program, they would tend to make the CIP appear ineffective.

Such biases are eliminated through the use of norm-referenced

comparisons.

This, demonstration of the soundness and utility of the

norm-referenced evaluation model is particularly gratifying in

view of other problems that exist with respect to control group

designs. Not only is there the moral-ethical issue of withholding

services from youth who need them desperately, there is the

valid concern that assignment to the control group may constitute

a (negative) treatment in itself (see, for example, Tallmadge,

1979).

An additional advantage -he norm-referenced model has over

control group designs is that it enables the use of a more

powerful statistical test. This means that, with a given effect

size, fewer subjects will be needed to attain statistical significance.The norm-referenced model, of course, only works with tests

that have been adequately standardized, It cannot, therefore,

be used with instruments like the COI, Coopersmith, or Rotter.

Where systematic changes are expected to occur as a function

of time or maturation (as is the case with most cognitive dimensions such as reading ability and career awareness) there does

not seem to be an attractive alternative to control or comparison

groups. With affective dimensions such as self-concept and

locus of control, systematic change is not expected to occur as a

function of time or maturation. For this reason, it appears

.that impacts in these areas can be reliably measured by simple

prepost comparisons. In fact, it is quite difficult to dismiss

the statistically significant increases in self-esteem scores that were observed in both second- and third-cohort interns even

in the face of the contraindications provided by the covariance/

standardized Rain analyses.

It will be possible to examine these methodological issues

in greater depth when posttest data have been collected. The

new findings and their implications will be discussed in the

Final Task B Report.

251

266

SELECTION OF THE ACHIEVEMENT TEST TO EE USED

IN THE CIP EVALUATION STUDY

The test used to evaluate the achievement gains produced

by the CIP should possess several important characteristics.

To conduct a norm-referenced evaluation the test must have

empirical normative data at grades nine, ten, eleven, and twelve,

based on nationally representative samples of students. To

be sensitive to project impact, the content of the tests should

not be uninteresting, esoteric, or irrelevant to the students

in CIP. It should reflect as closely as possible the emphasis

of the CIP instruction. The level of test selected should

be appropriate for the functional level of the students. The

test should not be so difficult that the average score of the

group tested is at chance nor should it be so easy that, on

the average, students answer more than 75Z of the items correctly. It would also be desirable for the test to have empirical normative data at more than one point during the year.

The number of test items and time required to take the test

should fall within reasonable limits and the format of the

test booklets should be attractive and easy to follow.

In the review process the following tests were examined:

California Achievement Test (1970 and 1977), Comprehensive

Tests of Basic Skills (1968 and 1973), Diagnostic Mathematics

Inventory (1975), Gates-MacGinitie Reading Tests (1964), Iowa

Tests of Basic Skills (1971), Metropolitan Achievement Tests

(1970 and 1978), Prescriptive Reading Inventory (1975), Sequential

Test of Educational Progress (1969), SRA Achievement Series

(1971), and Stanford Achievement Tests (1973).

Of this group, only five tests were found to have normative

data at grades nine, ten, eleven, and twelve. Specifically,

the California Achievement Tests (1970 and 1977), Comprehensive

Tests of Basic Skills (1973), Metropolitan Achievement Tests

(1978) and the Sequential Tests of Educational Progress (1969)

fulfilled this requirement.

Each of the five tests was examined in detail. The times

of the year when the test was normed and the forms that are

available were noted. The level of the test intended for high

school students and the next lower (or easier) level of the

test was determined. For each level, the number of items in

each subtest, the time required to take the test, and the length

and topic of each passage were listed. A summary of this information is provided for each test (see Figures 1 through 5).

This review revealed some significant differences among

the five tests. The passages in the STEP II subtest are longer

253

2"8
toolrical Normisa Dates

4 4.7, 7.4, 7.7, 8.4, 8.7, 9.4, 9.7 A 4 5

9.7, 10.4, 10.7, 11.4, 11.7, 12.4, 12.7 A 4 5

IMILA

IMO= Voce,. Como. Math Coe*.

Coacepte 4

Problems

No. of Items 40 4S 45 SO TestMeglIme 10 40 25 23 NW

ISIPMAA

Concepts 4

ReadintMoceb. COS,. Kish Co.,. Problems

No. of Items 40 4S 45 SO Testing Time

(min) 10 40 33 22

Content of Level 4_- Insdtfte Subtest

12.8.912- or 3-word phrases, find synonym for work in boldface

Isocline Como.

Crumple of Table of Contents

bolls of Index

$ paragraphs - composition of psanst earth, volcanoes, earthquakes

7 paragraphs - passes* about the need to conserve resources

4 paragraphs - the lessr--its history end use

2 paragraphs-, logic steteneots--diagram of le *statement of order*

Content of Level S -Reeding Sobtest

1226

2-or 3-word Ores's, find synonym for word in boldface

Nudist Como.

Questions about using a book glossary, appendix, bibliography

$ peregrsphe - the *elongate esthod vs. eutboritorienism

$ long paragraphs - Bill of Right.

4 paragraph studying the ocean floor

4 paragraphs - aptitude 'assures --kinds, use of results

7 paragraphs - logic statements --I* i Dorsal; la i gmercia theft ...

Figure 1. Summary of content and other c%aracteristics of

the California Achievement Test (1970)

254

269
lank gma1rics1 Morales Oates ISM

18 7.7, 8.1, 8.7, 9.1, 9.7, 10.1 C i 0

19 9.7, 10.1, 10.7, 11.1, 11.7, 12.1, 12.7 C i D

lave' 18

Concepts 6

*Wins Voesb. Coop. Math Como. Problems

No. of Items 30 40 40 45 Tearing Time 10 35 25 35

(sin)

Level 19

Concepts 6

Reeding Vorab. coma. Math Coro. Problems

No. of Items .30 40 40 45 Testing Time 10 35 25 35

(sin)

Content of Level 18 Reading Subrest

Vocabulary

2- or 3-word phrases ste presented. Student is to find synonym

of underlined void in phrase

Reading Como.

S paragraphs - the story of Maria Mitchell, the astronomer (has a picture)

1 paragraph - radio commercial advertising Valley Melt Store

2 paragraphs - salesman's speech offering a $3.00 surprise

4 stanzas - poem about stoma

4 paragraphs - history of guitar (plc. of instruments otereoing the guitar)

3 paragraphs - nevepapet article about proposed route for state highway and

letters written in response--1 pro, 1 eon

4 paragraphs captain's log describing trip to rescue survivors

Content of Level 19 Reading Subrest.

Vocabulary

Same as Level 18

Vaading Comp.

7 paragraphs report of a dreamdreamed in a sleep and dream lab has fantasy picture)

3 paragraphs - editorial about importance of eating natural foods

3 paragraphs - speech given by high school student about contributing to

student community garage (pit. of student addressing group)

S paragraphs - destription of sun, solar energy, and sun's rays

3 stanzas - about skyscrapers

6 long paragraphs - work and life of Ororto the srtisr

1 paragraph - radio ad about Tuff Tape

Figure 2. Summary of content and other characteristics of

the California Achievement Test (1977)

255

270
1111.1L Empirical Verities Duos forma

3 6.7, 7.7. $.7 s 6 T

4 .7, 9.76 10.7, 11.7, 12.7 S 6 T

109a.1.1 Concepts 4

lasdint 'crab. Coma. Math Coco. Problems.

Ma. of 'tens 40 45 48 30 Tooting Tine 12 35 40 35

(sin)

LO. Li

Concepts

Atelltglene Coa . bless

So. of Italia 40 45 48 30 Testing Time 11 35 40 30

(min)

Sonjeut of Level 3 Reaction Subtest

liWkVULI

Find synonym

jteedInt Como.

5 psrsgtsphs girl willing to keep her promise to babysit even though

she would rather go to the rock feetivel

1 pategreph very difficult paragraph about ability to tell history

of an abandoned farm by studying landscape

2 paragraphs about the effects of a ieteorits orsehlog to earth in 1947

Swimming pool rules...question, deal with results of breaking rules

5 paragraphs story about efforts of junior high school students to maks

community swore of pollution. *to. through "earth day"

5 paragraphs . about cbsnge in English language iron tins of Old English

3 stains a poen about autumn

Content of Lauel 4 keedinnSubtest

Vocabulary

Select synonyms

feedlot Cone.

5 peregrspha thoughts of swimmer before he swine his race --200 butterfly

3 paragraphs - discusses the ides of "humanness" in animals and objects

5 long peregrephs Margaret Moses study of Seeman cultute--veys in which

individuals tests velues from stoup

6 paragraphs coanunes*rseson for development and their advantages

Pow * expressing sympathy with caged birds

5 paragraphs * the many choices offered to high school graduates to terms

of furthsr education

3 paragraphs shrews hunting for food

Figure 3. Summary of content and other characteristics of

Comprehensive Tests of Basic Skills (1973)

256

271
Ind

My. 1

Adv. 2

tmsisical Pormina Dates

7.1, 7.7, $.1, 1.7, 9.1, 9.7 JS SS 10.1, 10.7, 11.1, 11.7, 12.1, 12.7 JS SS Level Adv. 1 j.*vol Adv. 2,

Reedint Come. Mach Readint Coco. Mach

Wo. of Items SS Tasting time 3S

SO SO SO 40 30 40

Content of Adv. 1 - Aesdint Subsets

Ran it Cosa. 1 paragraph - passegs about marmalade

2 paragraphs passes* about skin diving

4 paragraphs - parings about using the city streets se s playground

and rho benefits of sports activities

2 paragraphs r very simple summary of Sbekespeeres Pyramus and Thisbe

4 paragraphs formation of Sherlock Mollies clubs

4 paragraphs - girl's reaction to receiving s Christmas gift chat is a

great diseppointsent

2 paragraphs - invention of yoyo

1 paragraph Mary Shelley's writing of Tratkcsecein

3 paragraphs *. Leonardo da Vinci --life and work

!Wins Como.

2 paragraphs

3 paragraphs

3 paragraphs

1 paragraph -

Content of_Adv. 2 - Reeding Subtest

- "Sobs" Warta., the schloce

- use and history of passwords to identify friends vs.

foes--"shibbolech"

davelopment of Monopoly gams

discus throwing -- includes 'any nuaber, about alto,

distance, act.

- "familiar strangers", definition, results of psychological

study of satsuma

effects of wind and voter on earth and trees

unpopular boy Who is a bookworm

description of hostels

3 paragraphs

1 paragraph -

1 paragraph -

1 paragraph -

Figure 4. Summary of content and other characteristics of

Metropolitan Achievement Test (1978)

257

272
IdT111 imoirleal Wormtni_Datas eras

2 $.7, 10.7, 11.7, 12.7 .164 D 3 6.7, 7.7, $.7

level 2, Level 3

Vocabulary Reedincramo Vocabulary Iteadins_Cono

Wo. of Items 30 30 30 30 Testing Tine 15 30 15 30

(aim)

Conceals of Level 2 - towline Subtest Vora .

'No types of items: Senteotes presented and second sentence must

be completed using one of four choices. Word used in sentence

and find its eyeonym

'iodine Comm.

S paragraphs describes life of chickadees

9 paragraphs - from Charles Dickens' Sleek Rouse--has old-fashioned

dialogue

11 stanzas - dog and man ars friend, have fight, dog bites man,

but dog dies

3 long paragraphs - groups in past may be thought more noble than

they were viewed by their contempotaries (e.g.,

"knights")

4 long paragraphs - use of symbols

Dialog from a play - idosyneracies of a win that must be fulfilled

in ordet to inherit the money

Cootent_nf Level 3 - ReadineSubtest

Voceb.

Senn as Level 2

peadint Como.

3 paragraphs -

9 paragraphs -

S paragraphs -

6 paragraphs -

7 stanzas

7 paragraphs -

discovery and use of glass to magnify objects

the story of Orpheus from ;reek mythology--the imports:tee of music

the composition of glass, glassblowing

history of Vietnamese people

poem about forgetting

about kidnapping of young Gilbert who later becomes

coaposer of Gilbert 4 Sullivan fame

Figure 5. Summary of content and other characteristics of

Sequential Tests of Educational Progress (1969)

258

273
than the passages of the others, and the content appears more

difficult. The STEP I/ norms are based on the performance

of students who were tested almost ten years ago. Using "old"

norms may produce misleading achievement status inrormation

in normreferenced evaluations. In addition, empirical data

are provided for only one time of the year. Of the five vests,

the STEP I/ appeared to be the least desirable.

A drawback of the CAT '70 is that reading passages of

both levels include questions about using parts of books (table

of contents, index, etc.) to find information. These questions

would seem to be more appropriate in a subtest covering reference

skills rather than reading comprehension. in addition, the

reading subtests present diagrams of logical relationships

from which the students are asked to draw logical conclusions.

This may be a foreign task to many students. Finally, since

there is a more recent edition of the CAT it would be preferable

to use the 1977 edition instead of the 1970. For these reasons,

the CAT 70 was felt not to be the best test to use for the

evaluation.

For the CTBS '73, the passages in Level 3 (the level we

would most likely use) are ordered so that two of the more

difficult ones are presented first. This order of presentation

may discourage students so that either they will not respond

to the remaining items or they may respond at random. A second

drawback of the CTBS '73 is that empirical normative data are

available for only one month of the year.

The MAT '78 and CAT '77 are the newest of the achievement

tests reviewed. Both tests have empirical normative data for

October and April. A cursory examination of the content of

the reading tests of both the MAT '78 and the CAT '77 showed

that either one would be appropriate to use in the CIF evalua

tion. The passages in the CAT '77, however, seem to be :41:7re

relevant and inherently more interesting than those o: the

MAT '78. For example, the radio advertisement passage, the

salesman's speech, and the newspaper editorial all present

materiai that reflects "real world' situations that stunts

are likely to have encountered. Of course, it also has passages

that are probably of less interest -- the story of a woman

ast,onomer, the history of the guitar, and a poem about storms.

The majority of the passages in the MAT '78 deal with topics

that wouid not be of concern to CIF interns. For example,

there are passages about marmalade, skin diving, and Leonardo

da Vinci.

At a more detailed level the twc tests were studied in

terms of the instructional objectives that each test attempts

to measure. In each test's manual, the instructional objectives

2474
upon which the test was constructed are listed and the test

items that measure each objective are identified. These are

presented below in Tables 18 and 19. Although the objectives

selected by the two publishers do not match perfectly, by collapsing some sub-objectives and relabeling others, it is possible

to make comparisons between the tests. (It should be noted

that the HAT '78 does not offer a separate vocabulary subtest.

Vocabulary items are included in the reading comprehension

section.) Direct comparisons can be made between the two tests

as to the number of vocabulary items each contains and the

number of items asking for literal information. After examining

the test items, the MAT inferential category of objectives

appears to be equivalent to the CAT interpretive category,

and the MAT evaluative category appears to be equivalent to

the CAT critical category.

The number and percentage of items under each objective

are presented by test in Table 20. The greatest difference

in content between the two tests is in the number of items

covering literal meaning. The MAT has over three times as

many items as the CAT. A second difference between the tests

is that the CAT has over twice as many critical thinking items

as the MAT. Assuming that CIP reading instruction focUses

more on teaching students to grasp the literal meaning rather

than the implications of what they read, this analysis indicates

that the MAT would be the more appropriate test to give.

A similar type of comparison was made between the Mathematics subtests of the CAT '77 and the MAT '78, as shown in

Tables 21 and 22. The CAT offers two separate subtests: Mathematics Computations and Mathematics Concepts and Applications.

The MAT has placed both types of items in a single subtest.

Concept and applications problems are the first 32 items and

computation problems are the remaining 18.

The two tests are similar in all areas except the number

of computational problems involving fractions and decimals,

geometry and measurement, and numeration. The difference can

be attributed to the fact that the CAT has 35 more items than

the MAT, and they are distributed over these three objectives.

Although the MAT is a shorter test; it is claimed by its publishers to be as reliable as the other major achievement tests.

Conclusions

Either the CAT '77 or the MAT '78 would be suitable for

use in the evaluation of the CIP. Only one test can be selected.

After detailed review of both tests, the MAT '78 was chosen

over the CAT '77. The reasons for this decision are summarized

below.
upon which the test was constructed are listed and the test

items that measure each objective are identified. These are

presented below in Tables 18 and 19. Although the objectives

selected by the two publishers do not match perfectly, by col

lapsing some subobjectives and relabeling others, it is possible

to make comparisons between the tests. (It should be noted

that the MAT '78 does not offer a separate vocabulary subtest.

Vocabulary items are included in the reading comprehension

section.) Direct comparisons can be made between the two tests

as to the number of vocabulary items each contains and the

number of items asking for literal information. After examining

the test items, the MAT inferential category of objectives

appears to be equivalent to the CAT interpretive category,

and the MAT evaluative category appears to be equivalent to

the CAT critical category.

The number and percentage of items under each objective

are presented by test in Table 20. The greatest difference

in content between the two tests is in the number of items

covering literal meaning. The MAT has over three times as

many items as the CAT. A second difference between the tests

is that the CAT has mut' twice as many critical thinking items

as the MAT. Assuming that CIP reading instruction focuses

more on teaching students to grasp the literal meaning rather

than the implications of what they read, this analysis indicates

that the NAT would be the more appropriate test to give.

A similar type of comparison was made between the Mathe

matics subtests of the CAT '77 and the MAT '78, as shown in

Tables 21 and 22. The CAT offers two separate subtests: Mathe

matics Computations and Mathematics Concepts and Applications.

The MAT has placed both types of items in a single subtest.

Concept and applications problems are the first 32 items and

computation problems are the remaining 18.

The two ,tests are similar in all areas except the number

of computational problems involving fractions and decimals,

geometry and measurement, and numeration. The difference can

be attributed to the fact that the CAT has 35 more items than

the MAT, and they are distributed over these three objectives.

Although the MAT is a shorter test; it is claimed by its pub

lishers to be as reliable as the other major achievement tests.

Conclusions

Either the CAT '77 or the MAT '78 would be suitable for

use in the evaluation of the CIP. Only one test can be selected.

After detailed review of bot6 tests, the MAT '78 was chosen

over the CAT '77. The reasons for this decision are summarized

below.

261

276
Table 18

MT '78 Advanced Level 1, Form JS, Reading Comprehension

Test Items Grouped by Instructional. Objective and by Passage

?assent Vocal). Literal Inferential

Specific General Specific General Evaluative

1 6 1 5 2,3 4

2 7,8,10 9 12 11 3 18 14,15,17 13 16

4 19 21,23 20,22 24

5 30 25,27 26 28,29

6 32,34 31 33,35 36

7 41,42 39 38 37,40

8 48 43,44,46 45 47 9 45,50,52 51,55 53,54

Table 19

CAT '77 Level 18, Form C, Reading Comprehension

Test Items Grouped by Instructional Objective and by Passage

Vocab. Literal Interpretive Critical

Syn. Ant. Recall

Multi of faces

inferred

Meant=

Character

Auelvsis

ltigurative LantusaeAuthor

Att. Vet-

,Vasssce suasion

1 31,36 34 32,33,35,37

2 31-40

3 41-433

4 44 -SO S 51,52,54.56' 53,55,57

6 58-63

7 64 65,67,69 66,68,19

0 1-20,21-25,

26-30

Table 20

Number and Percentage of Items Under Each Objective

Ohiective N

Akt .18 CAT '77

Vocabulary 6 11 30 43 Literal 25 45 7 10 Inferential/interpretive 15 35 21 30 Evaluative/Critical S 9 12 17 Total 55 100 70 100 Note: Ca .77 hes s total of 70 itAlla, including separate subtests

for vocabulary end reading touprehensioe.

MAT *78 hen s total of 55 items, vcmebulary and toadies cooprehension items ate together In A single subtsst.

262

277
Table 21

MAT '78--Advanced Level 1, Forma, Mathematics

Item Number and Number of Items Under Each Objective

Objective Item Number

Number of items

Measuring

Objective

Graphs 6 Statistics 30,31,32,25,26,27 6

Fractions 6 Decimals 41-50 10

Lams 6 Properties 15-18 4

Whole Numbers 33-40 8

problem Solving 1-6 6

Geometry b Measurement 19-24, 28, 29 8

Numeration 7-14 8

Table 22

CAT '77--Level 18, rorm C, Mathematics Computations and

Mathematics Concepts and Applications

Item Number and Number of Items Under Each Objective

Oblective Item Number

Number of Items

Measuring

Objective

Graphs 6 Statistics

(Functions b Graphs)

55,59,66,83 4

Fractions 6 Decimals 1,2,4,8,9,10,14,15,19,2o, 28

(Math Computation) 2144,26,27,29,30,31-40

Laws 6 Properties 13,18,25,28 4

(Math Computation)

Whole Numbers 3,5,6,7,11,12,16,17 8

(Math Computation)

Problem Solving 53,65,70,75,76,77,78 7 (Story Problems)

Geometry 6 Measurement 45,46,4-50,58,60.72.75. 16

78-80,82-84

Numeration 41-44,47,51,52,56,57,62-64, 18

NOTE: The objectives in parentheses are the labels used by the

publisher of CAT '77.
The primary disadvantage of the Metropolitan is that Its

content appears less interesting than that of the CAT '77 and

as a result of this, interns may not be as motivated to take

and complete the test. However, the test items of the CAT

'77 include a greater number of higher-level thinking questions

than the MAT '78. Compared to the MAT, the California has

a much larger proportion of test items that require the reader

to make an evaluation or critical interpretation of a passage.

The Metropolitan Achievement Test, in contrast to the California,

has a much larger proportion of test items that require the

reader to make a literal interpretation. Whereas the CAT passages may be more entertaining to read than the MAT's, the test

questions are more difficult.

A second difference between tae two tests is the way in

which the test items are ordered. The questions about any

one passage of the CAT are likely to come from one category

of instructional objective. For example, in the CAT all of

the questions about passage 3 concern critical thinking and

all those about passage 4 concern figurative language. In

the MAT, test questions or a single passage always cover more

than one instructional objective. For example, the questions

for passage 3 cover vocabulary and literal, inferential, and

evaluative thinking. A student taking the CAT who finds it

difficult to respond to questions that require critical thinking

may miss all the items about one passage and may become discouraged about attempting more items. If the same student were

to take the MAT and were to incorrectly answer similar types

of items, the errors will be scattered throughout the test.

The arrangement of the MAT test items would seem superior to

that of the CAT.

An additional advantage of the MAT that has not been emphasized is that it requires less tine to administer. The

MAT reading subtest takes 35 minutes compared to 45 for the

CAT; the MAT mathematics subtest requires 40 minutes versus

60 minutes for the CAT.

The MAT also fulfills the other criteria that were listed

at the beginning of the paper. It has empirical norms for

October and April for grades 9, 10, 11, and 12. It is constructed so that the level of test that is appropriate to the

functional level of the students can be administered and it

is still possible to compare their test performance to that

of grade-level peers.

264

279

CAREER DEVELOPMENT INVENTORY

RMC Research Corp.

2570 W. El Camino Real

Mountain View, CA 94040

415/941-9550

FORM I
CAREER DEVELOPMENT INVENTORY

FORM I

DONALD E. SUPER, ET AL.

TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

COPYRIGHT 1971

a A a 6 a a a a a a 6 a * a * INTRODUCTION

The questions you are about to read ask you about school,

work, your future career, and some of the plans you may have made.

The only right answers are the ones which are right for you. Later,

some questions ask about career facts; others ask you to judge

students' plans. Give the best answers you can.

Answers to questions like these can help teachers and

counselors offer the kind of help which high school students want

and need in planning and preparing for a job after graduation, for

vocational and technical school training or for going to college.

ANSWER ALL QUEST IONS. If you are not sure about an

answer, guess. There is no time limit, but work as rapidly as you

can; the first answer that comes to you is often the best one.

NAME GRADE DATE YOUR FUTURE OCCUPATION

In your present thoughts and plans, what kind of work

would you like to do when you finish all of your education and

training? What kind of occupation do you plan to enter? (For

example: bookkeeper, machinist, lawyer, registered nurse, small

store owner, waitress, engineer, shop foreman, elementary teacher,

truckdriver, etc.) Write the name(s) of the occupation(s) you

have thought about on the lines below.

1st choice

2nd choice

3rd choice

4th choice

The questions begin on the next page. Stark them according

to the instructions at the top of each section.

267

282
I. How such thinking and planning have you done about your educational and

occupational future What kinds of plans do you have For each of the

14 statements below, choose one of the following 6 answers to show what

You have done about what is Mentioned in the statements. Place the number of your answer in the space to the left of each statement.

Here are the possible answers:

1 -I have not given any thought to this.

4 .1 have given some thought to this, but haven't made any plans

to do this.

3 -I have some plans to do this, but am still not sure of them.

4 have made definite plans to do this, but don't know how to

carry them out.

$ -I have made definite plans to do this, and know what to do to

carry them out.

6 1 have done this.

Here are the statements:

1. Finding out about different kinds of educational and occupational possibilities by taint to the library, sending away

for information concerning tfie different possibilities, or

talking to somebody, who knows about the possibilities.

2. Talking about my career decisions with an adult who knows

something about me.

3. Taking courses which will help me decide what lint of work

to go into when I leave school or college.

4. Taking courses which will help me in college, in job training, or on the job.

S. Taking part in school or out-of-school activities which will

help me in college, in training, or on the job.

6. Taking part in school or after - school activities (for example:

science club, school newspaper, Sunday School teaching, volunteer nurse's aide) which will halp me decide what kind of

work to go into when I leave school.

7e Getting a part-time or summer job which will help me decide

what kind of work I might go fate.

Ile Getting a part-time summer job which will help me get the

kiad of job or training I want.

268

283
Nero are the Possible answers'.

11 have not given any thought to this.

21 have given some thought to this, but haven't made any plans

to do this.

31 have some pleas to do this, but em still not sure of them.

41 have mode definite plans to do this, but don't know how to

carry them out.

$1 have made definite plans to do this. end know what to do to

carry them out.

61 have done this.

Here are some more statements:

V. Getting money for college or training.

10. Dealing with things which might make it hard for me to get

the kind of training or the kind of work I would like.

11. Getting the kind of training, education, or experience which

1 will need to get into the kind of work I want.

12. Getting a job once I've finished my education and training.

IS. Doing the things I need to do to become a valued employee

who doesn't have to be afraid of losing his job or being

told off when times are hard.

i4. Getting ahead (more money, promotions, etc.) in the kind

of work I choose.

IS. Now would you rate your plans for "after high school"? (Please

check ( ye) one envier.)

e. Not et all clear or sure

b. Not very clear

c. Some not clear, some clear

d. Fein), clear

e. Very clear, all decided

269

284
II. Students differ greatly in the amount of time and thought they give

to making choices. Use the five ratings below to compare yourself

to the typical students of your sex in your grade In each of the

areas of choice listed below. Nark the number of your rating in the

space provided in each statement.

Here are the ratings:

1 much below average, not as good as most

2 a little below average

3 average

g a little above average

S much above average, better than most

Here are the statements:

16. Compared to my classmates I am in the amount of time and

thought I give to choosing highlliEool courses.

17. Compared to my classmates I am in the amount of time and

thought I give to choosing high school activities

Compared to my classmates I am in the amount of tine and

thought I give to choosing out.OrTchool activities.

19. Compared to my classmates I am in the amount of time and

thought I give to choosing amoung eneral alternatives available to me after high school (for examples choosing cIllege or

business school or technical school or work 2.r_ military :service

or marriage, etc.)

20. Compared to my classmates I an in the amount of time and

thought I give to choosing among s ecific alternatives avail

able to me (for example: typs_ of co egp, branch of the military sefvice, characteristics of husband orUUT7 etc.)

21. Compared to my classmates I an in the amount of time and

thought I give to choosing an occupation for after high school,

college or Job training.

22. Compared to my classmates I am in the amount of time and

thought l give to choosing a career in general.

270

285
III. Now much do you know about the occu 'tie:: you said you would cast

like to enter on page one of th s anv n ory. *low are five possible

answers to use in enswinng statements 23 though 33. Nark the number of your answer in the space provided in each statement.

Here are the answers:

I hardly anything

2 - a little

3 - On average mount

4 - a goad deal

S great deal

Nero ere the statements:

23. I know about what people really do on the fob I said I

would liTrto enter.

24. I know about specialities in the occupation I said I wou1

like to enter.

23. I know about difterent places where people might work in

this occupation.

26. I know about the qualifications and skills needed for this

occupation.

27. I know about

occupation.

2$. I know about the education or training needed to get into

this occupation.

29. I know about the courses offered in high school that are

the best Wr this occupation.

30. I know about the need for more people in this occupation

31. I know shout different ways of gstting into this occupation.

32. I know about the starting pay in this occupation.

33. I know about the chances for getting raises and promotions.

the environmental working conditions in this

271

26
IV. What sources of inform tion would you go to for help In asking your

job oiEFrage p ens se the Elva possible answers listed below to

Show whether or not you would go to the sources of information listed

below. Hark the number of your answer in the space provided in each

statement. Here are the answers:

I definitely not

2 probably not

3 not be sure whether to

4 probably

S definitely

Here are the statements:

34. I would go to my father or male guardian.

3S. I would go to my mother or female guardian.

36. 1 would go to my brothers, sisters, or other relatives.

37. I would go to my friends.

32. I would go to coaches of teams I have been on.

39. I would go to my minister, priest, or rabbi.

40. I would go to teachers

41. 1 would go to school counselors.

42. I would go to private counselors, outside of school.

43. I would go to books with the information I need.

44. I would go to audio or visual aids like tape recordings.

movies or computers.

4S. I would go to college catalogues.

46. I would go to persons in the occupation or at the college I

am consi3TiTii.

67. 1 would go to IV shows, movies, or magazines.

272

287
Y. Here again are five answers which are to be used with statements

48 through 01. This tine use the answers to show which of the

sources of information below have already given you information

which hes been helpful to You in *skint your Job or college plans.

Mark the number of your answer in the space provided in each statement. Rare are the answers:

1 - no useful information

1 very little useful information

3 - some useful information

4 e good deal of useful information

S - a great deal of useful information

Here are the statements:

48. 1 have gotten from 1141 father or male guardian.

49. I have gotten from my mother or female guardian.

SO. I have gotten from my brothers, sisters or other relatives.

SI. I have gotten from my friends.

SZ. I have gotten from coaches of teems I have been on.

S3. I have gotten from my minister, priest, or rabbi.

S4. I have gotten from teachers.

SS. 1 have gotten from school counselors.

S6. I have gotten from private counselors, outside of school.

S7. i have gotten from books with the information I needed.

SS. I have gotten from audio or visual aids like tapes recordings, movies, or computers.

59. I have gotten from college catalogues

60. I have gotten from persons in the occupation or at th.

college 1 em considering.

61. I have gotten from TV shows, Tories. or magazines.

273

288
V. Here again are five answers which are to be used with statements

4$ through 61. This time use the answers to show which of the

sources of information below have already given you information

which has been helpful to you in making your job or college plans.

Hark the number of your answer it the space provided in each statement. Mere are the answers;

I - no useful information

2 - very little useful information

3 some useful information

4 a good deal, of useful information

5 a great deal of useful information

Here are the statements;

48. 1 have gotten from my father or male guardian.

49. 1 have gotten from my mother or female guardian.

50. I have gotten from my brothers. sisters or other relatives.

51. I have gotten from my friends.

SZ. I have gotten from coaches of teams I have been on.

53. 1 have gotten from my minister, priest. or rabbi.

54. I have gotten from teachers.

55. I have gotten from school counselors.

56. I have gotten from private counselors. outside of school.

57. 1 have gotten from books with the information I needed.

55. I have gotten from audio or visual aids Like tapes recordings. movies. or computers.

59. 1 have gotten from college catalogues

60. 1 have gotten from persons in the occupation or at the

college i am croUraering.

61. 1 have gotten from TV shows. movies. or magazines.

274

2 80
III. Mara aach question has its own set of possible answers. Check 00')

only one answer for each question.

62. Which one of the following is the best source of information

about job duties and opportunities?

1) The EncYcloPedia Britannic* - ---

- ---

2) World Almanac

3) Scholastic Magazine ----

d) The Occupational Index

S) The Occupational Outlook Handbook .M1.1.1111. 63. Which one of the following would be most useful for detailed

information about getting into college?

1) The World Rook Encyclopedia

- --- 2) Webster's Collegiate Dictionary

- --- S) LoveloY's Collett Guide

- --- 4) Reader*s Digest

- --- 3) The Education Index

64. Which one of the following pairs of occupations involves the

same level of training and responsibility?

1) Tailor. Sales Clerk

2) Engineer. Banker

0.11. S) Tailor. Engineer 1 4) Banker. Sales Clerk

6S. The occupational fields expected to grow most rapidly during

the next ten years are:

1) Professional and service

2) Sales and crafts

5) Crafts and clerical

d) Labor and sales 111110

275

290
66. Between 1910 and 1970, the industry employing the greatest

number of workers changed from:

1) Argrivilture to wholesale and retail trade

2) Manu facturing to agriculture

retail trade to manufacturing

taring.

3) Wholesale and

4) Agriculture to manufac

V11. Occupations differ in the amount and typ e of education required for

uire or each of the

wer in space to the

employment. Select the type of education req d f

occupations below and mark the number of your ans

left of each statement.

TyBe of Education:

1 - High School Graduation

2 - Apprenticeship Training

3 - Technical School or Community College (2 year)

4 - College Degree (4 year)

S - Professional Degree Beyond College

Occupations:

67. Stenographer

68. Dental Technician

69. Family Doctor (Physician)

70. Mail Carrier

71. Plumber

72. Computer Operator

73. Bank Clerk

74. Social Worker

.11

276

291
VIII. Many occupations use special tools. Snow is is list of occupations

and a list of special tools or equipment. Match the occupation with

its equipment by marking the number of the appropriate equipment in

the space to the left of the occupation.

TrPeof Equipment:

1 Manikin

2 Ammeter

3 Centrifuge

4 Trowel

S Ledger

Type of OCSOStiORS:

75. Electrician

76. Sookkeeper

77. Bricklayer

78. Dressmaker

79. Medical Technician

IX. Here *gain, each question has its own set of answers. Check ( we)

only one answer for each question.

80. In the 9th and 10th grades. plans about Jobs and occupations

should:

1) be clear.

2) not rule out any possibilities.

S) keep open the best possibilities.

4) not be something to thick about.

277

292
$1. Decisions about high school coutses can have an effect on:

1) she kind of diploma one dots.

2) the kind of ttaining of education ono can get after high

school

3) latet occupation choices.

4) bow much one likes school.

3) all of these.

$2. Decisions about jobs should take into account:

1) strengths, or what one is good at learning and doing.

2) what one likes to do.

11 3) the kind of petson one is.

11 4) the chances for getting ahead in that kind of job.

3) all of these.

$3. One of the things that peat artists, musicians, and professional

athletes have in common is the desire to

1) make money.

2) have large audiences.

3) be the best theta is at what they do.

4) teach others what they do.

$4. Mary thinks she might like to become a computet programmet,

but she knows little about computet ptogtamming. She is going

to the libtary to find out more about it. The most impottant

thing fot Mary is know now is:

w. 1) what the wotk is, what she would do in it.

2) what the pay is.

3) what the houts of work are.

4) whete she can get the tight ttaining.

278

29
$S. Jana likes her high school biology and general science courses

best. She likes to do her schoolwork alone so she can concentrate. When she begins to think about her future occupation,

she should eunsider:

I) Nurse.

2) Accountant.

3) Medical Laboratory Technician.

4) Elementary School Teacher.

$6. Peter is the best speater on the school debating team. The school

yearbook describes him as "our golden tongued oratorm real nice

guy who can listen as well as talkhe could sell refrigerators

to the EsPinos." Peter will probably gradmate in the bottom half

of his class, although his test scores show that he is very bright.

His only good grades (mostly g's) are in business subjects. His

Poorest grades are in English and social studies (mostly C's).

Peter's desire to become a trial lawyer is not very realistic

becauses

1) with his grades he will have difficulty getting into a four

year liberal arts college.

2) he has poor grades in the subjects that are most important

for law.

.

3) there is 'such more to being a lawyer than being good at public speaking.

4) all of the above are good reasons for thinking that Peter

will have a hard time becoming a trial lawyer..

$7. The facts about Peter suggest that he hould think about becoming:

1) an accountant.

2) a salesman.

3) an actor.

. 4) s school counselor.

S) a lawyer.

I

279

294
IWIM

1$. Ernie took some tests which show that he might be good at

clerical work. Ernie says, "I just can't see myself sitting

bel.ind a desk for the rest of my life. I'm the kind of guy

who likes variety. I think being a traveling salesman would

,suit ma fins." We should:

1) disregard the tests and do what he wants to do.

2) do what the tests say since they know batter than he does

what he would be good at.

3) look for a job which will let him use his clerical abilities

but not keep him pinned to a desk.

4) ask to be tested with another test since the results of the

the first one are probably wrong.

$9. Joe is very good with his hands and there isn't anybody in his

class who has more mechanical aptitude. Ns is also good at

art. His best subject at school is math. Joe likes all of

there things.

.4111=11=D

that should Joe do? Should he:

1) look for an occupation in which he can use cs many of his

interescsand abilities as possible?

2) pick an occupation which uses math since there is a better

future in that rsn in art or in working with his hands?

3) decide which ,f these activities he is best at, or likes the

most. &Ad t4ten pick an occupation which uses that kind of

activity?

4) put off deciding about his future and wait until he loses

interest in some of these activities?

90. Betty gets very good science grades but this isn't her favorite

subject. 29e subject she likes best is art even though her

Iryles

in it are only average. Betty is cost likely to do well

ts her future occupation it she:

1) forgets about her intcrest in art since she is so much better

in science.

2) doesn't worry about the fact that she isn't very good at art,

because if you like something you can become good at it.

3) looks for an occupation which uses both art and science,

but more science than art.

4) looks for an occupation which involves both science and art,

but more art than science.

280

295
II. Sob says ha really doesn't care what kind of work he gets into

once he leaves school as long as it is working with people. If

this is all lob cares about he is likely to make e bad choice

because:

I) this kind of work usually requires a college degree.

11. 2) esployars usually hire girls for such work.

3) people look down on men who work with people because such

work is usually done by girls.

4) octupations in which one works with people can be very

different from each other in the abilities and interests

which are needed.

281

296
COOPERSMITH

SELF-ESTEFM INVENTORY

RMC Research Corp.

2570 V. El Camino Real

Mountain View, CA 94040

415/941-9550
PRACTICE ITEMS

A. I like to watchl V. LIKE ME . NOT LIKE ME

B. s toad worker. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME

1. I spend a lot of

time daydreaming. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (33)

2. Pm pretty su e

of myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (34)

3. I often wish I were

someone the LIKE ME _ NOT LIKE ME (35)

4. I'm easy to like. LIKE ME _ NOT LIKE ME 4361

S. My parents and I have a lot

of fun together. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (37)

6. I met worry about anything. LIKE ME _ NOT LIKE ME (38)

7. I find it very hard to

talk in front of the

class.

8. I wish I were younger.

9. There are lots of things

about myself I'd change

if I could.

LIKE ME _ _ NOT LIKE ME 1391

LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME - (40)

LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (41)

10. I Can make up my

mind without too

much trouble. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (42)

11. a lot of fun to

be with. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME _ (43)

12. I get upset tatily at home. LIKE ME _ , NOT LIKE ME - (44)

13. 1 atwaysdo the right thing. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME ._ (45)

14. I'm proud of my

school work. LIKE ME _ NOT LIKE ME (46)

15. Someone always has to

tell me what Zs do. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME --- (47)

16. It takes me a long

time to get used to

anything new. UKE ME NOT LIKE ME - (48)

283

298
17. I'm often softy for the

things I do. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (49)

$. I'm popular with kids

my own age. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME

19. My parents usually consider

my feelings. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (51)

20. I'm never unhappy, LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (52)

21. I'm doing tha best work

that I can. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (53)

22. I give in vary easily. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (54)

23. I can usually take care

of myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE (55)

24. I'm pretty happy. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (56)

25. I would rather play with

children younger than me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (57)

26. My parents expect too

much of ma. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (58)

27. Mks everyone I know. LIKE ME , NOT LIKE ME (59)

28. I like to be called on

in class. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (601

29. I understand myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (6t)

30. les pretty tough to berm. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (62)

31. Things are all mixed up

In my life. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (63)

32. Kids usually follow my ideas. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (64)

33. No one pays much attention

to me at home. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (6$)

34. I never get scolded. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (56)

35. I'm not doing as well in

school as rd like to. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (67)

36. I Can makeup ray mind

end stick to it. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (6g)

37. I really don't like being

a boy girl. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (69)

284

229
17. I'm often sorry for the

things I do. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (49)

18. I'm poPular with kids

my own age. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (50)

19. My parents usually celsidar

my feelings. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME f5t)

20. I'm never unhappy. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (52)

21. I'm doing the ben work

that I can. :OE ME NOT LIKE ME (53)

22. I give in very easily. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (54)

23. I can usually take care

of myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (55)

24. I'm pretty happy. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (56)

25. I would rather play with

children younger than me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (57)

26. My parents expect too

much of me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (581

27. I like everyone I know. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (59)

28. I like to be called on

to class. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (601

29. I understand myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (61)

30. It's patty tough to be me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (62)

31. Things are all mixed up

in my life. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (63)

32. Kids usually follow my ideas. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME. (64)

33. No one pays much attention

to me at home. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (65)

34. I never get scolded. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (66)

35. I'm not doing as well in

school as I'd 16re to. LIKE ME NOT LIRE ME 1671

36. I can make up my mind

and stick to it. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME 1681

37. I really don't like being

a boy girl. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (691

285

300
38. 1 have a low opinion of myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (33)

39. I don't like to be with

other people. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (34)

40. There are rainy times when

,

I'd like to leave home. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (35)

41. I'm never sb y. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (38)

42. I often feel upset in school. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (371

43. I often feel *shamed of myself. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (38)

44. 14M not as nice looking

m most people. LIKE ME - NOT LIKE ME (39)

4$. If I have something to say,

I usuelly say it.

-

LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (40)

48. Kids pick on me very often. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (41)

47. My parents understand me. LIKE ME

-

NOT LIKE ME (42)

48. I elweys tell the truth. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (43)

49. My teacher makes me feel

that I'm not good enough. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (44)

60. 1 don't care what happens

to me.

-

LIKE ME

-

NOT LIKE ME (45)

81. I'm s failure. LIKE ME

-

NOT LIKE ME (481

52. I get upset easily when

I'm scolded. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (47)

53. Most people are better liked

than lam.

-

LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (481

54. I usually feel as if my

parents are pushing me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (49)

55. I always know what to say

to people. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (50)

58. I often get discouraged

in school. LIKE ME

-

NOT LIKE ME (51)

67, Things usuelly don't bother me. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (52)

58. I can't be depended on. LIKE ME NOT LIKE ME (53)

This booklet was prepared by RMC Research Corporotion, Mountoin View, Colifornia

for use viler Notions,' Institute of Education Contract No. NIE00.78.0021.

286

30.E
Study of the CAREER INTERN PROGRAM

INTERNAL-EXTERNAL SCALE

RMC Research Corp.

2570 W. El Camino Real

Mountain View, CA 94040

415/941-9550
NAME

INTERNAL-EXTERNAL SCALE

DATE

DIRECTIONS:

The purpose of this short task is to determine how you feel about

certain things.

Read each of the following paired statements. Which of the two

statements do yoU agree with more? Circle that letter. Choose only

one. (However, be sure to choose one of the paired statements for

each item).

Example: l.a. Most children should be punished by their mothers.

b. A child knows when he does something wrong.

l.a. Children get into trouble because their parents punish them

too much. . b. The trouble with most children nowadays is that their parents

are too easy with them.

2.a. Many of the unhappy things in people's lives are partly due to

bad luck.

b. People's misfortunes result from the mistakes they make.

3.a. One of the major reasons why we have wars is because people

don't take enough interest iA politics.

b. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people try to

prevent them.

4.a. In the long run people get the respect they aeserve in this

world.

b. Unfortunately, an individual's worth often passes unrecognized

no matter how hard he tries.

Sat. The idea that teachers are unfair to students is nonsense.

b. Most students don't realize the extent to which their grades

are influenced by accidental happenings.

6.a. Without the right breaks one cannot be an effective leader.

b. Capable people who fail to become leaders have not taken

advantage of their opportunities.

7.a. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like.you.

b. People who can't get others to like them don't understand how

to get along with others.

288

303
8.a. Heredity plays the major role in determining one's personality.

b. It is one's experiences in life which determine what they're

like.

9.a. I have often found that what is going to happen will happen.

b. Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me as making

a decision to take a definite course of action.

10.a. In the case of the well prepared student there is rarely if

ever such a thing as an unfair test.

b. Many times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to course

work that studying is really useless.

11.a. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work, luck has little

or nothing to do with it.

b. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place

at the right time.

12.a. The average citizen can have an influence in government

decisions.

b. This world is run by the few people in power, and there is not

much the little guy can do about it.

13.a. When I make plans, I am almost certain that

work.

b. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead

things turn out to be a matter of good or

I can make them

because many

bad fortune anyhow.

14.a. There are certain people who are just no gOod.

b. There is some good in everybody.

1S.a. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing to do with

luck.

b. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by flipping

a coin.

16.a. Who gets to be the boss often depends on who was lucky enough

to be in the right place first.

b. Getting people to do the right thing depends upon ability, luck

has little or nothing to do with it.

17.a. As far as world affairs are concerned, most of us are the

victims of forces we can neither understand nor control.

b. By taking an active part in political and social affairs the

people can control world events.

18.a. Most people don't realize the extent to which their lives are

controlled by accidental happenings.

b. There really is no such thing as "luck."

289

304
19.a. One should always be willing to admit mistakes.

b. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes.

20.a. It is hard to know whether or not a person really likes you.

b. How many friends you have depends on how nice a person you are.

21.a. In the long run the bad things that happen to us are balanced

by the good ones.

b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability, ignorance,

laziness, or all three.

22.a. With enough effort we can wipe out political corruption.

b. It is difficult for people to have much control over the things

politicians do in office.

23.a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades

they give.

b. There is a direct connection between how hard I study and the

grades I get.

24.a. A good leader expects people to decide for themselves what they

should do.

b. A good leader makes it clear to everybody what their jobs are.

2S.a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over the things

that happen to me.

b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck plays

an important role in my life.

26.a. People are lonely because they don't try to be friendly.

b. There's not much use in trying too hard to please people, if

they like you, they like you.

27.a. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high school.

b. Team sports axe an excellent way to build character.

28.a. What happens to me is ny own doing.

b. Sometimes I feel that, I don't have enough control over the

direction my life is taking.

29.a. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians behave the

way they do.

b. In the long run the people are responsible for bad government

on a national as well as on a local level.

290

305
l9.a. One should always be willing to admit mistakes.

b. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes.

20.a. It is hard to know whether or not a person really likes you.

b. How many friends you have depends on how nice a person you are.

21:a. In the long run the bad things that happen to us are balanced

by the good ones.

b. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability, ignorance,

laziness, or all three.

22.a. With enough effort we can wipe out political corruption.

b. It is difficult for people to have much control over the things

politicians do in office.

23.a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades

they give.

b. There is a direct connection between how hard I study and the

grades I get.

24.a. A good leader expects people to decide for themselves what they

should do.

b. A good leader makes it clear to everybody what their jobs are.

2S.a. Many times I feel that I have little influence over the things

that happen to me.

b. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck plays

an important role in my life.

-. People are lonely because they don't try to be friendly.

b. There's not much use in trying too hard to please people, if

they like you they like you.

27.a. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high school.

b. Team sports are an excellent way to build character.

28.a. What happens to me is my own doing.

b. Sometimes I feel that I don't have enough control over the

direction my life is taking.

29.a. Nost of the timeI can't understand why politicians behave the

vay they do.

b. In the long run the people are responsible for bad government

on a national as well as on a local level.

291

306
REFERENCES

Cook, T. D. & Campbell, D. T. Quasi-experimentation: Design

and analysis issues for field settings. Chicago: Rand

McNally, 1979.

Coopersmith, S. The antecedents of self-esteem. San Francisco:

W. H. /freeman & Co., 1967.

Fetterman, D. Study of the Career Intern Program. Interim

Technical ReportTask C: Functional InterrelationshiPs_Among

Program Components and Intern Outcomes. Mountain View CA:

RMC Research Corporation, 1979. (UR-340)

Gibboney Associates, Inc. The Career Intern Program : Final

report. Volume II: Technical appendices. Blue Bell PA:

Author, 1977. (NIE Papers in Education and Work: Number

Seven)

National Institute of Education. Compensatory education study,

Final Report. Washington DC: Author, 1978.

Raven, J. C. Matrix tests. Mental Health, 1940, I, 10-18.

Rotter, J. B. Generalized expectancies for internal versus

external control of reinforcement. Psychological Monographs,

1966, 80, No. 609

Super, D. E. Career development. In J. R. Davits & S. Ball

(Eds.), Psychology of the educational_Process. New York:

McGraw-Hill, 1970.

Tallmadge, G. K. Avoiding problems in evaluation. Journal of

Career Education, June 1979, 5(4), 300-308.

Tallmadge, G. K. Cautions to evaluators. In M. J. Wargo & D. R.

Green (Eds.), Achievement testing of disadvantaged and minority

students for educational _program evaluation. Based on the

proceedings of a U.S. Office of Education Invitational Conference. CTB/McGraw-Hill, 1978, 331-384.

Tallmadge, G. K., & Horst, D. P. A procedural guide for validating achievement gains in educational protects (Rev. ed.).

Mountain View CA: RMC Research Corporation, 1975. (UR-240;

GPO: 017-080-01516; ERIC: ED126 135)

292

307
Tallmadge, G. K., & Wood, C. T.

evaluation and reporting system

RUC Research Corporation, 1978.

Thomas, T. C., & Pelavin, S. U.

in achievement. Menlo Park

User's Guide: ESEA Title I

(Rev. ed.). Mountain View CA:

Patterns in ESEA Title I readCA: SRI International, 1976.

293

30&
Study of the Career Intern Program

Interim Technical ReportTask C:

Functional Interrelationships Among

Program Components and Intern Outcomes

Prepared for the National Institute of Education

RMC Research Corporation Mountain View, California

David M. Fetterman

September 1979

294

309
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Career Intern Program (CIP) is an alternative high school

serving students (called interns) who have either dropped out of

regular high schools or who were considered to be potential

dropouts. The CIP was developed in Phildelphia by Opportunities

Industrialization Centers of America, Inc. (OIC/A). An independent evaluition was undertaken by a reputable social science

organization,'and the results were positive on several criterion

variables (Gibboney Associates, 1977). The evidence of success

was judged sound by the Joint (U.S. Office of Education and

National Institute of Education) Dissemination Review Panel

(JDRP), and the program was approved by that group as eligible for

federally, funded dissemination.

Dissemination of the CIP was funded by the U.S. Department

of Labor (DOL). By means of an Interagency Agreement, the National Institute of Education (NIB) filled the role of monitor for

both the diaseminatian effort itself and for evaluation of the

program at the new sites.

OIC/A was the agency responsible for carrying out the dissemination. That organization, through a competitive bidding

process, selected four local OTCs to attempt CIP replication.

Three of the selected sites were urban and one was located in a

small -size (30,000) city.

This report describes the activities and outcomes of the

third of a four-task study of the CIP as it was replicated in the

four new sites.

The purpose of Task C is to identify causal linkages and

basic interrelationships among various components of the Career

Intern Program and observed intern outcomes. Subtasks include:

(a) refining hypotheses and the conceptual framework; (b) developing data-collection instruments, methods, and procedures; and

(c) collecting and analyzing data. These subtasks and their

outcomes are described below.

Refining Hypotheses and the Conceptual Framework

The Career iatern Program is conceptualized as a sociocultural system composed of numerous subsystems, traits, and

components. The author has identified three primary subsystems

(and the basic interrelationships among them)-that are crucial to

program operation. These subsystems were abstracted from observations of program operations and examination of evaluation materials and written records related to the prtotype program in

Philadephia.

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The core subsystem includes the integrated pattern of activities specifically designed to assist itt the transmission of

knowledge, skills, behavioral patterns, and cultural values. This

subsystem consists of five CIP components: instruction, counseling, Nands-On, Intern Formalized Assessment, and program climate.

The support subsystem represents the infrastructure of the

program. lc is designed to enable core components of the program

to operate. The CIP support system includes: program maintenance

(a system 'of rules and regulations), personnel qualifications,

personnel roles, curriculum, recruitment, facilities, funds,

materials and supplies, relations with the LEA, relations with

teachers' associations, relations with the community, relations

with the local OIC, and the role of OIC/A.

The ideological subsystem of the program includes the shared

explicit and implicit cultural knowledge used to justify the

social structure and organization of the system. The ideology or

philosophy informs program p'actice in the same manner that theory

informs methodology in the social sciences. Fundamental elements

of the CIP philosophy include: caring about interns, providing a

supportive context for them, providing a realistic perspective for

interns to operate in, "dealing with the whole intern," maintaining high personal and academic expectations of interns, treating

interns as (yo=g) adults, and treating interns as individuals.

The CIP philosophy as mentioned above informs program practice. It is a product or extension of the parent organization,

OIC /A, philosophy/ideology. OIC /A's philosophy/ideology is a fusion between a humanistic "serving the whole person". concept and

a work-ethic ideology. This idtological orientation is congruent

with the underlying ideological orientation supporting the American economic system. This match of ideological persuasions serves

to help those presently disenfranchised or alienated from the

system "get their fair share"--whether in the OIC manpower programs or in the CM

The CIP serves both manifest and latent functions. Manifest

functions include enabling students to complete high school and

receive a high school diploma (rather than a GED), improving

reading and math skills, and enhancing career planning and occupational knowledge. The single most significant latent function

of the program is contributing to the social mobility of various

lower socioeconomic groups that are disproportionately represented

in the dropout and unemployment statistics. The transmission of

middle-class values is the process by which the program contributes to their objective. Creating a quasi-total institution

effect -- offering CIP as a basis for social identity--is the transmission mechanism.

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Data-Collection Instruments, Methods, and Procedures

Task C has employed primarily ethnographic data-collection

instruments, methods, procedures, and perspectives. The task also

relied heavily on information gathered through nomothetic methods

and perspectives. Traditional techniques such as participantobservation, non-participant observation, use of key informants,

triangulation, structured, semi-structured, and informal interviews, encl.:to on were used to elicit data from the emic or

"insiderq" perspective. The study attempted to use a nonjudgmental, holistic, and contextual perspective to properly

Inform the use of these methods. A tape recorder and camera

proved invaluable in collecting and documenting the data elicited

from the sites (particularly given the time constraints imposed on

the effort).

Data Collection and Analysis

Data were collected on site during a series of three, fiveto-ten-day visits to each site. The visits were made by twoperson teams. Team members (a) conducted structured and unstructured interviews with interns, CEP-staff, QIC staff, and

relevant community leaders; (b) observed CIP classroom and nonclassroom activities; and (c) reviewed documentation pertaining

to the Philadelphia prototype and the observations and inferences

of other parties concerned with the replication effort.

Extensive notes, tape recordings, and photographic records

were compiled. The observations of different team members were

compared and discussed at length after each visit. Lengthy

telephone conversations were held with interns and staff at

each site to keep abreast of new developments and to clarify

situations where conflicting evidence had been assembled. Meetings and frequent telephone conversations were also held with

01C/A staff and others associated with the Philadelphia prototype.

Relevant literature was reviewed in depth in order to

Identify and assimilate relevant sociological and anthropological

concepts.

Findings

The study highlights the various levels of treatment and

outcome that characterize the Career Intern Program in order

to provide a more fully understandable analysis and synthesis

of the relationships between CIP components and intern outcomes.

The interrelationships themselves have been classified as either

adaptive or maladaptive, and as either intrinsic or extrnisic to

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program operations. All four of these categories of interrelationships must be examined in order to acquire a balanced understanding of the dynamics of program operation at each site.

A partial hat of the most significant adaptive relationships

intrinsic to program operation and maladaptive relationships intrinsic to program operation is provided below:

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

The relationship between interns and instructors is

considered a primary factor motivating interns to maintain

their participation in the program.

The use of packets contributed to a better understanding

of homework.

Dedication to the whole-person concept in intensive

counseling (including getting involved with intern's

personal life when it affects his/her participation in

the program) contributes to better attendance, enhancement

of coping strategies (e.g., better control of temper),

intern perception of the program as "a lot better" than

their former school, and better intern understanding of

their problems and the steps necessary to remedy them.

Strong management capable of acting decisively and of

gathering resources when needed to maintain program

operation, is required to implement core program components.

Increased accountability has contributed

of staff spirit" (where applicable).

Greater local 0/O support contributed to

and planning (where applicable).

to the "rekindling

staff re-direction

Enforcement of maintenance system, e.g., school rules

and regulations regarding promptness, appropriate apparel,

etc., contributes to interns internalizing "world-of-work"

norms and provides them with desired attention (which

in turn "keeps them coming"). Enforcement of the program's maintenance component is also directly responsible

for the absence of profanity, smoking in class or in die

hallways, graffiti, and loitering.

The use of contracts and various teaching devices contributes to a greater understanding and sense of responsibility on the part of the intern.

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Maintaining high expectations of interns--personally

and academicallycontributes to a high attendance pattern,

higher grades, and increased self-esteem for many interns.

Providing a supportive context for interns contributes

directly to increased attendance, higher grades, selection.of a career, nd gradmatioe according to many interns and staff members.

* The fact that all staff members including the janitor

understand the philosophy and function of the program and

serve as role models, contributes to increased intern

motivation to attend regularly and pursue studies.

The small size of the program produces a community-like

atmosphere that "forcis" many interns to exercise common

courtesy not required at their former high school.

Providing auxiliary services for interns, e.g., day

care facilities, enables them to attend on a regular

basis.

Experience with interns leads staff to recognize that many

of them (dropouts and "potential" dropouts) were just

bored or didn't want to get involved wits: tit= "wrong

crowd" contrary to initial expectations (on the part

of some staff members) that they had learning disabilities.

Experience in the community contributes to staff awareness

of the problem that exists in American democracy with

respect to stop-gap measures, demonstration projects

that come and go, the systematic ignoring of problems,

and the preference of many for the way things are 'zow.

(This type of awareness leads to increased dedication

for some and departure from the program for others.)

The program has generated a "loyalty" among old interns

such that they defend it from new interns' verbal

assaults.

The existence of the program has prevented a number of

interns from "just hanging out" and `'getting back into my

old ways"; it has also enabled many interns to select a

career, graduate, and enter employment, job training, or

postsecondary education.

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Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

Inadequate administrative support served to "bottleneck"

necessary requests (e.g., for materials) (where applicable).

An austerity budget that made no provisions for cost of

living, loyalty, or merit raises encouraged "resume

Rising" among staff members (where applicable).

"Weak" management contributed to staff absences, which in

turn led to intern absences. Staff were frustrated (some

were job hunting on office time) and maintained irregular

attendance patterns. Interns who came to see specific

personalities lost interest in attending if their

"teacher" was not present. (where applicable)

Insufficient administrative autonomy to hire and fire

staff contributed to staff indifference to administrative demands and factionalism between nonsupporters

and "loyalists" (where applicable).

Factionalism, "power trips," and the use of racial

issues were used to obfuscate real professional inadequacies among staff members (where applicable).

Staff frustration and tension coupled with a lack of

administrative autonomy contributed to neglect in establishing course schedules that reflected interns' requirements for graduation--this in turn contributed to high

rates of intern absenteeism (where applicable).

Past staff dissatisfaction and factionalism had carry-over

effects on staff and intern morale and intern attendance

patterns (where applicable).

Strong management procedures perceived as dictatorial

contributed to friction between the director and some

staff members (where applicable).

The lack of a consistently enforced maintenance system,

e.g., school rules and regulations, directly contributed to intern "bullcracking in class," high absenteeism, periodic altercations, graffiti on the bathroom

walls, and smoking and loitering in the hallways (where

applicable).

Sudden imposition of a dress code and rules of attendance

that were perceived as arbitrary after a long period of

laxity led to decreased intern attendance (where applicable).

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The study described in this report is considered to be of

considerable significance not only because of the potential

social impact it holds with respect to future programs serving

disaffectd and disenfranchisted youth. It is also significant

methodologically. The application of ethnographic techniques to

educational evaluation remains a new endeavor. Many challenges

are posed in attempting to adapt traditional anthropological

techniques to intensive, shortterm studies. Each successful

applicatioli,thus constitutes a significant contribution to the

development and refinement of this new methodological frontier.

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I. HISTORY: THE REFORMERS, FEDERAL INVOLVEMENT, THE CIP

The history of racial and religious discrimination dates back

to the origins of American history. The effects of this legacy

and many of the practices linger in the present. During the late

1950s and early 1960s community action groups, "outraged at the

failure of, gradualism," reacted non-violently to racial discrimination practices in employment opportunities. Black clergymen

led boycotts of businesses that practiced racial discrimination.

Philadelphia was one of the first major cities where community

action groups organized such boycotts. One of the more famous

boycotts--the Selective Patronage Program--proved successful in

reversing local discriminatory practices. This effort set sn

example for the local business community and significantly contributed to removal of such local practices.

The Reverend Dr. Leon Sullivan, pastor of Zion Baptist Church

in Philadelphia, was one of the leaders of this community action

group--composed of over 400 black clergy. He was also one of the

first to recognize that the accomplishments of the boycotts were

only the beginning; a second step was needed immediately.

Once black workers were allowed to seek

employment opportunities, however, most

were placed in unskilled jobs because of

their lack of training and education. Thus,

providing education and training for blacks

and other minorities became the motivation

for establishing the first Opportunities

Industrialization Center (OIC) in an old

jailhouse in Philadelphia (Gibboney Associates, 1977, p. 6).

Today, a network of over 100 OIC job-training centers extends

from the east to the west coast. The Wall Street Journal has

reported that "labor experts praise the OIC as one of the most

successful and efficient manpower programs going" (Bray, 1974).

The initial focus, however, was almost exclusively on preparing

and training individuals for blue collar good jobs. Later, it was

again Sullivan who stood in the vanguard, concerned with improving

the occupational outlook of adults through improved education.

Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America (OIC /A)

was aware of its long list of assets, e.g., experience training

low-income adults, community-based support, links to business and

industry, and socio-religious commitment to the needs of innercity youth; however, financial support was needed as was a design

for a program appropriate to assist inner-city high school

dropouts and students at high risk of dropping out. Dr. Sidney

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Harland, then U.S. Commissioner of Education, stepped in to supply

these missing links for OIC/A. Re was in a position to offer

support and was interested in career education. Career education

offered OIC/A a specifii program design appropriate to the population in need of service.

Cateer education is a systematic way to

anquaint students with the world of work in

the elementary and junior high years to

prepare them in high school and college to

enter and advance in a career field carefully

chosen from among many (Harland, 1972).

Dr. Harland, representing the Office of Education (OE), met

with the Reverend Dr. Sullivan in 1970 at the Seventh Annual OIC/A

Convocation and offered his commitment to this new venture. The

Office of Education officially awarded OIC/A a grant two years

later to operate the Urban Career Education Center composed of the

Career Intern Program (CIO, the Community Career Program (CC?),

and the Career Orientation Program (COP). (Technically OIC/A

subcontracted to Philadelphia to operate the program.)

In 1973, OE and the newly formed National Institute of

Education (NIE) agreed to support specific elements of the Urban

Career Education Center: OE supported the CCP and the COP, while

NIE assumed responsibility for the C1P (February, 1973). NIE made

awards to OIC/A in December, 1973, and June, 1975, to complete the

development of the CIP and to conduct an evaluation of the program. The Gibboney Associates Final Report summarizes the evaluation of the last 18 months of development when, "the challenges,

the disappointments, and the painfully achieved progress of the

early months, will, it is hoped, have had their greatest payoff"

(p. 8).

Evaluation of the CIP in Philadelphia found it had significant positive impacts on young peoples' academic achievment and

post-secondary experience. Consequently, four additional CIPs

have been implemented to see if the CIP is "replicable" in new

sites at reasonable cost within a pre-specified period of time,

and whether the same success achieved in Philadelphia can be

realized in the new sites.

The CIPs are being implemented as part of a demonstration project under the Departbent of Labor's (DOL) authority

through the Youth Employment Demonstration Project Act of 1977

(TEDPA, P.L. 95-93). The National Institute of Education is

managing the demonstration under an interagency agreement with

DOL. Since December 1977 four local affiliates of 01C/A have been

implementing the C1P. RIC Research Corporation (RNC) was retained

by NIE to study and evaluate the sites' dissemination, implementation, and operation.

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II. METHODOLOGY: ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES APPLIED TO

EDUCATIONAL EVALUATION

The study of the Career Intern Program comprises four

major tasks. This report deals with Task C which has the analysis of functional relationships among program components of

intern outcomes as its objective. The methodology used in

accomplishing this task was primarily ethnographic. The study

has posed. many methodological challenges, however, since time

and other constraints have necessitated innovative approaches.

This study represents one of the earliest substantive

attempts to apply ethnographic techniques and anthropological

insights to a large-scale project within a time frame established

to accommodate a more traditional educational evaluation.

Ideally, mcch more time and additional ethnographers would

have been vailable for a study of this type. While it must

be acknowledged that there are many drawbacks in reducing time

normally required to conduct extensive fieldwork, this study

suggests what can be done ethnographically within an extremely

limited period of time imposed by the contract. The data used

in this report were drawn largely from OIC documents and communications, evaluation research conducted for the Task A study

of implementation, site visits, and NIE monthly reports. Data

were collected for Task C during the Task A site visits that

were conducted by two evaluators or one evaluator and one ethnographer. Each site was observed at three different points

in ita development.

The evaluator stayed at the site for five days and the

ethnographer remained for ten days during each site visit (to

gather additional data, to interact with informants casually

over the weekend, and to observe alterations in the behavior

of participants after the impact of the evaluation site visit

diminished. The RMC site visits in the context of CIP operations

were as follows.

(1) Site A took in its first cohort on March 20, 1978,

just twelve weeks after its director was hired.

The. site took in the second cohort 18 weeks later (July

24). The first official data-collection visit was

conducted on August 7-15. The third cohort of interns

entered the program in February, 1979. The second site

visit closely followed that intake (February 26-March

2). The third site visit was conducted shortly after

*The proposal plan and budget had been written and provisionally accepted before the ethnographer was hired.

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the second following a major change in the CIF'

leadership (April 23-May 2).

(2) Site B was organized 15 weeks before it took in its

first cohort on April 17, 1978. The site took in the

second cohort 26 weeks later (October 16). The first

site visit was conducted from October 23 to November 2.

The third cohort of interns entered the program February

1. The second site visit closely followed this intake

(February 12-16). Another (brief) visit was made by the

author (March 8) to show interns the pictures he had

taken during the previous visit, to observe changes, and

to speak informally with the director. The final site

visit was conducted shortly after the second (April

23-27).

(3) Site C operated for eight weeks before taking in its

first cohort on February 23, 1978. The site took in its

second cohort 33 weeks later (October 11). The first

site visit was conducted from October 30 to November 3.

The third cohort of interns entered the program on

February 5, 1979. The second site visit closely

followed that intake (February 26 -March 7). This site

visit followed a major alteration in CI? leadership.

The third site visit was conducted shortly after the

second (May 7-11).

(4) Site D had 22 weeks before taking in its first cohort

on June 5, 1978. The site took in its second cohort 19

weeks later (October 16). The first site visit was

conducted from November 12 to 23. The third cohort of

interns entered the program February 5. The second site

visit closely followed the intake (February 8-17).

This site visit followed a major change in CI? leadership. The third site visit was conducted shortly after

the second (May 7-14).

Site visits were not made during the early months of the

first cohorjolue to start-up problems for the sites, difficulties

recruiting interns (for treatment and control groups), and

the fact that the evaluation staff was not fully assembled

until May. In retrospect, site visits during these difficult

periods would have been extremely useful. The first site visits

were conducted shortly after intake of the second cohort to

observe the program participants during orientation and the

beginning of the term. The second site visit was also conducted

almost immediately after the initiation of a cohort--in this

.case to observe the effects of the intensive recruitment that

had been required to meet enrollment quotas and to observe

the major leadership changes in two of the programs. Contractual

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deadlines required that the third site visit be conducted very

shortly after the second.

The following ethnographic techniques were used during

site visits: participant and non-participant observaton, key

informant interviewing, informal and structured interviews,

collection of case study materials, triangulating information,

and unobtrusive measures. Questionnaires were also disseminated;

however they were formally part of the Task A implementation

analysis and were not generated from the field situation.

The author wrote up his field notes each day and requested

other site visitors to fill out a Daily On-Site Field Report

form. Classroom observation notes were also used A tape

recorder and camera were used to record data Slides of the

participants and the environment were later used as projective techniques.

The anthropological posture responsible for the adoption

of these techniques can be summarized as a holistic, non-judgmental, contextualized orientation. In addition, the philosophical base of phenomenology (Deutcher, 1975;Weber, 1975),

rather than logical positivism (which is more characteristic

of traditional inquiry in educational evaluation (Cuba, 1978))

underlies the ethnographic method. The aim is to gather data

from the emic or "insider's" perspective to understand "how

the system works," relying on verbatim quotations obtained

in informal interviews or elicited from expressive autobiographical interviews (Spindler & Spindler, 1979). The role was

more like that of a student interested in learning about how the

pieces of a puzzle fit together than a traditional evaluator

who enters the picture with explicit a priori assumptions about

what the system is and how it works.

The same questions were asked of informants more than

once in different forms to check for consistency over time

and to provide the informant with opportunities to reply to

the question from different angles. The environment was also

taken into consideration. When informants provided cues suggesting that they wanted to speak but couldn't speak openly,

the discussion was moved to a local coffee shop, a basement

room, or a bar. Informal interviews with staff members were

conducted outside the school builling as often as possible

because conversations were noticably affected by the role playing. When interviewed in their offices, staff members tended

to play out whatever roles they held thus inhibiting the floe

of useful communication.

The theoretical orientation used to formulate the specific

methodology and the analysis included: structural functionalism

(Radcliffe & Brown, 1965); network theory (Bott, 1971); symbolic

interactionism (Blamer, 1962; Ogden and Richards, 1945); symbolism

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(Van Gennep, 1960; Schwartz 6 Merton, 1968; Whitehead, 1928;

Turner, 1964, 1969), and organizational theory (Allison, 1971;

Easton, 1965; Kirst, 1970; March 1965, 1976).

Structural functionalism guided the data-collection process

and analysis of the data to determine the demonstration structure

and the program structure and function--as well as the interrelationships among their parts. Network theory guided the interviews

regarding intern interrelationships at home, in the community, and

in the progiam. Symbolic interaction theory was used to instruct

observation'of program participants, and demonstration officials

and official parties at conferences. Finally, organizational

theory informed the data collection and analysis of the larger

sociopolitical perspectives of the demonstration project.

The Role

One of the most difficult problems faced in gathering

data is that of being viewed as an evaluator (Everhart, 1975).

The stereotypic concept of an evaluato. as someone looking

for problems or deficiencies effectively blocks many communication channels. Since the ethnographer is interested in finding

out how the system works from the inside perspective, such

barriers to communication must be broken down. The extent

to which this type of problem exists was illustrated dramatically

when personnel at one site wouldn't even talk to the site visitors because they were perceived as spies for a short time.*

Participant Observation

Ethnographers attempt to immerse themselves in an environment to understand the situation or the system--allowing impressions and patterns to emerge from participation with, and

observation of participants. Ethnographic field work is guided by

grounded theory (see Glasser, 1967). This involves developing

testing hypotheses and theories by interacting directly with the

empirical reality observed. Field work of this type, according to

Nalinowski (1961), can only be done through long months of residence at the local scene. Of necessity, the field work conducted

for this study was done on a very different schedule. It was

admittedly too brief, but the amount and quality of data that were

collected suggest that balinowskes position may be overstated for

studies of American subcultures (if site visits are spread

out over a period of time).

*See Golfer (1976) and Clinton (1976) regarding similar

experiences in the Exoerimental Schools Program Study.

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As Pelto (1970) writes:

Every individual is a participant observer --if

not of other cultures, then at least of his

own. But the typical nonanthropological

resident in a foreign community returns to his

native haunts with a very unsystematic and

incomplete picture of the scene he has

observed. Field work requires much more than

simply "being there" and passively watching

whit people are about. Often the fieldworker,

in observing a particular pattern of behavior

or an event, needs to find out a great deal

more about that event than be Is able to

observe firsthand. His personal theoretical

frame of reference suggests to him sets of

questions to ask; relationships of this event

to other types of data must be explored, and a

host of other materials must be considered in

order to make individual observations useful.

In cases where the fieldworker feels that

a significant block of information is available to him simply through his observation of

a particular type of event, he may nonetheless

need to devise ways of ensuring the representativeness and objectivity of his observations

in a series of repetitions of the given event.

By structuring observations and systematically

exploring relationships among different

events--through interviewing, watching, and

perhaps administering "tests"--participant

observation can be converted to scientific

use. (p. 92)

Over time, repeated patterns of behavior emerge and are

identifiable, even if observation is non-continuous.

Participant observation was conducted at the sites as described earlier. Specific activities included informally interacting with interns and staff at their homes; meeting and speaking

with interns' parents; "hanging out" in the hallways or the side

of the building with interns and staff; going out with intern

friends to their "hang outs" in the street, attending Pentecostal

church services with interns; being invited to wrestling matches;

dancing at a CIP disco; participating in a spelling bee in class;

doing assignments; and teaching a class* at one of the programs.

*The author is a, certified secondary school teacher with

experience in individualized instruction.

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Nonparticipant observation was characterized by simply

observing interns and staff interacting in the classrooms, hallways, the cafeteria, and outside the building.

Rey Informant Interviewing

"Working with informants is the hallmerk of ethnographic

field work," according to Spradley and McCurdy (1972). The

difference 'between a respondent and an informant is that a respondent will respond to specific question (usually honestly)

whereas arCinformant answers specific question and then supplies

additional, unsolicited information (both related and unrelated to

the question), giving the researcher a broader view of the situation. Spradley and McCurdy (1972) explain the process and

difficulties in selecting informants:

The ethnographic field worker must locate

helpful people, win their cooperation, and

establish a close, personal relationsip with

them. This task is not simple, because it

involves a bssie conflict. On the one hand,

the ethnographer establishes a relationship

of trust with his informants. it is desirable that this be productive and beneficial

to both parties. Often it is marked by

friendship. On the other hand, the ethnographer seeks to know things that informants

may be reluctant to reveal. indeed, they may

perceive that the researcher is asking them to

tell secrets about other people to whom

they are loyal. At the very least, they will

be asked to talk about what they know in a

manner that is new to them. Some of the

ethmographer's questions may be embarrassing;

others are outright stupid.

This basic conflict is exacerbated wilt*: one is perceived in an

evaluator's role as discussed earlier. Generally, working alone

rather than in teams creates a less threatening atmosphere more

conducive to gathering data. Some informants are better than

others, some individuals have had a great deal of experience in

their current social situation and know their culture or sociocultural system well, e.g., the school. Another important characteristic of a good informant is his/her willingness and ability

to talk or communicate. Many interns share selections of their

poetry, assignments, or segments of their diary as a way of

communicating (in a nonanalytic manner).

In this study, the author made use of a minimum of three to

five key informants per site in order to increase the reliability

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of the obtained data. Four procedural stages were employed to

maximize the utility of the data collected from them. Developing

a good rapport was the first step. It was undertaken in order

to decrease fabrications. Asking what the informers believe and

what they think others in their group believe rather than only

asking about their personal opinions was a second step. Asking

the same question during successive interviews to check for

consistency was a third step, and triangulation, Which is discussed later, was a fourth step taken in this study to increase

the reliability and validity of the information. Ray informants

who cooperated in the study included directors, counselors,

instructors (e.g., staff members), intern leaders, popular interns, secretaries, janitors, and community membeta (e.g., clergy

and merchants).

Informal and Structured Interviews

Informal interviews. Many of the data were collected during

informal interviews with interns and staff members, at lunch, or

after school. The purpose of using informal interviews was to

collect data in normal, "natural" settings. Information collected

in the natural setting is more likely to reflect real conditions

and constraints operating on the individual. 'This approach avoids

many of the problems associated with role playing as discussed

earlier. In addition, this approach mitigates many of the problems that exist in the laboratory setting where artificial

stimuli (stimuli isolated from the context in which an individual

would actually be operating) produces an artificial response (a

response that reflects the artificialness of the laboratory).

Informal interviews were conducted at staff members' houses, an

American Indian graveyard, a bar, in the author's car, a coffee

shop, hotel rooms, "fronts," classes after school, staff offices,

in the streets, and in interns' homes, among other places.

The telephone is one of the most important tools for gathering data informally although it is not discussed in the "contract

ethnography" literature. A network of communication can be

established on an ongoing basis. This is a particularly important

device when extensive daily on site participation and observation is not feasible or simply prohibitively, expensive. The phone

has been used in this study extensively to maintain contacts with

interns, directors, staff personnel (including secretaries), the

disseminator, and other parties. Many two and three hour calls

were made to obtain current information about changes in the

sites, to discuss situational problems (personal and professional

as well as program-related) and to discuss political events

related to the research.

Structured interviews. Structured interviews were conducted

with each staff member. The author also conducted structured

interviews with approximately 25 interns per site.

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Each staff member was asked the following set of questions:

(1) HOW did you hear about the job (this position)?

(2) Bad you heard about OIC before this?

(3) Where do you live? Where are you from originally?

(4) What were you doing before you got this position?

(5) Where did you go to school? What degrees do you have?

(6) Rave you had any experience working with this population?

(7) What do you do in your role?

(8) What do you think about the lines of communication among

staff and between staff and interns?

(9) Are there any problems you encounter in the program?

(10) What type of thing would you like to be doing several

years from now?

Most of what was learned from these structured interview

schedules is described in the Task A report (Treadway, Poet,

letterman, Stromquist, & Tallmadge, 1979). However, an interesting finding that was not reported is that a large percentage of

the professional staff members had been unemployed for long

periods of time prior t3 their CIP jobs. This suggests that the

program has a secondary (latent) function of providing qualified

personnel with employment.

Interns were also asked to participate in a stuctured interview. Interns were asked the following set of questions.

(1) What do you think of CIP?

(2) What do you like about the program?

(3) What do you dislike about the program?

(4) What do you think of the staff?

(5) What do you think of the other interns?

(6) Where did you go to school before?

(7) What did you think about it? Why did you leave?

(8) Bow did you find out about the program?

(9) (if dropout) What were you doing before you came

here?

(10) How many people are in your family?

(11) How do you get along with your family?

(12) What do your parents think about the program?

These questions are primarily open-ended to encourage respondents

to answer in as full a manner as possible. Responses have been

used to draw inferences about specific sites and across sites.

Case studies and/or exuressive-autobiographic interviews.

Key-informant interviewing frequently becomes

so important in anthropological field work

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the anthropologist has especially good rapport.

The anthropologist is attracted to collecting

extensive materiels from persons who are

unusually eloquent and sensitive in their

presentation of personal and cultural data.

Thus, in most cases, life histories represent

the exceptional rather tIF.n the representative

or average persons in the community. In spite

of this fact, the richness and personalized

isture of life histories afford a vividness

and integration of cultural information

that are of great value for understanding

particular life ways. (Pelto 1970, p. 98-99)

Case studies of individual intern's background and progress

through the program continue to be compiled to document the types

of interns in the program and their development while in the

program. Expressive autobiographic interviews have been used

thus far to develop the case studies. The expressive autobiographic interview according to Louise Spindler ist

a cross between a structured iuterview and a

chrot4logical autobiography. The respondent

is asked to tell the story of his or her life

but intervention by the anthropologist

at critical points...relevant to (specific

topical points of interest)...turns the

autobiography to relevant considerations and

permits an economy of time that is not

possible with the full autobiography. (Spindler & Spindler, 1970, p. 293)

Two interns per cohort per, site have been tracked (with

two alternates per cohort per site in case of unforeseen problema). The data collected about these individuals have been

integrated into the study rather than portraying their lives and

progress in the more common narrative format. The type of information gathered regarding the case studies has been outlined and

is presented below.

Outline of CIP Case Study

I. Quotations - Verbatim

Quotations from participants are more useful than judgments

(without direct evidence from participants)

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II. Topic Areas Necessary for CIP Case Studies

A. Name, age, cohort, dropout or potential dropout

B. Environment: city, school, home

C. History/biography

1.. Home

2.

Former school experience, e.g., school hopping,

counselors, teachers, peers, drugs, history of

failure, etc., crime, few credits--blame self or

others

3. Experience as dropout or potential dropout

4. How student became aware of CIP

5. Why came to CIP/tests, etc.

6. What intern wants to be (what did they want to be a

year ago?)--ask new interns' career aspirations so we

can ask them later in year

7. Present activities: work, looking for * job, volunteer work, basketball, etc.

8. Role in schools past and present--popular, marginal,

pariah, etc. (from their peer perspective and from

school role perspective)

D. Attitude towards CIP

1. Atmosphere--supportive/oppressiverules, attendance

2. Teachers, counselors, staff, director (attitude and

relationship with, how often do they see them)

3. Individualized nature, classes, CCS, etc.

4. Intern percepton of communication in CIP between

interns, interns -> staff, between staff

5. Who does intern attribute success of program to?

E. Involvement in CIP

1. Attendance (and attitude towards)

2. Class parformance -appointments/assigaments/test

taking/seriousness

3. Dope

4. Gym

5. Disco

6. Student council

7. Hands-on experience

F. World View

1. Attitude towards getting ahead, e.g., education as a

vehicle (diploma), barriers--race, traditional

education, teachers, etc.

2. Attitudes towards former peers, gangs, former teachers, CIP teachers, old school

3. Attitude towards parents, guardians, etc.

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Triangulation

Triangulation is a basic tool used in the ethnography approachtesting one source of information against another from

various perspectives to arrive at a balanced interpretation of

reality. Webb, Campbell, Swartz and Sechrest (1966) point out

that

t The notion of a single 'critical experiment"

is erroneous. There must be a series of

linked critical experiments, each testing a

different outcropping of the hypotheses. It

Is through triangulation of data procured from

different measurement classes that the investigator can most effectively strip of

plausibility rival explanations for his

comparison. (p. 174)

Hypotheses regarding the interrelationship among program components and "treatments" and "outcomes" on various levels were

tested using various sources, e.g., staff perceptions, as checked

by intern perceptions, as checked by program monitor observations,

as checked by the authors participation and observation. Additional sources were also used to triangulate the data, e.g.,

written documents, attendance patterns, "hidden agendas" described

in confidence, and so on.

Unobtrusive Measures

The ethnographer tries to remain unobtrusive throughout the

research. This does not mean he or she does not take part in the

groups' activities; on the contrary, participation is considered

fundamental to understanding the experience, the situation, or the

system. The ethnographer tries not to alter the existing situation

markedly by his or her presence. The observation of a school

basketball game or a dance, for example, represents an unobtrusive

measure of staff/intern and intern/intern interaction.

Two unobtrusive measures extensively used in this study are

described by Webb et al. (1966) and by Pelto (1970): physical

traces--erosion and accretion--and archives and other written

records.

Physical traces. Unobtrusive measures, both obvious and

subtle, can be used to draw social inferences from physical

evidence. The different states of disrepair of buildings, for

example, provided preliminary indices of relative affluence or

poverty. Intern and staff apparel represented projections of

their personality. Wearing a nose ring or wearing one's hair in

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corn rows, for example, was an expression of ethnicity. Wearing

a lorsolini indicated possible gang affiliation or identification.

Rabbit fur coats and layers of jewelry suggested possible identification with pimps or prostitition. Each of these measures

served as cues to probe further. The director at one site, for

example, confided that the woman (who wore apparel corresponding

with the apparel of street walkers of her age) was in fact still

involved periodically in that lucrative profession. The change in

specific interns' wardrobes between their initiation into the

program and several months later was used as an index of personality changes--or at least changes in self-presentation skills.

The amount of graffiti on bathrohm walls served as an index

of intern care or respect for "their" building. The reactions of

staff and interns when graffiti was found provided further indications of attitudes toward and involvement in the CIP. Interns

at two sites commented that "this was not right...to do this to

our building...I like coming to a clean place; this is not no dump

and we won't let it, either."

Wearing sneakers at one site is evidence of rebellion or in

some cases (where their shoes are downstairs in their lockers) it

evidences a call for attention. These unobtrusive measures

generally serve as cues requiring further corroboration and

documentation. Still, they are informative by themselves.

Archives and other writ, n records. Extensive written

records have been available to the researchers in this study

(particularly for use in this task). OIC/A has supplied extensive notes and documents ranging from training materials for the

dissemination of the CIP to sample learning packets used at the

sites, to critiques of drafts of evaluation reports and much more.

The evaluation of the prototype site provided much useful information regarding the intended nature of the sites (Gibboney Associates, 1977). The evaluation reports themselves represent one of

the most significant data sources in this task. In addition, NIE

monthly progress reports have proved invaluable for obtaining an

understanding of the monitor's perspective of the project development. The actual learning packets, textbooks, supplementary

reading materials, and assignments used in the sites contributed

to an understanding of the system and have been used to document

the practice of individualized instruction and many other program

patterns and practices. Interns' books with worn pages, underlining, and several book markers serve to indicate that the intern

is using and studying the textbook, his or her grades on tests of

that information are also used as.further evidence that the intern

has studied. Intern poetry, CIP-is-HIP award posters, election

posters, the lack of graffiti, and so on have all been used as

evidence of attitudes or patterns of behavior in the program.

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330
Folktales and proxemics. Listening to community folktales

about dropouts, for example, provides evidence as to how community members perceive dropouts. Intern folktales about gangs

also serve to indicate how they feel about gang activities and the

degree of their involvement or non-involvement.

Observations of the proxemics, "the hidden dimension of

spacing ancpositTbn among human beings," also serve to support

various hypotheses. Instructors remaining distant from interns

rather than entering their "personal body space" to help them on

an assignment is indicative of the tenuous relationship between

the two. .Talking with interns while both the intern and the

interviewer are lying in the grass with their feet crossed, eating

lunch, is also indicative of the type of relationship that exists

between the two parties. One of the most interesting examples of

proxemics occured during a meeting of the study Advisory Panel.

Individuals controlling the schedule (or attempting to) were

observed sitting at one end of the conference room table while

those who were antagonistic established their own territory near

the other end. Coalitions were also evidenced by seating arrangemints as were relative levels of power.

Questionnaires

Several variations of a Program Climate questionnaire were

distributed to both staff and interns during site visits. These

questionnaires were not developed out of the field experience;

however, they served as useful indices of specific attitudes

toward program personnel. In tact, preliminary statistical

analyses reveal high correlations between on-site observations and

the rating scales.

Field Notes

Eitensive field notes were compiled using a "thick" descriptive technique (Geertz, 1973) to record most observations. Notes

were taken during all formal and semi-formal interviews. Informal

interviews were written up as soon as possible after they were

completed using Powdermaker's (1966) technique of reconstructing

the conversation with various mnemonic devices. Field notes were

divided into three categories: actual observations, speculations

and cues, and personal diary. Field notes were further subdilided

Iv site and agency files, e.g., RMC, OIC, OIC/A, NIE, snd DOL.

Site visit notes were writen up each night. Agency files were

maintained daily at first and then only as new material or observations were made.

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Daily On-Site Field Report

The author designed * daily on-site field report for each

evaluator to report his or her daily observations. The purpose of

the report was to accumulate information from as many sources 03

possible. The recorded data were reviewed during and after each

site visit to check for leads, discrepsncies, and corroborating

evidence. the responses indicate as much about the observations

as it does about the observer. Following is a copy of the ten

questions on the Daily On-Site Field Report. The back of the page

was used for additional comments or observations.

Classroom Observation Notes

The form entitled Classroom Observation Notes was also

designed by the author for recording observations of classroom

behavior. The form is organited into three parts: pre-classroom

description, classroom instruction description, and post-classroom

description.

Equipment: Tape Recorder and Camera

ra erred:mien. It would have been impossible to record long

verbatim quotations by hand. Life histories and interviews- -

formal or informal--were therefore recorded on audio tape. The

tape recorder, however, had to be used judiciously and always with

consent.

Tape recorders can inhibit individuals from speaking freely

during interviews. A Watergate-like attitude remains regarding

tape recorders and can place the interviewer in a poor light- -

significantly affecting the nature of the data that are recorded.

In addition, taping everything is an ill-advised proposition.

Transcribing tapes is an extremely tedious task as the author

learned and as Pelto pointed out several years ago (1970).

Transcriptions can be extremely useful, however, if there are

sufficient funds to hire professional transcribers. In this

study, budgetary considerations precluded the routine transcription of all tapes in their entirety. Certain segments of tapes

were selected for transcription after they were reviewed.

The use of the tape recorder was also invaluable as a mechanism for getting acquainted with individuals and building rapport

quickly. Once the center of activity was located, e.g., the

school cafeteria or the ma-and-pa grocery store across the street,

the ethnographer was able to enter the group as an enjoyable

novelty. Playing the tapes back for individuals to hear themselves during a serious conversation provided comic relief--

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DAILY ON-SITE FIELD REPORT FORM Date

1. List and describe briefly your schedule of'activities during

the day (on back of sheet).

2. Briefly. describe the neighborhood, e.g., clean or refuse on

street, torn-down buildings, graffiti, individuals "hanging

out" on the street, painted or well kept-up houses, gardens,

etc.

3. Chart formal and informal social networks and/or hierarchy

operating in the program (on back of sheet).

4. What are my general impresssions, e.g., atmosphere, general

values and beliefs of participants, etc.?

5. What were my specific impressions about the program, e.g.,

specific behaviors and attitudes, etc.?

6. Now is the evaluator perceived, e.g., your role, the control

group, etc.? How do you interact with participants, e.g.,

at ease, uncomfortable with certain individuals, etc.? Now

are you perceived, e.g., evaluator, "buddy," trusted, not

trusted, etc.?

7. Now would I characterize the interaction and dialogue of

staff, staff and interns, and among interns? Were individuals cooperative or factionalized? Were individuals open or

not? Why? Specify any events you observed that you consider

exceptions to the rule in the program.

8. Did something I expect to occur/to see not happen?

9. Row is the program different from the other sites I have

seen?

10. What are important areas for follow-up?

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Classroom Observation Notes

At the end of the day or as soon as possible, you should

review your observations and notes and expand their in a few

paragraphs, identifying routinely repeated patterns of behavior.

Date

Site

Observer

Teacher/class

name / subject

Preclassroom description:

Classroom instruction description:

Postclassroom description:

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9
something to laugh about and enjoy. Other interns soon request an

opportunity to be interviewed or to sing or recite poetry. The

tape recorder hanging from his shoulder soon became an integral

part of the ethnographer. After a few days, staff and intern

alike only noticed when it was missing (the tape recorder).

A tape recorder can also be used to dramatize the confidential nature of some of the information exchanged between the

informantind ethnographer. The informant may want to share a

confidential insight with the ethnographer but not want it be

recorded. The simple act of turning the machine off serves to

amplify the promise "I won't tell anybody who gave me this information" under these circumstances. This quickly intensifies a

good working rapport. Similarly, if the ethnographer has some

valuable piece of (personal) information to convey to the informant turning the recorder off once again serves to amplify the

trusting nature of the relationship.

Cameras,. Collier (1967) describes some of the camera's

special assets in ethnographic research.

The camera is an automative tool, but one that

is highly sensitive to the attitudes of its

operator. Like the tape recorder itdocuments

mechanically, but does not by its mechanics

necessarily limit the sensitivity of the human

observer--it is a tool of extreme selectivity.

The camera's machinery allows us to see

without fatigue; the last exposure is just as

detailed as the first. The memory of film

replaces the notebook and insures complete

notation under the most trying circumstance.

The reliably repetitive operation of the

camera allows for comparable observations of

an event as many times as the needs of research demand. This mechanical support

of field observation extends the possibilities

of critical analysis, for the camera record

contributes a control factor to visual observation. Not only is it a check on eye memory,

but further, it allows for an absolute check

of position and identification in a congested

and changing cultural event.

Photography is a legitimate abstracting

process in observation. It is one of the

first steps in evidence refinement that turns

raw circumstances into data that is manageable in research analysis. Photographs are

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precise records of material reality. They are

also documents that can be filed and crossfiled as can verbal statements. Photographic

evidence can be endlessly duplicated, enlarged or reduced in visual dimension, and

fitted into many schemes of diagrams, and by

scientific reading, into many statistical

designs.

In this egard, the camera proved to be a reliable means of

documenting.ethnographic observation in this study. Individualized instruction, intern apparel and interaction, staff hierarchies (formal and informal), and numerous other events were

documented on film.

The 35mm SUL camera oleo proved invaluable in the field

in' much the same way that the tape recorder served the ethnographer. Collier speaks of the "can opener" effect of the camera

as a tool to provide rapid entry into community and immediate

familiarity and cooperation. The camera was used in this study in

precisely this fashion. One intern would ask about the camera,

which led into another conversation, which led into a photograph.

Other interns began crowding around wanting their portraits captured on film. in addition, interns and staff would request that

the author bring the pictures back to the site when he returned,

thus maintaining continuity and an open-door policy. In fact,

one unscheduled visit was made to site IS to show interns photographs promised to them. This tool was critical for rapid entry

into a community given the severe limitations of time in contract

ethnography (Everhart 1975). It was also a vehicle for maintaining some level of reciprocity with informants.

The author discovered in the process of using the camera as

an "ice breaker" that it produced a second level can-opener effect

not discussed in the literature. Informants were much more

relaxed and open with the author after being photogtaphed in

careful portrait fashion than under normal circumstances. After

realizing this fact, he began each interview with a brief introduction, a little casual conversation, and a photograph. The

photograph appeared to convey a compliment to the informant thus

creating an initial willingness to talk--it made even the most

simple-minded questions tolerable. Secondly, the actual photographing process served as a kind of projective technique. Informants struck poses characteristic of the Images they have of

themselves -often in an exaggerated, charicature-like form. These

poses provided cues or hints about why interns interacted with

staff or interns in specific manners and how individuals perceived

themselves over Um,.

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Photographs can as easily "turn people off" as they can "turn

people on." They must be used judiciously and with consent, as

with the tape recorder. Following Collier's suggestions, only

shots of positive events were taken at first so as not to produce

a "negative" halo effect ()ache, 1946). Later, as trust was

earned and informants understood the purpose of the shots in

greater detail, the negative aspects could be photographed without

upsetting anyone.

The camera was used to document kinesics (Birdwhistell, 1952)

or culturally patterned postures and gestures (body language) of

participant interactions. The camera also captured proxemic

patterns (N411, ')66) in the sites (the spacing between people and

body orientation). This information was used to support specific

hypotheses regarding intern/staff interaction patterns and old

versus new intern interaction patterns. The camera was also

extremely useful in documenting the behavior referred to earlier

Where individuals and factions displayed various postures and sat

in specific places at the conference table while attending an

Advisory Panel-meeting.

The site photographs (slides) were also shown to other

members of the project staff to cross check perspecitives with the

perceptions of other onsite visitors'. The slides were also used

as mnemonic devices to facilitate recall.

Slides taken on the previous site visit were shown each time

the author returned to a site. The entire school usually gathered

in the cafeteria to view the slides and the reactions of the

viewers were often highly informative. Pictures of certain staff,

for example, received cheers, others hisses. Specific comments

regarding individuals in the pictures also proved highly illumi

nating. Intern comments regarding other interns were the most

useful. Comic laughter at one intern's photograph was explained

as "they're Just laughin' at how much of a big man he thought he

was then; see his chin and his eyes? Groans of disgust elicited

from another slide of an intern was interpreted as "the pest...she

thinks she's so high and mighty." Friendly humming intonation by

the interns regarding another slide was interpreted as "she's the

sexpot."

The intern's interpretations were checked on the spot by

other interns sitting in the immediate viciAity who openly made

corrections or additions to the first intern's interpretation.

These observations were also cross checked by additional informal

interviewing. This particular "ethnographic technique" proved so

useful that it can be recommended for future use in other studies.

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III. THE PROBLEM: IT DEPENDS ON YOUR PERSPECTIVE

Policy makers have identified high rates of dropping out of

school and youth unemployment, especially severe among poor and

minority youth, as the problem. The Request for Proposal states

this problem succinctly:

lea 1973, over 10E of youth aged 14 to 24 left

high school before receiving a high school

diploma. The percentage of those [who] left

school was higher for blacks than for whites:

among 18 and 19 year-olds, 27.7E of the

black females had dropped out in 1973, in

contrast to 14.1E for white males and 15.2E

for white females. . Dropping out meant bad

economic news. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, 20E of high school dropouts

between the ages of 16 and 24 were unemployed

in 1974, compared with 10E of all high school

graduates. When dropout unemployment rates

are compared by race, youth from black and

minority groups are doubly disadvantaged:

about 16% of white youth without high school

diplomas aged 16 to 24 were unemployed in

1974; 32E of dropout youth from black and

other minority groupb wanted jobs and could

not find them (NIE, 1978).

Policy makers have supported the development of programs

designed to enable young people to graduate from secondary school

and increase their career awareness and career planning skills.

The ultimate objective of these programs is to increase the

employability of young people and thereby improve their prospects

for (conventionally perceived) productive and satisfying lives.

The author recognizes the stark reality of the statistics

cited above and the human suffering they represent. However, he

identifies them as symptoms of a larger systemic disorder. The

root cause of the disorder lies in the inequities of the entire

sociocultural system. Public education, a part of that system,

can and has served as a mechanism to perpetuate such social and

economic inequities (Warner, 1944; Rist, 1970,, 1973; Wilcox, 1978;

Ogbu, 1978). Urban school staff particularly serve to disadvantage minority groups (Spindler, 1974) with low expectations and

self-fulfilling prophesies (gist, 1970; Rosenfeld, 1971). In addition, urban schools often mis-educate students and then blame

the students for their own cis education (Ryan, 1971).

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Ogbu (1978) suggests a useful way of looking at the relationship between education and social structure in this regard,

following a long line of scholars in the field of socialization

( Aberle b Naegele, 1952; Aberle, 1961; Y. A. Cohen, 1971; Inkeles,

1955, 1968(b); Kohn, 1968; LeVine, 1967; LeVine et al., 1967;

Miller & Swanson, 1958). Ogbu speaks of:

the notion that socialization or child training is the preparation of the child for adult

life as his or her society or segment of

society conceives it. That is, socialization

is the process by which individuals acquire the skills (cognitive, manual, etc.),

motives, knowleVa, and attitudes which enable

them to perfo7 A typical social and economic

roles available to adult members of their

society and be fully integrated into the

society (p. 16) .

This perspective replaces the antiquated and ethnocentric

cultural-deprivation and genetic-difference theories used to

explain "the problem." (The major deficiencies of cultural

deprivation theory are discussed in detail later in this report.)

Schools are successfully serving society if the goal is to

perpetuate the existing social stratification. They are failing

to serve students if the goal is to pursue the democratic ideal of

equality of opportunity. The content of the curriculum employed

in schooling usually serves as a vehicle for transmitting values.

For example, a teacher announces that a paper on the geography of

the city is to be submitted this Friday with a penalty of one-half

a grade lower for each day the paper is late. This assignment

serves as a vehicle for emphasizing and transmitting such cultural

values as punctuality and obedience. The segment of the city

chosen by the student and the teacher's response ;o the paper, as

well as the student-teacher relationship itself all represent the

medium for the communication or mis- communication of values.

Schools, through their teachers, counselors, and curricula,

attempt to transmit the "appropriate" set of values to a given

socioeconomic class to prepare them for their specific role in the

labor market. Social scientists and educators alike have long

been concerned about the contradiction posed by (a) the role of

schooling as a mechanism for socializing individuals into specific

segments of the labor force and (b) democratic ideals of equality

of opportunity.

Schooling has basically served to instill the

values of an expanding industrial society and

to fit the aspirations and motivations of

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individuals to the labor market a.: approximately the same level as that of their parents. Thus it is that some children find

theassives slotted toward becoming workers and

others toward becoming the managers of those

workers (Hist, 1973, p. 2).

Merit.= public education reinforces the inequity present in

American society».-creating winners and losers. Katz (1971)

suggests that the process by which this occurs is not new or

fortuitous.

There is a functional relationship between the

way in which schools are organized and what

they are supposed to do. That relation was

there a century ago and it exists today 1p.

Warner (1944) demonstrated the process whereby schools

socialized students to enter their (or their parents') appropriate

social class. Similarly, Thernstron (1964) demonstrated how the

Boston schools of the 19th century were used to maintain the

existing class system in the United States. Schools were agents

of social control by Which the dominant sector of society created

a "disciplined, punctual, - obedient, skilled and willing" labor

force to fill the rapidly expanding factories (Thernstron,

1964). Wilcox (1978) presents a contemporary picture of how blue

collar schools produce blue collar adults, for example, by employing a curriculum that emphasizes externally imposed methods of

motivating students "to behave in ways the teacher or school

considers appropriate." In contrast, she talks of middle class

schools producing middle class adults by employing a curriculum

that involves teaching students to internalize and identify

with the norms and requirements of the school "so ss to be selfdirecting within that context." Bat (1973) has contributed to

the perspective through his discussioh of the myth of equality in

education regarding the "twin notions of enhanced individual

social and economic mobility and the further strengthening of the

democratic process through the creation of an enlightened citizenry" He suggests

School establishments perpetuate the myth of

opportunity by a distortion of reality:

schools cannot fail, only children fail.

Teachers, trapped between the community and

the brokers of power within the schools, have

sided with the establishment and have come to

accept the definition that the onus of failure should be placed squarely on the backs of

those who fail. Ironically, what the teachers

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create through their expectations for children

is precisely what the schools were designed to

make real--class inequality disguised as

individual differences (p. 20).

This perspective on the myth of equality in society and in

the classroom is echoed by Thomas (1973) when he discusses American education in the context of our political democracy, our

economic system, "our socially stratified society, and our heterogeneous background of cultures, races, and natural individual

differences."

Katz (1971) suggests vocational schools were used to accommodate the influx of working-class students into the high schools

at the turn of the century -- without threatening the pre-existing

chess- stratified society.

It (vocational school) was also a solution fit

for poor children; it would permit them to

attend secondary school without exhibiting

aspirations beyond their class. It would

continue to instill in them the attitudes and

skills appropriate to manual working class

status. Regardless of the rhetoric of its

sponsors, vocational education has proved to

be an ingenious way of providing universal

secondary schooling without disturbing the

shape of the social structure and without

permitting excessive amounts of social

mobility (p. 121).

Schools have been and continue to be used to prepare students for the division of labor that is a by-product of the

economic system. The high rates of dropping out and unemployability are not the problem per se, rather they suggest that

schools are not adequately preparing students for "productive"

available roles in society and in fact may be alienating them from

the conventional "world of work." Society, however is not 4.n a

state of equilibrium--it is changing constantly. Schools as a

formal social institution have predominantly served to maintain

the status quo--ir this case a highly stratified class system.

They have also been used, however, and can be used to alter a

group's position in the larger socioeconomic. system.

Revolutionaries aim at destroying or fundamentally changing

the structure of the system. They seek to raise "class consciousness" among exploited groups to make individuals aware of their

role (in terms of classes) in the economic system regardless of

race, ethnicity, religion, sex, and 'so on. The purpose of this

consciousness-raising is to make individuals aware of how their

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role is a function of the larger economic system that generates

inequities -- winners and losers. School, from this perspective,

parallels the typical social scientific view of school, a formal

institutional extension of the larger socioeconomic system intended to perpetuate a highly stratified class society. Revolutionaries are generally at war with reformers Who tend to inhibit

significant social structural change because "they are on the

other side bf the fence."

'Reformers in contrast are a part of "the system." They

generally attempt to alter a specific group's position in the

larger socioeconomic system without affecting the fundamental

structure of society. They attempt to generate "change" through

the mechanics of the system, e.g., hard work, delayed gratification, organized interest groups, political power, and so on.

Reformers view school as a mechanism to secure (upward) social

mobility for a specific, e.g., ethnic or religious, group or set

of groups.

OIC/A is a reformer dedicated to the existing economic

system. One of their primary goals is to change the social and

economic status of minorities in the United Stat .is. They are

fully aware of the facts that Gibbony Associates presented in

their final report

Dropping out is culturally selective. It

hits hardest at families of lower socioeconomic status. For both whites and non-whites,

the higher the educational level of the

parents, for example the lower the chances of

a male youth from that family dropping out,

Moreover, more non-white youth come from

poorer homes, so dropouts come disproportionately from minority youth. In 1973, for

example, there were almost twice as many black

men and women dropouts among 19 to 24 year

olds (18% and 19% respectively) a:, White men

and women (10% and III respectively) (Gibboney

Associates, 1977, p. 5).

OIC/A as a reformer views education as a vehicle to alter

"the problem." The problem as OIC/A sees it is that a disproportionate number of black men and women are dropping out or are :t

high risk of dropping out of high school. OIC/A, in response,

conceived, developed, and tested the Career Intern Program in

the early and middle 1970s. The CIP is an alternative high school

for dropouts and students at high risk of dropping out of high

school. The basic manifest function of the school is to assist

students to earn high school diplomas; the fundamental latent aim

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is to produce upward social mobility primarily for lower socioeconomic class blacks and other minorities. Dr. Mar.land recognized the purpose at the first school's inception in 1972:

I cannot emphasize strongly enough that this

is not simply more vocational education for

.blacks, something that has properly been

attacked in the past as tending to segregate

blacks into semi-skilled occupations, reserving college for the white middle class

(Kirland, 1972).

In sum, two different groups--one representing the dominant

group, one representing the "oppressed," work together within the

system to attempt to solve what each perceive as "the problem."

Federal agencies have an interest in remedying a "faulty" transition from school to work, to maintain the labor force required of

the larger socioeconomic system. Reformers are dedicated to

serving those individuals who continue to find the transition from

school to work filled with obstacles. The reformer's ultimate

objective is to promote the social mobility of the "disadvantaged"

or "disenfranchised" group. Both parties are focused on the

dropouts or those in high risk of dropping out of high school.

The objectives may differ, but, in the definition of the population to be served and the perceived (educational) solution, the

parties converge. The parties join forces to treat the symptoms.

While the root of the illness is not directly addresed by the CI?

or by OIC, the symptoms of the disease are no less real. Dropping

out "hurts" emotionally and financially as hundreds of thousands

of individuals testify each year. The CI?, in this regard,

represents one of the successful attempts to attack "the problem."

328
IV. THE ENVIRONMENT

The four CI? "replications" are adapting to four different

environments that produce varying influences and constraints on

program operation. One site is located in a multi-racial, multiethnic city and the program competes with numerous alternative

programs. 'In addition, according to staff members, the "deceptively subtle" nature of poverty and, to a lesser extent, discrimination in this city produces "a sort of complacency" among

interns. Another site is located in a "cosmopolitan" city plagued

with the social ills characteristic of many inner cities throughout the United States--drugs, prostitution, arson, property decay,

and so on. A third site is located in a community characterized

by a "provincial conservatism," according to staff members. The

fourth site is located in a "blue collar" industrial city where

"gang influences" were extremely powerful in the sixties. The

gang influence, however, has been significantly reduced in the

city.

A brief examination of the environments in which these sites

operate place the program operation in context.

Site Descriptions

Site A

The city where Site A is located has approximately 500,000

residents and is ethnically diverse. Its minority population

(17I) includes balanced proportions of blacks, Asians, Spanish

Americans, and native Americans. The city has a diversified

economy and, as one instructor commented: "The economy is now

in an upswing. There are lots of jobs with now. There

is unemployment but Lit) is very 16w." (The unemployment rate

for its 16- to 2I-year-old youth is approximately 16Z.)

Urban decay is not as prevalent as in some major cities,

though there are areas of poverty and substandard housing. One

instructor described the city comparatively:

I lived in and , but (this city)

is really like a small town to me: There is

poverty, there is prostitution, drugs, but on

another scale. The houses where the lowincome people live are nice looking, have

their yards, are well kept--but they are still

nothing compared to the ghettos of

and

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34 4
One of the staff members, s former real estate salesman,

gives a brief abstract of the city--pointing out the location

and composition of the local Chinatown, the affluent and economically depressed, the liberal and the conservative areas of the

city. Regarding discrimination and housing he reported:

The dollar is still pretty much predominant...

(1' live in the west section.) That's where

I grew up. And there are, there sre a lot of

liberal people living over there. Right in

the middle of this conservatism. In fact,

the founders and the key movers in la

local community group] are centered in the

west area. They are the ones opposing integration, opposing busing.

Yeah, surprisingly enough a lot of the people

that are really involved in this (antiintegration group) are very affluent people

from (all) sides of the city. They see

cultural pluralism as an economic thing.

Well they still believe in the myth that if

you have the wrong people living next door.

I sold Real Estate in about three

years ago. In this city we have equal

housing laws that carry some very stiff

fines and penalties so any realtor in the

city who is going to interview anyone who

wants to live in a house. But I was very

specifically told by the manager in the Real

Estate firm I worked for, when I asked how

come we don't have more Black Business? He

...said "We don't need any and it was said

show them houses but don't show them any good

ones, because some of them have money." Isn't

that awful.

That's amazing.

Then of course you have the Black capitalists. They are more red lining in the

section than in any other section of the

city. Beautiful, beautiful homes.... so the

people who have money buy the red line homes

and go in and they have these mahogany interiors. Well they're marvelous, they're absolutely marvelous. They rewire them and they

put in new glass and they have homes that are

the envy of the entire city. But the people

who need to buy these houses who want tt) live,

the poor, the Blacks and etc., can't buy

them. That's the red lining.

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3
Concerning city youth and gang influences, the same instructor commented: "Youths don't hang around on corners here. I

haven't heard about gangs. That's why it is so hard to find

dropouts here. They are not as visible as in other cities."

The city is also characterized by a "complacency"--the

result of a,deceptively subtle form of poverty where "there is

just enough. to get by according to a former staff member.

This individual comments on the aspects of the environment.

There are jobs out there, short term and the

like, but they don't go anywhere. They

(interns) don't realize that.... Poverty in

this city is deceptively subtle, don't let it

fool you. You won't see the torn down

crumbling buildings like (another major

city) but you go on and the

houses don't look too bad but its worse in a

way. They (interns) are satisfied with their

position in life. Their part-time jobs. A

dollar's worth of gas is enough for most of

them that have cars. They'll just cruise on

it until they're empty. Then they'll just

wait until they earn another couple of dollars.... It's not like poverty like you see

in other cities, its deceiving.

The site itself is housed in half of a former religious

school. A low-income apartment complex faces the CIP directly

across the street. A few deteriorated houses can be found down

the block. The site is located near a local "main drag," only a

mile from one of its feeder high schools. Many of the public

schools in the city have programs for teaching English as a second

language and offer approximately 23 different language programs

for the city's diverse population.

At Site A, unlike the three other sites, the CIP was assigned

the status of an alternative high school by the local school

district. The LEA has a history of allowing alternative programs,

and its policy is to have these operate as part of the LEA. As a

result, the LEA has established a special administrative unit to

guide and monitor the CIP on site. Therefore, this site represents a test case regarding CIP institutionalization in the public

school system. Successful assimilation of the CIP would suggest

that the public school system represents a viable avenue for

program proliferation. The attitudes, structure, and policies

of the conventional system accompanying incorporation or assimilation may, on the other hand, produce counteracting effects.

333.

316
Site B

The CIP in Site B is located in an inner-city area of a

major metropolitan center. The local population is ethnically

mixed: black, Puerto Rican, Castillian Spanish, Italian, and

Jewish. The youth unemployment rate 18 57%. The immediate

neighborhood of the CIP facility is moderately deteriorated.

While there are burned-out buildings and litter strewn about the

streets in the neighborhood, there are also many well maintained

homes with'neat stoops and yards. The area from which interns are

drawn includes large tracts of severely depressed neighborhoods.

The area Is plagued with the social ills characteristic of

many inner cities throughout the United States--drugs, prostitution, arson, property decay, and so on. A local merchant pointed

out that the area was

...a wealthy community, what--seven or eight

years ago. The mayor used to bring his

big-wig guests here with the ticker tape and

everything. But now look at it. It's the

same as everywhere, I guess. The white

flight, they call it--they moved out and the

black and the Puerto Ricans, they moved in.

You know it's not so different, though I was

brought up in . That's when it was

only Yehudim (Jews)you know, and you knew.

Let's be honest--we had some of the same kinds

of problems, but we always cared; it's different now, you know. Today nobody cares, nobody

cares.... Especially noticeable in the surrounding blocks are many

boarded-up or burnt-out buildings left partially standing. The

shopkeepers, parents, CIP staff, and interns all give the same

explanation: arson. A local minister, who is on many city

council committees, offered the same opinion heard from various

sources:

...they sold us out, the city fathers. They

don't give a damn. The shopkeepers around

here, I've known them all for years. They're

running scared. They hire out to burn down

their buildings. It's for the insurance. And

the crime of it is HUD won't put any money

into a block that has two or more houses burnt

down in it. They figure it's not worth

it--the rest of the block will go before

long. It used to be there was a building

332
burning down three to four a day. Now it is

at a standstill; maybe it's time for a turnaround.

Interns point out the "beautiful nonsense" of the streets- -

old men with the DTs urinating on buildings, pimps wearing platform shoes And rabbit fur coats, open prostitution and dope

transactions, gambling, "boosting," young men pitching pennies

"just passing time." An informant introduced one of the evaluators to Colombia Ipseudonym), "the main men." Colombia was the

ultimate street entrepreneur. Typically, he was garbed in flashy

and expensive apparel. Be always wore his wide-brim tan hat and

was bedecked with layers of glittering jewelry--golden chains and

ruby rings. Colombia said he liked "to dress the part." It eS

his way of "promoting the pro-fes-sion." He sold men and women- -

no childrenand boasted of his ability to secure any type of

accessory required to perform any crime. The same informant who

introduced the evaluator to Colombia mentioned "he's pickle 'em

now" (looking for recruits or apprentices).

Other features of the community that are noticeable are the

fronts and the police. Knowing all the places in town to "cop

dope" is a valuable part of street knowledge for many youths.

The front is one of the more interesting places to "cop dope." A

front might be, for example, a record shop or a health food

store that sells legitimate products as a cover for its major

business, telling narcotics. In the first front observed, two

police officers clearly recognised and then calmly walked by an

open drug transaction in the store. When asked why no action had

been taken, the key informant replied:

They don't need the money. They'll only bust

you if they need the money you know. They get

paid off regular. You take some of them,

though, they'll just reach right into the

register and pull the money out and leave you

the nickel (bag of marijuana] that they

came in to bust you for in the first place,

you know what I mean, and then they let you go

free, you know, as if nothin' ever happened.

This is the community atmosphere--a climate conducive to

crime, dropping out, or just hanging out. The role models of

. "successful" adults, both male and female, are often associated

with criminal activities. Though many interns come from "good

homes" with responsible and respectable adult models, the street

culture--a very powerful environmental force affecting interns- -

cannot be ignored. The program is faced with the task of altering

strongly reinforced street culture behaviors and values that are

antithetical to the CI? world of work values and rules of behavior.

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348
Site C

Site C is a city of approximately 32,000 residents in a

semi-rural area Its main street divides the city economically.

Upper-middle class citizens live primarily on the south side and

lower socio-economic class citizens on the north side of the

town. Many middle-income individuals have been economically

"forced" to live in the suburbs.

Since the early sixties there has been rapid growth of

suburbanization and shopping centers. Manufacturing and retail

trade provide the most common forms of employment in the community. The poorer section of the city has well maintained single

dwellings with some substandard housing and a very few houses that

are boarded up. The lower socioeconomic class in the community

include's both black and white families. Youth unemployment is

approximately 80%

The majority of CIP staff members and ex-staff members

commented on the "conservative" nature of the community. One

staff member said, "Both the black and white communities are

provincial in their attitudes."

Two of the white staff members from the south side perceived

no real provincialism in the community; however, they also said

they spent very little time in the north end of the city. The

majority of the black staff members described the community as "up

south,"--that is, the city is physically located in the north but

the community climate is often like that in "the deep rural

south." One individual said: "When you call to help set up a

Hands-On for the intern and the voice on the other end says

something like 'those people,' you know who you're dealire with."

Ex-career developers have commented on the reluctance of community

members to assist dropouts in general and minorities in particular

in "anti-poverty" programs.

Most of the interns complained about the pressures they

experienced at their former high school: administrators were

"lookin' to throw me out all the time," instructors "just not

carin' about nobody," and fellow students who would lure them away

from the classroom to "get high and just hang out."

Many young men in the CIP have police records. They characterized the police as unfair and often corrupt. One intern

complained about being arrested for trespassing on private property--describing it as a form of harrassment. Another intern

described his treatment by the local police after being arrested

for participating in a minor riot after a basketball game.

When they got me to the police station they

didn't waste no time. Boy, first thing they

334

3 I
did, put me up there to the desk, took my

handcuffs off. Why did you take the handcuffs

off? I'm watchin' three cops over there

right in front of me takin' off their rings,

their watches, their belt, their raincoat.

(They beat you up?) They tried. (For real

they tried to beat you up down at the station? Well what stopped them?) They were

awingin' a couple of times but I got all in

the corner and got behind the chair couldn't

get to me good. And my mother came down there

to the station about 15 minutes after I was

there and And, you know, like she

wanted to see me right, and I heard the

sergeant say, "You ain't seein nobody no time

tonight." All of a sudden she starts cryin'

and there they is. I hear her out their

crying right. They're in the back tryin' to

beat me up and I, heck with this, going'

out there. (You swing back?) Yeah, I

swung back. I opened up the door and I said

"Malta."

Though most CIP interns in Site C had never been arrested,

the perception of police harrassment was common. So were feelings

that the social system is geared to keep minority citizens out of

the mainstream of economic lifd.

Site D

Site D is in a large urban center with 1,500,000 residents.

The majority of the city's population is black, representing every

socioeconomic level. The city's economy is heavily dependent on

manufacturing. Unemployment is high among the 16-22 year old

group, averaging 26% for the entire city and rising to 56% in the

inner city.

The CIP is in an inner city neighborhood characterized by

high population density, poverty, and an array of social problems.

Rousing conditions range from standard to substandard. There are

several boarded-up homes throughout the neighborhood.

The area was one of the "toughest" parts of the city--often

referred to as the "DMZ" (for demilitarized zone), however, staff

members pointed out that it was much worse on the "west side."

Gang wars and struggles for power between pimps and drug dealers

erupted in bursts of urban terrorism during the sixties. Today

much of the overt and arbitrary violence has diminished, but

illicit activites remain firmly rooted in the area and periodically produce waves of violence. Many young people know or

335

'350
associate with gang members, if they are not actually in the

gangs. Youths spend much of their leisure time swapping stories

about "gang happenings" such as shoot-outs, brawls, looting, and

so on. The recent cancellation of a contemporary film that

popularizes gang activity is indicative of the city's fear of any

large-scale revival of gang activities, according to a highranking city official.

The police do not patrol the area regularly in the winter,

but in the summer "they're all over the place." Many of the males

in the area have police records. Bitter complaints about how

young people are treated by the police are common. "You gotta

watch out for them, they'll pull you right off the street and slap

you across the head for looking sidewayi around here, 'cause

they're as scared as we are."

The public schools are typical of inner-city high schools.

Observed in one school were students lined up along the corridor

walls, staring into space, completely "burnt out." This school in

particular, only a few blocks from the GIP, has a reputation for

violence. Fights break out every day in the school building.

Once a month some student is arrested for assault with a deadly

weapon with intent to kill, and occasionally there are killings on

the school grounds. Such a school environment is clearly not

conducive to learning. It is not surprising that much peer

pressure among youth works against staying in school. As one

youth reported:

Friends would come by just before class

and say, "Hey." What are ya gonna say? So

you cut your classes and the next thing you

know you ain't goin' to school no more. We'd

meet at the building, me and my friends, you

know, every morning and we'd just hang out and

get high, you know.

However, other factors contribute to the incidence of dropping out. For instance, family pressures may not encourage youths

to continue school. Although many interns come from conventionally stable family backgrounds, there are almost as many that do

not. A GIP staff member painted this bleak picture of many young

peoples' homes:

Most of these families are poor and the

parents really can't offer them much....

A lot of them say "ain't in a good mood" when

they come home 'cause they're doing somethin'

they don't enjoy and all they know is get out

of here and go to school.... Sometimes

the parent tells them, "I don't care where you

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351
go as long as you leave here"...sometimes that

hurts a lot more than it helps. Instead of

actually sitting down and telling 'em "Rey,

this is what education can do for you; if

you want nice things you have to work for

them...." It takes place in the home...instilling in them to go to school.

In many. cases, the lack of an adult role model in the home

leaves young men in search of an identity.

There are so many families here with no

father you know. They have no one to look up

to. The male plays a bib role in how a child

develops. They see a guy that...he's tough

and everything, i want to 'get on his bandwagon. I'll follow him, see what he's about

and that's how most of them go astray. That's

one of the reasons 0IP is here, because of

those things...no father in the home, that's

the beginning of dropouts.

The dynamics of late adolescence and young adulthood exacerbate the many external factors working on young people:

They never really owned anything. Most of

them come from big families and they have to

share everything, and they want to get off to

themselves and do some thin' on their own- -

you're accomplishin' somethin'. They want to

buy cew things, clothes for school, and do

extra things. They want to start out on their

own. Like I said, they're 20-21, you know,

and most people here in get out when

they're 18 and 19 because they can't really

deal with the family structure. If you sit

back everytime and you're at home you have to

ask, sometimes beg or whatever, to get some of

the things you know you'd enjoy if you're

working. They don't feel independent and

sometimes some of them are forced to leave

because of their attitudes and some just want

peace of mind.

In an environment such as this, young people have few alternatives offering realistic hope for a way out. The CIP therefore

would seem to be exactly the sort of program needed to help youths

escape.

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352
V. THE DEMONSTRATION AND THE PROGRAM: BASIC STRUCTURE,

FUNCTION, AND INTERRELATIONSHIPS

A brief recapitulation of the demonstration atructure,

function, and interrelationships is provided here to portray the

complex context in which the Career Intern Program operates. This

recapitulation will be followed by a more detailed examination of

the structure, function, and interrelationships of the program

itself. Diagramatic representations of the interrelationships

are presented to familiarize individuals new to the study with the

basic CIP structure and to set the framework for the discussion of

interrelationships. It is also provided to assist future adoptors

of the program.

The Demonstration: Hierarchical Networks

The Department of Labor, as authorized by YEDPA legislation,

has given the National Institute of Education funds to disseminate

and evaluate an exemplary program--the Career Intern Program. NIE

contracted with OIC/A, the developers of the prototype, to disseminate and implement the program. In addition, NIE awarded RHC

Research Corporation a contract to conduct tne evaluation.

OIC/A allocates funds to the CIPs through the local OICs.

The local OICs are the CIP sponsors and administer the CIP budgets. Therefore, while the OIC serves as an intermediary between

OIC/A and the CIP, it also plays an influential role in the CIP's

daily operations.

As NIE has contracted with OIC/A to conduct the dissemination

of the CIP, so OIC/A uses the local OICs to facilitate the early

stages of implementation, e.g., conducting a feasibility study,

selecting a building, making initial contacts with LEAs, and so

on. OIC/A, however, also assists the CIPs directly in the startup as well as in operation, e.g., conducts LEA-union negotiations,

conducts workshops, and has a subcontract clause that allows

direct intervention and assistance as needs are perceived.

(See Figure 1 for a summary of the hierarchical relationships

among funding and dissemination/implementation roles.)

NIE awarded RMC the evaluation contract to study the Career

Intern Program. The contractually specified work statement

encompasses studying funding and initial decision-making parties,

monitoring evaluation effects and analyzing, dissemination strategies, communication networks, and specific interactions at the

site level. Thus the study involves looking at all participants,

not just the CIP sites.

338
Funds CONGRESS (YEDPA LEGISLATION)

Funding Agency

Monitor of

Project Implementation and

Evaluation

Disseminator

and

Implementor

Intermediary

Facilitates

Implementation

Program

Students or

"Target

Population"

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR

I NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION

OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION

CENTERS OF AMERICA

OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION

CENTER (LOCAL)

ICAREER INTERN PROGRAM 1

INTERNS1

RMC RESEARCH

CORPORATION

(Evaluator)

Figure 1. Funding, dissemination, and implementation roles

339

354
evaluation, however, is conducted from a monitor's or project

officer's perspective--to make sure contractual obligations are

fulfilled in the most appropriate and efficient manner. Nies

role as responsible for both the implementation and the evaluation

is potentially problematic because evaluation information can

cross over and affect the implementation procedures. For example,

evaluation information may be used to take action concerning the

extention or.termination of a specific site. In general, alterations of the implementation based on evaluation data during the

study introduce "noise" into the system.

OIC /A conducts an internal evaluation of the sites' progress

and of the role of the local OIC in implementing the program.

This evaluation is conducted from a monitor's perspective as well

as a technical assistance one. The information is gathered to

make sure contractual obligations and model specifications are

met; however, the information is also potentially usable as

corrective feedback. The feedback is used to design, for example,

workshops to improve managerial skills or Implement disposition

conferences. The dual role can be problematic--the sites are less

likely to reveal their ignorance or non-compliance to a monitor

even though corrective feedback is both needed and desired by the

sites.

Finally, the "acid test" of the program rests upon the

interns', the parents', and the local communities' evaluation of

the program. All three demonstrated a reluctance about the

program in the early stages of operation. Potential interns were

unsure about what the program was and whether it represented an

improvement over other available options. Parents also demonstrated reluctance to involve their children in a new alternative

program. In addition, iu some communities there was distrust of

"another federal program" or demonstration project. Such projects

were described by some community members as "getting our hopes up

and then pulling out without any explanation," "using us like

guinea pigs " - - "a real rip off." In general, however, the communities appear to welcome the program as of this writing. (See

Figure 2 for a summary of the hierarchical relationship of the

formal and informal NIE and OIC/A evaluation roles.)

The Program: Hierarchical Roles and Interaction Networks

The director is the managing head of the program. The

instructional supervisor, career counseling supervisor, and the

school liaison are considered part of the administration and make

up middle management. They are responsible to the director and

serve as the formal link between the director and the staff. The

instructional supervisor leads and supports the instructional

staff--and represents the vehicle for transmitting policy decisions from the director to the instructors. The career counseling

340
[BAT/ORAL INSTITUTE OP EDUCAT/ONI

FORMAL

RMC RESEARCH

CORPORATION

(Formal)

Evaluators

Perspective

INFORMAL.

ILOCAL OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTERI

--1

CAREER INTERN PROGRAM I

v.IImb

1

OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION

CENTERS OF AMERICA

IDEPARTMENT OF LABOR I

REC RESEARCH CORPORATION

I_NATIONAL INST/TUTe

OF EDUCATION

L

OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION

CENTERS OF AMERICA

[LOCAL

OPPORTUNITIES

INDUSTRIAL/UT/ON CENTER

RHC RESEARCH

CORPORATION

1 CAREER INTERN PROGRAM!

Figure Z. Evaluation roles: formal and informal

34].

356
INFORMAL (Internal OIC/A Evaluation)

OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTERS OP AMERICA

CAREER INTERN PROGRAM]

LOCAL OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTER]

(as facilitators of the CIP implementation)

342

Figure 2 (continued)

357
supervisor serves the same function between the director and the

counselors and career developers.

Initial contact between the CIP and the LEAs is made by the

OIC. The CU director cements the relationship and then the

school coordinator becomes .the routinized link between the CU and

the feeder school. The school coordinator secures lists of

dropouts and potential dropouts to recruit* interns into the CIP.

In additiop, this individual secures transcripts to help plan the

interns' individual programs.

Career developers are responsible for establishing contacts with the business community to provide interns with Hands-on

experiences. (Hands-on involves two one-week experiences observing a form of employment that parallels each intern's career

interests.)

Instructors and counselors are responsible to their respective supervisors for performing their duties in the classroom or

in the counseling sessions. Tit: me is some overlap in the roles:

instructors and counselors teach such courses as the Career

Counseling Seminar (CCS) together, instructors listen to intern

problems, and counselors advise interns about their academic

progress and plans.

The associate professional is used to fill a variety of

duties as needed, ranging from handyman to receptionist and

"gofer" to substitute teacher. An informal function served by the

associate professional is to act as a "lay counselor"--providing

an open ear to interns and giving counsel as deemed appropriate.

The secretaries and security/janitor also fulfill the role of "lay

counselor." (See Figure 3 for hierarchical structure of program.)

Formal staff-intern interaction is between instructor,

counselor, career developer, school coordinator, and intern.

Informal staff-intern interattion varies; however, a basic pattern

exists ranging from more frequent to less frequent and involves

secretaries, security/janitor, instructors, counselors, associate

professionals, instructional supervisor, career counseling supervisor, program coordinator, director, and intern.

Staff-intern interaction is dependent primarily on the

personalities of the staff and the intern. The degree to which

they "fit" or mesh determines the frequency and quality of interaction. The overall climate produced by staff interactions seeks

to be supportive and motivating. This atmosphere necessitates

open communications, e.g., instructors and counselors sharing

*Recuitment has been conducted by the entire staff and many

of the interns (to meet quotas).

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353
Director 1

Secretary 1

i School

j CoordinatorI

I Secretary

1 (in tructorl Counselor

Career I r

Developer

I 1 I Associate Professional

1 !Interns 1

Figure 3. Hierarchical structure

344

353
their views of interns' problems, achievements, and overall

progress, as well as instructors and counselors constructively

interacting with their supervisors or discussing policy issues

with the director. The specific role relationships discussed

above are schematically presented in Figure 4 (a through d) under

the following headings: management, recruitment, formal staff

intern interaction and informal staffintern interaction.

345

3 GO
(a) Management

Directorl

[

Communital

'Instructional

Supervisor

(b) Recruitment

Union

Career

Counseling Program

Supervisor Coordinator

(a) School Coordinator!

routinized

!Local Educational AgencY!

(c) Formal Staff--Intern Interaction

instructional

Su.ervisor

Instructor

Intern

<-> [Career Counsel Supervisor ! <->

>

Intern

<--> Developer I Career

- lIntern1 'Intern!

Figure 4. Program-specific interrelationships

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3C1
Instructors]

Counselors

(d) Informal Staff -- Intern Interaction (Basic Pattern of Interaction)

(Hourly

High ...... Frequency

oewvo*.maem4. ...... m.+0001.01.

1 Secretaries I Security/

Janitor

..... Low

Daily --------------- Weekly -------- Monthly)

Counselors

Instructors

11PrAssoofesciate sionals

IIntern]

, , I Intern I I Intern [ [Intern I

[Instructors

Counselors

Figure 4. (continued)

Instruc

t ional &

Career

Counsel

Supervisor ,

1

I Intern-I

1Director

Intern I
VI. A SLICE OF LIFE: A DIRECTOR, AN INSTRUCTIONAL.

SUPERVISOR, A JANITOR, AND A FEW INTERNS

A few brief exchanges with participants of the program add

insights into their lives and brings many of these roles, relationships and personalities to life and into perspective. This

section begins with a conversation with a CIP director regarding

his schedule. A fragment of the scope of activities and demands

of his position are conveyed in this conversation--its a job that

"doesn't end."

The second conversation with an instructional supervisor

portrays her insights into the dynamics of the program. She

demonstrates a keen awareness of the relationship among various

program features, e.g., role of intern input, teacher strictness,

and caring.

The conversation with a janitor at one of the sites also

provides useful insights into the strengths and weaknesses of a

developing program. Much of his .,le as.a "guardian" patrolling

the halls on his own initiative to get interns back in class is

not brought out in conversation; however, his insights and attitude towards the program that contribute to the daily functions of

the program are evidenced.

Finally, a few interns share some of their experiences and

bftkground to provide a brief picture of the range of interns in

the program. Some of the conversations reveal their reasons for

entering the CIP, others serve to offer a picture of the family

background. The last interview/conversation is with J. B. He

has become a prominent member of one of the CIPs. J. B. is deeply

involved in student government. He enthusiastically promotes the

CIP and tries to develop the program spirit. His grades are

good and his attendance is excellent. J. B. is one of many of the

interns that case to the CIP ready for a change in his life. Some

interns were leaders within gangs, others were leaders of small

social clicks, most however, were simply not satisfied with the

direction their lives had already taken. J. B.'s experiences

represent the "far end of the continuum" of intern experience;

however, a glimpse at his life offers an insight into the fullrange of individuals the CIP serves.

A Conversation with a CIP Director

What is your schedule like each day?

I will come here in the morning between about

8:30 to 9:00 o'clock...usually say, check on

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)
my schedules and so forth, now, but by 9:00 I

receive information pertaining to staff

attendance, intern attendance, and ...any

calls from parents pertaining to who is sick

and...what is being done. Then /...go through

the building between 10:00-10:30 to see if

everyone is in place and check with teachers

to .see if there is anything they need, and

then I see the counselors... and then I come

back to the office and take care of desk

work. Then by 12:00 I go downstairs to check

if the interns are in and check (to see) who

is teaching and if there are any problems

pertaining to (teaching). Then I come upstairs and take care of desk work, then I

leisurely, depending upon the day, meet with

the staff, immediately after 3:00. Fridays,

every Friday. Every Monday is instruction,

every Wednesday is with...some counselors and

at least by 10:00 in the morning and every

Friday at 10:00 we supervise the two supervisors and we sit down and go over the agenda

for our meetings at 8:00.

Oh, I see. What types of things do you do regarding the desk work?

Budgets and things like that?

OK. Budgets, reports, checking on schedules,

cross lists,...(Also on an) ongoing basis the

files of interns (are reviewed) which I then

give to the counselors to review.... I

average about oh, six a day. Depending on

whether its a career development file or

whether its a confidential file, or ongoing

file. Then, of course, meetings. Propositions. Check on our intern increase. Check

on our utility bills. Develop memos...either

(to) Central or to staff, consulting with

parents who have been invited or who come in

for various reasons, or who are passing

through for information pertaining to the

program. Of course, representing the organization of CIP to various committees, organizations.

What types of things have you gone to (to represent the CIP)?

Oh...the _th and __th (district) has a committee relations commission, and I serve on their

board. The Center, which I serve on the

349
youth board. ...the Salvation Army. It's

an ongoing sort of thing, but there is also

the Parent Association which I

also work with. ...then comes dinner before

business. Cases which have been referred by

the counselors to the counselors and who in

turn feel that there should be some sort of

policy, resolution, or talk to their interns.

I talked to (an intern), yesterday. Re invited me over

to his house and we talked a little. (He told me about the

problems with the gangs that you were discussing yesterday.)

We have also intervened. Some of my work is

to intervene with various gangs around here.

percenters, you've surely seen on our

street, constantly smoke pot. They look at

who belongs to which kind of gang and who's on

who's turf and so we have been able to get

(a)hold of at least three different gangs

around this area and talking to them about

facts that we have to consider...we are not

here to look for trouble they (interns) are

here for school...

Who contacted them, the members, or were they just hanging around

here?

Yeah, they hang around here....

For instance, we had a situation where one

of the interns here accosted one of the

percenters....

Oh yes. They call themselves the percenters. And they were ready to beat him up (in

retaliation). They hung around here for

awhile. For about two weeks. Ue were helping

this guy go through all kinds of places...

Passing through the church door, to the other

side of the street. Until we were able to

mediate. ...we also have a ",.ords. They

also complain that some of our kids go across

that street.

Sc the kids...

Yeah, they go across that street. They go

across that street, they don't know that, so

they want to know who they are.

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3 u
I see.

We sat down, we recognized them, we talked

with them. We also have the Mighty

Eighty ? Yes, Eighty , we have street guards, the

street guards have to bring these kids to the

corner and they have to cross quickly in order

to come to this side. The Mighty live

on and (its) their territory and

in order for anybody to come here on the

bus, they get off on and , they

have to cross (their turf).

So that's crossing the turf, yes?

Yes, that's crossing the turf.

Do they come in here, or just talk through the people that keep

them contacted?

Oh they come in...They come in and they want

to talk to the boss.

So, you've had them in?

Oh, yes. Give them coffee and ask them if

they want to smoke. I usually keep a pack of

cigarettes in case anyone of them smokes. I

don't smoke. Then they say they are here to

talk and then we talk.

And things have settled pretty easy?

Oh yes, as long as, as long as, those people

don't give them any flack. They are asked

where they are coming from whether they are

coming from here and each one of them has an

ID card we don't have new ones for the new

kids, but if it comes to the real thing they

want to know their ID, show something. So you

see, the thing is the gangs around here have

alliances and somebody may call them lookouts.

They (are) sent by a gang first as a lookout.

And he's an innocent person. So these people

not only watch, but watch very closely. Not

only that, the gangs have various hostiles.

All over the place. Got these hostiles, so if

353.

3tbc
you are actually innocent and walk in by one

of the hostiles the whole feeling is that you

are there to observe what they are doing, to

steal, to study the layout. So they watch

these things.

That's interesting. (What other types of activities do you

encounter)?

'Then of course, going to various, ...meetings

constantly with and High which is

on the other side. But it's a whole full

day. Not only that, going to various director

meetings and management meetings at (the

local 0/C), participating in various con

ferences and symposia on behalf of 0/C/A ; developing Inservice Training with my staff

here.....

What kind of conferences at OIC?

Well, there are several conferences, one which

also pertains to the generation, the lost

generation, and the whole idea of OIC, ...has

alliances and relationships with all kinds of

groups and they provide leadership, support.

So their leadership, support depending

upon which response it has to deal with

anything pertaining to youth. I have to

represent the 01C. If it has something to do

with conferences of management. It is part of

my plan.

Oh, that's excellent. Then you're very involved in the training

program as well?

Oh yes.

Then how does your day end?

It doesn't end.

It doesn't end, I guess that's the ultimate.

It doesn't end. Then at the end of the day

whatever should be done during the day we take

with us, then I do it. My day actually starts

from 8:30 and ends around 7:30. It's an

average 12 hours that I work a day.

352
Mrs. (my wife) is always complaining

about that. This morning she was saying I

left here at 10:00 o'clock last night.... I

was taking my shover and I remembered that I

bad used (the wrong figure).... It was di

little number, and how I used it I don't

know. So I remembered and I came back and

changed the Whole thing.

That's amazing. Yeah, I've seen you here late.

Yeah. The thing that takes a lot of my time

really, are unscheduled conferences. They

come in here constantly with all kinds of

conflicts. They are based on complaints of

instructors or counselors, or a certain

meeting can't be fulfilled, then we arrange or

people just pop in and look around and that

takes time.

Yeah, you have to show them around, that's true.

Takes time, and by the time you show them

around, they sit down and talk.

That's right. What types of things, by the way, do the interns

come in and complain about?

Uh, some have complained about the distance

that they have to come. Some have complained

about the fact that they belong to a gang, and

they need someone to talk to somebody. They

have come in to talk about their relationships

with their parents because their parents

toss them out because they are 18. As...an

emancipated man, so he can (get a social

welfare stipend and food stamps) take some and

give them away. Sort of reducing the population in the house and also bringing in some

sort of income. So, parents, a lot of parents, somehow force their kids to do that and

they don't really know what the (their parents

are doing), so when this thing comes up they

come in asking parents are throwing them

out because they say they should work and they

don't want to go. Then we have to sit down

and talk about it, and they come to stay at my

house.... Some come in with questions pertaining to their difference. Some are parents, they come in to discuss health problems,

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368
or simply problems with babysitting or problems with child care.

Yeab, I've noticed a number of women here have kids.

We have also instances where parents will come

in and discuss a certain comp)Rint about

coiaing home early, about hanging out with the

wrong group. And ask us to talk to them.

That's an interesting twist.

Yes. We have other situations where probation officers are dealing with us from the

local precinct pertaining to certain information. They consulted us about their attendance, where they hang out, and things

like that. We also tell these interns, their

probation officers tell them they must keep in

touch with us, so we talk to them occassionally and want to know what is happening and so

forth. If they are meeting their probation

officer...(they) Let me know when they have to

see "The Man."

I see, I see, that's interesting, that's what we were discussing

yesterday.

We have people who are here who are in serious

crime. I mean real serious crime. In the

book, we have it here, minutes from the

book.

That much of a range?

A whole range. Uh, we have people who are

active in a committee. And who are caught

seen in and out to see what is going on, but

in fact he is monitoring us. Yesterday they

heard about this disco, and they actually

popped in to see what effect does disco as if

something is going on that is not supervised.

(This committee thinks the) Kids are smoking

pot, and all that.

I was wondering about that, I noticed that it was too coincidental

that it happened to be right around the disco.

It's a whole full days workout.

354
Well, then you have to close up the building?

Yes.

(I begin to pick up my note pad and tape recorder.)

All right.

That's good. I appreciate it.

Very nice, I'll let you get back to work mow.

Yes.

Thanks.

A Conversation with an Instructional Supervisor

(This conversation Segins as my last conversation with an intern

ends. I commented "She's really trying."

...Yes, they're trying so hard to become

adults, they're searching for their Identity,

and jobs seem to be the reason or it is the

reason that really identifies them as being

adults.

Uh-huh.

...and to rely on parents a lot of times, to

them, they don't want us to call the parents

in but yet when we do we get more response

from them as far as intern participation.

Is it really that they don't want you to-..because they want to

feel more independent or...

I see.

Yes, they want to feel more independent, They

want to do things on their own but yet we have

to check back with them and they're really

trying to get out from under their parents'

thumb.

So they can make more of their own money. And

there are programs at CIP that offer money,.,.

3 7 0

355
And summer jobs, even though at minimum

wages. Better than not having any money.

{Many interns choose work over school, but...)

...The interns who are here feel very close to

the program. They have given their inputs.

Another thing...the biggest thing about this

program...we have changed policies as a result

of -intern feedback.

...For instance, the attendance policy (during

the day). They suggested, one intern particularly suggested a sign-in sheet which we have

when we come, when we go, then every intern

will not be punished. Then we call the

parents and let them know who did not return,

things like that. Now that was their idea.

(In addition) interns are having problems with

studying and a couple of them said they need

more help in knowing how to study, they didn't

even know how. And so this semester we're

instituting a study plan.

That sounds great.

Very good.

I

So, that's as a direct result of intern

feedback. ...we don't have any sports here

but through (tUe director) and requested by the interns we have more physical/

kinds of activity...we have arranged with

(the local university) to take the kids

during the summer school year's swim and gym

program.

They will receive academic credit for health

education, they'll get to take swimming, you

know...two other sports, possibly tennis or

baseball...and along with swimming. So it's

going to be nice.

Interns have (also) indicated they vent

a deeper math program...so the science instructor has agreed to teach algebra this year

and so...that's a lot of work. So that's in

the program...but we do need suggestions.

We've adopted a philosophy for CIP and part of

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37.1
our philosophy states that interns should have

a part in planning...not just for this whole

program but in each classroom, they are

allowed to make new suggestions and...they are

considered and we do use them.

What do you think of some of the interns that think (some of the

instructors are somewhat strict?

Really?

Well, instructors are strict, but I know two

in particular, but when I check on the attendance at the end of the month the strictest

one has 79 percent attendance. In fact, some

of his classes got to be 39 percent, you

know.'

Yeah. And , the strictest teacher bas

the most attendance. They complain but they

go to their class. And to me, aside from what

they think, I go by what I see on the paper.

So...you know, if the instructor was too

strict and they did not attend his class then

I would check to see -what is he doing that's

wrong to cause them to stay out of class.

The most lax teacher, the nicest teacher, is

the one who had the least amount of people who

attended his class. And so we're working with

them to get them to...we have rules and

regulations, we have standards. ...And then

there's a hippy mix. One of our English

instructors...she is one of our newer instructors that we have and she's been with us but

as far as being In the field of teaching she

has been able to maintain a high degree of

attendance in her class. She is not viewed by

the interns as being...see how can I put

It...too strict. But she is exact and she has

limits for her classes and they know from the

beginning what they are out to do and she is

able to maintain a high attendance. And so

we're using the ideas, you know, we have

weekly meetings and I read the attendance

report and I tell them who has the most

attendance and what methods that person is

using to keep the attendance high and we talk

it over and some of chew have started being

more strict forcing rules end so forth. And

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372
Excellent.

if we could do that all programs, you know,

just tighten up everything...I say our program

is too lax...

You know...I read (in the first evaluation

report) about their dress code and a lot of

things...snd school is strict but I think

strictness is viewed as caring. If you let

people do anything they want to do they

really think you don't care.

I feel...this semester we're going to initiate

peer evaluation. One of our instructors has

been permitted to do that. I feel it will be

more beneficial for the instructors to evalu

ate themselves, you know, in a way than have

me do it because they look upon (it as if it

were punishment, a) bad evaluation at the end,

or something like that. So if they coordi

nate, they could take ideas from one another

and try to implement them in their...and so

they are doing that. And I think it is going

to have favorable results.

They get a chance to share ideas and critique

one another.

What about planning for...

Really?

.)..we have worked on pl-nning for the summer

and, as I said, swimming and gym program.

We're going to take more field trips. Then

we'll be trying to take one field trip a

month. but I'm going to try to get more.

We want to go to the nature center, thirty

mile and It's not in but it's

the outside kind of a trip where they could

learn a lo We're going to have CIP IS HIP

day next week. Now that has been the single

overriding innovation of interns, they seem to

like that activity better than any other.

CIP IS HIP. ...We give recognition to interns

who are just about any category. And they

really like that and the last one, the last

one that we had, the second cohort came in,

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3 73
and the attendance was better than the first

cohort. You know, they came in while were

having CIP IS RIP day and that spread the

publicity about the program...and the enthusiasm that things were going on...So we're

going to have more net month and we must

instead of letting so many go by. But they

really liked that a lot. We have a basketball

gime before, and we do want to have more

things like that than generate atmosphere that

don't support the program.

Though there was something wrong at the last ball game at the

end.

Really.

Oh yes, at the end (they had a fight), but the

two students now...who had problems...ate at

lunch together. There, they seem to be

friends. and .11wpgIls

Oh, they have been enemies since they first

met.

I didn't know they were enemies.

Oh yes. They are now talking to one another

and exchanging ideas. That's gratifying to

see that they an be, you know, ma-are.

Yeah, that's good to see. Do you still remember ? Yes. A big difference. And another of our

interns, the young lady that was here a few

minutes ago, she has...received a lot of A's,

you know, and she made the Director's list.

The first time she arrived she had this scowl

on her face, wouldn't speak to anybody, sat

by herself in the classroom...

That's true , you mean...that's right, I remember...

Wall, she wouldn't speak to anyone, and...a

couple of interns were playing scrabble and

she was sitting by herself and I walked up to

them an4 asked them "Why don't you ask

to join in?" They said "Oh, she's too mean."

I said "Well, look, she won't be that way

if she has sor'.ody to talk to. Just invite

her to come to the game, and even if she

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374
doesn't at least you could try." And so they

did, and she joined in, and she's been friend

lier, you know. She's really trying in her

classes and she's getting positive feedback...

And interns supporting one another had been of

great deal to her.,.

From her peers 666 from the other interns.

Yes, other interns.

And you notice sometimes, in the case of and some others.... They're going to be the protectors.

Yeah. That's really good. They inspire a lot

of interns...they need encouragement..."She

got all A's" I said. (We all tell her) You're

smart, you can do this, you know."

And...so she really likes the program now

she's gotten all A's and she really worked in

the class...

I know, I know.

You know, she's allowed to, you know, have her

personal freedom in that...we don't try to

stifle. They're aggressive to a point and

then they become complacent, you know, we want

them to show some vim and vigor and express

their opinions, you know, and we can change

things. But a lot of times they have better

ideas than we do, and we don't want to mirror

them all the time, you know, we try to humor

them and they think that we're doing it. So I

think that (listening to Interns) has helped

the plogrsm.

A Conversation with a Janitor

This janitor is deeply committed to the CIP. He monitors the

halls periodically on his own initiative to get interns back into

class. A conversation with him provides a number of insights into

the program -- its strengths and its weaknesses.

They love to come to certain classes because

they feel they're getting something out of

it. A guy like that the teachers have to put

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375
more into it. I really stress instructors,

they are the important ones.

It would be good if it was tightened up

overall. I lean like the rules, like getting

here on time.

They're supposed to be here at 8:45 and they

come at 9 or 9:30 and no one cares, But I

think the overall program his been a succoss.

I find it very beneficial to the young people

of There are still a lot of people who

don't know that this program exists. then

when you have people walking around saying she

ain't teaching this and she ain't teaching

that, this prograu/ain't this and that then

this is a defeatist attitude.

I can definitely pee where that could be a problem.

But, I look at it overall. It's gonna be a

successful program. We constantly have

visitors which gives the interns a chance to

see who sponsors this program. think its

good for them to see how its improving.

We're affiliated with the Board of

Educators. The regular high schools have one

thousand students, we have one hundred but

we're running well.

What do you think the rate of attendance is?

On the average about 50-60 students on a

weekly basis. Except the beginning of the

week, Monday, and the end of the weeks Friday,

attendance is pretty good.

Conversations with a Few Intemg

These vignettes are excerpts of longer conversations -- interviews

with interns. The first conversation is with Madelyn (pseudonym).

She is one of the more active interns coordinating bake sales, and

organizing the graduation and financial committee. Madelyn also is

quick to defend the CIF from the verbal assault of rm.. interns.

This conversation primarily provides a TAW of her family back

ground.

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37G
Madelyn

"How many are in your family?

I have seven sisters awl no brothers and I

live with my mother and father and so my

sister got married and they live with us

sometime.

Do you all get along alright?

We get along real well. We don't have any

choice.

And what about your parents, how do they feel about their jobs?

My father likes his job, my father works very

hard. He's a very good father. He works two

jots now, he was working three. My sister was

working.

What were the different kinds of jobs?

Oh, I see.

He was Sergeant on a Security job, and he used

to work at but they moved so he started

working, they transferred him to but

recently he got hurt out there so they transferred him to ',xi he work at now. By mother doesn't work anymore. She used to

work at Schools. She decided not to

work. I don't work anymore because I got laid

nff my job. I quit because I couldn't work

and go to school at the same time. So I made

the choice to quit and go to school. My

sister the fourth one works. She worked

as sn actress. But she quit. She used to be

a beautician but she quit because she decided

she wanted to be a model.

My sister, , I don't know what she wants

to do. She dreams about singing. But they go

to school.

How are they in school?

They do fine. I'm the only one who doesn't do

anything.

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3
Hot yet anyway.

But when I get ready, I will.

That's right. Give it time. Any big problems?

In the family? No, everything's fine. my

mother and father go to church every Sunday.

(A second ntern looks interested in the interview, so I ask

her...) What church do they (the first intern's family) go to? Do

you know?

Yeah, I go to the same church.

Mat one do you go to?

9 other side of the Bay. My father is

the deacon of the church, my mother is a

Sunday School teacher, and I'm secretary of

the church.

I like going to church, and I try to encourage

this girl (another intern) over here to go to

church. But she doesn't like to go to church,

so What can Z say.

(I come back to Madelyn) . So. how are things going in general?

I think everything is OK. Even.though I don't

have everything I want to have because I'm not

working, because ain't nobody really working

in my family but my father and he can't do

everything.

(Intern's comment on her fast speechgiggling). She's talking

fast but I'm getting it

When I was in Jr. High, my mother made me go

to a speech therapist for talking fast.

I used to talk very fast myself, so I understand it

It wasn't that I couldn't pronounce my words

properly, it was just that I would say them so

fast people wouldn't understand me.

Did you get in some arguments about that?

Yeah, she said I be trying to outtalk her, but

I wasn't. But our family get along very

well.

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Cheryl

Cheryl was considered very aloof by other interns when she

first entered the program. She would not associate with anyone.

Over a period of time she has made a number of friends and interns

comment on her "change in attitude." She interacts with many

interns on.a casual basis now. This excerpt of a conversation

lightly touches on her family life and her sentiments about

attending school.

How many kids in the family?

It's five of us. I have three brothers and

one sister.

And your parents?

Both of them, all of us live in the same house'

and my uncle stay there with us. My father

works.

What does he do?

He's a foreman at (local factory). My

mother doesn't work.

How do you get along with your brothers and sisters?

We get along pretty good, except sometime we

have arguments.

Anything major? What are the major things that come up.

Well the dishes. Washing the dishes, they

don't want to wash them.

Do you get in any trouble or anything like that?

No. School, yeah, but police and all that

major stuff, no.

What school did you get in trouble in?

school. Skipping class.

How did your parents feel about it?

They couldn't understand why.

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What did you tell them?

I didn't want to go.

Were they upset? What did they do?

Sometime they wouldn't speak to me.

Mary

Mary has a good sense of humor and is an extremely dedicated

intern. She is good friends with Madelyn. They both set up

bake sales and take an active role in the financie committee

and various other programs. She is also a very mature and

sophisticated young adult. Once again the conversation begins

with a semistructured interview regarding her family background

and then proceeds into a discussion regarding her sentiments"

concerning school attendance.

I come from a very large family. One brother

and no sisters. My brother is 22 and I'm

20.

When is your birthday?

Parents?

The 29th of April.

My father is retired. I really don't know

what he does. He lives somewhere on the West

side. My parents are divorced. My mother

designs plans for houaes. She still trying to

figure me out.

Do you see your father very much?

I saw him in 19 ? ?. Last I saw him I was

seven. Then I saw him about four weeks

ago.

Do you get along with him?

No, not at all.

You fight?

We just don't speak.

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Are you two different?

I'm more like him. That's why we don't get

along.

So it doesn't bother you too much that they were divorced.

No, not at all. I'd rather see them apart

than destroying each other. Because I was

there when they were fighting.

(Another intern interrupted and commented on her problems with her

old high school and Mary responded "yeah me too trouble."

What kind of trouble? School trouble?

I don't have too such school trouble. I

didn't get kicked out that much. I just

didn't go to class. I knew the right places

to hang out so I never got caught. Till one

day the truant, officers come to my house and

blew everything. They had the nerve to come

to my house. They came to my house last

September. Last year, I couldn't believe

that. My mother should have been gone, she

was Late for work. My mother came upstairs

snatched the cover .off my bed, What's Your

Problem!! ?? Mary, how come you not in school?

I was half sleep. I was working then so

really didn't care about going to school. I'm

getting ready to graduate from CIP. I plan to

go back to school in September (a

local community college), matter of fact. I'm

going to try to get in (a local state

university).

that are your plans?

To be a lawyer.

That's good. Everything going OK now?

Everything's fine.

,Shirley

Shirley's family life has been difficult for her. Although

she was brought up by a guardian and never really lived with her

parents the loss of her parents at a very early age still has had

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a tremendous effect on her. She also had the same problem with

school as most of the interns reported, "1 was bored."

Row matey in your family?

I have one brother, one sister. my father is

deceased. my mother is deceased. I stay with

my Aunt.

Do you get along with your aunt?

Yes. Sometime. I have to put her in her

place every once and a while. Maw, I'm just

talking. if she heard me say that. The only

problem is we can't communicate. Whenever I

have a problem I have to go to somebody I

know I can trust to talk to. My brother--

Older or younger?

My brother is 13 and

he was old enough to

goes to_ (local

hopeless case. He

times, for fighting.

my sister is 10. I wish

talk to. Re's cool. Re

school). Oh God, he is a

got kicked out about 20

Row long ago did your mother die?

My mother died in '70 and my father died in

'78.

You've gone through a lot of clanges then? Pretty rough emotionally? Row did it affect your brother and sister.

They were young, they didn't understand.

Did they have an illness or something?

Yeah, they had an illness, both of them were

an drugs.

Did they 0J1.?

Well, my mother didn't, somebody gave her an

overdose, and my father I don't know what

happened, he didn't O.D. he was just in the

hospital a lot.

That must have been really tough. Haw long did it take to get

over that?

It took me a while.

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Now are you sort of watching out for your brother and sister?

Yeah.

I know it must be hard because you are not around them a lot and

they are affected by their friends.

Legally my aunt is my mother because she had

me since I was three days old.

But did you spend time with your parents?

No, I have never spent time with my parents.

You were always brought up by your aunt and partially by your

father?

No, I saw him every blue mcon.

What about school?

Oh, I stayed in trouble. I got kicked out a

lot that's all. I never went to class. I was

bored.

Laura

Laura is a shy intern, until you engage her in conversation.

She briefly discussed some of the typical family problems interns

report, e.g., a brother or sister is still immature and obnoxious.

Laura's mother's concern for her daughter's attendance problem is

characteristic of many interns' parents.

And how many in your family?

Ore sister and one brother.

And, how do you get along together?

I get along with my brother, real good, but my

sister she got a mouth and I just want to bust

her in Ir so bad.

How old is your sister?

She is twelve and she is grown and hot. Her

and my mother be talking and she be giving ya

a look 'you ain't gonna tell me what to do.'

I'm gonna come in when I want to. My mother

leave, I just be boxing her ears. She had the

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nerve to tell my mother when she get fourteen

she gonna have a baby.

How do you get along with your brother?

That's my heart. I'll do 20 years for my

brother.

How old iste?

Seven.

That's nice.

Me and my sister ue get along, it's just

certain times she start running off at the

mouth. It drives you crazy. She like to

play.,.. She ain't trying to mature yet.

She's still a kid?

Yeah.

What about your parents?

Hy mother is a pharmacist technician. She

work at the local General Hospital and my

father is a maintenance man. He had a chance

to be a foreman but he just liked to work at

welding.

How do you get along with your parents?

I get along with my father real good, but my

mother we argue a lot. My father, well my

mother get along real good but she always

talking about girls are lazy and don't like to

do nothing. We just have to have an argument

every day of the week or the week ain't gonna

be right. I think I get alone with my family

real good. Like when I messed up in school my

father dropped out of school, but I think he

does real good for having droppei in the 9th

grade. But my mother didn't understand

because her mother died when she was two and

she never knew her father. She always went to

school, never too many absences and then when

she saw my attendance records she almost

fainted. But you know she didn't do anything,

we talked and for about 2 or 3 weeks she

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always laid oh you ain't nothing but a

dropout.

Bob, another intern sitting witn us, looked eager to add some

thing to the conversation so I asked Bob: You experience the

same thing?

All my mother asking for is a diploma. I

think I can do that much for her. She put . herself aside to do something for me, so the

least I can do is get a diploma.

J.B.

J. B.'s background as mentioned earlier is somewhat atypical of

interns at the site. He is also somewhat atypical in his inter

action with other interns at the site--he is a prominent leader.

His dominant role at the site justifies examining his background

and his motivations for entering the program.

I was a baaaad ass. Excuse the expression,

but I was. Rippin and runnin around. The

only time I would come home was to eat and

wash up. You know hello and goodbye. I was

gone. I dealt with a lot of women which drove

me to drink. I used to drink so much, an I was in and out of the bottle. It was rough

because you had to rap to all these women, you

couldn't run the same line. Wine makes you

want to talk so I drank to talk. It seemed

like nobody cared. All they said to me was

leave and get out. I traveled a lot. I used

to steal, I put businesses out of business.

That's how dangerous I was. I did it alone at

the age of 14 acting crazy and wild. But then

as years passed it started catching up with

me. Police started watching me. I got caught

rippin off this place and that's when it

really hit the fan--cops started noticin' me

cause my name...Wly name is J. B. and they knew

my name. And with a name like that they

didn't forget it.

Why do they call you that?

Well, I got it from my father. They called

him that. The police were always annoying

me. The cops would say 'Hey, and I'd

throw up that middle finger just like that and

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it was a constant everyday thing...." , we gonna get your nigger ass." This is what

they were tenth me- -cops, now and you know

I'd throw up that middle finger...I'd do it to

annoy them cause they were annoying me you

know cause I'm thinking about robbing somebody

and they on my butt constantly. Well I made

few, stings and kept on going to reform school

aqd this and that till I met some dudes and we

decided to make a big, big sting...and we got

popped. I got arrested I went back and forth

to the courts back and forth. Before that I

got arrested for an assault on an officer

and I still say Isin't guilty. Couldn't

prove it cause I couldn't pay enough money for

the serious lawyer you know what I mean...I

stayed in jail going back and forth to court

for about four months...I got four years

probation and I was supposed to be cut loose

but the day before I got the four years

probation (I got into another problem inside

the prison).

When you're indicted they got a-1.20 days

exactly to either give you your trial or they

gotta drop your case and we were asking for a

speedy trial and they were delayin' it. They

were delayin' it. This is This is

like bein down south to me. I'm tellin' you.

You won't believe it. You won't believe it.

It's just like bein' down south. They get you

in their court, they say they're trying to

help you but they're not. The probation

officer I had is now the D.A. Now what kind

of stuff is that? I couldn't believe it and

they sitting there saying "Well, I'm trying to

help you..." In going back and forth to court.

My other case of assault of the cop that I did

not do either is in court and I get a year on

that and all the time I did didn't count. Did

not count. Did not count. They ripped me

off.

Was that around here?

Yeah, at That's a terible place

because there's nothing to do, 4;o all you do

is waste. After the first six months I got to

be in recreation yard. They isolated me from

everybody (for this thing they said I did) and

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I didn't even do nothing, I was innocent. I

used to wake up to nigger every morning for

two weks. It was a real trip and all the

time my mind was going what the hell is going

on?...

When you get marijuana is it a guard sneaking it in or is there

a guy arou ;d with it?

It's respect man, I was there a whole year and

I knew that they didn't care but you had to

respect them. As long as you pat it away when

you heard them coming well with some of the

guards it was cool. The last few minutes

before I got out was the worst of the whole

time. Seemed like the clock stopped.

dealt with it though man. I saw a lot of

people come and go. Crazy people. I actually

saw a man throw a bucket of shit in another

man's.face.

Were there many gay guys?

There were a lot of fags, but you never heard

of anybody gang-banging up there. There were

a couple of fags I used to get to give me back

rubs. I really missed my back rubs in there.

But if they would go too far I'd say look, I

don't play that shit. Some of the faggots

braided hair. You know faggots have deep

voices man, you wouldn't believe it.

Well, after you got out of all that what did you do then?

They isolated us in the most dangerous part of

the place. The roaches had taken over. The

roaches were bold, even in the daytime.

They'd run right over your foot and keep

going. They bite: I got bit on the arm,

neck, and leg. They were just like a calvary. The security there at the jail was

terrible. I learned a lot.

Did it change you?

Yes, man. It made we take a look at myself.

I paid (my dues) man, am I really like this?

It was so aggravating. I hit a an one day

and he fell and almost hit his head on metal.

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I said to myself I could have killed this

man. When you finally got out of jail then what happened? Was it a

long time before you came to CIP?

Yeah.

What did you do between time?

1 was so used to being away from a crowd, I

just stayed home. She took me to a mall one

day and all these people moving, I just wigged

out. I wanted to go back to High, but

that was just to play ball. But I messed up

my leg and had surgery. Then I got a job as

a -- dishwasher.

That's alright, it was a job.

Yeah, I worked there for a while, then I heard

of CIP. So I talked to my father and he had

been wanting me to go to school. But I came

to CIP and I liked it. I know now what I want

to do.

What is that?

Be a hair stylist. There's a lot of money in

it. You know being a stylist. I'm gonna

really try.

That's fantastic. You really made a turnabout didn't you.

Yes, this is really gonna happen. I've gone

through a lot, as far as stealing, I've paid

my dues ani I'm still paying and I don't want

to pay no more. I paid a whole year of my

life and I don't want to waste any more time.

I'm really looking in the right direction.

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3°8
VII. THE PROGRAM COMPONENTS: CORE, SUPPORT, AND IDEOLOGY

A complex organization like LW: of the Career Intern Program

is composed of a number of subsystems that enable it to function.

The author has identified three subsystems that sre critical to

CIP operation: the core, the support, and the ideological subsystems. These subsystems have been abstracted from on-site

observations of program operations supplemented with examination

of evaluation. materials and written records related to the "prototypical progam" in Philadelphia. In addition, retrospective

interviews were conducted with former staff members of the original CIP.

The co g subsystem includes the combined and integrated

patterns of activity that sre directly designed to assist in

transmitting knowledge, skills, behavior patterns, and cultural

values to the interns. This system consists of five CIP components: instruction, counseling, Hands-On, Intern Formalized

Assessment, and program climate.

The ,support, subsystem represents the infrastructure of the

program. It is designed to enable the core components of the

program to operate. The CIP support subsystem includes program

maintenance (rules), personnel qualifications, personnel roles,

curriculum, recruitment, facilities, funds, and materials and

supplies. It also encompasses relations with the LEA, rogations

with the teachers' association, relations with the community and

the local OIC, snd involvement of OIC/A.

The ideological subsystem includes the shared explicit and

implicit knowledge, opinions, values, plans and goals and the

patterned expression of thoughts that describe, explain, and

justify the social structure and organization. CIP ideology is

largely a product of the parent organization's (OIC/A's) ideology. The fundamental elements include: caring about interns,

providing a supportive context for them, providing a realistic

perspective in which they operate, "dealing with the whole intern," maintaining high personal and academic expectation of

interns, and treating interns as (young) adults and individuals.

The Core Program Components

Instruction

CIP provides a learning experience different from that

which is found in the traditional high school. The basic elements

are individualization, use of innovative methodologies and materials, small class sizes (approximately fifteen interns per

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class), and infusion of the academic curriculum with a career

orientation.

Individualization is characterized by interns working at

their own pace, a variety of learning activities, and individual

attention from instructors. Learning packets are a central

feature of the individualized curriculum. These packets are

sequentially. designed materials provided for each intern, such

as math problews or stories accompanied by self-testing questions

and corresponding answers. The packets cover English, social

studies, math, science, and career awareness and planning. The

learning packet format allows interns to work individually, at

their own pace, and at an appropriate level of instruction. The

original packets were those of the developer site and were provided by OIC/A. These packets are being used as is or have been

modified to provide a better catch to interns' needs and curriculum requirements.

Instruction is eclectic in the program. Most instructors

employ a variety of methods including academic problem solving,

role playing, and enrichment activities such as career day seminars and academic and work-related field trips. Traditional

lecturing and whole class activities (all interns occupied with

the same assignment) are present on a limited scale. Individual

and small group activities are the dominant instructional strategies.

Field trips represent an instructional activity intended to

serve a variety of purposes. A minimum of nine field trips are

planned during Phases I and II of the program. Three trips

are related to academic course content, three to career awareness

and planning, and three to general enrichment activities intended

to broaden interns' cultural and experiential horizons. The field

trips are provided to serve cognitive and affective elements of

the formal academic and career exploration segments of the program.

Fused instruction is the guiding principle for instruction.

"Fusing" involves relating careers and the "world of work" to the

academic content of the courses. This makes instruction more

relevant to interns--linking their immediate experience to future

employment options. English, science, social studies, math, and

electives (e.g., typing and art) all are fused with career on

materials, activities, and perspectives.

Finally, the Career Counseling Seminars (CCS) represent the

basic vehicle employed by the program to develop and maintain a

career orientation. The CCS is planned jointly by counselors,

instructors, and career developers, any or all of whom may actually teach classes. Interns attend CCS each day throughout

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their first term in the CIP. CCS focuses on building interns'

self-awareness, an awareness of career possibilities, and an

understanding of the preparation requirements associated with

specific careers. The class also attempts to resist interns

learn to cope with diverse social situations by providing instruction ranging from how to get along with others, to personal

hygiene, to punctuality. World-of-work behavior norms are taught

in CCS, including how to dress and how to communicate in jobrelated situations. Interns prepare two career reports based

on independent research in two career fields. These reports are

intended to familiarize them with the educational and/or training

requirements of career fields in which they are interested,

as well as providing a general knowledge and understanding of

careers. Counseling

Interns receive extensive individualized counseling related

to their personal cont--rna, academic status, and career planning.

Personal counseling directed toward helping them resolve their

own problems, building self-esteem (when appropriate), and developing a sense of responsibility for their own actions. Counseling

sessions are held at least biweekly. Counselors schedule sessions

when interns have not taken the initiative themselves. Personal

counseling is also available to interns regarding both in-program

and outside-the-program concerns. (Friction among interns or

between interns and instructors repreaents an in-program concern.

Needing day-care facilities for interns' children represents an

outside-the-program matter.)

Academic counseling is directed toward assisting interns with

such matters as attendance, grades, the number of credits required

to graduate, courae selection, conflicts with instructors, and so

on. Career counseling is concerned with enhancing career planning

and knowledge among interns. Basically, it aims at acquainting

interns with the world of work (e.g.,show to dreas, how to address

people in authority, the importance of punctuality, when direct

and indirect questions are appropriate in work situations).

Teachers, counselors, and career developers are responsible

for intern career orientation and job placement. They work

together (e.g., through CCS) to assist interns as needed. Career

counseling begins as soon as the intern enters the program. A

Career Development Plan (CDT.) is developed jointly by the intern

and counselor to plan the intern's individual program. It is

subsequently used to inform the intern of his/her progress in the

program. In addition, staff members become familiar with the

intern's career aspirations and career exploration progress and

use this information to assist him or her throughout the program's

three phases.

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Croup counseling or informal "zap" sessions are also arranged

to help interns express their concerns and feelings as a group to

the staff and to each other. Both the individualized and group

counseling sessions reinforce the concept of planning for one's

future and taking responsibility for one's life. Monitoring their

own progress with the CDP helps interns follow through with their

plans. Mapping out specific plans also serves to demonstrate to

interns how:a specific aeries of steps are required to accomplish

one's objectives. The intern is informed of the "game rules,"

where the beginning is, how far away the end is, and what it takes

to get there.

Rands-On

The CIP provides two "Rands-On" experiences for each intern

to demonstrate that a link between school and work exists and that

specific skills are required to function in a "real job."

The Bands -On is a Phaae II activity that explores career fields of

'interest to the interns. Each intern is asked to indicate

two career fields diet are of particular interest at the time of

entry. These two career fields then become the foci of directed

research, and a abort report on each field is required as part of

the Career Counaeling Seminar. The career developers find resource people or agencies who will allow interns to spend a week

at job sites working at or observing typical activities related to

the job. An intern is assigned to spend a week at each of the two

job aites upon successful completion of the first phase of the

CIP.

The Hands-On is intended to give interns a detailed look at

the activities involved in the career fields they have tentatively

decided to enter. It, therefore, plays an important dual role in

the CIP, both in motivating interns to complete the preparatory

work prior to going to the job sites and in informing them about

the real (as opposed to the popularly conceived) activities that a

career entails.

Intern Formalized Assessment and Disposition Conferences

Interns are formally evaluated at three distinct points to

ensure that they keep abreast of their current status in the CIP,

are taking the proper courses, and are progressing in the program

ao as to achieve their high school diploma. Interns are givcn a

diagnostic test upon entry to determine their proficiency and to

provide a baaeline against which to assess their academic needs.

Intern Formalized Assessment is also carried out at the midpoint

and the end of each school term, when instructors assign grades

and credits.

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Disposition conferences also provide information about the

progress of each intern. These conferences involve all the staff

!members who work with the intern and are held at least every

two weeks. Typically, a staff meeting is held after school and

one individual will go through half of the enrolled interns'

folders, reqdesting input regarding each individual's performance. Interns are not present at the disposition conferences.

The relevant points about assessment are that it is done on a

regular, scheduled basis; that all staff members who work with an

intern are involved; and that interns and their parents pre

formally 1'resented with assessment results and asked to get

involved with future planning. These procedures enhance communications among staff, parents, and interns and serve to reinforce

the appropriate attitudes and behaviors needed for this successful

completion of high school. Periodic assessment and feedback helps

interns understand the specific steps or linkages required to

accomplish their objectives and is a means for making sure they do

not fall by the wayside. In addition, it provides a model of

behavior for interns to internalize -- enabling them to make more

accurate self-assessments of their progress.

Program Climate

The program climate is a result of all participants' values,

beliefs, behaviors and communication patterns. However, it is

dominated by the staff due largely to the differential positions

of power they hold in the hierarchical organization. The staff

climate is directed by the program ideology aud is manifested in

various forms, including individualized attention, personalized

counseling, language and dress codes, and attention to interns'

personal as well as school problems. CIP staff expect that they

will be able to prevent interns from being "turned off" as they

were in their former high school by producing a program climate

that is both supportive and motivating.

Staff members attempt to create this type of climate in

several ways. Interns are treated as whole persons. School lives

are not separated from non-academic, family, and community experiences. Also, interns are not sheltered from reality. They

are held responsible for their actions. A maintenance system

(rules and regilations) is established, producing a simulated

world-of-work atmosphere.

To effect the desired motivatim caring climate, communications among staff members and between staff members and interns

are kept open. Staff members attempt to produce settings conducive to learning by maintaining positive attitudes toward interns

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and by not sheltering them. Interns are encouraged by the staff

(and other interns'.) to "hang in there."

Interns' enthusiasm about instruction, positive attitudes

towards the CIP, and diligence about their attendance are indications that the appropriate climate has been created. Other

indications ,include: interns actively involved iu learning

activities (e.g., participating in class discussions) and interns

becoming active in enforcing CIP behavioral norms among themselves.

Core components' interdependence. The core components are

interrelated. Instruction and counseling feed into each other and

are informed by each other. Both components attempt to serve the

intern according to the whole-person concept. The disposition

conferences facilitate interchange among staff members about all

aspects of each intern's life. This mechanism encourages consistent treatment of interns by staff members in both the instructional and counseling departments. It also enhances the probability that all staff members will perceive interns as more than

"studemts" or "counselees" or "kids with family problems" or any

other'narrowly defined role.

The Bands-On experiences also servf. a number of functions

that contribute to interns' progress with respect to both instructional and counseling goals. The infusion of career-related

content into academic instruction further reinforces the holistic

approach of the program. Taken. together, these various elements

of program climate are intended to help change youths' perceptions

of learning, of their post - school prospects, and, most important,

of their own abilities to succeed in leading satisfying and

productive lives.

Supporting Components

Supporting components include the maintenance system (rules

and regulations); CIP personnel; thA curriculum; the recruiting

program; and the facilities, funds, materials, and supplies. They

also encompass relations with the local education agency (LEA);

arrangements with the local teachers' association; the participation of industrial, business, and social agencies in the community; and the roles of OIC/A and the local OIC. All of these

cow-onents serve to facilitate implementation of the core componants.

The Mainteresnce System

The maintenance system is one of the most important supporting components of the program. A maintenance system, according to

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Cusick (1973), includes the body of rules and regulations concerning, for example, apparel, attendance, tardiness, physical altercations, smoking, :he pass system, and the care of school property. This system is designed to support and reinforce various

core activities. The system is administered by the entire staff;

however, primary responsibility lies with the director and middle

management.

The maintenance subsystem is guided by the CIP ideology and

it is one of the most significant tools employed by staff to

produce the program climate alluded to earlier. It enforces

behavioral rules reflecting the realities of the vorld of work.

Interns are held accountable for such infractions as being absent

or late, loitering in the halls, missing assigrqtents, and dressing

inappropriately. Underestimation of the sibAificance of this

component manifests itself in a breakdown of "proper intern

behavior," e.g., tardiness, improper apparel, graffiti, etc. This

component is a vehicle for the staff to express their concern or

care for interns.

Personnel qualifications. The CIP recruits and maintains 41

cadre of motivated, caring instructors, counselors, and career

developers who are sensitive to the needs and concerns of interns=

They also have at least moderate experience both in their fields

of specialization and in alternative educational environments.

Instructors ideally have a minimum of three years' teaching

experience and bachelor's degrees in their oiscipline. Counselors

and career developers with two to.three years' counseling experience, bachelor's degrees, and ability in both personal and vocational guidance are recruited.

A CIP director is expected to have a master's degree in

either education or business administration and five years' experience in educational administration or counseling. He or she

is also expected to have the ability to provide "charismatic"

leadership in "highly unstructured situations" and "under pressure." These qualifications are essential to providing an interface with the LEA and community and to maintaining a cohesive

staff.

The instructional supervisor is the leader of the instructional team. This individual is expected to have at least four

years of teaching experience, a master's degree, certification in

two teaching subjects, the skills to demonitrate innovative and

independent teaching techniques, and the ability to supervise

instructors. These qualifications are desired to ensure that

interns receive high quality instruction.

The career counseling supervisor is charged with supervising

counselors and career developers. This individual is expected to
have not only supervisory experience, three years' experience in

personal and vocational guidance, and an academic degree in a

related field. In addition, he or she should be self-directed and

able to work well in task groups. Together, the two supervisors

are expected to promote and maintain cooperative working relationships among all staff members.

To strengthen the instructional team, a CIP staff includi.1

among its instructors two specialists, cf.te in reading and one

math. Each of these persons should hold a master's degree and

have at least four years of teaching experience. The math specialist should be knowledgeable about "remedial math" and "new

math teaching techniques"; the reading specialist should be

familiar with several reading programs at various reading levels.

Both these staff members serve the function of ensuring that the

CIE accommodates the varying ability levels and needs of the

interns.

The "curriculum liaison/resource center specialist," should

be trained in curriculum and materials development and experienced

in library operations. This individual is selected to provide

aacistance to staff in adapting curriculum and to staff the

library/resource center.

The school coordinator, plays a liaison role between the CIE

and the feeder schools. his person ideally should have eight

years of teaching experience, a minimum of two years' administrative experience, and a master's degree. The school oordinator

may be ( school district employee or a CIP employee; however

the individual's primary responsibility should be to serve the

CIP. The school coordinator selected for the CIE is expected to

be experienced in and familiar with the school district and its

procedures since the role requires extensive contact with the

district. Actual experience in educational settings and dedication to serving the CIP's intended clients are the two primary

attributes expected of all professional staff members.

In addition to the professional staff members, there is a

support staff of two secretaries, one or two "associate professionals" (administrative/teaching aides), and a maintenance/

security person. These individuals also serve significant roles

in the operation of the program. Secretaries must be able to work

under pressure and be sensitive and personable with interns and

staff. Associate professionals must have versatile skills and be

able to substitute at a moment's notice, process requisitions, and

serve as jacks of all trades.

The maintenance/security person primarily must maintain the

appearance of the building. Interns appear to take more pride in

a clean building and it contributes to their morale. In addition,

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this individual is responsible for maintaining the security of the

building, which is an important task given the sites' locations.

Finally, this individual must be interested in helping interns.

The "wrong attitude" can as easily turn an intern away rs a bad

instructor.

Personnel roles. Succtc.sful implementation of the CIP

requires positive relationships and communications among staff

members, and between staff members and interns. Teamwork and open

communications among staff members are necessary to facilitate

treating interns as "whole" persons. Open communication enables

instructors, counselors, and career developers to understand a

given intern's academic and personal situation and problems. They

should, as a consequence, be able to plan activities to assist the

intern. Formal transactions such as staff meetings and disposition conferences and less structured situations provide opportunities for exchange of important information about the program and

the interns. An atmosphere of trust among staff members and the

development of an esprit de corps facilitate open communications.

The CIP director and supervisors are primarily responsible for

creating and maintaining this work environment. Their sensitivity

and competence are thus critical to implementation.

Instructors, counselors, and career developers are expected

to communicate with interns daily. Although separate staff

positions carry specific responsibilities (e.g., "math instructor," "counselor," "reading specialist"), staff members' interactions with interns extend beyond their specific roles. Instructors are expected to demonstrate an interest in the personal

concerns of the intern, counselors and career developers are

expected to demonstrate an interest in the intern's academic

performance, and the school coordinators should also be interested

in and aware of attendance and tardiness patterns.

Strong leadership is essential to maintain the functional

unity of the system. The director is responsible for meeting the

demands of: socializing the staff in their roles, orienting the

interns to CIP academic and behavioral expectations, meeting LEA

requirements for high school graduation, making sure essential

materials and pupplies are available, and planning recruitment

strategies for future interns. In addition this individual is

expected to spend considerable time in the classrooms monitoring

instruction and modeling appropriate teaching techniques. He/she

is also expected to participate in frequent meetings with staff

members to discuss instructional matters and to give in-service

training. Finally, the director's role includes outreach to

the community to create awareness of and support for the local

OIC and OIC/A.

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The instructional supervisor is responsible for infusing the

curriculum with a career orientation, ensuring that intern assess -

,went occurs on a regular basis, and promoting opportunities for

learning beyond those available in traditional classrooms. The

career counseling supervisor's tasks include monitoring the

development and maintenance of interns' Career Development Plans,

developing procedures to track interns' academic and career progress, "rostering" (scheduling) individual interns into classes,

and establishing guidelines for the provision of Hands-On experiences,. on-the-job training, and part- and full-time employment.

The math and reading specialists are instructors who are

expected to provide "intermediate level instructional work."

The reading specialist is also expected to provide assistance

(under the instructional supervisor's guidance) to other instructort for the integration of reading into their subject areas.

Both specialists are resource persons for their colleagues;

however they do not have specific leadership assignments.

The curriculum liaison/resource center specialist has three

main duties: managing the Learning Resource Center, assisting in

curriculum development, and finding suitable instructional materials (when requested by instructors). Finally, the school

coordinator is the normal link between the CIP and the feeder

schools and is responsible for managing the recruitment and intake

of interns.

The roles played by all the CIP staff contribute to the

successful daily operation of the CIP. Management tasks performed

by the director and the supervisors are designed to ensure that

cooperation between the CIP and the feeder schools is achieved.

In addition, management is primarily responsible for maintaining

good relations with the industrial community and maintaining open

channels of communication. among staff. The roles played by the

instructional and counseling staff and other CIP staff are designed primarily to facilitate intern academic achievement and

personal responsibility.

Curriculum. Curriculum was discussed implicitly under

"Instruction,'" It is included here as a discrete supporting

component because the curriculum must be designed to meet both the

requirements of the LEA and the needs of the interns. This

activity is shared by all staff members. It provides the staff

an opportunity to establish working relationships and a sense of

ownership of the program.

Staff endorsement of the CIF curriculum philosophy is clearly

critical to the C/P's successful operation. Such endorsement

entails (a) acceptance of the elements of the core curriculum- -

English, social studies, math, science, and career awareness and

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exploration objectives; (b) subscription to the learning-packet

approach for individualizing instruction; and (c) willingness to

let interns progress at their own rates. The CIP guidelines for

the demonstration indicate that the curriculum is based on two

sources: the objectives provided by OIC/A, especially as manifested in the learning packets developed in the prototype site,

and the local curriculum requirements of the LEA and/or state

authorities'for high school graduation. To generate an appropriate CXP curriculum, these two sources are merged, and new materials are developed along with new methods, as needed to meet

both sets of expectations.

In adapting or developing curriculum units, staff members are

particularly careful to include learning activities that relate

academic content to the "real world" of everyday life and jobs.

This "fusing" of the curriculum provides motivation for the

interns by highlighting the relevance of their academic studies to

the world beyond the school walls.

Recruitment. The CXP serves youth between 16 and 21 years of

age who have dropped out of school or who are at risk of doing so.

The CIP design identifies recruitment strategies that range

from the use of mass media to personal presentations before

community groups to create an awareness of the CXP among these

youths. Emphasis is placed on establishing strong working relationships with "feeder" schools to secure up-to-date lists of

dropouts and potential dropouts.

Once potential interns display interest in the program, they

are tested to see if they meet the reading-ability requirement.

Those who meet the reading requirement are then interviewed, along

with their parents. (They are also requested to complete approximately four hours of psychometric tests for the evaluation.)

Interns are given a two-day orientation upon acceptance into the

CXP before beginning formal diagnostic testing and placement in

the instructional program.

The school coordinator is specifically assigned responsibility for recruitment; however, other staff members and interns

also participate in recruitment efforts as necessary. Parents are

involved in the intake of new interns in the program to develop a

link to the home from the beginning of the program.

Facilities. A building suitable to 'provide offices for

approximately ten staff members and a classroom for each instructor is required. The building is also expected to house a learning resource center (a combination of library, resource center,

and study hall), facilities for physical education, and a cafeteria. Furnishings for the facility include an appropriate number

of tables, desks, and chairs for staff and interns. The LEA is

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expected to provide some of these furnishings as in-kind support

for the CIF.

The local OIC is expected to secure a building. The building

must be able to house the projected CIF enrollment of approximately:150 interns per year. It is also expected to meet minimum

standards of safety and comfort (adequate lighting, heat, lavatories, etc.) for the projected enrollment and to comply with

local building codes. The building should be structurally arranged to facilitate communication, e.g., all classes and offices

within a reasonable proximity and accessible to interns and staff.

Finally, the site should be accessible from the interns' residential neighborhoods.

Funds. The project budget is administered by the local OIC.

The OIC Executive Director formally approves monthly budget

allocations and CIF requisitions. The CIF director, houever, is

given considerable discretion in requesting budget modifications.

Ideally, reasonable requests for funds are honored quickly so as

to prevent any interference with ongoing program activities.

Materials and supplies. Books, learning packets, instructional and career materials, office equipment and supplies, and

the like should be available from the moment operation begins.

Instructors and the curriculum resource specialist have primarily

responsibility for ordering materials throughout the year,

thus ensuring that materials are well matched to the needs of the

interns.

Relations with the LEA. An unusual feature of the CIF is

its status as an autonomous alternative educational delivery

agency that depends on the feeder schools to award diplomas to its

graduates.* This feature, which distinguishes the CIF from virtually all other educational innovations, imposes many requirements on the program. The CIF must accommodate LEA curriculum and

staffing guidelines. It must also secure the LEA's cooperation in

order to identify dropouts and its permission to recruit potential

dropouts. These requirements underscore the importance of establishing good working relationships with the LEA. The task of

doing so falls largely on the CIF director, although the local OIC

is charged with making the initial. rrangements.

There are four significant concerns regarding the CIF-LEA

relationship. First, the CIF career emphasis must be accommodated

within the LEA graduation requirements. Second, since it requires

the LEA's assistance in recruitment (by providing lists of both

*Site A is the only site that has been integrated into the

LEA and awards its own diplomas.

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potential and actual high school dropouts), the CIP must be

accepted by the LEA as a legitimate alternative educational

program. Third, the CIP requires that the local school district

grant credit for such nontraditional activity as the Hands-On

experience and on-the-job training. Fourth, in-kind support from

the LEA may 'be needed in the areas of transportation, physical

education facilities, and even student lunches. LEA cooperation

is expected partially because the CIP is able to serve students

the LEA iiless able to serve. More importantly,. however, there

is a financial incentive. Youth enrolled in the CIP are added to

(dropouts) or remain on (potential dropouts) the student rolls of

the school district. Consequently, students enrolled in CIP

actually bring state monies into the LEA. This mutually advantageous arrangement evolved at the prototype site over an extended

time period but is now an integral part of the CIP model.

Relations with teachers' association. CIP staff members are

expected to be as well qualified as their counterparts in the

public schools. This criterion must be met if the LEAs are

to issue valid scaeemic credits and award regular high school

diplomas (rather than certificates of general equivalency,

or GEDs) to CIP participants. This means that the instructors

(and the counselors in some states) must either be certified or

" certifiable," where certifiable is defined as having completed

all requirementslor certification except for the licensing

procedures themselves. Persons with such qualifications are

likely to belong 'o, or be candidates for membership in, local

teachers' associat ons or unions. At the same time, union policies of hiring and firing on the basis of seniority, of restricting work hours, of controlling salary rates, etc., are often

basically contrary to the CIP philosophy.

Because any attempt to establish sn alternative school that

grants LEA diplomas without the cooperation of the teachers' group

may be interpreted as an attempt to "bust the union," the CIP

requires that program approval and a suitable staffing arrangement be obtained from local teachers' groups in the new sites.

Various issues such as teacher certification and the placement of

union teachers on the CIP staff are usually negotiated so compromises should be agreeable to both parties. A great deal of

flexibility is required to meet local conditions and to obtain the

teacher association's support.

Relations with community. A close relationship betueen the

CIP and the local community is required to ensure that the CIP can

offer a wide variety of appropriate Hands-On experiences to

interns. This bond is formalized through the appointment of an

Advisory Committee that consists of: representatives of industry,

busit ls, government, and education in the community. The Advisory Committee is an important element of the design for three

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reasons: (a) the collective knowledge and perceptions of the

committee are expected to guide the career content and focus of

the CIP to prepare interns for occupations that exist in the

community; (b) the committee members' informal communication

networks can be used to link the CIP to a pool of business firms

and agencies that represent potential settings for the interns'

Hands-On experience; and (c) committee members can be instrumental

in helping4/P graduates giin entry to post-secondary institutions

and job opportunities.

Involvement of interns' parents in the program represents

another form of CIP /community relationship. Parent contact and

orientation is considered important to the CIP, although it is not

frequent. The CIP attempts to foster strong support for the

program by informing parents about their children's progress

periodically and inviting them to contribute to planning interns'

programs. This plan is also expected to lead to favorable community perceptions of the program.

A final aspect of community relations--outreach--is less

formal than the Advisory Committee and parent involvement.

Outreach involves soliciting various community services to publicize the program. The director is primarily responsible for

outreach into a broad spectrum of community groups, agencies, and

media. In general, however,, the entire CIP staff use whatever avenues for outreach to the community are available.

0/C/A role. The demonstration includes a critical role for

"I/A as the developer of the CIP prototype and its disseminator.

u/C/A monitors the ongoing implementation of the CIP, provides

feedback to prevent and solve problems and supplies staff training

and other technical assistance (including troubleshooting to

resolve problems as necessary). 0/C/A also authorizes adaptations

to the CIP model to accommodate the sites' new environments and is

responsible for the sites' compliance to requirements imposed by

the LEAs. An additional OIC/A function is to provide funding and

oversee the sites' fiscal management.

OIC /A developed a catalog listing and describing the technical assistance workshops it could provide the sites. This list

included seven workshops dealing with instruction, seven related

to counseling, and twelve concerned with such general issues as

factors affecting motivation and communication, performance

standards, and management by objectives. 0/C/A also informed the

sites that technical assistance on any aspect of the CIP would be

available as needed.

Local OIC role. The local 0/C is the sponsor of the local

CIP and the intermediary between the program developer (0/C/A) and

the implementors (the CIP staff). The local 0/C uses its contacts

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to introduce the CIP to the community and build support for it.

The local OIC also functions as an intermediary between OIC/A and

the CIP regarding any major concerns or problems faced by the

CIP.

The local OIC extends its technical assistance and resources

to the CIP. The local OIC administers the CIP budget and gives

formal approval to personnel and other significant decisions made

by the CIP director, however OIC also assures the CIP director's

autonomy in many decisions. The local situation determines the

extent of direct involvement the local OIC should have in CIP

operations.

The core and supporting components of the CIP are numerous.

Some are complex; some are straightforward. Both, however, are

dependent on the CIP philosophy or ideology. The CIP.is extremely

dependent on staff members' abilities to assume new roles and

carry out a variety of different functions simultaneously. The

role of ideology serves to facilitate this adjustment providing a

framework for the new behaviors. Constructive working arrangements with the LEA and the teachers' association, and support from

the community are also vital to program operation.

Philosonhv/Ideologv

The CIP philosophy is one of the most significant keys to the

successful operation of the program. It is an extention of the

OIC and OIC/A philosophy, which consists of a fusion between a

humanistic "serving the whole person" concept and a work ethic

ideology. The OIC ideological orientation is congruent with the

underlying ideological orientation of the American economic

system. This match of ideological persuasions serves to help

those presently disenfranchised or alienated from the system "get

their fair share"--whether through the OIC manpower training

programs or through the CIP.

The foundations of the program include: a stable hierarchical managerial framework, individualized attention, a fused

curriculum, a reliably enforced maintenance system, extensive

counseling, Hands-On experience and so on. These features are the

result of translating the OIC philosophy and ideology into practice. The bottom line is, however, an awareness on the part of

the interns that somebody cares and the fact that the program

helps them accomplish their objectives.

An examination of the CIP philosophy and the process by which

it is translated into practice provides insights int.) the dynamics

of program operation. Program components, whether core, support

or ideological, all have multiple overlapping purposes and effects. Salient elements have been abstracted to illustrate the

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interrelated nature of program variables or components. The

major elements include: caring about interns, providing a supportive context for them, providing a realistic perspective in

which they operate, "dealing with the whole intern," maintaining

high expectations for both personal and academic growth, treating

interns as (young) adults, and treating them as individuals.

Caring

Caring about interns is defined as displaying an interest and

concern about the general welfare of the individual -- personally

and academically. This element of the program is manifested in

many forms. Caring is manifested in the core components of the

-program in individualized instruction, extensive counseling, and

just by listening to interns when they are speaking. The maintenance system provides a critical vehicle for transmitting this

concern -- ranging from formal reprimands for lateness, to disapproving looks for inappropriate apparel. Simply commenting casually

on an intern's new shoes, a movie, or a disco beat represents one

of the most typical (and effective) mechanisms for transmitting

staff concern for interns.

Displaying personal concern about interns is not the same as

babying interns, becoming best friends, or maintaining an indiscriminantly lenient relationship with them. The maintenance

of the instructor-intern or counselor-intern role (with its

implied differential power) serves an important function in the

creation of an atmosphere of respect and purposefulness for all

Parties concerned. High expectations represent a form of caring

and should not, according to one instructor, be undermined by

"unearned" leniency, according to one instructor.

Supportive Context

A supportive context for interns is constructed by conveying

a sense of confidence and personal interest in the interns'

ability to succeed. Staff emphasize the need to give the intern

every chance to succeed. Instructors contribute to this context

in a variety of ways. A micro-level teaching technique that

contributes to the overall supportive context of the program, for

example, consists of listening to what interns say and prodding

them to elaborate in class discussions. Providing interns with

almost as many counselors as instructors and enabling interns to

see counselors throughout the day to work out their problems

serves to defuse potential problems and serves to enable interns

to continue in the program.

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The disposition conferences serve to facilitate the sharing

of information about interns, creating a network of concern for

them.

The recruiting of staff members with appropriate academic and

experientil background provsdes one underlying strength of the

program that is essential to the interns' success. These personnel provide interns with the skills required to graduate and

pursue a career. They are also sensitive to the interns' concerns

and are more likely to react. for example, to class disturbances

appropriately--defusing rather than escalating a problem. The

use of a curriculum that "makes sense" to interns and the flow of

funds to maintain operating expenses also represent the underlying

supportive structure that enables interns to function positively

in the program.

Realistic Perspective

A realistic perspective is instilled in the interns by

demonstrating to them the need to understand and follow certain

prerequisste steps in order to accomplish one's objectives. In

general, this is accomplished by providing an educational experience that actually prepares interns for careers in the world

outside. This pragmatic ideological objective is translated into

program practice in a variety of ways. The use of the Career

Development Plan serves to acquaint interns with a map of the

route they must travel to obtain their objectives.

The consequences of assisting interns identify the steps that

must be taken to achieve particular goals, however, can serve to

stifle those same goals. The CIP staff generally try to lead

interns to Lealistic perspectives without "scaring them off."

Preparation for short term jobs can be a useful means of preparing

for larger and larger steps. The danger, however, is that interns

may be intimidated by the long roads ahead of them end their

educational aspirations may suffer as a result.

Staff members who are able to maintain the perspective that

interns should be placed in "meaningful jobs" rarely encounter

problems of this nature. Awareness that the implicit objectives

of the program include upward mobility seems to help staff engender intern optimism that career objectives can be achieved.

This point will be discussed in more detail in the following

chapter.

Intern Formalized Assessment represents a (realistic) feedback mechanism to let interns and their parents know how far and

haw well they have progressed in the program. The maintenance

system is a means of providing interns with consistent reminders

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IM:Ip

and reinforcements concerning the necessary steps required to

accomplish one's objectives in the outside world. Punctuality,

appropriate apparel, appropriate language codes, and completion of

assignments are reinforced by the maintenance system; failure

to meet these demands is negatively reinforced* in the form of

warnings, consultations and disciplinary action.

The CIlwprepares interns for real careers, sensitizing them

to and eneurturating them with career-related concern, such as the

importance of hard work, dedication, punctuality, and appropriate

language and apparel through its fused curriculum, its maintenance

system, and various other :veans. The program staff provides

interns with the opportunity to formulate educational and career

goals (CDP). They else treat interns in a manner that indicates

that these plans and goals are to be taken seriously. Career

developers contribute to this goal by making interns' school

experience as close to the reality they are likely to encounter as

possible, e.g., Hands-On experience. In addition, they contribute

to this goal by keeping up with the changing job market interns

will enter. Fundamentally, however, the program staff, through

various means discussed above, attempt to prepare interns for the

real world by "forcing" them to recognize that they are responsible for their own actions. As one instructor commented: ."If

they want to make it, I'll help them, but its up to them in the

final analysis, they've got to put out."

Deallag with the Whole Intern

0

Dealing with the whole intern involves taking the intern's

personal life into consideration when analyzing or assisting

interns. Academic growth and Personal well being are regarded as

mutually interdependent. Instructors and counselors both contribute to the intern's plans and progress through the CIP in disposition conferences and in daily interaction. Staff members consider

teaching interns to "follow expected social norms" in postsecondary education and work to be as important as cognitive and

effective growth. Self presentation skills are stressed as

strongly as the acquisition of academic skills. The interns' life

outside of school is always taken into consideration in assessing

an intern's progress iu the program. Parents, guardians, friends,

probation officers, and so on are involved through home visits,

phone calls, and Invitations to the school (open house) as needed

or when appropriate. Basically, the interrelationship of the

intern network of personal and academic associations and activities are taken into consideration in an attempt to assist the

intern- -both inside and outside of the program.

*Negative reinforcement is often pc.:Ieived as a form of

caring and attention by interns.

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High Expectations

All staff members maintain high expectations for interns,

both personally and academically. This positive attitude is

important as the consequences of low expectation on academic

achievement, (e.g., learning to read) for inner city students have

been well dOcumented in the literature (Rosenfield, 1971; Rist,

1970; Spindler, 1974; McDermott, 1974). Instructors expect and

demand interns to complete assigned work (and on time) and

challenge unsupported intei.n views--often using values clarification or inquiry method skills--without intimidating the interns.

Counselors are also "demanding"--emphasizing the peed to

"stick with it" (the CDP). They also promote high standards

in the areaa of politeness and common courtesy; e.g., not allowing

interns to interrupt an ongoing discussion, encouraging the use

of "proper" language (no vulgarities in their presence). In

addition, the use of black English vernacular is discouraged in

formal interactiona. Croup counseling sessions and assemblies are

held periodically when the behavior of a large number of individuals doea not match the staff's high expectations.

The maintenance system is used as a mechanism to remind

interns of the staff's high expectations of them, e.g., passes are

required from counselors for lateness, individuals are reminded

(subtly or overtly) to remove their hats in the building, the

vernacular is considered inappropriate for guests and formal

classroom activities, etc. Behavior on field trips is expected to

be exemplary--lively but within the "boundariea of acceptable

behavior" according to two instructors. Field trips implicitly

represent a test of how well interns are internalizing the high

standards of conduct expected of them in the program context.

Treat Interns as (Young) Adults

Treating interns as (young) adults involves iteracting with

interns in a manner that acknowledges they are responsible for

their own actions and should be allowed to take a major role in

planning their future. One of the problems interns enc-untered in

the regular public high achool was that they felt they were

treated like children with no opportunity to plan their future.

The staff are aware of the interns' former experiences and their

social responsibilities; however, they also recognize that

they are yi:g.tn adults--that they are not fully responsible adults.

Interns are respected but not treated as co-workers or equals.

The role and power positions between instructor and interns

are allowed to function in these situations. The relationship

also serves as a model of future employer-employee relationships.

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The program uses the COP to foster greater intern responsibility

and uses the maintenance system to reinforce behavioral patterns

required to meet the accepted behavioral codes or norms of adult

employment. A delicate balance must be maintained between

treating interns as adults and simultaneously recognizing their

youth and need for guidance.

Treat Interns as Individuals

Treating interns as individuals involves recognizing and

respecting the intra-cultural diversity that exists among them.

Interns are not all alike. Each intern has cn individual personality with specific talents and abilities, interests, likes,

and dislikes. Many of the interns are leaders, as an examination

of their"lives reveals, and have stood out from the crowd for a

long time. In fact, approximately 15% of this interns at each site

listed associations with the "wrong crowd" as a major contributing

factor to their dropping out of school. (This is a point requiring emphasis because it has not been reported in the literature to

date as a significant basis for dropping out.)

While other interns have shown less overt individuality,

many have experienced the harsh injustices of discrimination--

racial and academic. Large numbers report having been viewed as a

homogeneous group by teachers (racially or academically) for

years. Some have protested this treatment in expressions ranging

from classroom outbursts to vandalism to graffiti on the bathroom

walls. One intern complained "you tell em but they can't hear

ya...they just don't listen" and "they don't even remember your

n am e. "The CIP staff remembers the interns' names but, more important, they treat interns as individuals with individual problems

and concerns. Individualized instruction is used to attend to

individual academic needs. Personal counseling is used to address

individual concerns such as parental problems, a need for day care

facilities for children, and severe personality clashes with

instructors. Career developers attempt to secure Hands-On experiences that reflect intern interests. In addition, staff members

take a personal interest in individual interns, e.g., discussing

movies seen, music mutually enjoyed, politics, and even the

weather.

OIC /A Philosovhv/IdeoloRy

The CIP philosophy is a direct extension of the OIC and OIC/A

philosophy, which is based on serving people. The foundations

of the movement/organization are deeply embedded in the church;

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however, the philosophy and ideological orientation have been

primarily manifested in manpower training programs. The most

central themes of the OIC philosophy are service to the whole

person and helping people help themselves.

OIC/A was originally established to serve' the needs of

"disadvantaged, poor, unskilled, and unemployed minority People in

Philadelphia." Fran this beginning it has expanded its programs

and services. nationwide while remaining a communitybased manpower

training program. Throughout its dramatic growth, OIC has kept

its roots tied to the church. OIC/A's convocation literature

discussed the significance of this linkage:

In no small measure, OIC owes its success to

the direct involvement of religious leaders...

The greatest strength for continued survival,

growth and progress of an OIC movement rests

with its community based roots and the time

tested support of the church. The OIC commun

ity base is people. The firm religious foun

dation is the underlying force which founded

and developed OIC. (14th Annual Convocation,

April 1978)

OIC has served as a revitalization group through its training

programs, special job creation programs for youth and others, and

community investment cooperatives. Its aim has been to serve

those people, those most in need--to pull them in "off the streets

if necessary"--often through church and neighborhood networks that

are instrumental in coordinating, recruiting, and making referrals

and placements within communities across the nation.

Manpower training programs represent the most typical OIC

vehicle for serving people throughout the United States. The

programs offer GEDs and job training in such areas as welding,

plumbing, drafting, auto body repairs, banking, police work, etc.

OIC local programs have trained individuals in over 75 different

skill areas. Furthermore, they have trained over 426,000 persons

and placed over 270,000 in meaningful, rather than "dead end,"

jobs. OIC is proud that it has significantly reduced welfare

roles and is quick to point out that over onethird of their

trainees were on welfare before coming to OIC. The organization

calculates that OIC alumni have contributed an estimated "$600

million to the national economy in tax dollars alone." In addi

tion, OIC has provided extensive exploration/training programs

that assist individuals gain entry to careers that require post

secondary education. OIC has grown into a total economic develop

ment and job creation movement that serves an interracial cross

394

4 00
section of the unskilled, unemployed, and disadvantaged in more

than 140 communities both in the United States and abroad.

The key to Olem philosophy (and, in turn, CIes philosophy)

is self-help and service to the whole person. The significance of

these concepts is illustrated in the OIC/A annual report:

*screens people in, not out. OIC welcomes

the poor, members of minority group, those

who cannot speak English, the handicapped,

drug abusers, alcohol abusers, youth, women,

ex-offenders and bons-weary, discouraged

Job-seekers. OIC says to them all; "EVERYBODY CAN BE SOMEBODY." This is not just a

catch - phrase. It is a fact which OIC has

proved through fourteen years of helping

disadvantaged people to develop their abilities. OIC knows that a structure is needed to

help disadvantaged people bridge the gap

between their capabilities and the requirements of a productive, technological society.

Vhat people need is a hand up, not a handout.

The OIC comprehensive program is founded on

this OIC self help, whole person philosophy.

It provides specific services to meet tae

specific needs of each trainee for personal

and occupational growth. OIC recognized

quickly that to help disadvantaged and

minority people the program must include

assistance in overcoming individual and family

problems that inhibit learning, while also

providing personal attitude and motivation

development.

OIC is committed to the viability of the existing economic

system. These activities, therefore, are aimed at working within

the system --to help disenfranchised alienated individuals and

groups "claim their fair share" of the pie and to "break the cycle

of poverty."

These endeavors (developing tr.liniug programs

and community investment cooperatives) are being undertaken to enable wage earners to

improve the living conditions and services in

poor communities, and to enable them to claim

395

410
their fair share of the economic life of the

nation. Earning, investing, establishing

businesses and cooperative community improvement endeavors are all building blocks which

will enable people to better their own standard of living, and also to break up the

cycle of poverty before its destructive

effects are felt by the next generation.

(Opportunities Industrialization Centers of

America, 1977)

The theoretical underpinnings of the OIC philosophy are based

on the Protestant (or work) ethic (Weber, 1958). Hard work,

delayed gratification, saving, orientation toward the future,

emphasis on competence and pride in one's work, attendance,

punctuality, and proper appearance are all fundamental elements of

the work ethic on which the American economic system is founded.

OIC adherence to the work ethic ideology is reflected in the

emphasis on giving people "marketable skills" in the labor force

as a solution to their problems. In addition, their ideological

base is explicitly stated in OIC/A literature.

OIC is premised on the work ethic. In a

rapidly advancing technological world people

must learn skills and develop themselves to a

point where they can enter the work force as

capable contributors. Our goal is to give

people marketable capabilities. 0/C's close

link with business and industry at the national and local levels gives us a realistic

view of what OIC trainees must be able to do

in order to qualify for current and future

labor force needs. Close contact with the

community, in the streets of major urban

centers and small rural towns, enables OIC to

develop programs which reach the severely

disadvantaged and bring them out of a world of

dependency, hopelessness and hostility and

into a world of competence and pride in their

area of work. (Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America, 1977)

Fundamentally 0/C's work ethic ideology and humanistic

philosophy of serving people -- particularly people presently

disenfranchized from "the system" (both black and white) has

carried over to the CIP design and implementation. The CIP

approach of caring, providing a supportive context,, treating

interns as individuals and adults, providing a realistic perspective for interns, and maintaining high expectations both

396

411
4""

personally and academically, is a true embodiment of OIC's ideological/philosophical orientation.

Failure is seen by program staff as a function

of social and economic factors, while blame is

not theirs, the responsibility for success is.

(Gibboney Associates, 1977, p. 182)

Summary of Core Support and Ideology Components of CIP

A complex organization like that of the Career Intern Program

is composed of a number of subsystems that enable it to function.

The author has identified three subsystems that are critical to

CIP operations the core, the support, and the ideological subsystems. These subsystems have been abstracted from on-site

observations of program operations supplemented with examination

of evaluation materials and written records related to the "prototypical progam" in Philadelphia. In addition, retrospective

interviews were conducted with former staff members of the original CIP.

The core subsystem includes the combined and integrated

patterns of activity that are designed specifically to assist in

transmitting knowledge, skills, behavior patterns, and cultural

values 'to the interns. This system consists of five CIP colorponentss instruction, counseling, Hands-On, Intern Formalized

Assessment, and program climate.

The CIP core subsystem encompasses three overlapping phases

(see Figure 5). In the first phase, instruction and counseling

departments work together to assist the intern in Oveloping a

Career Development Plan (CDP)--charting the intern's future in the

program. The CDP is one of the program's core components.

Instruction provides a core curriculum and fused academics,

as well as implicitly providing such world-of-work rules of

behavior as coming to class on time, completing assignments on

time, etc. The Career Counseling Seminar (CCS) is taught jointly

by counselors and instructors and it explicitly, provides world-ofwork knowledge, e.g., appropriate dress, attitudes, etc.

Intern Formalized Assessment is conducted at the beginning of

the intern's program (diagnostic testing) and at the middle and

the end of each school term. This assessment provides a means to

monitor the progress of each intern so no one "falls through the

cracks" as in public school.

397

412
Phase I Instruction Counseling

COP

CCS

Phase II Hands-On

Phase III Grad

Figure 5, CIP core components

398

413
In Phase II the intern goes on two Hands-On experiences and

continues academic courses required to graduate. The Hands-On

serves to demonstrate that learning specific skills and taking

specific steps in the program are related to "real" work outside

the program. The Hands-On is a glimpse of the final goal in the

program.

Phase III involves graduation from the program; attainment of

a high school diploma; and placement in a job, in an on-the-job

training program, or in advanced education. The entire process

serves as a model of how the rational bureaucratic process

operates. It reinforces the idea that specific steps or objectives are required to accomplish one's goals.

The support subsystem represents the infrastructure of the

program. It is designed to enable the core components of the

program to operate. The CIP support subsystem includes program

maintenance (rules), personnel qualifications, personnel roles,

curriculum, recruitment, facilities, funds, and materials and

supplies. It also encompasses relations with the LEA, relations

with the teachers' association, relations with the community and

the local OIC, and involvement of the OIC/A (see Figure 6).

The program maintenance component is one of the most significant features of the support subsystem. This component includes

the body of rules and regulations concerning apparel, attendance,

tardiness, physical. altercations, smoking, the pass system, and

care of school property. This component is designed, to support

and reinforce various core activities. It enforces behavioral

rules reflecting the realities of the world of work. Underestimation of the signifiacne of this component manifests itself in a

breakdown of "proper intern behavior," e.g., tardiness, improper

apparel, graffiti, etc. This component is a vehicle for the staff

to express their concern or caring for interns.

Recruitment of interns is accomplished with the assistance of

the feeder schools, which provide lists of potential interns and

transcripts to the school liaison person. This process provides

the program with its most essential component--interns. Recruitment is predicated on constructive working relations with the LEA

as negotiated by the local 01C, the CIP director, and, if necessary, OIC/A. A constructive working relationship is also required

between the CIP and the LEA to function in the city and to secure

diplomas for graduating interns.

Sound working relationships are also required between the

CIP and the community to provide Hands-On experiences for the

interns. This type of relationship with the community also

assures the program of a steady supply of potential interns and

lessens the probability of community misperception of the GIP.

399
OIC A

w blnion ->1l .EA <-> IC/Tirec

Program

Coordinator

Accred I

Gr d

Hands On

IInstructors

Counselors

A

Interview I

A

I Recruit I Interns

OICIA

>lInstructional

Supervisor

*Mr OD Community

Advisory Board

Outreach

i

Career Counseling

Supervisor and

Career Developers

Career

Counseling (-419tiloI

Supervisor

Figure 6. Supporting components

400

415
OIC/A is the most encompassing element of the support subsystem as monitor, technical assistant, and disseminator. OIC/A

is responsible for providing the information required to start up

and operate the program and can intervene in internal as well as

external program matters as deemec necessary (e.g., LEA negotiations, replacing staff, etc.). OIOA administers the CIP through

the local OIC; however, it also interacts with the CIP directly,

e.g., contacting the CIP director, conducting workshops for the

instructional or counseling staff. In addition, OICIA provides

the instructional staff with the basic core curriculum and fused

academic approach--with learning packets and training in individualizing the pace and content of instruction. Similarly OIC /A

trains the counseling staff in the OIC/A philosophy and methods of

counseling. 41C/es most pervasive support comes in the formof

transmitting the OIC/A ethos and philosophy, characterized by

Reverend Sullivan's motto, "We help ourselves." The CIP philosophy is a product of the OIC/A philosophy and ideology, and it

guides the entire program.

The ideological subsystem includes the shared 'explicit

and implicit knowledge, opinions, values, plans and goals, and

the patterned expression of thoughts that describe, explain, and

justify the social structure and organization. The CIP ideology

is one of the most significant keys to the successful operation of

the program. The ideology informs program practice in the same

manner that theory informs methodology in social science. CIP

ideology is largely a product of the parent organization's (OIC/

A's) ideology. OIC/A's ideology consists of a fusion between a

humanistic "serving the whole person" concept and a work-ethic

ideology. The OIC ideological orientation is congruent with the

underlying ideological orientation of the American economic

system. This match of ideological persuasions serves to help

those presently disenfranchised or alienated from the system "get

their fair share"--whether through the OIC manpower training

programs or through the CIP. The fundamental elements of the CIP

ideology include: caring about interns, providing a supportive

context for them, providing a realistic perspective in which they

operate, "dealing with the whole intern," maintaining high personal and academic expectation of interns, and treating interns as

(young) adults and individuals.

These components of the ideological subsystem are discussed

briefly below:

Caring about interns is defined as displaying an interest

and concern about the general welfare of the individual--both

personally and academically.

A supportive context for interns is constructed by conveying

a sense of confidence and personal interest in the interns'

401

41.6
ability to succeed. Staff emphasize the need to give the intern

every chance to succeed.

A realistic per is instilled in the interns by

demonstrating to them the need to understand and follow certain

prerequisites, in order to accomplish one's objectives. In general, this is accomplished by providing an educational experience that actually prepares interns for careers in the world

outside.

The CIP staff generally try to lead interns to realistic

perspectives without "scaring them off." The danger, however, is

that interns may be intimidated by the long roads ahead of them

and their aspirations may suffer as a result. Staff members who

are able to maintain the perspective that interns should be placed

in "meaningful. jobs" rarely encounter problems of this nature.

Dealing with the whole intern involves taking the intern's

personal life into consideration when analyzing or assisting

interns.

All staff members maintain high expectations for interns,

both personally and academically. Instructors expect and demand

interns to complete assigned work (and on time) and challenge

unsupported intern views - -of ter. using values' clarification or

inquiry method skills -- without intimidating the interns.

Counselors are also "demanding"--emphasizing the need to

"stick with it" (the CDP). They also promote high standards in

the areas of politeness and common courtesy; e.g., not allowing

interns to interrupt an ongoing discussion; encouraging the use of

"proper" language (no vulgarities in their presence).

Treating interns as (young) adults involves interacting with

interns in a manner that acknowledges they are responsible for

their own actions and should be allowed to take a major role in

planning their future.

Fundamentally, however, it is OIC's work-ethic ideology and

humanistic philosophy of serving people -- particularly people

presently disenfranchised from "the system" (both black and white)

that has carried over to the CIP design and implementation. The

CIP approach of caring, providiaz a supportive context, providing

a realistic perspective in which interns operate, "dealing with

the whole intern," maintaining high expectations both personally

and academically, and treating interns as individuals and adults

is a true embodiment of OIC's ideological/philosophical orientation.

Failure is seen by program staff as a function

of social and economic factors, while blame is

402

44.1./i
not theirs, the responsibility for success is.

(Gibboney Associates, 1977, p. 182)

Figure 7 summarizes the interrelationship between the core and supporting components discussed above while Figure 8 summar- ises ideological components. Figure 9 provides an overall perspective on subsystem and component interrelationships.

403

Al 8
OIC/A

ENABLING

Instructional.

Curriculum )1 Supervisor

Recruit

Program

Coordinator

UM= LEA Att---

Supervisor IC-1_ Philo I

Career Counseling

TREATMENT

I Instructors <> Counselors

CDP

.CCS

II Hands On

III Graduate

ECU' Direct)r

I COMMUNITY

-411' ADVISORY BOARD I OUTREACH I

Figure 7. Interrelationships between Core, Supporting

and Ideological Components

404
Extension of OIC/A Philosophy

and Ideological Orientation

Examples of how philosophy

translates into program prac

tices

CIP PHILOSOPHY CIP PRACTICE (Examples)

Caring about interns

Providing a supportive

context for interns

Providing a realistic

perspective

Dealing with the

whole intern

Maintaining high expectations of interns-personally

and academically

Individualized instruction

Extensive counseling

Commenting on new shoes

High expectations

Listen to what interns say

Provide almost as many counselors as instructors

Disposition conferences

Recruit qualiLied staff

COP

Intern formalized assessment

Maintenance System

Fused curriculum

Hands-on

Responsible for one's own

actions

Disposition conference

Academic and personal life

Daily interaction

Attention to apparel, language,

walk and hygiene

Home visits, phone calls

Instructors demand completed

assignments (on-time)

Counselor insists stick with

GDP (unless inappropriate)

Politeness and courtesy emphasized

Group counseling assemblies

Maintenance system, field trips

Figure 8. Ideological components of the CIP, based on OIC/A

work ethic ideology (pelf -help or "we help ourselves") and

humanistic philosophy (serve-the-whole-person concept)

405

420
CIP PHILOSOPHY

Treating interns as

(young) adults

Treat interns as individuals

CIP PRACTICE (Examples)

Responsibility for own actions

emphasised

Major role in planning future

Respect intern experience and

social responsibilities

Instructor-intern relationship

used as model for future

employment roles

CDP foster responsibility

Maintenance system reinforce

behavior paLLerns

Intracultural diversity emphasised

Ind; Idual personalities,

leaders

Some not want "wrong ground"

Racial and academic discrimination of past (thought of as

homogeneous group

Individualised instruction

Personal counseling

Career developer secures Handson regarding intern interest

Staff displays individual personal concern

Figure 8: (continued)

406

421
GOAL

'Facilitate Transit from,'

School to Work

`Diploma

Improve Basic Skills

Enhance Career Plan

and Knowledge

Learn World of Work

. Behavior

TREATMENT

Interns

1 Phase

Instruction 1 ounseling.

cademic

CDP Personal j

!Career

COS

Intern Formalized

Assess

=ill.

Graduate

Vocat Train

Job

Advan Educ

INABLI-3

Instructors 1 Professional >isounseligri Develo er

Associate Career

Instructional

Supervisor

Career

Counseling

St24-vi"r

sctio;c7T7

Coordi

nator

COMMUNITY

ADVISORY BOARD

OUTREACH

Director

Union

r4

to

DEMONSTRATION AND EVALUATION

1-111N/E'-'31" AMC

Figure 9. Overall perspective on CIP subsystem

and component information.

407

422
VIII. ETHOS AND INTERRELATIONSHIPS: "TREATMENTS" AND "OUTCOMES"

Ethos is the fundamental values or spirit of a group that

distinguishes it from other groups. One of the objectives

of the CIP replication effort was to reproduce the character of

the Philadelphia site--according to the spirit not the letter of

the model.

Because the climate at each site offers a useful indication

of the site's ability to recreate the ethos of the prototype

climate, detailed site-by-site analyses of the program climates

were undertaken in March 1979). These analyses served to document

the basic functional interrelationships of the program components

and intern-staff interaction patterns. These patterns and inZerrelationships, in turn, help identify many of the significant

manifest outcomes of the core, support, and ideological components

of the program as well as outcomes due to extrinsic factors.

The program climates were re-examined in August 1979 and led

to new insights regarding relationships between outcomes and

program components as between outcomes and significant extrinsic

factors. A srcond reason for undertaking to update of the program

climate analysis was to examine the cyclical nature of the program

in its developmental stages. (There are many fluctuations in

program climate that correspond to subcycles in the program operation, e.g., new cohorts of interns entering the program, seasonal

differences and various factors both intrinsic and extrinsic to

the program.)

A brief sketch of some of the significant relationships

between various levels of "treatments" and corresponding "outcomes

,* is presented below following each program climate description. The purpose of these sketches is to translate the descriptions into the language of treatment and outcome relationships

that characterize program operations. The interrelationships have

been classified according to the following categories: adaptive

relationships intrinsic to program operation, adaptive relationships extrinsic to program operation, maladaptive relationships

intrinsic to program operation, and maladaptive relationships

extrinsic to program operations. The first two categories involve

relationships that have constructively contributed to program

operation--one from within and one from outside sources. The

second two categories involve relationships that have destructively affected program operation- -one from within and one from

outside sources. All of these categories of interrelationships

require examination in order to fully understand the dynamics of

program operations at each site. Dominant relationships that

exist across sites are summarized in the conclusion of the study.

408

423
There are many apparent relationships between specific

program components, features, or traits and specific outcomes on

various levels. None of these relationships, however, exists in a

vacuum. Specific "treatments" can be identified as one of the

most significant factors contributing to a specific outcome;

however, the effect of a specific treatment is dependent upon the

total configuration of the variables in the environment. For

example, counseling in a small supportive environment where most

of the staff are aware of the intern's personal antazcademic

problems is' totally different from counseling a atuRRE in the

overcrowded urban high school where "no one knows anyone" except

"the friends you hang out with and a few teachers."

As discussed earlier, the premise underlying the analysis

presented htre is that the program is a total sociocultural system

within which all components are functionally integrated. The

various relationships discussed following each site description

are used only to highlight the significance of various components

and the outcomes to which they contribute. The same components

might be associated with different outcomes in a different sociocultural system or program context.

Site A

The climate at Site A approximated many of the features

described in Zhe idealized model of the program. Instructors

employed the individualized approach with interns working on

various assignments at their own pace and receiving frequent

tutoring. Instructors were periodically observed attempting to

relate their subject matter to career and "real life" situations.

Math class used advertisements in newspapers to conduct cost

comparisons of various products and to figure out when a discount

or sale vas really a bargain or just a gimmick.

A major problem detracting from the program climate and

directly contributing to higher rates of intern absenteeism was

the absence or excessive and repeated late arrival of several

instructors and counselors. This situation affected staff moral

because many individuals appeared "to get away with it" without

being penalized. Staff members complained of "inconsistent

messages" and blamed the problem on "weak management" and poor

communications from administration to staff. Many staff members

felt frustrated in their attempts to do their job when requests

were botticaecked at administrative levels of both the CIP and

the OIC.

Counselors described their typical day as "hectic, with lots

of discipline, documentation, counseling sessions, telephone calls

to parents, and meetings with staff." In their opinion, the CIP

409

4 2 4
is a "program that recognizes barriers to learning that are not

academic." They described the interns as youth with "nontraditional problems," including cases of pregnancy, housing

problems, court appointments, and need for welfare aid. In

addition to academic and career counseling, interns receive of

critical auxiliary services at the CIP, such as arranging for

babysitting (approximately 10Z of the interns are single mothers),

accompanying. interns to juvenile court to report on their current

progress, mIld finding part-time employment for them since many

interns need spending money for clothing and transportation.

Substantial amounts of counselor effort went into motivating

interns to attend classes on time. 'While effecting behavioral

change in this area is slow, given the fact that many interns come

to the CI? "completely turned off by school," counse1010 stated

that interns were making progress and that "interns who fifised two

classes a day had improved to a ten-minute tardiness." Much

time was also spent with interns going over their personal files

and transcripts. In the opinion of one counselor, this process is

critical because "some students have never had information given

to them, shared with them or (they( have never been made aware of

time frames and planning." In referring to her counselor, an

intern who "had been kicked out of school," commented: "She is

really sweet. Helps me a lot with real problems and school

problems. If I have trouble getting up, she'll call me up before

it's too late." Another intern said: "Counselors are nice. My

counselor has helped me get avery good job at I'll be

assistant secretary." For some interns, staff concern for their

personal situations provided an important element in their

lives. For their part, counselors reported that "with those

students (with whom) we have been successful, it has taken a great

deal of one-to-one meetings, with one counselor and also with a

career developer."

Instructors tended to emphasize academic concerns and to

refer interns to counselors as soon as they detected personal

problems. The weekly disposition conferences contributed a great

deal toward implementing a "whole person" approach by allowing

input from all segments of the staff regarding the intern's

academic and personal life.

Interns reported as one of the most important features of the

program, the personalized approach they received from most instructors and being allowed to proceed at their own pace. They

also mentioned the importance of the constant feedback they

received from both instructors and counselors about their on-going

academic progress.

In most cases, the CIP helped the interns by giving them

special attention. Interns believed CIF has helped them, as one

intern explained:

410

Awq)
At the CIP I have also learned how to, control

my temper. Mary (counselor) and Debbie

tinstructori have helped me, sometimes in

class, sometimes out. If I feel pretty bad

they will take time out with me. That's good.

I..came with zero credits to the CIP. Now I

taqe eleven.

In other cases, self-directed interns reported the CIP helped

them by providing a setting where they can learn. A very articulate intern described his former educational system and personal

experience at the CIP in the following manner:

My former high school was not a pleasant

place. The attitude and environment was not

conducive to learning as opposed to being

exposed to juvenile and delinquent elements.

The learning experience was hampered by the

amount of illegal. experience. You had a lot

of coeftement, peer pressure. The incentive

for not going to school was a lot more pleasurable in many cases.

I knew a long-time ago about the GED but I

wanted a high school diploma. The CIP is

helping me attain 'y goals plus a few things I

didn't expect. My ttendance is good. I turn

in my homework. 1 am not disrespectful. I

take my books home. My field of endeavor is

already chosen. I want to go into business

administration or management._ I'll be graduating next March."

Staff members also made use of their function as role models

to assist interns. Instructors and counselors reported that. the

interns "feel more comfortable with their problems" when they know

that staff members have faced similar problems at school or in

their lives. Therefore, in the CCS class, staff members discussed

their own personal experiences and problems in order to gain the

interns' confidence.

Support was given to the interns not only effectively; as

described above, but also financially. In an ingenious instance

of federal programs helping one another, many CIP interns (approximately one-third) also participated in the Youth Work Program and

the Youth Incentive Entitlement Training Program, which provided

411

426
income for the interns. Interns were also recipients of services

normally granted by the public high schools, such as free lunches

and transportation.

While CIP staff members had some real dissatisfaction with

their salaries, which were described as "much lower" than those in

the LEA, the)i conveyed a feeling of commitment to the program and

felt that they are being successful. Despite this and other

manifestations of the "austerity budget," most of them were very

happy to work at the CIP and made comments such as "I have found

myself in here"; "I'm anticipating the CIP really to be great." A

counselor said:

We have graduated people. We have placed

them in careers and in college. We have taken

people who would have done nothing with their

lives and redirected them.

An instructor noted with enthusiasm:

There is the case of this girl who attended

three quarters at the CIP and got no credit.

Then at the fourth quarter she's attending all

classes and getting all A's.

Much of the supportive and encouraging climate present at the

CIP was made possible by the small size of the program. It had an

enrollment of about 100 and class sizes were kept under 20. Both

interns and staff members were aware that the small size of the

program made a difference. in instructor observed: "I'd hope

that they would never have to have CIPs in places larger than

this. Rids pick up a kind of surrogate family here."

While a supportive climate pervaded the CIP, rules governing

attendance and dress did not appear to be vigorously enforced.

Tardiness during the first period when the CCS is offered was

severe. It was also quite noticeable in other classes. Attendance was also a problem, averaging around 60% but lower on

Fridays. Regarding discipline, the attitudes of teachers and

counselors did not appear consensual: some were annoyed at the

interns' behavior and enforced some conduct and dress rules 4..n their own; others took a laissez-faire approach. Expressing

dissatisfaction in this regard, one counselor said, "Our problem

is that we haven't been too effective in discipline. The inability to implement the intern's code of conduct, for ..nstance.

You have to get support all the way down the line. It's important

to be consistent with our policy."

412

7
Site Abed a very active intern council, which met weekly and

was attended by one member of the CIP's Advisory Committee. Its

most important agenda, at the last time the CIP was observed, was

to deal with the problems of attendance, class cutting, and the

dress code. This concern was a clear indication of how older

interns at the CIP try to socialize new interns to the expected

norms. Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operations

1. intensive counseling according to the whole person

concept (inside and outside the program) enhanced intern

coping strategies, i.e., controlling one's temper, and

contributed to regular attendance patterns.

2. providing a supportive context contributed to interns

studying, selecting a career, and earning a diploma,

according to interns and staff members.

3. providing auxiliary services, e.g., day care service,

enabled interns with children to attend the CIP on a

regular basis.

4. existence of the program enabled interns to enter careers

and college.

Meladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. absence of enforced rules regarding lateness and apparel,

for example, contributed to repeated intern tardiness (often leading to absences) and maladaptive selfpresentation skills, e.g., inappropriate clothing for

"world of work" culture.

2. absence or inconsistent use of the maintenance system

was periodically interpreted as a form of "not caring."

The validity of the intern's interpretation was not

important. Their perception or interpretation contributed to the lack of motivation responsible for their many

absences.

3. inadequate administrative support served to "bottleneck"

necessary requests (e.g., for materials).

4. "weak" management contributed to staff absences which

led, in turn, to intern absences. Staff were frustrated

(some were job hunting on office time) and maintained

irregular attendance patterns. Interns who.came to see

specific personalities lost interest in attending if

their "teacher" was not present.

43.3

4 2,9
5. "loyal" staff grew increasingly frustrated as they

watched the other group operate with impunity.

6. an "austerity budget" that made no provisions for cost of

living, loyalty, or merit raises encouraged "resume

passing" among staff members.

Site B

Prokram climate,. The climate in Site B reflected many of the

characteristics of the CIP model. Staff members were, on the

whole, dedicated to the CIP approach and to helping interns. The

positive attitudes of the staff were reflected in a pervasive

concern for improving the program. Staff members freely expressed

their enthusiasm about working in the CIP and their high hopes for

its success.

Individualized pacing and personal attention were evident in

each classroom. Instruction was varied in practically all reading, language arts, math, social studies and elective classes and

included use of didactics, lecturing, small group instruction, and

individual assignments. Science instruction was limited to whole

group instruction because a science instructor could not be

recruited. Potential science instructors appeared to be lured

away by the higher paying positions in industry or the public

schools. Interns were observed enthusiastically participating in

role playing, brainstorming, and problem-solving activities

in CCS classes.

The staff perceived the director as a leader with "strong

management" skills able to make decisions on their requests

regarding program operation (even though they may have disagreed

with some of his decisions). The LEA? politics did not allow him

to recruit potential interns from the immediate area. Be had to

exercise great skill in dealing with parents in the community

Who threatened to boycott the program. They are aware of the

difficulties he encountered regarding LEA politics and respected

his ability to "juggle so calmly on a tightwire." Many of the

staff members considered his techniques "dictatorial"; however,

they still indicated a respect for his abilities. Interns, in

small groups, often joked about the director, characterizing him

as a dictator, but these same interns were observed frequenting

his "open door" office regularly throughout"the day on their own

initiative to talk or just say "hi." Interns were also seen in

and out of the middle management offices--for official and unofficial personal reasons.

During a program disco, outside crashers from a local school

came in and "tried to rip off some typewriters." The interns

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pointed the, crashers out to the career counseling supervisor

without prompting or any hesitation. An intern who recognized

one of the students immediately identified the individual and the

individual's school. These actions are demonstrations of the

intern sense of loyalty to the program. When an instructor's

wallet was stolen the interns found the "culprit" who had transferred back to the feeder high, school and convinced her to return

the wallet and apologize.

The gangs in the area periodically erected obstacles for

interns to attend the program. The director of one program reported:

They were ready to beat him (an intern] up (in

retaliation]. They hung around here for

awhile. For about two weeks. We were helping

this guy go through all kinds of places.

Passing through the church door, to the other

side of the street.

Another example of the obstacles gangs erected for interns

concerns "turf" problems. The same director explains his solution

to the problem.

We have street guards, the street guards have

to bring these kids to the corner and they

have to cross quickly.in order to come to this

side. The Mighty live on and

; (it's) their territory and in order for

anybody to come here on the bus, they

get off on and , they have to cross

(their turf).

Staff members' interactions with interns reflected the

positive climate that had been attained in Site B. They took an

active role in helping the interns with serious problems in their

personal lives, problems that might otherwise have interfered with

their studies. One intern discussed how the director and the

career counseling supervisor had helped him in the past.

Mr. , (director) he's an alright man.

Re's understanding, you know...some of us

think he's a real pissed-off man, you know.

Excuse my French. Some of us say he's like

that but I can say for myself he's alright

because he helped me out of a number of

predicaments I was in myself. Like a young

man that used to be attending this school

(CIP) he was givin' me some hassles. Mr.

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430
sat down and me and the gentleman we talked it

out instead of actually--avoided a fight or

more dangerous. It was on. He had snatched a

medallion of mine and it was gold. my grand

mother had just bought it for me and I had

bought the chain so that (pissed) me off. Be

was up here looking for me. I was looking for

him. Gun gun, bullet bullet.

He was down. Mt (counseling supervisor)

he arranged with (the other young man),

he asked (him) like a man to come up and face

me. They sat us down and asked us not to have

no violence. We talked. They said talk is a

way of communicating among yourself if you

have the speakage. If you don't have that

speakage then there is such a thing called

sign language of course and you can use that

as a way of communication. And to touch,

that's more of a way of sayin' "he's alright

with me." We got along with that.

The concern of the counselors was also expressed through

discussions with interns.

Mt. (the counselor) he's an on man.

He's real little...for a little man I didn't

expect so much out of him. I had certain

family problems that would bother me and he

told me there were ways you can get around

this from a sitdown with your mother. He

says, "you are twenty years old and you still

out here, you got your mind loin. in circles.

You don't quite know what you want to do yet

an' still you got the power within you,

because we can just look at you and see the

progression you makin' on your reading tests

and stuff."

Interns were also held. accountable for meeting behavioral

norms regarding dress; for instance, interns were sent home for

wearing tennis shoes or hats in school. Periodically interns

would test the policy by wearing their sneakers because "they want

to be told to take them off--they want the attention." Those just

seeking attention, testing the policy, were recognizable because

they usually had their regular shoes in their lockers. Interns

were also held accountable for absences or tardiness and getting

assignments in on time. The manner in which the enforcement was

carried out reflected caring and concern, but also firmness.

Interns' reactions to staff members' rule enforcement showed

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431
acceptance and understanding. For instance, concerning the dress

code, one intern remarked:

I think they are right you know. It's a

hassle but you know somebody got to go on a

job interview. They're not going to go to

work and get that job wearing sneakers,

and no scarf on their head..

-Counselors sometimes had interns sign contracts in order to

impress on them their responsibilities. Staff members from the

janitor to the director were responsive to the interns' needs.

Interns could be observed visiting and talking with the director

on a regular basis. The janitor was also concerned about interns*

1 talk with the kids. They respect me and

they don't dirty the floor up too bad.... But

1 tell them, "you get this education unless

you want to be loin' like me" and they listen,

most of 'em, they listen.

Site B experienced some temporary strain between the old

interns and the new interns.

The old students they did have a little

conflict about us.... Some of the older

students Ifirst cohort} that were here already figured probably they wouldn't get the

attention they got...but they showed us like,

hey, what things we supposed to do when we get

here because they weren't gonna stay here all

the time.... They know they ain't gonna be

here forever, they gonna have to go sooner or

later. So since they were the first interns

here and we eosin' in as the second interns,

they just cutting down the heavier ground, the

light grass.

One of the strongest indications of the interns' positive

feelings about the CIP in Site B was found in the manner they

characterize the site.

We are all together here as one body and all

one group. We all is friends together. We're

mostly like family here... It's like our own

little community here you know.

The same intern remarked on one consequence of the CIP': small

size.

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432
If I have a conflict with my sister she come

out and she tell me blab, blah, blah, blah,

and well I say "if you don't understand what

I'm sayin' I'm sorry" you know because it

doesn't hurt to say sorry unless you in the

right. In (the public high schoo1) I wouldn't

, of had to say sorry to nobody. There's too

!any of them in there to say sorry. (At CIP)

either you gonna see them somewhere in the

hallway or in class. One of these days

they're gonna be in your class, if they're not

in your class you're gonna meet them in the

hr chroom, meet them at the meetings or the

seminars or somethin'.

Many interns commented on the positive atmosphere of the C/P.

Regarding the packets, one intern commented:

It's a lot easier, it's a whole lot easier.... You can carry them around like a whole lot of

notes in your notebook plus the fact you already have the answers on it. After you read

your packet you do the answers on them;

if you have to inspect your notes again you

just take the same packet as in the class,

instead of openin' up the book, finding

a section and rippin' the pages out and

puttie the pages back in. That's the situation around here and it gives us a chance to

go over ourselves to see what we're doing; if

we don't like it we can find a little research

on it. It gives us a chance to have better

understanding of our homework.

The interns also perceived the sincerity of their instructors, both as instructors and as euman beings.

Before they give us the packets they go

through the course of research, researching

what they're doin'...and then they hand It to

us and if anything is wrong they know it's

wrong. They showin' us that teachers can make

mistakes. Cause they showin' us they're more

human than just robots. That's what makes

this system of this school more flexible.

Most frequently, interns spoke about the C/P in terms of its

contrast to their former schools, which they have described as

cesspools. Thirty to forty students in a class sitting on the

desks, "cutting up" in class, mugging teachers in the classrooms

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snd stairwells, the smell of marijuana permeating the hallways,

guards in the corridors, and identification cards and passes to go

into the building and from one part of the building to anothee are

typical characteristics the interns mentioned about their former

schools. The major newspaper in the area reported over a hundred

unemployed teachers preferred unemployment to teaching in the

schools, citing physical danger to their persons as the single

greatest reason for their stance. Most students coming from these

schools bitterly complained about their treatment in their former

high school:

I had 21 credits but (the high school) said

I only had 17, according to the computer that

they had. The grades they put down. So that

messed me around. - I'm gonna tell you somethin': if you missed

somethin' you gonna miss out on this certain

thing and a test come up and BOOM.

The worst thing is your friends comes up

to you when you're gettin' up to go to class

and says "Hey man, ya wanta get high." What

are ya gonna do? So you go with them and you

start cutting the classes and the next thing I

knew I wasn't in school no more. I'd come to

school every morning, but I wouldn't go into

the building. I'd just be out there smokin'

that herb and haugin' Out

One intern crystalized the interns' sentiments by simply stating:

"It's a whole lot better" than the public high school. Interns

were internalizing the CIP's world-of-work norms about attendance,

dress, and other issues, and demonstrated it in various ways.

A poignant illustration of this occurred during the first site

visit. A group of interns was in an uproar, protesting vehemently

about a counselor who was coming to work wearing a scarf on her

head. The interns had already internalized the negative value

associated with this "taboo" behavior and "came down" on the

counselor for breaking the rules. Additional manifestations or

outcroppings of interns' positive feelings about the CIP included: a high rate of attendance in school (SU) and at school

functions such as dances; existence of a functioning student

council; the ease interns display in talking and joking with the

staff; the absence of graffiti on the walls; the absence of

profanity in the building; the absence of smoking or loitering in

the halls; and the courtesy and politeness demonstrated by interns

with staff members and other interns alike.

The overall climate of the program was clearly supportive.

Establishing this climate was no simple task given the community

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404
environment. The interns expressed a strong affiliation with the

program and the staff recognized and addressed the interns' need

to receive attention, "attention that some of them just aren't

getting from home."

The supportive attitudes expressed toward the interns ran

through all..levels of the program. One secretary remarked:

Sobetimes you have to shoo them away, back to

their classes...they'll just keep talkie' and

playing with things, you know, that they're

not supposed to Not because they're bad.

They're good kids, young adults.... They just

want the atte-tion, they want somebody to show

them, you kr .w, that they care.

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. counseling interns according to the whole-person concept

(getting involved in interns' lives when it affects their

participation in the program) contributed to interns

"sticking with the program."

2. maintaining high expectations in the classroom and

outside the classroom and manipulating interns when

necessary contributed to a regular (high) attendance

pattern for various interns (83% for the entire site).

3. enforcement of the maintenance system contributed to

intern internalization of "world of work" norms and

provided many interns with the attention they desired

(which in turn kept them coming).

4. enforcement of the maintenance system was also directly

responsible for the absence of profanity, smoking in

class or hallways, and loitering.

5. the use of contracts and various teaching devices contributed to a greater understanding and sense of responsibility on the part of the intern.

6. all staff including the janitor serving as role models

and understanding the philosophy and function of the

program contributed to increased intern motivation to

attend regularly and pursue studies.

7. the small size of the program produced a community-like

atmosphere that forced many interns to exercise common

courtesies not required at their former high school.

420
8. the use of packets contributed to h better understanding

of homework.

9. thk. openness and sincerity, etc:, of instructors helped

produce a school climate that was perceived as human and

flexible; which kept interns coming and willing to

work.

. 10. strong management, e.g., capable of gathering resources

and making decisions about activities requiring immediate

action, served to maintain operation of the core program.

11. strong management procedures, although perceived as

dictatorial, produced a feeling of group membership and

"belonging" among interns.

12. middle management's routine use of the whole-person

concept in their interactions with interns was perceived

as caring by interns (which in turn contributed to their

attendance).

Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. outsiders crashing a CIP disco elicited and reinforced a

strong program affiliation that was demonstrated when

interns identified the outsiders to the career counseling

supervisor.

2. "break-ins" similarly creates a "we /they" dichotomy

and reinforced a strong sense of program affiliation and

loyalty.

Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. strong management procedures were perceived as dictatorial and produced friction between the director and

some staff members.

Maladaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. LEA politics created a situation in which the CIP was

unable to recruit potential interns from the community in

which it was located. Because the program was not available to the a few community members threatened to

picket the building. This, in turn, made dealing with

the community an extremely delicate and time consuming

operation.

2. gangs in the immediate vicinity of the program periodically erected obstacles for interns to attend the program

(turf problems--territorial imperatives).

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43G
Site C

Program climate. Sits C has had difficulty replicating the

CI? climate. RMC's initial visit to the site revealed that staff

members had lost much of the enthusiasm they had immediately after

being trained by 0/C/A. Staff attributed their loss of enthusiasm

in part te the lack of cooperation and delays in negotiations with

the school. board and union.

'Instruction in the academic subjects was conducted primarily

in a traditional manner, e.g., lecturing, large group instruction.

Learning packets and individual diagnosis, small group and individualised instruction, were periodically observed. With few

exceptions, however, they merely supplemented the more traditional

approach.

A few classes were observed in which interns worked exclusively with learning packets and at their own pace. The packets

had been modified to eliminate inappropriate content or had been

developed by Site C staff members. Instructors who used the

packets exclusively expressed the opinion that their interns were

not taking their learning seriously. In a few classes texts

and workbooks were used to supplement the packets. Role playing

was also observed in a few instances.

The CCS classes were taught by teams of counselors, instr=-

tors, and career developers who used the learning packets. Role

playing and problem solving activities related to "self-awareness

and careers" were incorporated into CCS instruction. Interns were

taken on a number of field trips related to careers and academics,

(e.g., neighboring colleges and vocational schools) as well as to

cultural enrichment. Resource persons visited the CCS classes to

share information about their careers and the world of work.

The second visit to Site C revealed a greater shift towards

traditional classroom methods with much of the instruction being

teacher-centered. Instructors complained about not being able to

individualize because of the increased number of interns. The

rooms on the top floor were crowded with approximately 10 interns

in a class. This was due as much to the small room sizes as to

the number of interns. In fact, several features of the building

were not conducive to learning or to "satisfactory" staff communication according to a majority of staff members. Some teachers

are on the third floor and never see anyone (except the interns)

throughout the entire day.

Only one instructor was still conducting individualized

instruction using the packets. This instructor had previously

used the packets exclusively, but had recently started supplementing them with other materials. He commented that some of

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his interns thought "this way of learning was boring," but that

the content was good. On the other hand, moat of his interns

reported that the packets were interesting but that their content

was inappropriate.

The individualized counseling program for the third cohort

was not underway during the last aite visit because of enormous

growth in the program's student population. In addition, the

demanding recruitment efforts that preceded the intake brought

program operations to a "screeching halt." *ten recruitment was

completed, additional time was borrowed from regular program

activities to prepare for the incoming cohort. Plans were being

made, however, to schedule interns for entry interviews with

counselors and career developers.

Individualized counseling had taken place on a regular basis

for the second cohort of interns until third-cohort recruitment

pressures mounted. Counselors followed up on interns who were

absent or late, and a number of social services were found for

interns who needed them. After school jobs, for example, had been

arranged for interns who needed to work.

The second visit also revealed further diminishing of staff

enthusiasm and some acti'e discontent that were reportedly related

to dissatisfaction with the CIP administration and changes in

staff roles that had recently been made. The majority of .staff

members at Site C expressed a need for greater administrative

autonomy for the program. One group suggested that the director's

lack of authority to hire and fire staff was the basis for many of

the difficulties at the site. Another group referred to a lack of

management skills as the source of the administration's problems.

In addition, a few members of the staff--both black and white- -

expressed some discomfort working under the direction of a black

man. On the other hand, "race issues have been used to obfuscate

real inadequacies," and individuals were on "power trips," according to a reliable ex-staff member. Grie.vancea about issues

ranging from insufficient supplies to promised raises that never

materialized were rarely addressed, accctditg to several individuals. Resentment occasionally surfaced between the two LEAemployed instructors and the rest of the CIP staff regarding

salary differences, fringe benefits, working hours, and attitudes. Inadequate communication among staff members made it

extremely difficult for some individuals to function efficienAy

in their roles.

A fear that the funding agencies would terminate the program

when recruitment goals were missed and internal strife was rampant, contributed to tension and frustration among the staff. One

instructor echoed the sentiments of the majority of the staff:

"It's hard to wake up in the morning not knowing if your job will

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438
even be there from day to day." He added that the local OIC has

placed pressure on staff to "shape up or ship out," leading to an

atmosphere where "everyone is eluding everyone else's business."

In fact, many individuals were observed to spend an inordinate

amount of time recording voluminous notes about each other "to

cover themselves." This procedure was referred to as "documentation" by the local OIC and was viewed as an important step in the

termination of staff. There were also a few individuals "waiting

in the wings;" convinced of their ability to assume the administrative roles in the program.

The effects of these problems trickle down to the interns.

Many interns were given schedules without sufficient regard

for the courses they required for graduation. Frustrated, two

interns commented: "I'm bein' ripped off again. They're doin'

the same thing to me as (the high school)."

A few instructors discouraged interns from pursuing their

career interests without suggesting alternatives. One instructor

acquired from the LEA commented: "It's irresponsible what they're

doing, counseling them all to college. Take y she wanted to

go into computer science. The first thing I say is what's her

background. It takes math and she hasn't got it.... There are

only three students in the whole school that are college material."

The lack of leadership and communication, and the fear and

frustration among the staff were reflected in intern behavior.

High absenteeism (approximately 40Z), periodic altercations,

derogatory graffiti on lavatory walls, smoking on the stairs and

in the corridors, and other behaviors characteristic of the

neighborhood high school sporadically occurre at the site.

Staff attitudes towards the goals of the CIP and staff

commitment to helping interns - -as opposed to rtaff feelings about

administration of the program--remained orally positive.

On both site visits, dedication to treating interns as "whole

persons," helping them attain their high school diplomas, and

assisting them develop career awareness was expressed--"in spite

of it all." The generally positive attitudes toward program goals

and interns of most of the staff were illustrated by the following

remarks:

They Idle interns) are what make it all

worthwhile.

I have a warm spot for them.

Our interest in the interns is the common

denominator.

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The interns were keenly aware of many of the program's problems. However, they remained optimistic and offered significant

insights into solving the kinds of problems they perceived.

See they got to know who is serious about

this and whoever is not. There are a lot of

those that ain't serious about it. When you

find the ones that are not serious about

themselves you gotta get. them out, cause

they'll turn the crowd around. They'll

turn the crowd around, you understand what I'm

'style? Eullcracking around this, that, the

the other thing. Interrupting the class. It

really bothers the people that are really

serious about bein' here.... That's what they

be tryin' to get away from.... You see a

friend everyday, he say "what's happening man,

oh, man, oh, let's get high," and it sounds

good. It sounds good. I think they should

just sit down and talk about it and try to

separate the immature students from the mature

ones. Deal with it like that instead of

dealin' with everybody as.a whole. It might

take a little more time, you know, and make

them earn their salaries more, but it's

supposed to be for the students' benefit.

The vast majority of interns, moreover, found the site to be

"a lot better" than their old high school, regardless of the evident

problems that existed.

It's the only program you can deal with.

Twenty -two weeks ain't much time. You just

got to get down to it.

They check out and see where your mind is at,

you know. See where your head is at. Try to

see where your head is at...and they give you

a lotta advice. Everybody is interested, you

know.... They can deal with people now better

than the public schools, 'cause some of them

have been where we going and where we are

trying to get to. So they can deal with

us better. It's alright.

I think CI? is alright, you get more freedom.

If this place was to close there is noway I'm

tellin' you, ain't no way I'd be goin' back to

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440
the high school. I'd be just hangin' out

again, gettin' back with and and

gettin' back into my old ways, you know.

It's a lot different. Less students in the

class, you know.... They're not on your

back. Work at your own pace and all this.

It's a lot better.

Adaktive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. dedication to the whole person concept "in spite of it

all" resulted in interns perceiving the program as "a lot

better" than their old high school regardless of the

problems.

2. the brevity of the term, according to a few interns,

directly motivated them to "get down to it."

3. counseling according to the whole person concept contributed to interns understanding their problems and

recognizing steps to remedy them.

4. the existence of the program has prevented a number of

interns from "just hangin' out" and "getting back into my

old ways."

Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. perceived "weak administrative skills" and insufficient

administrative autonomy (to hire and fire staff) con- tributed to staff indifference to administrative demands

and factionalism between nonsupporters and "loyalists".

2. factionalism, "power trips" and the use of racial issues

were used to obfuscate real professional inadequacies

among staff members.

3. local OIC preshuras to "shape up or ship out" and individuals waiting in the wings for new positions to open up

contributed to "everyone minding everyone's business."

4. staff frustration and tension coupled with a lack of

administrative autonomy contributed to staff neglect

in establishing course schedules that reflected interns'

requirements for graduation--this in turn contributed to

high rates of intern absenteeism.

5. the lack of a consistently enforced maintenance system,

e.g., school rules and regulations, directly contributed

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441
to intern "bullcracking in class," high absenteeism,

periodic altercations, graffiti on the bathroom walls and

smoking and loitering in the hallways.

Neladaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. initial lack of cooperation and delays with school boards

and unions diminished staff enthusiasm; manifestations of

the lowered morale were frequently interpreted by interns

as,a form of "not caring," Which affected attendance.

2. LEA negotiations required employment of LEA instructors.

Those hired had non-supportive attitudes and low expectations of interns that significantly affected their morale

and attendance.

3. the difference in pay scales, fringe benefits and

number of paid holidays between CIP and LEA personnel

contributed to the already present factionalism.

4. fear of program termination significantly contributed

to the tension, frustration, and eventual resignation of

staff members, while pressures for recruitment to "get

the numbers" for treatment and control groups effectively

shut down program operations (as in all sites).

Site D

Program climate. Site D has recovered from a debilitating political conflict within the program. The staff was divided

into factions. The instructional supervisor was perceived by

many as "vindictive" and "after the director's role." The director isolated herself from the staff, and the staff felt harassed

and frustrated because they had no means of presenting their

grievances if they were not in the good graces of the administration. Discussing program problems with the OIC Executive Director

or the CIp director was either considered a ploy to pit administrators against each other or was regarded as "not going through

proper channels."

Because the situation so disrupted program operations,

the director and instructional supervisor were eventually fire.

Subsequently, a disagreement developed between OIC/A and the local

0/C as to who would be the new director. The OIC/A-favored candidate was selected for the position, and the staff have indicated

their satisfaction with this choice. The change in the directorship has produced a significant difference, according to all staff

members. "It's like a great burden has been lifted from us all.

We talk to each other now, have you noticed? [The acting instructional supervisor and the instructional staffl understand each

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442
other, so therefore more things get done as opposed to not

doing something to get back at somebody."

Communication problems have been largely resolved as a result

of the leadership changes. In the past, individuals from one

faction would send a messenger to deliver a communication or they

would not communicate at all. This severely affected the working

relationships within the staff because "work just couldn't be

done, it's as simple as that." This period also took its toll on

staff morale and affected the interns. Attendance fell to 50% or

less. Theft and discipline became problems.

Recovery from the earlier devisiveness was a very slow

process. Interns were regularly reminded of the rules about

attendance and tardiness, but uniform enforcement of the rules was

still lacking as of the last site visit. The attendance rate had

risen to 70-75%. On the other hand, interns were observed regularly, coming in a half hour late. The staff members were taking

turns patrolling the halls to "get them back in class."

Classes have been small (15-20) and instruction individualized since Site P began operating. The attention interns receive

is highly individualized, and is characterized by independent

study with teacher supervision and tutoring. Interns were observed working at a pace commensurate with their ability, though

instructors specified minimum amounts of work to be completed in

order to earn credits for the term. Group assignments and individual presentations were observed. Generally, most instruction

was conducted on a one-to-one basis, with the instructor approaching individual students to find out how they were doing and what

concepts or explanations remained unclear. At this time, limited

use was made of other instructional strategies such as role

playing and problem solving.

All instructors had borrowed the learning packet concept.

They had made many of their own packets by selecting various

descriptions or explanations from books and following them with

sets of questions about the text. These materials were reproduced

and given to each student. In addition to these materials, many

instructors used textbooks selected from the lists approved by the

LEA. Due to their limited numbers, books could only be used

on-site; interns were rarely allowed to take them home.

The CCS was being taught using a team teaching approach.

Instructors relied heavily on OIC/A-developed learning packets and

employed an eclectic approach that included independent reading,

group discussion, oral presentation by both interns and outside

speakers, and field trips to several firms and other places in the

community. The CCS classes were large due to several staff

positions remaining unfilled. There were about 35 interns in

428

444,)r)
each of the four CCS sessions--but interns did not complain

about the size of the classes.

The program had only one counselor and one career developer

at the time of the second site visit. Earlier problems had

influenced the decisions of others to leave. In addition, there

were many factory recruitment and training programs competing for

counselors 'and offering higher salaries. The shortage of personnel made the process of individualized counseling very difficult,

although several interns reported having received invaluable help

from their counselors even during the most difficult time.

The only counselor employed at the time of MC's second visit

devoted most of her time to scheduling interns into classes. The

career developer was obviously overburdened with a workload that

included teaching two CCS groups, developing community resources

for forthcoming Hands-On experiences, and meeting interns' requests for part-time employment. Many interns complained about

not being able to see their counselors'and some took advantage of

the problem by loitering or "cutting out." On the other hand,

most found it possible to meet with their counselor when they

"absolutely" needed help in academic, career and/or personal

areas.Intern apparel and style of walking were indicative of some

of their values and attitudes. At Site D many of the new interns

emulated role models from "blexploitation" films such as Sul:mall,.

For instance, they wore wide-brimmed hats, trench coats, and

flashy jewelry. As one intern phrased it "they got that syncopated walk down." A number of the older interns from the first

and second cohorts, however, mimicked the behavior of the new

interns to ridicule their behavior. The attitude toward the dress

code was relaxed, bordering on total non-enforcement. A few staff

members asked interns to remove their hats or combs from their

hair, but the majority either did not notice or ignored the

interns' appearance rather than using the situation to reinforce

world-of-work values and behaviors. It is apparently hoped that

as interns "grow into" the attitudes and behaviors expected in the

program, they will internalize the program norms with respect to

dress and other world-of-work behaviors.

A member of the clerical staff who displayed concern about

the issue commented:

You just have to keep reminding them about the

hat situation. That's part of going to

employment. You cannot go in with your hat

on. That's where the career comes in 'cause

you go into an interview with your hat

429

44 4
on and they don't really want to talk to you

'cause the old rule, it was set up a long time

ago.... It's really important 'cause some of

those hats they wear here, if they were to

wear them to an interview--big Barcellonies--

you can't wear that to an interview...that's

part of their personality. They tell us, "If

rtake this off, half.of me is left." They

'don't realize it yet but that's the half of

them that they're gonna have to leave behind.

Now, as one instructor commented:

We are at the point where we are arguing about

the same problems that all schools face--

attendance, discipline, the houra, salary, and

this cold building.

Staff members are young, dedicated to the program, and

aympathetic to the problems of young people in the inner city.

For several of them, however, the experience of working in the CIP

was "a real eye opener."

It was surprising--like the interns we're

getting here. I expected high school drop

outs, to have learning problems and ;to

be) kinda slow; but there it is3 mainly the

opposite. The young people that I've found

for the most part probably just got bored or

got into other things--'cause there are so

many other things offered besides school. I

just sit here and think if they would have had

the proper chsnce they would never have been

here in the first place because of the envir

onment and the circumstances.

The environment the instructor referred to encompasses both

the community at large and the public high schools specifically.

Experience in the CIP led some staff members to realize

that the relationships and interactions they observed among the

program, the community milieu, and the interns were representative

of issues that go far beyond the immediate context, and supersede

the success or failure of any particular program. Questions

began to surface concerning "what's really happening in this

country?" and "how can this state of affairs exist?" Staff

430

4'A'ALP
members have begun to grapple with these problems. Individuals

demoralized by the situation departed. Those who remained became

more cynical but were no less dedicated to serving the interns.

One instructor commented on how his experiences with the community

had affected him and "changed his way of thinking."

I said (in a previous conversation with

another staff member, since departed) "How do

you think this program is going to go?" and he

said something that I had never quite heard

like that before: "I'm not quite sure (soci

ety) wants it to go. Does society in general

really want success in a program like this or

do they want a stopgap measure?" He doesn't

work here anymore and that's the first time I

heard it and it really got me thinking. And

now as more and more programs come and go and

the supposed monies flood into a metropolitan

area like ours and then seeing how they

disappear sad never really reach the grass

roots. I really started asking myself that

question and I have come to doubt it very

seriously...this whole lifestyle shouldn't be

this way. If the proper chance is given, if

this was truly a democracy, if success was

really everyone's first goal for everyone, I

don't aee how anything like this should

exist.... I find it the same kind of perse

cution as against the Jews, for example.

have not experienced it as much as my par

ents...(my mother's) parents were killed in

the camps and she tells me about prejudice and

I listen. I see it here and it's the same.

It's just keeping one in one's place. It's

like Abraham Lincoln never existed in a way,

or anything was ever signed, because no one is

picking cotton but there is still (major

employers in the city) and it's almost

exactly the same only they get wages, high

wages in an inflationary environment. That is

the same as if they were getting low wages....

I think this program is definitely a positive

step. As far as the long run, it's such a

feeble step. I never realized the 'vast scope

of the problem, more and more, just look at the

area the school is situated in for miles. It

seems kind of hopeless.... I don't think

people believe it or they see it and don't

want to believe it and they're glad it's like

that and that may be more of a majority than

you think.

431 .. 446
The high schools in the area were similar to the public

inner-city high schools throughout the country. Students drop out

for a variety of reasons--boredom, drugs, crime, pregnancy, family

problems, and "the need to get a job." Interns were extremely

critical of their former high schools. One of the staff members

elaborated upon the problem:

The public school system is not really designed for minorities because most of the

things you hear about in history are AngloSaxon Protestant. They cannot identify

with it. I'll do it 'cause it's here, but in

its course of twelve years you have to get

motivated to stay for twelve years. You have

to see that there's something you're getting

out of it. If you don't see that there's

something you're getting out of it, you're

gonna get out.

The interns were motivated in the C/P classrooms. They

pointed to their relationships with their instructors as prime

factors responsible for their motivation and participation in the

program:

/ feel they are with you instead of against

you because in' public school really the

teachers are not worried about the students-- -

all they're worried about is whether they can

pay the light bill or when they can get their

car note paid up...and they don't give us as

much attention as the teachers do here; not

attention as far as babying you--I mean real

help.

Communication with the teachers--they seem to

be very helpful. If you have any questions

they'll go all-out to help you with those

questions; but they won't give them to you;

they let you find them out yourself.

The atmosphere as experienced by interns was conducive to the

establishment of immediate friendships. Both old and new interns

commented on the ease with which they made friends at the CIP.

The environment here I like better (than the

high school). Here it don't take long to make

friends. For example, I just met him the day

before yesterday and he bothers me constantly

everyday. Think I knowed him for a year. But

it's friendly around here.

432
New interns, however, were quick to complain of the lack

of extracurricular activities available in the school to keep them

interested. The old interns "came right back on them," however,

and listed the types ot activities they could become involved in

"if they would just keep their ears open,"--CIP is HIP Committee,

Student Council, basketball team, and the Financial Committee.

There was a seriousness on the part of the interns that

overrode the sociability and the minor discontent with the

program. '.`Your first responsibility to yourself is to get your

diploma -- that's the purpose for coming...."

Many of the interns bad already "experienced the negative

parts of lifethat's what they based their decision on coming

here on," Broken homes, alcoholism, drug abuse, gangs, and

teenage pregnancy were not uncommon in the backgrounds of the

interns. Some interns had been "school hopping" for years,

transferring from one school to the next, trying to find places

where they could fit in without getting "sucked into the wrong

crowd." This a point is especially worthy of emphasis since the

existence of a sizeable group concerned with avoiding association

with undesirable elements is not mentioned in the literature.

They transfer or dropout because they do not want to be effected

by the conventional high school setting, not because they are

failing. These dropouts, in fact, are the successful not the

unsuccessful products of the urban school setting.

Most of the interns at the site were ready for a change

in their lives, as two interns characteristically expressed.

Intern 1: I can look back over the days when I was

sitting around smokin' weed and everything. I

used to be all lazy, brokedomm, cool, you

know, but it's not about bein' cool, it's

about livin' and enjoyin' life.... It's not

all about bein deprived or anything. It's

all about tryin' to get it and at your best.

You can't expect someone to just give you

somethin' for nothin'. You gotta put forth a

little effort to try to make it better for

you. I'm thinkin' about my future and the way

I wanta raise my children and the way they

should raise their children. I don't want

them to grow up like I didcrime, you know,

dope and all the rest of the ugly things that

come with it.... It's all based on who you're

influenced by.

Intern 2: 'Cause nobody wants to be a robber, nobody

wants to be a dope pusher, nobody wants to be

433

443
a leader of white slavery.... That's why I

feel maybe I didn't have the right friends

around me when I was a child, maybe that's why

I did some of the things I did at my younger

age--around eleven, twelve, and thirteen. Now

I'm seventeen years old and I'm proud of it

because I can look back at all the things I

bad done while I was younger and say, 'well

that was really stupid' or 'I shouldn't have

done that,' but now it's all about =kin' my

future look better than, you know, my past.

Intern 1: I want to walk in the light myself 'cause I

have been welkin' in darkness for a good

long time. Now that I have seen the light

whether it be within this school or within my

church or whatever, I know my direction.

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. the relationships of interns with their instructors was

a primary motivating factor behind their continued participation in the programs.

2. enforcement of some elements of the maintenance system,

e.g., patrolling the halls, directly contributed to

"getting interns back into class."

3. experience with interns led the staff to recognize that

their behavior resulted from boredom or not wanting to

get involved with the "wrong crowd" rather than from

any learning disabilities.

4. experience in the program contributed to staff awareness

and perception of "the problem that exists in American democracy with respect to stop-gap measures, demonstration projects that come and go, the systematic

ignoring of problems, and the preference of many for the

way things are now. (This type of awareness led to an

increased dedication for some and to departure from

the program for others).

5. the supportive atmosphere was conducive to the generation

of friendships.

6. the program generated a loyalty in "old" interns such

that they defend it from new interns' verbal assaults.

7. the existence of a program like CIP assisted many interns

in their attempts to find a direction for their lives.

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440
Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. OIC /A's removal of individuals perceived by most staff

members as isolated and harassing, raised the entire

staff's morale (even though some staff members didn't

think these individuals were at fault).

2. experience in the community was a real eye opener

for some staff members who become more cynical but also

more dedicated.

3. interns' past experiences with broken homes, negative

peer pressure, dope, school bopping (looking for the

"right kind of people"), etc. provided strong motivation

to enter the program and seriously pursue their studies.

Nkladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. 'past factionalism and lack of staff communication effectively halted all but the core program operations.

2. low staff morale affected intern morale and contributed

directly to poor attendance and indirectly to theft

in the program and disciplinary problems.

3. inconsistent enforcement of the maintenance system

contributed to tardiness and inappropriate 4.2pearenc., e.g., hats, sneakers, T-shirts, etc.

4. the limited supply of books prevented interns from being

able to take them home.

5. understaffing in the counseling department led to intern

dissatisfaction, loitering in the halls waiting to see

the counselor, and "cutting out."

6. the perceived lack of relevance of school learning

over long periods of time contributed to interns' disinterest in school and/or dropping out. It also produced

intern expectations regarding school work that kept

motivation low.

Program Climate Update

The climate at each of the CIPs has been highly susceptible

to problems in the start-up stage such as (a) obtaining an agreement with the LEA and the teachers' union. (b) pressures brought

about by the recruitment crisis, (c) and the ability of the CI?

director and the two departmental supervisors to keep the staff

435

4 50
cohesive and task-oriented. Because of its volitility, the program climate has fluctuated throughout the demonstration. Various subclimates are identifiable at the sites. The subclimates

correspond to the subgroups in the program: old interns, new

interns, old staff, new staff, counselors, instructors, general

staff, administration, and so on. The two basic categories

discussed below are: intern climate and staff climate. Many

variables affect the climate for these two subgroups; however,

only the most salient factors are discussed.

At site A, the staff climate began at a high point. Morale

Was good. Staff members were enthusiastic and performed their

duties creatively. They were supportive of and cared about

interns. Later, a number of problems were responsible for a

progressive decline in the climate. The impact of the austerity

budget was increasingly felt. CIP personnel received much lower

salaries than the public school staff. In addition, budget policy

allowed no provision for raises--either for merit or cost of

living. This policy coupled with "weak management," infighting,

and excessive numbers of evaluations contributed to high turnover,

staff dissatisfaction, and absences.

These problems were compounded by the inappropriate use of an

early RMC evaluation report (according to staff members) "to

batter the sites over the head." Select sections of the report

that contained only the "negative stuff" were read to the sites by

the local OIC. A staff member reported:

We sat there and listened to it (the report)

and it got worse and worse and worse. After a

while I got up and asked him "Did they say

anything good and the reply was: "it wasn't

conveyed to me."

This served to demoralize a group of dedicated individuals and

represents a totally inappropriate (albeit unintentional) use of

an evaluation report.

Recently, however, staff spirit has been "rekindled."

Changes in administrative personnel, increased accountability as

exemplified by staff sign-in charts, greater local OIC support,

and discussions with the evaluators have significantly contributed

to the improvement. Staff members currently display supportive,

caring, and more cooperative attitudes and behaviors, including

making plans for summer programs to attract and retain interns.

Minor conflicts remain, including fears of top-level management

using scapegoat techniques to remove middle-management personnel. Preliminary indications suggest this problem will be

constructively resolved and the new spirit among the staff will

continue to be headed in the "right" direction.

436
Intern climate has paralleled staff climate- - beginning at a

reasonably high point and progressively declining. High staff

turnover due to the dissatisfactions mentioned above detracted

from program continuity. Since most interns reported that they

came to school to see personalities (specific instructors)

high staff turnover and absenteeism markedly reduced intern

motivation to attend regularly. High staff turnover or absenteeism was often interpreted as a form of "not caring."

'Although this problem has now been resolved, its effects

continue. In addition, the institution of a new dress code

and attendance policy has dismayed the interns. Many intern, have

(presumably temporarily) removed themselves from the program in

protest.

Application of the new rules failed totake into account the

nature of the interns and the community. Interns are "more

complacent here," than in other communities, according to administrators, instructors, counselors, and the interns themselves.

Many interns report satisfaction with their jobs, social relatioaships, and overall lifestyle. A former staff member phrased it as

follows: "They are satisfied with their position in life. .... It's not like poverty like you see in other cities; it's deceiving. They've got jobs but look at the kind of jobs they got!"

Also interns are aware of the fact that they don't have to dress

conventionally to get a job. They have already jobs vithout

changing their lifestyle. In fact, since the principal of one of

the feeder schools wears a hat and shorts in school, they believe

the dress code rules are "arbitrary and irrelevant."

Interns at Site A do appear more complacent than interns at

other sites. Although they were indignant about the new policies,

only a few of them became involved in attempting to alter the

dress code, or in the discussions during student council meetings.

One instructor relates a classroom experience thst is also indicative of their general orientation. During role playing in a

history lesson, interns were asked what they would do if they were

slaves on a plantation. "WoulC you work to get your freedom - -if

the master said you could--or would you do something else (if so,

what would you do ?) "? Every intern responded that increased work

would be acceptable. The instructor commented: "I was surprised

that no one mentioned revolt."

It is also noteworthy that, while interns appeared complaisant in general, they reported that their grievance war not

primarily with the new rules themselves but with the way they were

"laid down on us" Interns expected and demanded to be consulted.

Mhen they were not, they made little effort to change the situation aside from walking away from it- -not attending the program.

437

452
Given these factors, the response of the interns was predictable. Those who remained disagreed with the behavior of both the

administration and the interns. They remained simply to complete

the program. As one intern reported, "If I leave now I'll just

have to make up the time later anyway, so this way I'll just be

ahead of the'game." Interns who attended regularly reported that

instructors' and counselors "care... I don't always agree with them

but they're there when you need 'em."

Adequate planning for summer activities and stabilization of

the staff are expected to remedy many of the problems that were

afflicting the program in early spring 1979--particularly the

problems affecting interns. The climate at the site approximates

that which ws achieved in Philadelphia; however, ft still needed

improvement. Specifically, although Site A counselors were

supportive and instructive, they must make greater use of motivational techniques, w:th more interns, more of the time to achieve

parity with the Philadelphia site.

At Site B, the staff climate has remained relatively positive

throughout the demonstration. Minor hostilities and personality

clashes exist, but they do not significantly affect the program

operation. The director is often referred to as a dictatorial

figure by interns and a few staff members, but his ability to run

the program is respected by the majority of the staff. Attendance

has been good, turnover low, and staff members have been supportive of the interns and caring.

The intern climate was extremely positive during the early

months of the demonstration. Interns were enthusiastic about

learning, supportive of other interns, rarely resolved differences

through altercations, and did not loiter in the halls.

This situation was temporarily interrupted when the third

cohort entered the program. The site required expansion to

accommodate the new interns. A second building was secured;

however it was a separate building and provided interns with the

opportunity to cut classes or roam in the streets while crossing

over from one building to the other. Much of this behavior was

reduced by an administrative "crackdown" involving strict enforcement of existing rules. Since then, the intern climate has

improved considerably but has not risen to the levels observed in

the early months of program operation. This may reflect more

realistic expectations on the part of the interns, however, rather

than lower morale. The overall climate at Site B continues to be

rated highly in terms of providing a supportive, caring, and

productive atmosphere.

In Site C, the staff climate has been characterized iv

conflict, confusion, and disillusionment. Interpersonal communication problems were common throughout the entire staff. The

438
morale of the staff was given a temporary boost when the local OIC

Executive Director assumed leadership of the CIP and directly

monitored and trained the former director. She also directed the

effort to recruit required numbers of potential interns and

control group students. While the staff climate was signi

ficantly improved during this temporary intervention, it lapsed

again with the appointment of a new director.

The new director commands the respect of the staff but still

has had serious problems to manage. She has clearly begun to

redirect the staff and improve their morale; however, at this

point, staff climate does not begin to approach that of the

Philadelphia prototype.

The program was significantly affected by federal interven

tion shortly after the new director took charge. At that time,

according to various sources, the funding agency "went out looking

for the worst site." The purpose of the visit personnel from that

agency made to Site C was perceived as an attempt to determine

whether termination or extension of the program was appropriate.

The funding agency subsequently placed Site C in a kind of proba

tionary status while a decision was made to extend the other

sites for nine months. The entire episode of being selected "as

the worst site" further demoralized staff.

The intern climate at Site C has also been far from that of

the prototype site. Large numbers of interns have been loitering

in the halls during class hours. Altercations have occurred

periodically in and around the building, and many interns have

complained about the staff. One intern said she was really hurt

when an instructor (one of the LEA instructors) said, "You don't

have the stuff to make it in an accounting program in college" and

continued to the effect that only three interns in the entire

program were college material.

A few interns have complained about not receiving credits

from CIE that they thought they had earned. This pattern, how

ever, has slowly improved. The installation of the new director

was primarily responsible for observed slow but steady change in

the staff and intern climate. She has developed a streamlined and

more accurate method for analyzing incoming transcripts and

rostering interns. In addition, she has pushed the concept of

personal accountability for all members of the program.

_f

The new director was "very concerned about the large number

of students hanging around in the halls, on the steps, and in the

lounge." She perceived that there was no efficient mechanism for

finding out where interns were supposed to at particular times and

quickly took steps to correct this situation. She initiated

439

454
actions to involve instructors and other staff members in enforcing class attendance. The results were gratifying: "Teachers and

staff have helped me "clear the decks."

Overall, the new director appears to be creating substantial

changes in the program operation and clkaate. Under her 4eadership there appears to be hope for "turning the program around."

The staff climate at Site D has changed dramatically from

committed and enthusiastic, to alienated and demoralized, back to

its present state of cooperative, committed, and well directed.

Sivaificant difficulties at the site eroded the morale of the

staff. The local OIC was considered "non-supportive" (a number of

staff members still perceive the local OIC as non-supportive), the

former director was considered aloof from program concerns and the

former instructional.supervisor was viewed as harassing by a

majority of the instructional staff. Abusive, petty, and argumentative are adjectives that characterized the ,:ocial interaction

patterns.

The replacement of the director and the instructional supervisor improved the morale of the entire staff. The feelings

of the entire staff were expressed bi one instructor, it was as if

"a yoke had been lifted from our shoulders." The new director has

been positively received. Staff members have described her as a

"competent administrator and educator.... Interns and staff

members can, and do, respect and trust her.... [The director's)

leadership can help make [the site! first class."

Overall the staff climate has improved tremendously. At

present, it approximates the intentions or spirit of the climate

reported in the prototype.

Intern climate at Site D paralleled the staff morale--with

some time lag. During the first site visits, significant differences between "serious" and "immature" interns were observed;

however, everyone appeared to "get along with one another."

Interns made friends easily. Few rules were adhered to or enforced, but e warm and friendly rapport existed among interns and

between interns and staff. A few instructors and counselors were

worried about the "excessive leniency" concerning adherence or

enforcement of rules, e.g. wearing hats in the building, leaving school early, and so on. During this early period, a number

of interns wore loud clothing and demonstrated a preoccupation

with the old "gang" stories during liesurely conversations. The

climate was accepting and friendly but it did not resemble the

prot*-typical climate because it was not balanced--"it was caring

but not firm."

440
This pattern suffered a serious setback immediately preceding

and during the thirdcohort recruitment crisis. The sites were

threatened with termination if they could not enroll sufficient

numbers of interns into the program within a prescribed period of

time. Staff became disenchanted with the GIP administration and

the local 0/C an evidence accumulated that quotas were not going

to be met,'Ind staff absences or early departures were frequent.

Interns interpreted this behavior as a form of not caring, a

phenomenonsimilar to the first site's experience.

These problems were compounded by the lack of adequate heat

in the building in the middle of winter. Interns had to be turned

away from the building because it was simply too cold to hold

classes. The lack of heat together with the winter vacation

broke the continuity of attendance and lowered the morale of the

intern body as a whole.

At about this time OIC/A intervened, replacing staff members,

initiating a recruitment "blitz" through the media, and so on.

The overall effect was positive--"it saved the program." In fact,

Site D site currently has waiting lists of potential interns. On

the other hand, OIC/A's dramatic intervention c'eated confusion

for the interns and has had repercussions.

The establishment and enforcement of rules concerning attend

ance and suitable attire that followed OIC/A's intervention has

produced a marked change in the interns' attitudes and appearance.

Only one or two interns continue to wear loud apparel character

istic of the "street culture." A related change was that older

interns (second cohort interns) who were initially less serious

about the program began to defend it from the verbal insults of

some of the new (third cohort) interns. In addition, these same

older interns began to enforce the rules among themselves and

with new interns.

Overall, the intern climate improved markedly from that of

the early months of CIP operation. Interns continue to be as

friendly and open as before, however, their attitudes toward a

career, school, and the appropriateness of their apparel have

changed. The level of intern enthusiasm is not as high as it was

in the early months of operation, but the site climate as a whole

is balanced. It is "caring and firm" sisultaneously and as a

result, more closely approximates the climate in the Philadelphia

prototype.

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456
Site A Update

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. increased accountability contributed to the "re-kindling"

of staff spirit.

2. greater local OIC support contributed to staff redirection and activities planning for interns during

summer and fall.

Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. former staff problems led to high staff turnover and had

the delayed effect of lowering intern morale and attendanc e. 2. sudden imposition of a dress code and rules of attendance

that were ,perceived as arbitrary after a long period of

laxity led to decreased intern attendance.

) ladaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program 0 eration

1. (Ais)use of an evaluation report to highlight program

deficiencies contributed to the demoralization of a

once-dedicated staff.

Site B Update

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. an administrative "crackdown" reduced problems of intern

cutting (discussed in maladaptive relationships intrinsic

to program operation).

Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. time has contributed to reducing interns' interest

in roaming the streets (between buildings).

Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. expansion to a new separate facility directly contributed

to cutting classes and roaming in the streets while

crossing from one building to the other.

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457
Site C Update

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. the new director has initiated beneficial changes and

improved staff morale (however, she must deal with a

number of lingering problems).

Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. local 0/C intervention contributed to a temporary boost

in staff morale (as discussed earlier).

Miladaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. the funding agency conducted its own evaluation of the

program ("looking for the worst site," according to

various sources), which contributed to the further

demoralization of the staff.

Site D Update

Adaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. enforcement of the maintenance system has directly

affected intern attitudes and appearances, producing

greater conformity to "world of work" norms.

2. the program has generated a "loyalty" among "old" interns

such that they defend it from some of the new interns'

verbal assaults.

Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. the OIC/A intervention and media blitz contributed

significantly to "saving the program"--literally and

figuratively.

Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

1. past staff dissatisfaction and past staff absences have

had a delayed negative effect on intern attendance

patterns.

MaladaPtive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

1. lack of adequate heat in the building and severe weather

conditions forcing the administration to close down

operations contributed to a break in continuity of intern

attendance patterns.

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IX. THE LATENT FUNCTION OF THE PROGRAM: SOCIAL MOBILITY

AND THE TRANSMISSION OF MIDDLE-CLASS VALUES

The Career Intern Program serves both manifest and latent

functions. The study thus far has focused primarily on the

manifest functions of the program, e.g., enabling students to

complete high school and receive a high school diploma (rather

than a General Education Diploma), improving basic reading and

math skills, and enhancing career planning and occupational

knowledge among students. The analysis has also briefly discussed

some of the latent functions of program components. For example,

it was mentioned that late passes are used to get interns to class

on time (a manifest function), but are also used to teach interns

the importance of authority and punctuality (a latent function).

This chapter focuses on three interrelated latent functions

of the CIP.

it contributes to the upward movement of lower socioeconomic class black. and other minorities (who are

disproportionately represented in the dropout and

unemployment statistics)

it acculturates lower socioeconomic status students into

the middle-class value scheme typified by the "world of

work"

it offers itself as a basis for social identity

The relationships among these latent functions are those of:

mechanism, vehicle, and goal. Contributing to the upward social

mobility of lower socioeconomic status blacks and other minority

groups represents the goal. Inculcating disenfranchised groups

with middle-class values represents the vehicle for reaching the

goal. Offering the CIP as a basis for social identify represents

the mechanism that to enables the program to transmit middle -class

world-of-work values. The conventional (urban) high school has

the same manifest goals as the CIP and uses many of the same tools

and processes to attain them. The difference is primarily one of

latent goals.

Schools as Socializing Institutions: The Typical Mechanisms,

Vehicles, and Goals

Schools typically are transmitters of culture in its present

form-not an idealized future form. These institutions serve to

prepare students to enter specific available roles in a highly

stratified society (Ogbu, 1978). Contrary to the commonly held

assumption that schools typically "maximize social equality by

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promoting equal opportunity," Brookover and Erickson (1975)

demonstrate that achools maximize social stratification by serving

as the mechanism by which individuals are initially sorted and

allocated to positions in the highly differentiated and stratified labor force.

The myth of education--public or private--is that it is

neutral. This myth is furthered by a substantial portion of the

educational literature, which is premised on the assumption that

schoola are able to Sort out individual differences in a neutral

and objective fashion (Harvard Educational Review, 1969; HcMurrin,

1971). In fact, the plethora of common educational practices

such as testing, grading, and ranking studenta are used to demonstrate the objectivity of the pursuit.

The educatora who use these tools, however, are people- -

cultural beings operating in a cultural context. The literature

highlights this basic fact by demonstrating that they have high

or low expectations for students that are based on the child's

membership in a given social claas or ethnic group--rather than on

"merit" (Brophy & Good, 1970; Leacock, 1969; Mist, 1970). Because

of these expectations, teachers typically socialize students

differentially for work roles that match their perceptions of the

student's (parents') social class.

The center stage for this human drama is the classroom.

Skills in self.Treaentation are acquired in the classroom. These

skills are related to work-role characteristics at various levels

of the hierarchical division of labor. There are specific traits,

Speech patterns, and ways of presenting oneself that correspond

with each level of the job hierarchy (Gofbman, 1959). Bowlea and

Gintis (1976) emphasize the role of education as a vehicle for

transmitting "manners of speech and demeanor more or less socially

acceptable and appropriate" to a given level in the labor force

(p. 141).

The importance of specific skills in self-presentation is

emphasized by Bowles and Gintis (1976). Their aummary of the

literature indicates the importance of various personality factors

such as "one's relationship to authority" at various levels of the

labor hierarchy. They rate this particular variable as a more

critical factor aasociated with educational achievement and

satisfactory work performance than cognitive ability as defined by

IQ tests.

Meyer (1970) suggests self-image is another important dimension related to the presentation of self that schools use to

prepare students for future ork roles. A review of the literature in the area supports this contention--that schools strongly

contribute to students' self-image in a manner that corresponds to

445,

460
anticipated future roles (see Meyer, 1970, and Sennett & Cobb,

1972, for detailed discussion of the subject).

Kohn (1967) provides a useful classification scheme and

mechanism for organizing the labor market job hierarchy. His

conceptualization provides a framework for explaining how schools

socialize students into various slots in the hierarchy. He

classifies jobs as ranging from high to low. Internal and external pressures or cues represent the mechanism used to create

(and distinguish between) the two types. The higher level jobs

are characterized by employees who internalize norms consistent

with the organization. This is consistent with Reisman's (1961)

and Whytes' (1957) work on the other-directed personality and the

organization man, respectively. Lower level jobs are characterized by external requirements, rules, regulations, and routines.

Workers at the lower end of the hierarchy, according to Kohn, are

trained and expected to accept the direction of external authority. Individuals employed at the higher levels are trained and

expected to demonstrate "independent judgment" based on internalized values and drives that correspond with a given organization.

This paradigm is further supported by other studies reported in

the literature (Gintis, 1971; Bowies & Gintis, 1976; Edward,

1976).

Schools train individuals to develop and respond to internal and external cues. Working class schools generally use "externally imposed methods" of motivating students to behave in

ways that teachers consider appropriate. Socialization for higher

level roles, on the other hand, involves teaching students to internalize and identify with the norms so as to be "self-directing"

(Wilcox, 1978).

CI? as a Socializing Institution: The Middle Class

Typically, students are socialized for work roles based on

staff perceptions of students' (or their parents') social class

background. Generally, students are socialized into the same

social class as their parents. The CI? also socializes interns

for work roles; however, in this case, staff perceptions of the

interns' social class background serves as an impetus to alter the

pattern. Contrary to the typical pattern of socialization,

interns in the CI? are socialized into toe middle-class culture.

The program serves as an instrument by which individuals are

sorted and allocated to positions in the highly stretitied labor

force with a bias toward middle-class positions. Staff personnel

are not neutral in their objective. They label interns positively

and maintain high expectations in order to help them "claim their

fair share" of the economic pie. Career counseling seminars (CCS)

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4C1.
emphasize the importance of self-presentation skills related to

middle-class work roles. Counselors and CCS, as well as other

classes, are designed to instill positive self-image in the

interns. This acculturation is conducted in a "supportive"

manner that encourages interns to seek middle-class job positions

in the labor' hierarchy. Career roles and relationships to authority are tWo.roughly discussed in terms of middle-class work-role

expectatiOns. finally, the program prepares interns for the

middle-class world of work by teaching Clem to internalize norms

that are 'consistent with the program. This training prepares

interns for occupying a position in the job hierarchy that requires exercising independent judgment within the limits imposed

by middle-class value systems.

How Does It Davoen: The Vehicle

The OIC/A philosophy and ideology are premised on the work

ethic as discussed earlier. This philosophy/ideology is extended

to the local 0/Cs and the CIPs to guide program practice as

demonstrated.

Implicit in tie mainstream American work ethic adopted by

OIC/A are middle-class values--values that generate behavior

and are characterized by such traits as:

future orientation and planning

punctuality and appearance

hard work, with emphasis on competencies

delayed gratification

pride in one's work

The CI? embodies these values in its philosophy and transmits

them through its core support components.

Future Orientation and Planning. The design of the entire

program emphasizes the importance of planning for one's future.

Interns are expected to prepare a Career Development Plan (CDP)--

with the assistance of their counselors--at the beginning of the

program. They establish goals (career objectives) to be accomplished within a given time framework. The CDP is a road map made

to chart the intern's future. As such, it emphasizes the importance of planning for future roles (in employment). Encouraging

interns to accept the responsibility to "follow through" with

their plans represents one of the means by which they are taught

to internalize and identify with the norms and requirements of an

organization. This prepares interns to be "self-directing" within

the program context and, later, in employment.

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4
Career counseling and CCSs are concerned with career planning. The emphasis on career education is significant in itself.

The term career itself connotes a higher level job in the labor

hierarchy--one that is associated with significant skill development and a long-term personal commitment. This connotation is

significant and recognized by various educational leaders Marlin,

1977) and by interns who compare their temporary jobs with their

career objectives.

The CCS requires two reports, each researching a different

career field. Conducting the research for these reports and

learning about the career requirements demonstrates the significance of researching and planning the steps required to accomplish

one's objectives. In addition, these activities serve to reinforce the value orientation of addressing oneself to the future.

The Hands-On experience serves to approximate the long-range

objectives of employment in a career--"a goal to be worked for"

according to one counselor. The Hands-On also serves to provide

reinforcement along the way towards graduation, employment, or

advanced training or education. It offers a concrete incentive by

making it "real"; interns report being encouraged to "keep going,"

to continue with their long-range plans, or to reassess their

objectives after completing their Hands-On experience.

The learning packets represent the central feature of the

individualized curriculum. They cover the core subjects of

English, social studies, math, science, and career awareness and

planning. The packets are organized in a building-block fashion- -

each lesson builds on the one that preceded it in terms of basic

information and complexity. Interns complete the packets at their

own pace; however, they must devise their own strategies for

completing them within the allotted time period. The implicit

function in such a sequentially designed program is internalized

self-discipline. It aims the intern at the future and provides a

map of the route to the ultimate destination. The responsibility

to complete the lesson (to learn) rests with the intern.

The fused curriculum serves to tie the immediate experience

in the classroom to future employment. Simply by creating this

link throughout instruction the intern routinely receives encouragement regarding his/her ability to enter specific roles. The

intern's ability to fill these roles becomes an assumption in

the program. This aspect of the program demonstrates bow the

specific lessons represent tools or sets of tools required to

reach one's goals.

Finally, role playing and other instructional devices are

used to teach interns specific self-presentation skill for inter-.

views or future employment. These skills include: the importance

448
of punctuality, cleanliness, appropriate apparel, and taking the

initiative to solve a given problem according to an internalized set of rules. Role-playing may involve an employer congratulating an employee for Liking the initiative to work late and

finish an important task or a father reprimanding his son for not

cleaning up the yard and taking the garbage out when he knew it

had to be done).

Punctuality and Appearance. The maintenance system of the

program provides the most direct means of transmitting the middleclass values of punctuality a-4 appearance. A variety of other

components, however, also serves to impress upon the intern

the importance of these values.

Late paases are used to remind interns of the importance

of getting to class on time. The more important latent function

they serve, however, is to teach interns the significance of

time. The program's career orientation places special emphasis on

the significance of time in relation to work.

The sequential packaging of the learning packets, the development of the CDP, the sequencing of instruction, the orderly

fashion in which interns are told how to prepare for and research

career fields, and the Hands-On experience all serve to emphasize

the concept of time as a finite quantity to be used efficiently or

wasted. Straying from the self- imposed time schedules for completing an assignment or the sequence of phases in the program

"costs" the intern and serves to provide a negative reinforcement

for such behavior. Completing assignments or sequences of phases

according to plans receives such positive reinforcements as good

grades, compliments, permission to go on the Hands-On experience,

end graduation. This reinforcement facilitates the development of

an internal timeclock. As one instructor pointed out: "If they

expect a few strokes they've got to earn them."

CCS, counseling sessions, and assemblies explicitly emphasize

the importance of being on time for school, employment interviews,

and/or daily employment. CCS instructors emphasize the significance of punctuality on t1 job in role playing and rap sessions

by comparing, for example, what happens to the routinely late

employee as opposed to the punctual employee "when raises and

promotions come by." They also discuss the importance of punctuality -.and appearance in terms of self-presentation skills and

elements contributing to one's self-image. Counselors often

accompany interns to Hands-On experiences to make sure they arrive

on tire and to impress upon them the importance of a punctual

arrival.

The maintenance system mentioned earlier represents one

of the most important mechanisms, for taaching interns to internalize middle-class norms regarding appearance. "No hats" in the

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building is one of the rules that stands out across the sites.

The purpose is to prepare interns for "the world of work"--where

big Borsolinis and wool caps "turn employers off." One staff

member explained "You can't wear that to an interview.... They

tell us, 'If I take this off, half of me is left.' They don't

realize it yet but that's the half of them they're gonna have

to leave behind." One site prohibits interns from wearing sneakers because it presents the "wrong image" to employers. "Loud"

clothing is subtly and indirectly frowned upon (with stearn

eye-to-eye contact, disapproving comments, joking insults, and

straightforward requests to alter the apparel). Staff members

enforce these rules whether in class or in the hallways, thereby

reinforcing "the message."

CCS place a great deal of emphasis on the proper or appropriate presentation of self for interviews or future employment.

The clothing interns wear to class and the attitudes they display

'm the program are discussed in CCS and group counseling sessions.

ILterns are requested to comment on something they like or dislike

about the intern next to them during CCS. The following set of

remarks are typical of those made by the older interns; "I don't

like your attitude" (to a new intern with a chip on his shoulder),

"I don't like your hat" (to an intern wearing a cowboy hat in

class), "I wish the men would shower after working out," "I am not

talking to you because I waited an hour for you last night and you

didn't show up," "I like your shoes" (shiny new, expensive leather

shoes). These comments evidence an internalization of values

regarding "correct attitudes," appearance, hygiene, and punctuality. These same interns after class confessed they were "the same

way...with those same attitudes... and those big old hats...and

I'd never be nowhere on time, you know what I mean?" The negative

consequences of overdressing for a given job are also discussed in

some detail.

CCS and small group counseling sessions are also held to

impress upon the interns the significance of maintaining certain personal hygiene standards. During the last site visit at

one of the programs the men were placed on one side of the cafeteria and the women on the other to discuss specific grooming and

personal hygiene habits. Detailed attention was paid to maintaining loch practices as daily bathing for the men, feminine hygiene

and deodorant for the women, brushing teeth and seeing a dentist

regularly, care of hair, clothing, and so on. Personal grooming

habits, it was stressed, "are a matter of respect for the people

around you" as well as "for the job interview." The emphasis in

this regard is on establishing and maintaining the appropriate

self-presentation for one's anticipated (middle-class) role.

Hard Work, Competencies, Delayed Gratification, and'Pride in

One's Work. Hard work, the development of competencies or skills,

delayed gratification, and taking pride in one's work represent

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the bedrock of middle-class values or the work ethic. The program

adopts the general OIC manpower-training focus on the development

of skills, and stresses the development of career exploration

skills rather than vocational skills.

The CDP, the fused curriculum, and the two CCS ca.ler research reports demonstrate the importance of learning skills and

developing competencies to accomplish one's objectives of entering

and pursuing a career. Developing these skills, counselors

stress* reqUires "diligence and perseverance." In addition,

developingthose skills requires "sacrifice." Counselors report

periodically "sitting an intern down and telling him you can't be

just partying all the time...or just hanging out. You've got to

think about your, future, five-ten years from now. You've got to

make a choice what kind of life is it gems be?" One staff member

reported that "most of them we don't Lave to tell them to make

that decision, they already have. That's why they're here. They

just need some help sticking with it and learning what it's all

about."

The basis for the decision to enter the program varies from

intern to intern. Once in the program however, interns learn to

internalize the value of delayed gratification. Developing the

CDP, completing the classroom assignments, writing the two CCS

reports, and so on all help interns accept the value of delayed

gratification, which in turn enables them to go to Rands-On, earn

a diploma, and pursue a career.

Many of the program components implicitly teach the value of

hard work. Interns learn through the CDP how many courses are

required before they can go to Hands-On and graduate. Courses

teach interns to expect reports, assignments, tests, and plain

hard work to receive credit for the course. Researching careers

informs interns of the years of education or apprenticeship

required to pursue a given career. The selection of a ;tvraer

after hsving researched the requirements itself represents

an internalization of the need for bard work to reach one's

goal.

Counselors and instructors have been observed routinely

encouraging interns to display talents or praising interns for

"obs well done" in an attempt to reinforce the behavior and

encourage interns to take pride in their work. The Intern Formalized Assessment is used primarily to monitor intern progress;

however it also serves to encourage interns to "keep up tha good

work." This also contributes to interns' taking pride in their

work. One intern remarked, "for the first time in a long time I'm

doing great." Interns discuss freely their desire to take pride

in their work or profession. Many interns come into the program

with a distaste for the wrong type of (illegal) professions;

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however a larger number develop a definite stance against illegal

professions only after they have identified a "respected'.' career

for themselves in the program. One intern ready for a change who

had found a "respectable" career to pursue through CCS was absolutely convinced that "nobody wants to be a robber, nobody wants

to be a dope pusher, nobody wants to be a leader of white slavery."

The overall philosophical aim is drawn from the parent

organization as discussed earlier--to help people help themselves.

This is accomplished at the CIP by teaching interns the value of

hard work, developing competencies, delayed gratification, and

taking pride in one's work--the basic elements of the middle-class

world-of-work value scheme.

The Quasi -Total Institution Effect: The Mechanism

The program's operation is dependent on the intern's willingness to attend and to learn as such as it is dependent on the

functioning of the program components. Most interns, like most

youth today "are neither psychological adolescents or sociological

adults... they are in a stage of life that lacks any clear definition" (Daher, 1976) Interns are in a "liminal" stage where,

according to Turner's (1969) definition,they "pass through a

cultural realm that has few or none of the attributes of the past

or coming state"--they are in a state Turner (1964a) refers

to as "betwixt and between."

Many interns come into the program, ready for a change.

Staff and interns alike, however, report that most interns are

looking for attention, a direction, and a means of fulfilling

these needs. This is one of the most important reasons they

attend the program. Once in the program and willing to continue

coming and learning, it is possible for the staff to transmit

middle-class, world-of-work values. One mechanism implicitly

employed by the CIP that enables interns to achieve their objectives is referred to here as the quasi-cotal institution effect.

The author defines this mechanism as a quasi-total institution effect because it closely resembles some of the salient

features of the total institution (Coffman, 1961). However, there

are also some fundamental differences between the two. Coffman

defines the total institution "as a place of residence and work

where a number of like situated individuals, cut off from the

wider society for an appreciable period of time, together lead an

enclosed formally administered round of life."

The CIP is not a place of residence or work and interns are

not cut off from the wider society for an appreciable period of

time. However, the CIP is a place of work where a number of

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like-situated individuals lead a partially enclosed. formally

administered round of life. In addition, interns are "cut off"

from the wider society for appreciable segments of the dsyfive

days a week. The specific differences between the CIP and

Coffman's total institution include:

Most rather than all aspects of school life are conducted

in the same place and under the same single set of authorities.

Most.instead of each phase of the member's daily school

activity is carried on in the immediate company of a large

group of others, all of whom are on one level, treated

alike, and required to do the same thing together.

Most rather than all phases of the school day's activities

are tightly scheduled, the whole sequence of activities

being imposed primarily by administrationwith intern

feedback--rather than exclusively from above by a system

of explicit formal rulings and a body of officials.

The various enforced activities are brought together into

a rational plan purportedly designed to fill the official

aims of the individual and the institutiw..

One of the basic purposes of a total institutional setting is

to "allow its members a well defined structural and ideological

situation into which they can fit themselves" (Daher, 1974). The

CIP serves the purpose--albeit not in as encompassing a manner as

a religious communal group. The CIP, like Daner's description of

an ISKCON temple also

provides ormal rites, positive identifications and models and an ideology...(which) can

also help resolve some of the conflicts of the

youth stage on the sides of trust, autonomy,

initiative, industry, identity, intimacy,

generativity, and integrity. (p. 12)

The CIP offers interns a well defined structural situation.

Thcre are many ways in which the program provides this kind of

definition and structure. One of the most basic means of providing this type of experience is by assisting the interns develop a

CDP that charts the route the intern must follow to reach his or

her goals. Interns are informed of the number of credits they are

required to complete to finish each phase, to participate in

the Hands-On experience, and to graduate. Counselors also give

interns class schedules to direct their daily pattern of behavior.

In addition, interns are inturmed regarding "what is expected of

them" in terms of sociocultural competencies. Many of the program

features discussed in detail earlier also serve to provide interns

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with an understanding of the sociocultural competencies expected

of them, e.g., the maintenance system, CCS, counseling, assemblies, group counseling sessions, and daily instruction.

The CIP also offers interns a well defined ideological

context. Ideology, as discussed earlier, provides a guiding force

or theme for interns to follow--providing a sense of coherence in

their school life. The CIP philosophy is an extension of the

OIC/A philosophy/ideology--to "help people help themselves." This

work-ethit doctrine expressed in a caring and supportive context

end a career exploration orientation provides interns with a well

defined ideological context "into which they can fit themselves."

This ideological context is all encompassing, as documented

earlier, ranging from providing a supportive context to the nature

of instruction and learning itself.

Staff members at each of the sites suggest interns come to

the program for attention as such as any reason. One of the

program secretaries commented in this regard:

Sometimes you have to shoo them away, back

to their classes...they'll just keep talking'

and playing with things, you know, that

they're not supposed to. Not because they're

bad. They're good kids, young adults....

They just want the attention, they want

somebody to show them, you know, that they

care. The program as a quasi-total institution serves to provide

interns with attentiot, affiliation, a focused identity, and a

direction. Intern comments indicate they are receiving the

attention they are seeking. "They listen to you...if you've got a

problem with your [school) work or even you know, at home."

This environment also generates an atmosphere that is conducive

to developing friendships. The environment, particularly the

small size of the program, also forces interns to extend common

courtesy to each other--courtesies they would not normally display

among their peers.

Some of the interns eisplay a highly developed sense of

affiliation--using CIP as a basis for social identity.

We are all together here as one body and all

one group. We all is friends together. We're

mostly like family here.... It's like our own

little community here you know.

This represents one of the most charactersitic forms of the

quasi-total institution effect.

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Finally, interns display a sense of purpose and commitment in

the program -- proudly discussing their career goals and their

new-found direction.

Rituals: Rites of Solidarity and Rites of Passage

One of. the most common elements of a sociocultural system are

communal rites or rituals. CIP as a sociocultural system also has

communal rites. (See Burnett, 1976, for a discussion of ceremonlea and rites in the student-system of an American high school.)

These rites represent the foundation of the quasi-total institution effect. Marvin Harris (1971) defines the nature of communal

rites.

Communal rites fall into two major categories:

(1) rites of solidarity and (2) rites of

passage. in the rites of solidarity partici- ' pation in dram-tic public rituals enhances the

sense of group identity, coordinates the

actions of the individual members of the

group, and prepares the group for immediate or

future cooperative action. Rites of passage

celebrate the sociological movement of individuals into and out of groups or into or

out of statuses of critical importance both to

the individual and to the community.

Rites of solidarity. The CIP has a verity of rites of

solidarity. Student 'ouncil elections represent one of the most

common rites of solidarity. During elections the sites buzz with

excitement. Committees form, interns work on posters and slogans,

interns discuss who is the most popular, the most likely to min,

the best candidate, and candidates make their speeches, and the

entire intern body votes. Slogans and speeches often express why

a candidate is best for CIP, rarely makl any promises, and

generally make some vague reference to future cooperative action,

e.g., school trips or discos, etc.

The financial committee conducts its rituai bake sales to try

to raise money for the student body. A flurry of activities

precedes any sale. Members must meet and plan out their task.

Interns are asked if they world bake something to sell as the bake

sale. Posters are made up and displayed throughout the building.

Phone calls are made by the interns right before to "make sure

everything's alright." Booths are set up and interns are encouraged to contribute to help raise money for trips or the prom,

etc.

Some of the sites have periodic basketball games or other

sports events, whit.' serve to bring "the entire program together."

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At one site, the staff played against the interns. Everyone

playing wore CIP T-shirts. Several individuals assumed formal

cheerleading roles while the majority of the program participants

in attendance displayed their involvement in the event by loud

booing and Jteering. After the game was over, everyone was

talking about when the next one would be arranged.

A fight broke out towards the end of the game between two

interns; however, it did not significantly detract from the event.

In fact, after inquiring about the reason for the altercation the

event proved to be extremely illuminating. One of the newer

(gang-affiliated type) interns was talking about taking over the

program 11.1 one of the older, first cohort, interns felt it was

necessary to let him (and his group) know that they were not going

to take over their (the first cohort's) program. The protective

stance, the degree of affiliation and loyalty to the program, and

the nature of the undercurrents in the intern world could not have

been more clearly demonstrated. Later, after "having it out"

these two became reasonably good friends. This type of behavior

is also classified as a rite of solidarity against a threat.

The single most identifiable communal rite of solidarity is

"CIP-is-IIIP" days. CIP-is-HIP day is a complex affair that is

celebrated or performed somewhat differently at each site. The

ritual began in one program and because of its popularity among

participants and external observers was diffused to the other

sites. The typical CIP-is-HIP day at one site involves participating in meetings and discussing preparations, e.g., making a

meal for the interns or interns making a meal for the staff;

determining categories for awards, e.g., best attendance, most

talkative, best personality, teacher's pet, always on time,

enthusiastic about CIP, likely to succeed, class participation,

leadership ability, always late, and sleeping in class; posting

the names of indivuals with their "awards,"; joking about the

awards; arguing about the awards; and generally getting involved

in the excitement.

The instructional supervisor at this site explained how

excited the interns were on CIP-is-HIP day: "We're going to have

CIP-is-HIP day next week. Now that has been the single overriding

innovation of interns, they seem to like that activity better than

any other."

The instructional supervisor also explained more about how it

works, how it can be used to improve attendance and how it helped

recruitment when the staff organized the day.

We give recognition to interns who are just

about any category. And they really like that

and the last one, the lass: one that we had,

the second cohort came in, and the attendance

456

471
was better than the first cohort. You know,

they came in while we're having CIP-is-HIP day

and that spread the publicity about the

program...end the enthusiasm that things were

going on.... So we're going to have another

one real soon and me mast instead of letting

so many go by.

. Rituarsof solidarity bring the program "together." Staff

and interns are given more of an opportunity to get to know each

other personally end, in the process, the communal ritual serves

to establish a bond that links everyone together as a member of

the group. These rituals represent the vehicle for producing and

maintaining a "little community."

Rites of passam. Rites of passage are conducted in various

ways at the CIP. Moving from one term to the next marks a rite of

passage for some interns. The staff and the interns recognize the

difference between the "old" and the "nee in and the transition is considered significant.

When an intern dramatically alters his ot her attitude or

academic erformance, the event is commemorated with a minor rite

of passage. The intern may be placed on the honor role or given

specific CIP-is-HIP award or interns may give the individual a

nickname, and so on. The most significant rite Co{ passage that

the program offers is, however, graduation.

Interns emphasize throughout the entire program that "your

first responsibility to yourself is to get your diploma that's

the purpose for coming...." interns recognize the difference

between passing an equivalency examination and a diplomaboth in

terms of per self-vorth and employmept--and they are in the

program to earn the diploma. As one intern explained: "I knew

long time ago about the GED, but I wanted a high school diploma."

Many also refer to this experience as their "last chance."

Parents are concerned about their children's progress in school,

as one intern describes, "tbly nether/ always went to school,

never too many absences, and then when she saw my attendance

records she almost fainted."

Interns are very much aware of their parents' concern and

this concern serves as a prime motivation for participating in the

progra. One intern put it simply: "All my mother's as for

is a diploma. X thinit I can do that much for her. She put

herself aside to do something for me, so the least I can do is get

a diploma."

The graduation ceremony marks the transition from young adult

to adult for many, from dropout to success for others, and from

4 57'

472
dropout or "potential dropout" to high school graduate to the

employment community or post-secondary educational institution.

The 01C/A News (1979) captures the importance of this rite of

passage: "The CIP graduation ceremony, it is worth noting, is

taken very seriously by parents and interns. It is a cap on a

genuine achievement, and the ceremony affirms that."

Therefore the communal rites of the Cll. represent the foundations of the quasi-total institution effect. They enhance the

sense of group solidarity and offer a rite of passage into adulthood--into employment or postsecondary education.

458
X. CONCLUSIONS

Conclusions

Thia interim report describes work in progress. For this

reason, the conclusions reached must be regarded as incomplete and

aomewhat tentative. Although it is not expected that major

changes will be made between this and the final Task C report,

there will almost certainly be minor modifications and ahifts of

emphasis.

The purpose of the Task C atudy is to relate CIP "treatment

variables" to "outcomes" at various levels. As has been noted In

earlier chapters, these interrelationships are highly complex. If

nothing elae, it ia hoped that this atudy will dispel any simplistic notions of apecific treatment components "producing" apecific

outcomes. There are treatments and outcomes on various levels

that depend on a multiplicity of variablea and interrelationships

in any given educational program. The task of highlighting

specific aets of interrelationships within the context of the CIP

as an integrated unit--a sociocultural system--haa been a challenging endeavor, but one that the author feels has produced

useful insights.

The most aignificant relationships obaerved across aites have

been categorized as either adaptive or inaladaptive, and as either

intrinsic or extrinsic to program operations. Briefly, the

following interrelationships were prominent across sites.

Adaptive Relationshiiii Intrinsic to Program Operation

The relationship between interns and instructors is

considered a primary factor motivating interns to maintain

their participation in the program.

The use of packets contributed to a better understanding

of homework.

Dedication to the whole-person concept in intensive

counseling (including getting involved with intern's

personal life when it affects his/her participation in

thu program) contributes to better attendance; enhancement

of coping strategies (e.g., better control of temper,

intern perception of the program as "a lot better" than

their fanner school, and better intern understanding of

their problems and the steps necessary to remedy them.

Strong management capable of acting decisively and of

gathering resources when needed to maintain program

operation. is required to implement core program components.

459

474
Increased accountability has contributed to the "rekindling

of staff spirit" (where applicable).

Greater local MC support contributed to staff re-direction

and planning (where applicable).

Enforcement of maintenance system, e.g., school rules

and regulations regarding promptness, appropriate apparel,

etc.', contributes to interns internalizing "world-of-work"

norms and provides them with desired attention (which

in turn "keeps them coming"). Enforcement of the program's maintenance component is also directly responsible

for the absence of profanity, smoking in class or in the

hallways, graffiti, and loitering.

The use of contracts and various teaching devices contributes to a greater understanding and sense of responsibility on the part of the intern.

Maintaining high expectations of interns--personally

and academically--contributes to a high attendance pattern,

higher grades, and increased self-esteem for many interns.

Providing a supportive context for interns contributes

directly to increased attendance, higher grades, aelection of a career, and graduation according to many interns and staff members.

The fact that all staff members including the janitor

understand the philosophy and function of the program and

serve as role models, contributes to increased intern

motivation to attend regularly and pursue studies.

The small size of the program produces a community-like

atmosphere that "forces" many interns to exercise common

courtesy not required at their former high school.

Providing auxiliary services for interns, e.g., day

care facilities, enables them to attend on a regular

basis.

Experience with interns leads staff to redognize that many

of them (dropouts -and "potential" dropouts) were just

bored or didn't want to get involved with the "wrong

crowd" contrary to initial expectations (on thz part

of some staff members) that they were learning disabled.

Experience in the community contributes to staff awareness

of the problem that exists in American democracy with

respect to stop-gap measures, demonstration projects

that come and go, the systematic ignoring of problems,

460-

4 75
and the preference of many for the way things are now.

(This type of awareness leads to increased dedication

for some and departure from the program for others.)

The program has generated a "loyalty" among old interns

such that they defend it from new interns' verbal

assaults.

The existence of the program has prevented

interns from "just hanging out" and "getting

old, ways"; it has also enabled many interns

career, graduate, and enter employment, job

postsecondary education.

1

a number of

back into my

to select a

training, or

Adaptive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

OIC/A's removal of individuals perceived by most staff

members as isolated, "weak managers," or harassing

Improved staff morale and program operation (where applicable).

The OIC/A intervention and media blitz contributed significantly to "saving the program"--literally and figuratively (where applicable).

Local OIC intervention contributed to a temporary boost in

staff morale (where applicable).

Experience in the program community was a real eyeopener for some staff members who become more cynical but also more dedicated (where applicable).

Interns' past experiences with broken homes, negative

peer pressure, dope, school hopping (looking for the

"right kind of people"), etc. provided strong motivation

to enter the program and seriously pursue their studies.

Outsiders crashing a GIP disco elicited and reinforced a

strong program affiliation that was demonstrated when

interns identified the outsiders to the career counseling

supervisor.

"Break-ins" similarly created a "we/they" dichotomy,

subsequently reinforcing a strong sense of program

affiliation and loyalty.

463.

4 76
Maladaptive Relationships Intrinsic to Program Operation

Inadequate administrative support served to "bottleneck"

necessary requests (e.g., for materials) (where applicable).

An austerity budget that made no provisions for cost of

living, loyalty, or merit raises encouraged "resume

passing" among staff members (where applicable).

"Weak" management contributed to staff absences, which in

turn led to intern absences. Staff were frustrated (some

were job hunting on office time) and maintained irregular

attendance patterns. Interns who came to see specific

personalities lost interest in attending if their "teacher" was not present. (where applicable)

Insufficient administrative autonomy to hire and fire

staff contributed to staff indifference to administrative demands and factionalism between nonsupporters

and "loyalists" (where applicable).

Factionalism, "power trips," and the use of racial

issues were used to obfuscate real professional inadequacies among staff members (where applicable).

Staff frustration and tension coupled with a lack of

administrative autonomy contributed to neglect in establishing course schedules that reflected interns' requirements for graduation--this in turn contributed to high

rates of intern absenteeism (where applicable).

Past staff dissatisfaction and factionalism had carry -over

effects on staff and intern morale and intern attendance

patterns (where applicable).

Strong management procedures perceived as dictatorial

contributed to friction between the director and some

staff members (where applicable).

The lack of a consistently enforced maintenance system,

e.g., school rules and regulations, directly contributed to intern "bullcracking in class," high absenteeism, periodic altercations, graffiti on the bathroom

walls, and smoking and loitering in the hallways (where

applicable).

Sudden imposition of a dress code and rules of attendance

that were perceived as arbitrary after a long period of

laxity led to decreased intern attendance (where applicable).

462
Maladahtive Relationships Extrinsic to Program Operation

High membership quotas for treatment and control groups

forced recruitment concerns to override all other program

operations and consequently detracted from the operation

of the sites.

Initial lack of cooperation and delays with the school

boards and unions diminished staff enthusiasm; manifestations of the lowered morale were frequently interpreted

by interns as a form of "not caring," which affected

attendance (where applicable).

LEA negotiations required employment of LEA instructors. Those hired had non-supportive attitudes and low

expectations of interns that significantly affected

their morale and attendance (where applicable).

LEA personnel's different pay scales, fringe benefits,

and the ability to take paid holidays not provided CIP

staff further contributed to the already-present factionalism (where LEA and CIP personnel work together in

the same program).

LEA politics created a situation in which the program

was unable to recruit potential interns from the community

in which it was located. Because the program was not

available to them, a few community members threatened to

picket the building. This, in turn, made dealing with the

community an extremely delicate and time consuming operation (where applicable).

Gangs in the immediate vicinity (of the program) periodically erected obstacles to prevent interns from

attending the program (turf problems--territorial imperative) (where applicable'.

(His)use of an evaluation report to highlight program

deficiencies contributed to the demoralization of a

once-dedicated staff (where applicable).

The funding agency conducted its own evaluation of the

progkam ("looking for the worst site" according to

various sources), which contributed to the further

demoralization of a staff (where applicable).

463

47
Thia chapter summarizes the basic interrelationships affecting and characterizing CIP program operations. The quality of

these interrelationships is critical to the program's ability

to fulfill its manifest goals of enabling interns to complete high

school and receive a high school diploma (rather than a GED),

improving reading and math skills, and enhancing career planning

and occupational knowledge.

The CIP demonstration effort has focused on replicating

the manifest goals of the program and the activities designed to

achieve them. The latent goal of contributing to the upward

social mobility of various lower socioeconomic groups (who are

disproportionately represented in the dropout and unemployment

statistica) was never made explicit. It is the author's opinion

that making this fundamental truth explicit would have substantially facilitated program staffing and training as well as other

aspects at the replication effort. In addition, recognizing the

process by which the program contributes to this latent objective

is fundamental;

The program, like its parent organization, is geared toward

the "work ethic." Individuals are working within the system to

get "their fair share" of the economic pie. The dominant skills

taught in the CIP are self-presentation and self-image skills that

relate to middle-class levels of the job hierarchy. The program

transmits middle-class values - of hard work, delayed gratification, punctuality, and so on as a' vehicle for securing middleclass occupational positions rather than working-class positions.

In addition, the program expects interns to internalize these

values so that they can demonstrate "independent judgment"

consistent with world-of-work norms. According to Kohn (1967)

this value orientation is characteristic of "higher" level jobs

while lower level jobs are characterized by external requirements,

rules, regulations, and routines. The aim of the CIP in this

regard is to develop an internalized time click so that interns

will be self- directed rather, than externally directed by a

factory clock.

Another latent function of the program is to provide a basis

for social identification and affiliation. The program's operation depends as much on the intern's aillingness to attend and

learn as on the proper functioning of the program components.

Most interns a. neither adolescents nor adults; they ate in the

"liminal" stage between the two. Many interns come into the

program ready for a change; most, however, are simply looking for

attention and direction. The CIP offers them a means of attaining

this objective. Once interns have committed themselves to participate in the program, it is possible for the staff to transmit.

middle-class "world-of-work" values to them. The mechanism that

underlies this affiliation-acculturation phenomenon has been named

464

4 71f)
the quasi -total institution effect. The quasi-total institution

"allows its members a well defined structural and ideological

situation into which they can fit themselves." The CIP serves

this purpose for interns by providing formal rites, positive

identifications, and models to emulate.

The Vey to keeping this quasi-total institution system

alive lies in its rites of solidarity and rites of passage.

CIP-is-HIP day is the single most identifiable communal rite of

solidarity celebrated at each site. This ritual, among mo.ny

others, serves to "enhance the sense of group identity, coordinate

the actions of the individual members of the group, and prepare

the group for immediate or future cooperative action."

Graduation ceremonies revresent the most significant rite of

passage in the program. Interns emphasize throughout the entire

program that "your first responsibility to yourself is to get your

diploma--that's the purpose for coming." Interns recognize the

difference between passing an equivalency examination and earning

a diploma--both in terms of personal self-worth and employment- -

and they are it the program to earn the diploma. The graduation

ceremony marks the transition from young adult to adult for many,

from dropout to success for others. OIC /A Key News (1979) captures the importance of this rite of passage: "The CIP grauJation

ceremony, it is vorth noting, is taken very seriously by parents

and interns. It is a cap on a genuine achievement, and the

ceremony affirms that."

These basic implicit goals, vehicles, and mechanisms represent notes and chords in a melody. A note out of peace produces

dissonance, a chord out of place can bring the performance to a

close and the melody ends. Played skillfully, however, the

program is harmonious and resembles a concert-hall symphony.

465
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471

4 SC
STUDY OP THE CAREER INTERN PROGLAM

Interim Now-Techn4:al Report Task D:

Comparison of the CIP with Other Youth Programs

October 1979

Prepared for the

National Institute of Education

RMC Research Corporation

Mountain View, California

40L'id

.472. u
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The purpose of the Task D Interim Report is to discuss

comparisons that have been made between the Career Intern Program

!CIP) and other youth programs in terms of effectiveness, feasibilitr, and other factors important for policy. As a program

for youths who have dropped out of the regular high school or

who are at risk of doing so, the CIP was judged as exemplary and

is currently being tried out in four new sites. The evaluation

of the tryout encompasses four tasks: Tasks A and C, which

assess the implementation; Task B, which assesses the outcomes

of the program; and Task D, which compares the CIP with other

alternative projects for youth.

RMC's approach to the Task D question of how the CIP compares with other youth programs was two pronged. It compares

the CIP first with three quite similar projects that were implemented prior to the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects

Act of 1978 (called herein non-YEDPA projects) and then with

several less similar YEDPA projects. The first set of comparisons

was made in terms of project outcomes such as attendance, enrollment, retention, and ability to graduate students. The second

set of comparisons encompassed such implementation issues as

incentives for participation, relations with the LEA, relations

with the community, recruitment, and work placements.

The search for non-YEDPA projects, covered in the first

section of the report, led to a review of over 500 projects,

120 of which were found to be within the scope of the study.

Careful examination of the documentation of the 120 projects

resulted in the identification of three projects with sufficient

documentation to determine that they were acceptable for comparison with the CIP. These three projects were:

The Alternative Learning Center, Morgantown, West Virginia;

The Experience-Based Career Education Project, Baltimore,

Maryland; and

The Urban League Street Academy, New Orleans, Louisiana.

A tentative assessment of the three comparison projects

revealed that, although they appear to have a number of striking

similarities to the CIP, relevant statistics such as attendance

and retention xates are defined and computed in such diverse

ways that the real extent of correspondence cannot be precisely

determined.

Data were available from the three comparison projects

and the CIP on four indicators of success-enrollment, retention

rate, number of graduates, and school attendance. In terms of

473

488
enrollment, projects were found to use different methods of estimating both current and total enrollment. Projects were found

not only to use different methods for calculating retention

but also differed in their definitions of positive and negative

terminations. Issues related to, effectiveness in graduating

students were even more complex as projects varied in the' type

of diploma offered and the initial credit status of the students

served. In regard to attendance, projects differed both in the

methods used to calculate attendance rates and in how attendance

records were compiled.

Given these constraints, inferences from the comparisons

could be drawn only tentatively. None of the three comparison

projects could be shown to be either inferior or superior to

the CIP in terms of the four success indicators. The CIP may

have some advantage over two of the other projects in attracting and graduating youths. All projects appeared to have some

difficulty in maintaining attendance levels, but projects serving

out-of-school youths (as the Street Academy does) appeared to

have more success than those serving both in- and out-of-school

youths.

In order to draw more meaningful inferences from the comparisons that were made between the CIP and the three selected

projects, it will be necessary to achieve greater data comparability. On-site validation and the collection of additional

data will, it is hoped, make it possible for RMC to report more

conclusive findings in the Final Task D Report (March 1980).

It is also anticipated that one or more additional projects

that currently look "promising" will be fot.nd suitable for additional comparisons.

The second section of the report focuses on implementation

issues. It does so by comparing the CIP to two other YEDPA

programs undergoing concurrent implementation. The comparisons,

thus, cover three different institutional arrangements: an

alternative educational delivery agency run by a community -

based organization (CEO) in the case of the CI?, an approach

based on broad community participation in the case of Youth

Community Service (YCS), and the predominant utilization of

existing manpower agencies and other government units in the

case of Entitlement.

The process of program implementation is conceptualized

as dependent on two sets of forces: those affecting the youths'

decisions to participate and those resulL'lg directly from the

efforts of program administrators.

A significant proportion of disadvantaged youth, particularly those out of school, live with only one parent, alone, or

474 . 4 '3 j
have children of their own. As a result, they need a host of

supportive services not adequately provided by present workoriented programs. PrAdictably, these programs have encountered

difficulties in appealing to out-of-school youth.

Since many young people tend to leave the regular high school

because they see it as an oppressive or, unsatisfactory environment, the idea of returning to it is not appealing. Entitlement,

which sought to motivate out-of-school youths to return to school

in exchange for A minimum-wage job, failed to provide an adequate

incentive. Dropouts prefer programs that offer them concrete,

individually tailored work experiences, as shown by the YCS, or

alternative academic settings characterized by individual attention and a clear career focus, as in the case of the CIP. Students already in school seem more willing to remain if provided

a financial incentive. On the other hand, some are willing to

forego financial incentives if offered an alternative academic

setting, as the CIP has demonstrated.

Because of the apparent hierarchy in preferences, it seems

that programs that (a) offer either a precise interest/job match

or an alternative academic environment, (b) provide a host of

auxiliary services, and (c) offer a financial incentive have more

appeal than programs that incorporate only one of these features.

The decision to enroll in a work-oriented program seems to

represent a fragile commitment. Eligibility and entrance requirements have compounded this problem. Although the requirements

were designed to ensure that the target population would be

served, their mere presence has discouraged a large number of

disadvantaged youths from enrolling. The perception of these

work-oriented programs as serving primarily "dropouts" or minorities and as being "experiments" rather than service providers

further deters young people from participating.

Findings reveal that, while all three institutional arrangeiaents are possible, some appear to have advadtages over others.

Programs with well developed community netwotics tend to perform

better in gaining access to disadvantaged and, particularly,

out-of-school youths. Programs run by community-based organizations with a distinct self-help ideology tend to develop an

ethos particularly effective among alienated and minority youths.

Program 'mplementors have had varying degrees of success

in providing work experiences carefully matched to youths' interests. Large programs without well developed networks of community

resources have provided narrow ranges of occupational choice,

mostly within pub1it. agencies. Small programs with linkages to

community resources, such as the CIP, or moderate-sized programs

with extensive community representation, as has been the case

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40u
for YCS, have secured the support of various employers in the

community and have provided more diversified occupational experiences, even though the participation of private firms has

been low in all cases.

Assessing the quality of work experiences is difficult

even in the case of small programs. The nature of the experienceWhich may involve only one youth per job site--poses logistical problems not likely to be resolved without major increases

in personnel and funds for monitoring purposes.

The participation of private, particularly profit-making

firms, in the provision of work experience remains an elusive

objective. Despite the wage subsidies present in son programs,

relatively few private businesses have made job opportunities

available. On the other hand, programs run either by CB0s-or

by groups with broad community representation seem capable of

securing the support of diverse employers in the community.

Evidence has shown that all of the key activities carried

out by program implementorsrecruitment, relations with the LEA,

provision of work experiences, and coordination with the communityare extremely dependent on the context of the community

Where the program operates. From the identification of youths to

the finding of work experiences for them, program administrators

must count on the receptivity of community agencies:, firms, and,

when applicable, the LEA. This characteristic of work-oriented

programs requires that program administrators be able to communicate the details of program objectives and features clearly and

effectivelyso that community members will understand and accept

the programs. It also requires that program administratos gain

a solid knowledge of the resources in the community prior to

program implementation. The importance of these two tasks indicates that work-oriented programs must give close attentiot

to and allow adequate time for start-up activities. It also

suggests that programs run by organizations very familiar with

their community have a distinct advantage.

40/

476
INTRODUCTION

Stud./ Background

This Interim Task D non-technical report describes .the

findings of one of the four tests that make up RMC Research

Corporation's Study of the Career Intern Program. The contract

for this study was awarded to RMC by the National Institute of

Education (NIE) in April 1978, pursuant to an interagency agreement between NIE and the Department of Labor (DOL).

The Career Intern Program :(CIP) is An alternative high school

serving low-income youths between the ages of 16 and 21 %Aro have

dropped out of their regular high school or who are at serious

risk of doing so. Developed it 1969 by the Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America, Inc. (OIC/A), the project

achieved notable success in helping youths graduate from secondary

school and In smoothing their transition from school to work, to

further technical training, or to post-secondary education.

In 1976 the prototype program which operated in Philadelphia,

was judged to be exemplary by the Joint Dissemination Review Panel

of the U.S. Office of Education (USOE) and NIE. Under authorization of the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of

1978 (YEDPA, P.L. 95-93), DOL elected to field test the CIP in

four net/ localities to find out if the same beneficial outcome.

that bad been observed in Philadelphia could be achieved in the

new sites. DOL funded the dissemination effort and, through

an Interagency Agreement, arranged to have NIE monitor both the

dissemination itself and the evaluation of the program at the four

new sites.

The evaluation encompasses the following four tasks:

Task A: Assess the process of program implementation ii the

new sites;

Task B: Determine the effects of the CIP as imp amented in

the new sites and compare the effects with those

achieved in Philadelphia;

Task C: Analyze the program to determine causal relationships among program components and effects; ,.nd

Task D: Compare the CIP with other similarly targeted

programs in aspects relevant to policymaking.

This report presents RMC 's findings to date relevant to Task

D, the comparison of the CIP with other programs having similar

49:
goals and serving similar target groups. Tasks A, B, and C have

been described in other reports.

Task D Stope

The general question addressed in Tacit D is, "How does the

CIP compare in terms of effectiveness, feasibility, and other

factors important for policy .to other similar programs serving

similar youths?.". The intent of this comparison is to provide

information about the relative advanmes,and disadvantages of

alternative intervention strategies and different delivery systems

for programs designed to increase the "employability" of youths.

The study explores specific questions such as: "What are

the advantages and disadvantages of a community-based organization

over a local education agency (LEA), prime sponsor, a private

contractor, or other agency in administering a program like the

GIP?" and, "What are the features of programs for youths that are

related to their success in attracting youths, in improving their

school attendance, in helping them to graduate, and in other

factors related to enhancing their employability?"

RMC used two approaches to address the overall Task D question. The first approach was to search out projects with goals

and f.,atures similar to those of the ere and to analyze their

effectiveness in comparison with the CIP. The second approach

used was to examine alternative programs that presented only broad

similarities with the UP. (although serving the same target

group) but that had been studied during implementation and could

thus provide useful comparative data relevant to delivery systems.

This two-pronged approach was suggested by the nature of the

available data. Evaluations of projects operating prior to the

1978 YEDPA legislation (herein referred to as non-YEDPA projects)

and those being implemented as a consequence of the legislation

(herein referred to as YEDPA programs) are dramatically different.

Most non-YEDPA project evaluations are replete with descriptive

data about project components and outcomes. Almost without

exception, these evaluations contain little process information

pertaining to implementation issues. On the other hand, several

current YEDPA programs are being subjected to process evaluations

and although these studies have not yet been completed, significant findings about implementation issues have been reported.

These programs, however, have not yet produced much in the way of

outcome data.

The fact that non-YEDPA programs had data on effectiveness

and impact led to their inclusion in Part 1 of this report. Since

YEDPA programs offered data on implementation, Pert 2 focuses

exclusively on them. Thus, the emphasis in Part 1 is on effectiveness, while that of Part 2 is implementation feasibility.

403

-.478
PART 1

COMPARISONS OP THE CIP WITH SIMILAR. NON YEDPA PROJECTS

Classie M. Foat

430
I. OVERVIEW

The purpose of this part of the report is to present findings

pertaining to the comparison of the CIP with non-YEDFA projects.

The central question addressed is, "How does the CIP apprbach

compare in effectiveness, as well as feasibility and other factors

important for policy, with other non-YEDPA approaches designed to

help youth who have dropped out or who are at risk of dropping out

of school? An initial search produced some 500 projects that were

candidates for comparison with the CIP. Lack of comparability,

and of descriptive data, however, ultimately reduced this pool to

only three projects. The following pages provide the details of

the selection of these projects and summarize the features of the

components they have in common with the CIP.

Using outcome data reported about the three projects and the

four CIP sites, some preliminary assessment is made of the relative merits and demerits of different approaches to helping

low-income, high risk youth. The question of how the CIP compares

with other approaches has changed, however, from that originally

called for by the .RFP (NIE, 1978). The RFP specified that "projects undergoing comparable evaluations" be identified (p. 21), but

the search, although extensive, failed to identify any projects

with evaluations that employed designs similar to that used with

the CIP. Thus, the comparisons that are made here employing such

criteria as success in increasing high school retention; decreasing absenteeism; facilitating graduation; and placing youths in

jobs, college, or skills-training programs must be interpreted

with extreme caution since the data reported by the three sites

and the CIP are not exactly comparable. Not only do the evaluation designs differ, there are major differences in how indices

such as attendance and attrition are defined and quantified.

An additional, even more important problem is that the projects identified as similar to the CIP are far more stable and

mature. One project has existed for seven years, and comparing it

to the 18-month-old CIP is problematical at best. Finally, there

does not appear to be any adequate way, when comparing the CIF to

other.projects, to take into account differences in project

effects that may be related to the demonstration nature of the

CIP. The delivery system of the CIP, including the time constraints, are all unique to that program. Any inferences made

about the relative merits or demerits of its components must be

tempered by the fact that none of the projects selected for

comparison was implemented in a similar fashion.

480
II. SELECTING PROJECTS SIMILAR TO THE CIP

The Task D search for projects similar in scope to the CIP

was undertaken on a wide_ scale. Nominations were sought from a

wide variety of sources and various sources of documented information were examined. This process was ongoing from September

1978 until May 1979, When the acceptance of nominations had to be

cut off.

Nomination Sources

Because the CIP is a career education project, the primary

focus of the search was on federal, state, and local career

education projects, but adult and vocational education projects

were not excluded from the study's scope. Although clear and

distinct differences among these different kinds of programs do

exist, they all serve complementary purposes in offering basic

skills training and instruction pertaining to the world of work.

The search was limited to projects that served 16- to 21-year-old

youth.

Four major sources of nominations were used to identify

projects. These were: (a) the literature on career and vocational education; (b) persons in federal, state, and local agencies such as members of the vocational education staff at the

Bureau of Occupational and Adult Education, members of the National Advisory Council in Career Education, the Chief State

School Officers, and the State Coordinators of Career Education;

(c) staff from several local research firms who had compiled

project documentation in conjunction with previous research

contracts; and (d) the OIC/A and RMC staff members.

Over 200 persons and projects were contacted for project

nominations and descriptive and evaluative documentation.

More than 75% of the persons contacted for project nominations responded to the requests for information and over 500

project descriptions were reviewed, most of which were not of

alternative school programs and were immediately. rejected as

inappropriate for further consideration. In toto, 120 alternative

school projects were nominated as likely candidates for comparison

to the CIP. Documentation was received on more than 60% of these

projects.

Selection Criteria

Selecting projects with components similar to the CIP required the development of 16 selection criteria. Thirteen of

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49G
these criteria--called preliminary screening criteria--were developed to see if the project was within the scope of the study.

Three other criteria were used for a finer screening of projects.

These were called secondary screening criteria and were primarily

concerned with the adequacy of information about the projects.

Preliminary Screening Criteria

The thirteei preliminary screening criteria were developed

to ensure that projects selected for comparative evaluations

would indeed be similar to the CIP. These criteria were developed under the headings 'of objectives, demographic characteristics, treatment characteristics, size, and availability. Selected

projects had to meet four objectives:

the projects must enable students to complete high school,

the projects must increase high school retention,

the projects must enhance career planning and occupational

knowledge, and

the projects must improve basic academic skills.

The demographic criteria were:

youths served must be actual or potential dropouts,

youths served must come primarily from areas of low income

and high youth unemployment,

youths served must be 16-21 years of age, and

youths served must have sufficient reading skills (i.e.,

read at fifth-grade level or above).

In terms of treatment characteristics, two criteria were developed. These were:

projects must provide training in basic reading and math

skills, and

projects must provide for career planning and occupational

knowledge activities.

The one size criterion set was:

the project must currently serve 50 or more youth.

Finally, the two availability criteria specified that:

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497
projects must have existing evaluative and descriptive information, and

projects must be currently operating.

Secondary Screening Criteria

The secondary screening criteria were primarily concerned

with the adequacy of information about the project and, unfortunately for the purposes of this report, consideration could be

given only to documented information that RMC was able to obtain

prior to the writing of this report. Several additional projects

mayhave adequate information, but has not yet been obtained.

The three secondary screening criteria required that (a) descriptions of components of the project be sufficiently well defined

that the procedures and activities of the project are clear; (b)

evaluative and descriptive information reported indicate the

student population represented in the findings (e.g., grade

levels, age levels, in-school youths, out-of-school youths);

and (c) the project's outcomes be compared to those of some

reference group (e.g., earlier dropout rates of the same group

served or attendance comparisons with the regular high school).

Carefully controlled experiments were not required.

All of these criteria had to be met for selecting projects to

compare with the CIP.

Screening Process

The screening of projects began with an examination of each

nominated project's documentation against the 13 preliminary

selection criteria to determine if the project was within the

study's scope. In most cases information received from the

projects was sufficiently detailed to allow some judgments about

whether or not they were within the study's scope. Table 1

summarizes the frequency of the rejections by type. Over half the

nominated projects were rejected because they did not (or because

it could not be determined that they did) meet one or more of the

preminary screening criteria.

Careful examination of the documentation of those projects

that did meet the preliminary criteria revealed that, .in all

cases, the documentation was not sufficient to meet the second set

of criteria. In the case of 20 projects where it appeared that

the criteria might be met if additional information could be

obtained, telephone and/or letter requests for such information

were made. To date eight have provided the necessary information.

Five of these had to be rejected while three were selected for

483

403
inclusion in the study. Because of insufficient information,

twelve others programs are currently "in limbo." They appear

promising, but have not as yet made adequate information available

to RMC.

The three projects identified as appearing to have met -both

sets of criteria are: (a) the Alternative Learning Center,

Morgantown, West Virginia; (b) the Urban League Street Academy,

New Orleans, Louisiana; and (c) the Harbor City Learning Program

(Experience-Based.Career Education), Baltimore, Maryland. None of

these sites have been visited, although all were contacted by

telephone to gainer additional information about their program

components and their evaluations.

TABLE 1. SUMMARY OF REASONS PROJECTS WERE REJECTED

Reasons for Rejection No. Protects Percentage

Outside project scope 63 54

No response 30 26

Insufficient information 19* 16

No longer exists 5 4

Total 117 100

*Twelve of these passed the preliminary selection

criteria and appear to be likely candidates.

484
III. FINDINGS

The three projects selected for comparison have a number

of features in common with the CIP. All four projects also

have reported data on similar indicators of success -- enrollment,

retention, number of graduates, and attendancein,terms of which

comparisons can be made. Drawing inferences from the comparisons

is extremely dangerous, however, because of differences among

project definitions and quantifications of these indicators of

success. Overview of the CIP and the Selected Projects

The following description of the CIP and the three selected

projectsthe Alternative Learning Center (ALC), Experience-Based

Careeer Education (EBCE), and Urban League Street Academy--focuses

on both the common and distinguishing features of all four.

General characteristics. Like the CIP, the three comparison

projects serve either in-school or out-of-school youth or both and

have goals similar to the CIP. At two sites, like two CIP sites,

the majority of the participants are black and live in lar e

metropolitan areas. At the third site, the majority are white and

live in a rural area of the south.

Although all four projects have similar goals and serve

similar youths, close examination revealed six important differences. First, in terms of project duration, the ALC and EBCE

projects have been in existence for three years, and the Street

Academy has operated for seven years. The CIP is currently in

only its second year's operation. Second, in terms of project

administration, the Street Academy is the only project that is

community based like the CIP. It is administered by the Urban

League and, although its leadership is not church related as is

the CIP's, it does have a client-centered orientation dedicated to

extending its resources to the community. In contrast, the ALC is

administered by the county school district, and the EBCE project

is administered jointly by the CETA prime sponior and the school

district. All the projects, however, operate as autonomous

alternative schools.

The third distinction is that neither the Street Academy nor

the ALC offers a high school diploma while both the CIP and the

EBCE do. A fourth distinction is that the Street Academy and the

ALC, which work primarily to prepare students for the high school

equivalency (GED) examination, offer accelerated instruction so

that students can graduate earlier than if they remained in their

home schools. Fifth, in terms of youth served, one of the projects--the Harbor City EBCE project -- serves dropouts only. Unlike

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50Q
the CIP and the other two selected projects, it does not Dave to

depend upon the LEA for its enrollment. As a CETA program, all

its youths are recruited from the local manpower office. Finally,

the EBCE project is the only one in which youths are paid allowances for the time spent completing assignments.

Characteristics of.ProJects' Components

Comparisons were made among the projects in terms of twelve

specific components. These were: instruction, counseling, career

education, program' climate, personnel, curriculum, recruitment,

facilities, funds, relations with the LEA, relations with the

monitoring agency, and relations with the community.

As in the CIP, instruction in all three comparison projects

is individual and the curricula are infused with work - related

content. Even sop the instruction at each project does have a

unique element about it. The ?BCE project makes extensive use of

individual learning experiences that take students out into the

community for weeks at a time. The ALC is unique in its use of a

large number of self-instructional materials that are commercially

available through publishing companies. The unique element of the

instructional approach for the Street Academy is its extensive use

of GED materials.

While all three selected projects have a counseling component, only the Street Academy provides the same kind of extensive

individual counseling services related to career planning, personnel concerns, and academic status as the CIP. Individual

counseling is provided in the ALC program but not as frequently

as in the CIP. Career counseling, including placement assistance,

is provided for EBCE youth by the CETA prime sponsor upon entry

into and exit from the program, but there is no personal or

academic counseling.

A point of distinction to be made between the CIP and the

three comparison projects is their varying emphasis on career

education. One aspect of the CIP career education component

(called Hands-On) provides an opportunity for youth to explore

careers in two fields through visits to job sites (for one week

each) with resource persons in the community. its Career Counseling Seminars (CCS) (to which all students are assigned) provide

the main mechanism by which career orientation and education is

developed and maintained.

The career - felted activities provided by the EBCE are similar

to the CIP's Hands -On experiences, but students are provided with

actual work experience Lhat takes them to job sites, and they

are paid a stipend for their participation. The ALC and Street

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501
Academy are at the other end of the continuum. Neither has a

component similar to the CIP's Hands -On, although the ALC youths

are offered specific training in a skill and approximately 35

Street Academy students participate in a career training program

in the afternoons.

The up attempts to provide a climate that is motivating and

supportive to participating youths. Available documentation

suggests that the.Street Academy has a climate very similar to the

Clio's.. Less is currently known about climate in the EBCE and the

ALC.

While the CIP project specifies that personnel be skilled and

have experience and expertise is their areas of specialization,

certification is not a must for the instructors and counselors.

)or the comparison sites, all instructors and counselors are

certified, although it is not clear at this point if these are

requirements of the programs or of the LEAs. Like the CIP, all

three comparison programs have project directors. In two of the

three programs, the directors report directly to the LEAs (unlike

the CIP). Also unlike the CV approach, staff members of all

three comparison programs are selected from among the local

school district staff and, at two of the sires, teachers are paid

out of district funds. In the third program, teachers are on loan

from the school district.

Since the CIP offers a regular high school diploma and must

depend upon the LEA for award of academic credit, its curriculum

must meet the LEA requirements. The three comparison sites share

a similar relationship with the.LEA, although course approval is

rot as much of a problem for the ALC and the EBCE as for the CIP

since they operate as integral parts of the LEA. Even though the

Street Academy, like the CIP, operates under a community-based

administration and does not offer a regular high school diploma,

its curriculum must also be approved by the school board so that

students who wish to obtain their diplomas can be given academic

credit for completed courses.

In the CIP, recruitment is scheduled to occur three times a

year (primarily because of the demonstration nature of the program) and requires the employment of strategies such as campaigning for youths not only in the community, but also in the public

schools and on the streets. While none of the three (...xtparison

programs has found it necessary to .recruit so intensively,

two of them, like the CIP, depend upon the local schools for

student referrals. Also, like the CIP, the youths enrolled

in two of the alternative projects .remain on the schools' roster.

The third site (the ALC) operates as an autonomous school but,

because its curriculum is approved, its students can receive

diplomas from their former schools.

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502

BeIMIM===wP
Like the CIF, the facilities of all three comparison projects

are located away from the regular public school. The EBCE and

Street Academy projects occupy a building that is also shared by

other projects also administered by the CET& prime sponsor and the

Urban League, respectively.

The Street Academy project is most similar to the CIP in that

its funds are also administered by a local community-based organization (the Urban .League) . For the ALC project, the funds are

administered by the school board. The EBCE is unique in that its

funds are administered by the local school board but are also

monitored by the local and state manpower office. The directors

of all the comparison projects, like the CIP, have access to funds

(through approval by the fund administrators) needed for purchasing materials, supplies, and other project needs.

Like the CIF, all three comparison projects have established

relations with the LEA that allow for in-kind support from the

LEA. All are dependent upon tLe LEA for accreditation, for

example. All also receive in-kind support such as food and

transportation services. The Street Academy also receives in-kind

support in terms of staffing (the LEA provides four certified

teachers). This feature is unique.

Since the ALC is funded and administered by the school

distzict, it shares a unique relationship with its LEA. It

receives students from schools all over the county and serves as a

"transitional" school. That JD, students in the early high school

grades (ninth and tenth) are encouraged to return to their regular

school as soon as possible and to earn a regular high school

diploma.

Of all three projectc, only one, the Street Academy, has

relations with the monitoring agency similar to the CIPs' relationship with its local OIC. The Street Academy is also the only

one of the three comparison projects that is community-based like

the CIP. (It is administered by the Urban League.) The EBCE and

the &LC projects are administered by their respective LEAs,

although EBCE is a CETA project and is also monitored by the locat

and state manpower offices. In terms of project administration,

all three comparison projects have directors who hire their own

personnel and Who, like the CIP directors, must seek the approval

of the sponsoring agency. The EBCE project is unique in that all

of its administrative staff are employed by the CETA prime sponsor. The director must make monthly reports to that agency and to

the assistant superintendent of the LEA.

- Like the CIF, relations with the community is important to

the projects' operation. A key element of all three projects

selected for comparison is the interaction of the project with

ilEtg,oj
employers in both the public and private sectors. All three

feature some type of work experience for students within the

community. One project--the Street Academy--has an advisory panel

like the CIP that assists in linking the project to the business

community.

In terms of parent involvement, the Street Academy is most

like the CIP. Staff members make home visits as needed and plan

special activities to involve parents. In the EBCE project,

parents are not extensively involved. The ALC does provide

workshops for parents, but their orientation is directed more at

helping parents cope with their children than at involving them in

the project itself.

Comparison of Outcomes

The discussion that follows is a tentative assessment of the

relative advantages and disadvantages of the CIP as compared with

the three other programs. As indicated earlier, such comparisons

can only be tentative at this time because the extent to which

data from the different programs are comparable has not yet been

adequately determined.

Data are available from the: three comparison sites and the

CIP on four indicators LI sucLess--enrollment, retention rate,

number of graduates, and school attendance. Additional data are

also available for some sites on outcon.ss such as placement,

impact on parents, changes in student attitude, and relations

with the LE4. Once we are able to ascertain exactly how these

indicators of success are computed, more valid comparisons will be

possible.

Inro llment

A review of the documentation forwarded by the three comparison programs revealed enrollments of 62, 79, and 213, respectively, for the ALC, the EBCE, and the Street Academy, compared

with 861 (as of May 1979) for the four CIP sites. The ALC and

EBCE figures represent enrollment for one academic year. The

figures reported, however, are for the ALC's first year of operation and for the EBCE's third year The enrollment figure of 213

for the Street Academy is also for one academic year but for its

sixth year of operation. For the four CIPs, the enrollment figure

of 861 represents total enrollment for three cohorts spanning an

18-month interval. If this figure is trustworthy, it can be

concluded that the CIP serves an average of approximately 430

Students per (nine-month) academic year

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504
After less than two years' operation, the four CIP sites

taken together are attracting a larger number of youths than

the other commmunity-based project (the Street Academy) and

more youths than ei*her the ALC and the EBCE projects, ,even

though all three have existed for longer time periods. Perhaps a

more appropriate comparison would be that the average CIP site is

attracting approximately as many youths as the average comparison

project even though it is newer and less well established. One

might also infer that the projects administered by community-based

organizations are more successful at attracting youths than

projects administered by other agencies, but other factors would

have to be considered before this inference could be verified.

Two aspects of the reported data make it difficult to draw

firm conclusions. First that is meant by enrollment is unclear

and apparently varies from project to project. Although it is not

entirely clear, it appears that, for two projects, enrollment is

defined as the number of students enrolled in the project by a

fixed admission date. This type of statistic can be quite misleading. If the date is early in the project's operational cycle,

enrollment will be higher than at a later date as attrition is

high during the first few days or even weeks. One other project

appears to have used average monthly enrollment as an indicator of

total enrollment. This type of index should be substantially more

stable than the "one- shot" body count. In the case of the CIP,

the enrollment count is the number of applicants who were admitted

to the program--regardless of whether or not they ever attended.

To make more valid comparisons among projects, it will be necessary to probe records carefully and attempt to cast the enrollments of each project in a common metric.

The second point to be made regarding the validity of conclusions about enrollment is that only the CIP and the ALC have

reported enrollment goals or capacities. The ALC, for example,

is operating at maximum capacity when serving 35 students per

youths, even though it has enrolled fewer students than the other

projects. For the EBCE project, maximum capacity is 90 students.

Thus it is operating at approximately 88% capacity. The expected

capacity of the CIPs (according to the CIP feasibility study) is

150 interns per site. Thus, even though the CIP sites enrolled a

larger number of youths than any of the other projects, with the

exception of one site, they have not operated at maximum capacity.

(See Treadway, Foat, Fetterman, Stromquist, and Tallmadge, 1979,

for a discussion of recruitment problems experienced by the CIPs.)

The issue is a complex one. While it is clear that projects

cannot be expected to extend services beyond their maximum capacity, it seems unfair to make comparisons in terms of success

in achieving enrollment quotas between large- and small-capacity

projects.

490

5u
Retention Rate

Retenticl rates reported by the ALC, LICE, and Street Academy

are 50%, 91%, and 83%, respectively. The EBCE reports this rate

as being higher than that of its parent school, the Harbor City

Learning Program (retention rate of 63%). For the CIPs,the

average reported retention rate is 69%. (Two sites reported a

retention rate of 57%, one site a rate of 30%, and the fc -.7th site

a rate of 75%0

If taken at face value, these data suggest that the ALC

and the CIP have experienced more difficulty in retaining students

than the other two projects. Since the EBCE and the Street

Academy both serve out-of-school youths exclusively, it also

appears that retention is related to the type of youth server.

While it appears that these two inferences are valid, there are

some problems with the data. Again, different projects have used

different formulas for measuring retention rates. One CIP site,

for example, took the total number of students enrolled at the

time the calculation was made and divided it by the number of

students initially enrolled. This procedure did not account for

graduates and as a result a retention rate of 30% was reported,

when in fact the rate would have been 55% had graduates been

counted as retainee. At another CIP site, the retention rate was

obtained by adding to the number of youths currently enrolled in

the program those with "positive terminations" (e.g., graduating

or returning to the regular school system) and dividing the sum by

the total initial enrollment.

A second problem with retention rate data is the lack of

consensus among projects over what is meant by positive and

negative terminations. While a return to the regular high school

would be regarded as a positive termination for one project, at

another project such a termination would be considered negative.

there exists a lack of consensus over the time and

conditions under which a student is classified as having terminated. Most projects use the local LEA criteria fn.: determining

when a student's name should be added to the project's termination

list, but these criteria vary among the LEAs. In one project, the

criterion for terminating a student is five consecutive days' absence, while in another, a student is considered rirminated after

four weeks' absence within a twelve-week period. Also, in some

instances students return to the project just prior to being dropped from the enrollment list, or are dropped and then readmitted.

Only one project reported the number of students dropped from the

total enrollment who subsequently returned to the project.

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5O
Total. Number of Graduates

The ALC, the EBCE, and the Street Academy reported 3, 6,

and 65 graduates, respectively, for the 1976-77 school year. For

the CIPs, a total of 89 students have graduated (55 from one Site,

15 from the second site, 13 from the third and 6 from the fourth

site). These figures correspond to approximately 5, 8, 31, and

10% of the reported enrollments for the four projects.

Again it appears that the two community-based projects (the

CIP and the Street Academy) are more effective than the other two

projects. However, given the large differences in youth interest,

capacity, and commitment that are likely to exist between projects, it would be inappropriate to reach such a conclusion without

considering (a) the kind of diploma offered, (b) the proportion of

students who are in-school youth versus those who are out-ofschool youth, and (c) the number of students "eligible" for

diplomas or certifitates. It seems quite likely, for example,

that the Street Academy can graduate students more easily because

"graduating" means earning a GED, not a high school diploma.

Unfortunately, there are many plausible explanations for the

observed graduation rates and not enough data to enable choosing

among them.

Attendance Rate Issues

The current CIP attendance rate is 58.6%, while the EBCE and

Street Academy attendance rates were 89% and 60%, respectively, in

1976-77. (No attendance figures are reported for the ALC project.) These statistics suggest that attendance has been a

problem for all the sites. It also appears that CIP sites are

less successful in maintaining high attendance rates than two

comparison projects.

Again, conclusions about attendance rates must remain tentative for several reasons. First it is not clear whether the

reported rates are based upon average daily attendance or some

other estimates. For the CIP sites, the data reported represent

the average attendance over three months of the project's operation {March, April, and May 1979). Although the project's operations were more stable during this period than they were earlier,

the figures are likely to be unrepresentatively low because the

months of March, April, and May are generally the months in which

school attendance is poorest in most public schools.

Second, because the CIP sites are known to employ different

procedures for recording attendance, it can be assumed that

similar differences exist among the comparison projects. A third

factor related to attendance is the previous attendance patterns

492
of the participating youths. Since one characteristic of the

target population for hese programs is poor attendance, consideration must be given to previous attendance records and/or

changes in attendance patterns from previous years. None of the

sites have reported such data although one site--the EBOE--did

indicate that its attendance rate is higher than that ofits

parent school (i.e., $9X versus 72%).

A final factor related to attendance is the problem of

attrition. In the case of the CIPs for example, there is a

distinct possibility that students who have actually left the

project are being counted as absent rather than terminated- -

especially since, as mentioned earlier, some discrepancies exist

in the criteria for termination.

Summary,

Assessing the advantages and disadvantages of the CIP

in comparison to other alternative approaches is a complex and

problematical task. Of four indicators of successenrollment,

retention, number of graduates, and attendance -- inconsistencies in

the data render the drawing of conclusions extremely hazardous.

At a very tentative level, the CIP, together with the Street

Academy, appears to have the advantage of attracting a larger

number of youths than the other two comparison projects. In terms

of retention rates, it appears that the projects serving out-ofschool youth only have an advantage over those that serve both inand-out-of-school youth. No striking advantage or disadvantages

are evidenced in terms of attendance rate for the CU or any one

of the other three alternative approaches, although all sites seem

to have problems with attendance. Finally in terms of leading to

graduatiou, the CIF. appears to have some advantages over the AIX

and the EBCE, although the youth served are not exactly comparable. The Street Academy seems to produce more graduates than the

CIP, but they earn CEDs rather than regular high school diplomas.

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sos
IV. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The primary purpose of this section of the Task D report

has been to provide details of comparisons that were made between

the CIP and similar non -YEDPA projects. The common and unique

features of the three alternative projects and the CIP were

described, as was the process of identifying the three comparison

projects. As pointed out, drawing inferences from the comparisons

is extremely hazardous because of differences among projects in

their definitions and quantification of criterion measures. If

additional data can be obtained, it may be possible to clarify

some of the issues that have been raised. Additional data on 12

" promising" projects may also enable new comparisons to be made.

Such new comparisons may also be enlightening.

Some 500 youth-oriented projects were reviewed and three

were selected for comparison to the CIP. None of the three

projects could be shown to be either inferior or superior to the

CIP in terms of such indicators of success as attendance patterns,

retention, number of graduates, or success in attracting youths.

The CIP may have some advantage over the other projects in attracting youths and (together with the other community-based

project) in helping them to graduate. Even these inferences must

be viewed with some skepticism, however, because of data inadequacies. All projects appeared to have difficulty in maintaining

attendance levels, but projects serving out-of-school youth

appeared to have somewhat more success in this area.

Data comparability was the most severely limiting factor in'

RMC's attempts to draw meaningful inferences from the comparisons

that were made. Differences in project features were readily

apparent, but causal linkages could not be unambiguously established. The discussion on the similarities and differences

between the CIP and the three comparison projects thus left

unanswered a number of questions important to policy makers.

For example, does the fact that youths are paid for their work

experience (one of the three projects provides stipends) really

make a difference in retention rates or attendance patterns? Is

having day-care facilities for youths with children related to

improved school or on-the-job attendance patterns or in the number

of students who complete their high school education? And, is a

project administered by a community-based orginization more likely

to be successful than is one administered by a CETA agency. These

and other questions related to determining the relative merits and

demerits of the CIP cannot be answered without first establishing

whether or not the data reported by the CIPs and the alternative

approaches are comparable.

The major issues related to data comparability are summarized

as follows:

9 94
Enrollment Issues

- Projects use different methods for estimating current

and total enrollments (i.e., duplicated vs. unduplicated

counts)

- Enrollment capacity is confounded with total enrollment

Retention Rate Issues

- Projects use different methods of calculating retention

rates

- Projects differ in their definitions of negative and

positive terminations

Issues Related to Number of Graduates

- Projects vary in the type of diploma offered to youths

(i.e., GED vs. regular high school diploma)

- Relationships are likely to exist between the number of

graduates and the number of credits needed to graduate

When youths enter the project. The projects that were

compared serve target groups that differ in this respect

Attendance Rate Issues

- Projects use different methods of calculating attendance

rate

- Projects use different procedures for recording attendance

In order to make useful comparisons among projects," some

degree of comparability with respect to such concepts as "'negative

termination," "positive termination," "current enrollment," and

"attendance" are essential. While it is anticipated that MC will

be able to make some recalculations, it is unlikely that the desired degree of comparability can be achieved from the information

available An any existing records.

As indicated, on-site validation of reported data and the

collection of additional data will make it possible for 101C to

report more conclusive findings for the Final Task D report (March

1980). In addition to making comparisons in terms of indicators

such as retention and absentee rates, number of graduates, and

enrollment, it is anticipated that additional comparisons can be

made with indicators of success such as relations with the community, relations with the LEA, and job placement among others.

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510
PART 2

COMPARISON OF THE CIP WITH OTHER TEDPA PROJECTS

Nally P. Stromquist
I. INTRODUCTION

Purpose

This portion of the Task D Interim Rep rt has a two-fold

purpoae. First, it seeks to present comparative fipdings on

implementation issues common to work-oriented programs. Second,

it seeks to explore the various factors that have affected

these implementation issues.

A characteristic feature of most work-oriented programs is

that the intended clients (disadvantaged youth) are not compelled

to participate; their involvement is voluntary. For this reason,

the implementation of work-oriented programs is governed as much

by those forces that influence the decisions of young people to

participate as by those related to the running of the program

itself. While dichotomizing implementation processes into these

two categories must be regarded as simplistic, it provides a

useful framework for organizing the following discussion.

The implementation issues discussed herein include' the

various factors that affect the young peoples' decisions to enroll

in work-oriented programs. They also encompass actions that must

be carried out to set the program in place such as recruitment

activities, the provision of work experiences, relationships with

the local educational agency (LEA), coordination activites with

the community, and the role of community-based organizations

(CEOs). Youth attendance and retention patterns,' which do not

enable the implementation process but constitute an intrinsic part

of it, are also included.

This portion of the Task D report focuses primarily on implementation issues that have been problematic and/or about uhich

useful information has been acquired. For the most part, the

issues chosen for analysis are intimately related to one or more

of the following three areas in which federal policy makers hope

to acquire new information:

the feasibility of new institutional arrangements for the

provision of work - oriented programs,

the extent to which young people can be provided "meaningful" work experiences, and

1The term work - oriented program is used here to refer to

programs that involve career-awareness, work - experience, careerrelated education, and academic training either singly or in combination.

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512
the appeal of current delivery programs to the target

group.

These concerns are included among the priority issues of the

1977 DOL Knowledge Development Plan (U.S. Department of Labor,

1977, pp. 8-9). A better understanding of them, consequently,

should be useful to policy makers.

Several progiams that are comparable along one or more

dimensions have been implemented under DOL sponsorship. Most of

these programs, however, have not yet produced detailed accounts

of their implementation. This limitation leads the author to restrict the comparison to three programs for which adequate data

bases exist. These are:

The Youth Incentive Entitlement Program (hereafter referred to as Entitlement), which represents the case of a

small- to large-sized (with projected enrollments ranging

from 200 to 8,000 youths) work-oriented program which

offers subsidized employment in return for school attendance;

The Youth Community Service (YCS), which represents the

case of a medium-sized program (1,600) characterized by

its emphasis on an experiential approach and community

participation; and

The Career Intern Program (CIE), which represents the case

of a small alternative high school (300) offering no

financial incentives but enabling youth to obtain high

school diplomas.

Findings regarding these programs are augmented by parallel

data (when they exist) from the Job Corps, the School-to-Work

Transition programs, and the Service Mix programs.

The work-oriented programs described above offer a different

set of specific "treatments" and appeals to youths. However, they

have in common five broad characteristics: (a) recruitment of

youths*on a voluntary basis; (b) provision of work experiences;

(c) some form of career training; (d) 4 dependence on the immediate community for work experiences; and (e) a dependence on the

LEA for the referral, acceptance, and, in one case, certification

of students.

These commonalities make it possible to analyze implementation issues across sites. At the same time, variations within

each of the common characteristics provide plausible explanations

for different implementation outcomes.

498
Methodology

The following analyses combine the utilization of.first -band

data from one work - oriented program with secondary analysis of

several other DOt- sponsored programs. The approach which is used

examines issues, one at a time, across programs. It describes.and

synthesizes various study findings about the selected implementation issues and explores various factors related to them.

The CI?, under evaluation by AMC; provides first-hand source

data. These data were gathered through observations of program

operations and unstructured interviews with program personnel,

students, and community members. Data reported by the other

programs were collected through monthly progress reports, site

observations, and structured interviews.

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4
II. FACTORS AFFECTING YOUTHS' ENROLLMENT

The option of enrolling in a work-oriented program competes

with a number of different alternatives available to disadvantaged

youths. These options are not limited to economic ones; they

range from continuing present life styles to "making something out

of themselves."

Information gleaned from studies of these programs to date

indicates that the decision to enroll in work-oriented programs is

influenced by six main factors: (a) demographic and sociological

characteristics such as race, sex, and family structure; (b) the

local labor market; (c) incentives attached to participation in

the programs; (d) program eligibility and entrance requirements;

and (e) perceptions of the program by potential enrollees and the

local community.

Demographic and Sociological Characteristics

National statistics have continually revealed that many economically disadvantaged and minority youths do not complete high

school. In 1978, for instance, the dropout rate for 20 and 21

year-old blacks was 25% compared to 15% for whites and 39% for

persons of Spanish origin (U.S. Bureau of theeensus, 1979).

However, a recent survey of disadvantaged youth done under the

Entitlement program revealed that more poor blacks than poor

whites remained in high school. Seventy-four percent of disadvantaged blacks were enrolled in school as opposed to only 45% of

their white counterparts. Among Hispanics, the rate of enrollment

was 51%.

The family structures of disadvantaged youths are different

from those of their more advantaged peers. The Entitlement survey

found that only 27% lived with both parents while 15% lived with

neither parent. The relevance of these family relationships is

attested to by the fact that youth who lived with. both natural

parents were more likely to attend school than those who lived

with neither (74% compared to 47%). Strong socialization forces

appear to be at work, however, since most high school dropouts

(two-thirds) have family heads who never finished high school

(Dearman & Plisko, 1979).

2The survey (Barclay, Bottom, Farkas, Stromsdorfer, & Olsen,

1979) was based on a sample of 6,500 disadvantaged youths between

16 and 19 years of age residing in seven sites, six of which were

:arge urban areas and one rural. Disadvantaged yoiths were

defined as those meeting the Entitlement eligibility criteria.

500
The importance of demographic and sociological characteristics has been felt in the implementation of work-oriented programs. All three programs have had a predominantly black enrollment. In Entitlement, the proportion has been 84%; in the CIP it

has ranged from 58 to 99%, depending on site. YCS, which operates

in a predominantly white community, has also bad a majority of

black enrollees (57%). Not surprisingly, there is a higher rate

of participation among youth without children than among those

with children; thus, while 15.3% of youths eligible for Entitlement had at least one child, only 5.4% of the enrollees had

children.

Entitlement reports that only 1% of its participants are

heads of household. In comparison, YCS and the CIP each found

that approximately 14% of their enrollees belonged to this category.

A significant finding from these three programs is that,

although women face greater obstacles to their participation

(pregnancy and child care), their enrollment has been slightly

larger than that of males. Between 15 and 25% of the female CIP

participants had children, necessitating special child care

arrangements.

The differential participation rates associated with ethnicity indicate that disadvantaged whites are less likely than

blacks to enroll in work - oriented programs. The rather large

number of female enrollees, on the other hand, suggests that these

programs appeal significantly to women, despite the few supportive

services they offer. The very limited participation of household

heads under Entitlement but the adequate participation of youths

in this category in the CIP and YCS possibly reflects the differential incentives of these programs. These relationships are

examined further in subsequent sections.

Local Labor Market Conditions

The impact of labor market forces upon disadvantaged youth

has not been systematically studied, but existing data suggest

that low income students are more likely to leave school if good

jobs are available than where such opportunities do not exist.

The Entitlement survey found, for instance, that in a site characterized by an expanding economy, 67% of the disadvantaged

students spent fewer than 30 hours per week in school. Incontrast, 70% of the disadvantaged students spent more than 30 hours

per week in school at a rural site that lacked job opportunities.

The same economic forces that affect students in schools have

affected young people in work- oriented programs. CIP interview

data showed that in areas with high unemployment but with a demand

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516
for cyclical and unskilled jobs, disadvantaged youth do not see

education as important for employment and tend to discontinue high

school. In Detroit, for instance, out-of-school youths often

commented on how easy it is to obtain jobs at the automobile

factories and how much money can be made in a few months. Not

surprisingly, Detroit was a site where the Entitlement enrollment

fell substantially short of its anticipated goal and where the CIP

personnel reported the largest disparities between recruitment

totals and actual enrollment.

Incentives Attached to Participation in Work-Oriented Programs

In general, findings indicate that regardless of the incentive it is more difficult to attract individuals who have been out

of school, and that the longer they have been away from school the

more reluctant they are about joining formal or it-mdemic settings.

Data from the Entitlement study showed that, while one-third

of the eligibles were out-of-school youth, only 8% of those who

actually enrolled in the program belonged to this category (Ball,

Diaz, Lehman, Mandell, & McNutt, 1979). A possible explanation of

this poor response is provided by recent surveys of school dropouts. A needs-assessment study in Baltimore (Dingle Associates,

1978) concluded that there are three basic reasons why students

leave high school: (a) nonrelevance of the traditional school

curriculum, (b) lack of recognition of individual students' need3,

and (c) economic pressures. A survey of school dropouts in nine

states (Washington Research Project, 1974) found that the two main

reasons given for leaving school were "obstacles" such as pregnancy, economic pressures, and language difficulties (31% of the

respondents) and a dislike for school (28%). These findings

furnish support for the notion that dropouts do not like the

regular high school setting and that financial incentives for them

to return to school must be high enough to cover felt economic

needs and/or to counterbalance their dislike.

The Entitlement study, in fact, found that the few "dropouts"

who enrolled in the program were reluctant to join academic programs. Reportedly, the "vast majority" of the out-of-school

youths requested that they not be placed in regular institutions

(Ball et al., 1979, p. 48). In consequence, two-thirds of them

were placed in GED programs. In some cities where Entitlement has

been offeted, and where Youth Employment and Training Programs

(YETP) are also available, dropouts have preferred to enroll in

them because of their greater flexibility in meeting individual

needs. Data from the Job Corps provide a parallel finding. Most

of the Job Corps enrollees (who by program eligibility criteria

were supposed to be school leavers) stated they joined the program

because of its job or job-training feature ratherthan its academic component (U.S. Department of Labor, 1979).

502
In contrast to Entitlement, the CIP- -which offers a combined

career-academic orientationhas been able to attract substantial

numbers of out-of-school youth, an average of 47% of its enrollment. Part of the CIP success in enrolling out-of-school youth

can be attributed to the fact that it is managed by a CEO,

but a significant portion of this success can also be explained in

terms of the alternative educational setting and the expectation

that participants can obtain a high school diploma. (Many young

people are aware 'that the OED does not have the same social value

as a high school diploma--"Employers don't bother to talk to you

if you have a GED"--and specifically indicate that this diploma is

a major objective for them.)

Out-of-school youths do seem to prefer training over an

academic setting and they prefer job experiences that allow them

to do work tasks compatible With their occupational interests.

Data from YCS offer support for thip contention. This program- -

which offers a small amount of training relative to the work

experience and which emphasizes a carefully matched job experience-- attracted an enrollment of which 35% were out -of- school

youth. In contrast, the Entitlement program operating in the same

site - -which did not offer a very precise match between interests

snd jobs and which required school attendance--appealed to very

few out-of-school youths: only 2% of its enrollees were "dropouts."

Data from the three work-oriented programs showed that

non - dropouts were more likely to enroll than dropouts. As noted

earlier, 92% of the Entitlement enrollment consisted of students

already in school. In the case of the ICSwhere the target group

were those out of school and out of work-64% of the enrollees

either had their high school diploma or were attending high

school. In the CIP, 53% of the enrollees had been attending the

high school before transferring to the CIP.

There are several plausible explanations for the greater

propensity of in-school youths to participate. Unlike out-ofschool youths, they do not have to face any problems of reentry

into the academic setting. The in-school student also has many

peers at school and may still endorse education as a means for

personal advancement.

The statistics discussed above suggest that the incentives

attached to participation in work-oriented programs are only

marginally effective in attracting out-of-school youths back into

regular academic settings. They prefer programs that offer them a

work experience in line with their interests. The success of the

CIP -ra combined academic /career setting--in appealing to out-ofschool youths indicates, however, that these individuals are

willing to return to academic settings provided they are of an

alternative nature. Alternative academic/career settings also

appear to appeal to many students in traditional school programs.

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513
Program Eligibility and Entrance Requirements

Although eligibility requirements were intended to guarantee

that the programs would serve only the target group, they have had

negative repercussions among prospective enrollees. Disadvantaged

youths who learn about the existence of work-oriented progrems'and

express an initial curiosity about them are easily discouraged.

Perceived difficulties with "eligibi/it, requirements," "enrollment procedures," and "testing," can quickly turn them away from

the program.

The YCS attracted many applicants, yet, program personnel

soon discovered a "serious difficulty" in getting the applicants

to attend the initial orientation and that only 45% of the applicants completed it (ACTION, 1979, p. 38). The program also

experienced about 8Z attrition during the orientation period, even

though it lasted only 3.5 days. The CIP also experienced high

attrition rates (an average of 42%) between recruitment and

pre-admission testing. Attrition rates averaging 29% were also

noted between the youths' intake testing and enrollment. These

losses were partially attributed to the "group" intakes, but

modifications to these procedures could not eliminate a sizable

attrition.

Of the work-oriented programs considered here, Entitlement

has the most cumbersome eligibility procedures. Enrollees have

met at least five requirements prior to enrollment, and all of

these have, required "documented evidence." As a result, some

Entitlement sites experienced three- to four-week turnaround times

for verification of eligibility (Ball et al., 1979, p. 227).

Although no attrition rates between recruitment and enrollment have yet been documented for the Entitlement programs, it is

known that the Service Mix program - -which had similar yet simpler

eligibility criteria--encountered a 53% attrition rate.

The need for knowledge development within the YEDPA legislation produced an additional "entry requirement" for disadvantaged

youths, namely that they take a long battery of tests and accept

the possibility of being placed in control groups. In the CIP

experience, many potential candidates were discouraged by the

three- to four-hour testing session and simply left during breaks.

Further, many did not apply for admission because of the uncertainty associated with being assigned to the "treatment" group

even after passing the reading test.

3These criteria included evidence of residency in the target

area, citizenship, age, school enrollment, economic disadvantage,

and (when applicable) approved participation by juvenile or

criminal justice authorities.

504
III the CIP, the experimental design clearly had a negative

impact among the youths placed in the control groups. Many of

them perceived such assignment as another instance of the "system's" unfairness. The community-based organization responsible

for implementing the CIP also felt that its credibility as a

agency was damaged by the need to deny some applicants entry into

the program "in the name of science." Tom the viewpoint of LEA

administrators, the formation of control groups created an awkward

situation because, in at least some instances, they hai identified

students and conts2ted their parents under the assumption that

alternative educational treatments would be offered to all of

them.

In all, the eligibility and entrance requirements associated

with the work- oriented programs have had the effect of decreasing

the pool of enrollees. As shown, however, some of. the losses have

also been due to the fact that these youths themselves are easily

discouraged by perceived difficulties.

Program Perception by Enrollees and Community

Current data on the TEDPA programs reveal significant disparities between the proportion of whites and blacks who are

eligible for the programs and the proportion of those who enroll.

Several reasons may be cited for the differential participation by

ethnic groups. As noted earlier, black youths may participate

more in work- oriented programs because they realize they need

basic skills more than white youths do. Another reason for the

larger black enrollment is that these programs carry the social

stigma of being known as "poverty programs" or programs for

"dropouts" and "troubled youths" (Ball at al., 1979; ACTION, 1979;

Treadway, Poet, Pettermant Stromquist, & Tallmadge, 1979). A

third reason is that because these programs serve mostly blacks,

white youtUs may feel out of place in them.

Another major perception affecting youth enrollment has been

that connected with the "demonstration" nature of the programs.

Many federally sponsored programs have a reputation for being

"experiments" that use young people as "guinea pigs." Interview

data from the CIP suggest that many residents in the program

neighborhood generally distrusted manpower federal programs.

A factor related to the "demonstration" nature of the programs is that they are new to the community and, in consequence,

need time to become accepted. CIP data reveal that the original

cohorts of youths were small but, as the program started to

produce graduates, and enrollees told their peers about the

program, greater numbers of youths enrolled in successive cohorts.

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Conclusions

This chapter has examined five factors affecting the decision

of young people to participate in work - oriented programs. Although apparently removed from the Implementation process, these

factors play an important role in enabling programs to serve their

intended clients.

A significant proportion of disadvantaged youth, particularly

those out of school, live with only one parent, alone, or have

children of their own. As a result, they need a host of supportive services not adequately provided by present work-oriented

programs. Predictably, these programs have encountered diff iculties in appealing to out-of-school youth.

Since many young people tend to leave the regular high school

because they see it as an oppressive or unsatisfactory environment, the idea of returning to it is not appealing. Entitlement,

which sought to motivate out-of-school youths to return to school

in exchange for 4 minimum-wage job, failed to provide an adequate

incentive. Dropouts prefer programs that offer them an intensive

work experience or an alternative academic setting, as shown by

the YCS and the CIP experiences. Students already in school seem

more willing to remain if provided a financial incentive.

On the other hand, some of them are willing to forego a financial

incentive if offered an alternative academic setting, as the CIP

has demonstrated.

The decision to enroll in a work-oriented program seems to

represent a fragile commitment. Eligibility and entrance requirements have compounded this problem. Although the requirements

were designed to ensure that the target population would be

served, their mere presence has discouraged a large number of

disadvantaged youths from enrolling.

The perception of these work-oriented programs as serving

primarily "dropouts" or minorities and as being "experiments"

rather than service providers further deters young people from

participating.

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III. IMPLEMENTATION ISSUES RELATED TO PROGRAM ADMINISTRATION

This chapter examines the second set of forces affecting

implementation, namely, those tasks undertaken by program administrators to put their respective programs in place. .These

comprise start-up and operation activities such as recruitment,

the provision of work experiences, relationships with the LEA,

coordination with the community, and the role of CEOs. Attendance and retentiqn patterns are also considered.

Recruitment Activities

Recruitment strategies. Study of DOL-sponsored programs has

Shown that different strategies for recruitment are appropriate

for disadvantaged youths, depending on whether they are in or out

of school. For in-school youths, recruitment is done more easily

sincs- referrals can usually be obtained from feeder.schools. In

the Entitlement program, schools referred two-thirds of those who

enrolled. In the GIP, schools were also the main sources of

in-school referrals. LEAs identified most of the potential

interns and subsequently made it possible for GIP personnel to

recruit students on school premises. The key role of the school

in referring potential dropouts was dramatically revealed during

the summer months when recruitment was almost impossible. This

particular pr6b101 plagued Entitlement, he GIP, and the Schoolto-Work Transition program, all of which initiated their activities out of synchronization with the school calendar.

The recruitment of out-of-school youths has proven considerably more difficult. It was noted that, unlike the in-school

youths, dropouts do not have a central, easily accessible gathering place (Ball et al., 1979, p. 44). In consequence, the recruitment of out-of-school youth has required program personnel to

go into the streets and canvass places where even small groups

might be found. The experience of the GIP was that the process

needed the involvement of many staff members, typically on a

full-time basis in the initial periods.

The use of mass media for recruitment purposes has had mixed

results. In the case of Entitlement it was found that recruitment

was more effectively done through personal contact than through

mass advertisements. On the other hand, the success of YCS

suggests that a comprehensive and intensive advertising effort- -

including posters, brochures, and T-shirts in addition to radio

and TV announcements--can have a substantial impact. YCS reported

that a combination of "targeted radio time" and neighborhood

advertising generated increased applications (ACTION, 1978, p.

36). A similar experience was registered in the case of one GIP

I

507

5"
site: when the use of the mass media wss widespread and intensive, both in- and out-of-school youth responded.

A similar preference of youth for verbal rather than written

communication was observed in the case of the CIP. The-best

source of referrals was the peer group--either graduates, or

participants in the program--or their relatives. The influence of

peers was also important in the case of the Entitlement, where

friends accounted for one-third of the referrals of the out-ofschool youths (Manpower Demonstration Corporation, 1979).

Problems of load estimates. Regardless of the size of their

enrollment goals, the three programs reviewed here failed to meet

the anticipated numbers. The causes of this short fall are undoubtedly numerous. On the one hand, there is a cluster of

factors discussed above related to the youths' decision to participate or not. On the other hand, there are various factors

related to the ability of program implementors to identify potential participants and effectively recruit them. Some of these

factors were also mentioned above.

There are other factors that have resulted in overestimation

of program enrollments. First, projections of program enrollments

are often made on a very simplistic basis--merely by referring to

the pool of high school dropouts in the community or the number of

unemployed youths, in the community. This, for instance, was the

way in4 which both Entitlement and YCS computed their projections.

Second, because of the udemonstratfon" nature of DOL-sponsored programs, special considerations were taken into account in

the determination of enrollment goals. In the case of Entitle -

meat, prime sponsors were encouraged to overestimate the number

that would be served in the belief that it would be better to err

in that direction than in the opposite (Ball et al., 1979, p.

xxii). With CIF, the desire to examine student outcomes led to

the specification of enrollment quoi.as large enough to meet the

requirements of the planned statistical analyses.

Third, the presence of various DOL-sponsored programs in

several cities led to competition for enrollees among programs.

YCS and two of the CI? sites operated in cities where Entitlement

and other YETP programs were also offered.

Fourth, both Entitlement and the CI? began operations almost

immediaely after receiving their DOL contracts. They had little

4Since the MU programs began implementation in 1977,

they faced an additional complication: their basic census data

was seven years old.

508
time to plan recruitment strategies and to ensure they had all the

necessary personnel. Once they started serving youths, the

recruitment task became more difficult as staff attention had to

be divided among various other concerns.

Fifth, the recruitment of in-school youths suffered because

the program and LEA cycles were not in phase with one another.

Finally, the LEAs were slow in responding to the programs' needs

for cooperation and assistance in recruiting. These last two

factors are examined in greater detail below.

Relations with the LEA

Both Entitlement and the CIP depended on LEAs for critical

collaboration. Under Entitlement, LEAs were asked to re-enroll

out-of-school youths and to arrange for flexible schedules so that

these students could perform their jobs at the work sites. In the

case of the CIP, the LEAs had to cooperate first by identifying

potential dropouts, then by approving the CIP curriculum, and

finally by granting academic credits and high school diplomas for

work performed in the program.

Administrators in both Entitlement and the CIP were inexperienced in and unprepared for dealing with LEAs, although for

different reasons. In the case of Entitlement, the experiences of

the prime sponsors in using community resources had been almost

exclusively with nonprofit or public agencies and firms. In the

case of the CIP, the experience of the disseminators had been

limited to one LEA. Given the highly decentralized nature of

school governance, this single experience did not prepare them for

the many contingencies they later faced.

As a result of the relative inexperience of program administrators and disseminators in dealing with LEAs, several lessons

have been learned. The four most significant are discussed below.

Out-of-phase school and program cycles. The lack of con- gruence between program and LEA schedules created problems for the

recruitment, enrollment,, and job placement of DOL-program participants. The fact that schools close during the summer posed

serious problems for the procurement of referrals and recruitment

of students in programs scheduled to begin in September.

Since most high schools determine class schedules in April

and May, programs that started in September found difficulties

fitting youths into job assignments or career-oriented classes.

In the case of Entitlement, several out-of-schools could not

enroll in the regular school because they came in during the

mid-term. These difficulties were compounded at times by the

school administrations' insistence that students be in school for

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524
a fixed number of hours each day, which, in some cases, precluded

students from participating in concurrent work experiences.

Accountability of student academic performance. Some of the

accountability criteria called for in the TWA legislation are at

odds with normal record keeping in the schools. Entitlement

regulations, for example, require participants to meet "minimum

academic and attendance standards", but LEA standards in these

areas were found to be both subjective and changing. Program

administrators discovered that, "problems (of attendance and

academic performance) were normally handled on an individual basis

between pupil, guidance counselor, and faculty. The requirement

in the IYEDPA) guidelines that compliance with Entitlement standards must be verified monthly, in writing, further complicated

the problem" (Ball et al., 1979, p. 134).

Another source of conflict between the programs and the LEAs

has been the right to establish curriculum requirements and assign

credits. Whereas Entitlement prime sponsors were to make "appropriate efforts" to arrange academic credit for work experiences,

their responsibility conflicted with LEA authority in this matter.

While negotiations were successful in obtaining Some academic

credit, the amount was determined by each individual LEA and

varied considerably from site to site.

Across the four CIP sites, the LEAs have required that staff

meet local certification requirements and that the curriculum

content match that of the public high schools. While the LEAs

have agreed to award credit for work experiences, they have also

forced the CIP curriculum into a more traditional mold than might

have been desirable.

Incentives for LEA participation. The major incentive for

the LEAs is economic. In 8 of the 17 Entitlement sites the LEA

has been involved as a co-contractor or subcontractor and funds

have been given to the LEA for running the program. Moreover, the

LEA has benefitted by receiving state monies for either maintaining or increasing the student rolls. In the case of the CIP, the

LEA has profited by increasing student rolls with students not

actually attending the high school.

Another incentive for the LEA has been that the programs have

filled a need. In the case of School-to-Work, information on

careers has been brought to the high school and made available to

all students - -a service that has been appreciated by school

administrators. Several LEA administators reacted positively to

the presence of the CIP because, as one admitted, "We don't

provide students with a career orientation. We are glad the CIP

came along because there's nothing else we could have done for

them."

510
A third incentive has been that teachers seeking new roles in

nontraditional instruction have found an outlet to express themselves.

Disincentives for LEA participation. Various characteristics

and requirements of DOL-sponsored programs have acted as disincentives for school administrators. These iasues have included

philosophical differences, practical considerations, and sonA

perceived threats to the status quo of the LEA or its personnel.

There have been three primary philosophical issues. First,

some LEAs have felt that the TWA eligibility criteria, which

limits participation to the economically disadvantaged, conflict

with the school tradition of open service to all youths (Dingle

Associates, 1978). Second, LEAs have expressed discomfort with

the idea of paying students money for remaining in school. Some

school administrators have expressed the opinion that paying some

students for work experience is not a good idea because the

regular students are not equally rewarded (Dingle Associates,

1978, p. 9). Third, many LEAs are not particularly interested in

serving "dropouts" again. They feel they do not have appropriate

alternative programs for them and that these youths' "ages and

attitudes (are) inappropriate to regular schooling" (Ball et al.,

1979, p. 148).

Practical considerations have related to the laborious tasks

LEA personnel must perform to identify "potential dropouts" (in

the case of the GIP) or to verify attendance and academic per-'

formance (as mandated by Entitlement). In addition, LEAs have

been reluctant to send staff members out of the schools to verify

job performance. Another issue is that many LEAs realize these

work-oriented programs are subject to very unstable funding.

Therefore, they are reluctant to set up programs that may be

dismantled in one or two years.

Disincentives that are perceived as affecting the LEA status

quo have been small in number but strongly felt by program implementors. One disincentive relates to the fear both by LEAs and

teachers' unions--that a new program will displace teachers (U.S.

Employment Service, 1979). LEAs have been willing to supply names

of "actual" dropouts but have been somewhat reluctant to provide

lists of "potential" dropouts. One school administrator stated,

"We gave (the GIP] a list of dropouts. They shouldn't be raiding

our school. They should have been doing their own work."

During GIP start-up activities, teacher unions in two of the

four sites interferred with the GIP -LEA negotiation because they

were concerned with the possibility of teachers' layoffs. The

problem was resolved only when the GIP promised to hire union

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526
teachers in proportion to the enrollment of in-school students

from the LEA.

In the case of other programs, particularly that of Entitlement, there has been no fear of teacher displacement since the

youths were supposed to enroll back in the school. Difficulty, if

any, emerged because Standing LEA-teachers' union agreements made

hiring additional. personnel (needed to help implement the workoriented programs) a very slow process.

Another disincentive for the LEAs is their perception of the

YEDPA programs as an implicit criticism of the public schools

(Dingle Associates, 1978, p. 11). This perception is probably

accurate since the YEDPA legislation --by sponsoring alternative

delivery agents- - implies that the schools and their curricula are

not responsive to needs of disadvantaged youths.

CIP experiences suggest initial difficulties in obtaining the

cooperation of the LEA can be overcome. The LEAs dealing with the

CIP have helped not only by producing student referrals but also

by providing supportive services such as transportation, lunches,

substitute personnel, facilities for physical education courses,

and even limited quantities of textbooks and furniture. Only

when the teacher union demanded that no extra help be given to the

CIP, was it denied.

The present LEA collaboration in DOle.sponsored programs may

depend heavily on the fact that these programs are externally

funded. Their high costs and restricted target group would

certainly act as disincentives to collaboration should federal

funding be reduced or terminated.

Work Placement

A basic objective of the YEDPA legislation is the provision

of work experiences that "will lead to meaningful employment

opportunities !for youths) after they have completed the program"

(P.L. 95-93, 1977, p. 632). DOL's 1977 Knowledge Development Plan

further defines a meaningful job as one "having an impact on future careers" (p. 9). Althou,h the available implementation data

do not address this linkage, it is generally assumed that the work

experience should be matched to youths' interests and preferences,

that the pool of job slots should be large enough to permit an interest/work-experience match, and that this experience should be

somehow evaluated. These three issues are examined below.

Matching lobs to youths' interests. Data collected so far on

these programs indicate that finding the number of jobs needed for

the work experience has not been problematic. Entitlement --by far

the largest of the programs funded under YEDPA- -found that the

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5

Ao' Ae
staff was "able to generate a pool of potential work sponsors with

miniial trouble" (Ball et al., 1979, p. xx). CIP and YCS data

show that these programs have also been able to find the job slots

needed.

While finding job slots has not been difficult, problems have

emerged in matching jobs to youths' interests. Two factors have

operated. First, the jobs of interest may have existed only in

areas of the community not easily accessible to the youth. This

has been the case. in several large cities where youths have

refused some job experiences or attended sporadically because of

transportation difficulties.

Second, some jobswhether because of their nature or previous agreements with respective labor unions--are not available

to youths. In the case of accounting, law, and medicine, the high

qualifications and confidential nature of the service have precluded youths from access to the actual job experience. Occupations that are relatively dangerous (such as electrician and

policeman) or those that require union-sanctioned apprenticeship

have also been off limits to participants.

Success in matching youths' interests to jobs has varied

among programs. The Entitlement program obliged prime sponsors to

provide "appropriate" and "constructive" jobs, yet most job

placements have been in areas such as service, sales, clerical,

and in aide positions Such as recreational leader and program

aide. Because these experiences cover a narrow occupational range

and are not different from those in previous manpower development

programs, there is reason to believe that the occupational interests of many youths have not been satisfied.

Smaller programs (such as the CIP) or those with extensive

community participation (such as the YCO'have apparently been

able to provide more diversified opportunities. YCS has offered

placements calling for greater skill levels, such as construction, home health care, "justice and legal rights," and "specialized transportation systems" (ACTION, 1979).

The Hands-On experience of the CIP has offered placements in

occupations ranging from skilled to professional levels. Placements have included carpentry, tractor. driving, modeling, music

recording, mechanical engineering, architecture, law, and bookkeeping (Treadway et al., 1979). CIP students have reported

satisfaction with their experiences, and interviews with some of

them indicate that the contact with "real" work situations

has bad a very positive impact on their career outlook.

Data from YCS reveal an unintended negative effect derived

from the attempt to match youths' interests to jobs. Insistence

on a.precise interest-job fit can result in few placements which,

gos
in turn, can produce attrition among the enrollees. YCS found

that only 20% of its first group of participants had succeeded in

making an interest-job match. Program administrators proceeded to

make improvements by helping youths to become more assertive,

helping break the resistance of some project supervisors, and

increasing staff supervision of youths during the matchingprocess. With these changes, the successful matches increased to 31%

in a two-month period, and to 60% one month later (ACTION, 1979).

The fact that a substantial number of youths remained unmatched

taught program implementors the need for "lead time to develop a

large bank of jobs."

Participation of private and public sectors. The relevance

of the distinction between private and public sectors resides in

the systematically different work experiences these two sectors

offer. The range of occupational choices is greater within the

private sector, particularly in profit-making organizations.

After four months of operations, Entitlement reported that

two-thirds of its enrollees had been placed in public agencies,

one-fourth in non-profit agencies, and only 10% in private,

profit-making firms (Manpower Demonstration Corporation, 1979, p.

10). One-third of the placements in public agencies were in

public schools where youths performed mainly menial tasks,

such as "groundskeeping," "building maintenance," and "repair!"

or clerical jobs.

Within both YCS snd the CIP, most placements have been in

non-profit agencies. However, these placements have been

relatively diversified because, in the case of the YCS, there was

a precise matching of youth interest to jobs. In the CIP, the

fact that the program is run by a well established CBO with

business and government contacts in the community facilitated the

identification of potential employers. Moreover, the fact

that the CEO itself has light industrial and business equipment

job resources made it possible to place CIP students in occupations similar to those in private firms, such as accounting,

computer programming, welding, and auto mechanics.

In seeking the cooperation of business and industry, implementors have found the overall attitude to be positive, although

some organizations declined to participate because they did not

want "unproductive teenagers just hanging around" (Treadway et

al., 1979) Also, not all firms that initially indicated a

willingness to help have delivered. This problem has been experienced not only by prime sponsors but also by CBOs. In the

5TA should be pointed out that in the case of YCS, its

implezenting agency (ACTION) is excluded, by legislative mandate,

from using the private, for-profit sector.

52D

514
case of several School-to-Work TransitiOn programs administered by

the National Urban League, many corporations initially stated a

Willingness to help but subsequently revealed they had no jobs to

offer (National Urban League, 1979). In the case of two CIF

sites, the major employers in the community found that they could

not accommodate as many youths as promised because union contracts

allowed only hired personnel at the work site. Other employers

have alluded to the need for additional insurance to cover the

youths on site, or.have indicated that they could not adequately

monitor students' performance.

Assessment of the work experience. Assessments of the work

experience and of youth performance have been carried out somewhat

superficially. In the case of Entitlement, there has been minimum

monitoring of job attendanceand performance, particularly in the

large-enrollment sites. This has resulted from the serious

logistical problem in large sites where as many as several hundred

work sponsors may have been utilized. The diversity of sponsors,

in turn, hao made it almost impossible for program administrators

to ensure adequate supervision (Ball et al., 1979, p. 185).

It does not appear possible -- financially at least--to provide

very close work monitoring. In the case of the CIE, there have

been as many as 15 youths in the Hands-On experience simultaneously. The two career counselors simply could not have monitored

their progress. Not only was their presence required at the site,

but problems associated with commuting times, distances, and costs

would have been insurmountable. Further, the counselor's presence

could have inconvenienced the employer. Instead of directly

observing, counselors normally telephoned employers for comments

about job performance and attendance, and relied on the brief

evaluation form filled out by the employer at the end of the

experience.

In summary, the work experiences afforded by the DOL-sponsored programs have produced a number of placements sufficient to

meet the needs of the enrolled youths. Less satisfactory have

been qualitative aspects of the placements such as their relevance

. to youths' preferences and the degree of monitoring and feedback

that has been achieved.

Coordination with the Community

Due to their dependence on agencies and businesses in the

community for the provision of work experiences and also because

of their reliance on the LEA Ind community agencies for referrals

of disadvantaged youths, the DOL-sponsored programs have necessitated a very extensive network of community contacts.

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500
The three programs examined herein differ greatly in terms of

the degree of community access they enjoyed. It is not possible

to provide a single description of the community access attained

by Entitlement because the program has been administered by many

different types of organizations. In the case of several Entitlement prime sponsors, however, community contacts were poor. They

had not developed extensive community contacts in the past and

short implementation schedules did not give them time to develop

such relationships (Ball et al., 1979).

In the case of YCS- -which is run by a community board with

representation from organized labor, business, local and regional

governments, education, community - service organizations, and youth

and neighborhood organizations-- ., significant problems have been

reported either in obtaining youth referrals or in finding work

sponsors. Partly because of this broad community representation,

the work placements within YCS have been more balanced than those

of Entitlement.

The experience of the CIP is noteworthy. This program is run

by a community-based organization with a good reputation among the

black and the business communities. Several CIP staff memirers

were former employees in the community-based organization and

brought to the CIP a large number of personal contacts. The staff

members' informal knowledge of the community made it possible for

them not only to place all the youths in selected Hands-On experiences, but to offer each intern two occupational choices.

The different levels of success achieved by the three workoriented programs in establishing community contacts reveals that

effective community networks are hard to develop in a short time

and that they need to be in place prior to program implementation.

Entitlementhaving limited experience with community groups and

dealing only indirectly with business groups--found problems in

recruiting out-of-school youths and in providing diversified job

slots. In contrast, the CIP--run by an organization familiar

with its community--and the YCS--administered by a board with

extensive community representation--reported fewer difficulties in

these two activities.

Contributions Unique to Community-Based Organizations

Two of the work-oriented programs discussed in this report

utilized community-based organizations either as single or coadministrators of programs, or as subcontractors to carry out

recruitment and intake activities.

In the case of the CIP, the program was administered by a

black CBO with established roots in the community where it operated. The CBO's main contribution in running the program was that

516
It embued the new setting with a strong and distinct philosophy

("We Help Ourselves" is the motto of this CBO). Because of the

ethos brought by the organisation, the program climate.is characterized by a feeling of "family," where both youths and program

personnel dhow a mutual caring beyond that seen in conventional

educational programs. Second, the fact that the CB0 has been mble

to hire personnel who had not internalized the norms of the

regular high school made it possible for the youths who were

alienated from "teachers" and "counselors" to place their trust in

the CIP staff. Third, the CB0 operated in a separate physical

setting. This separation from the regular high school is a

positive attribute of the CIP, as enrollees have developed the

feeling that the CIP is "very different from the high school."

An additional contribution made by the CB0 in the case of the

CIP is its ability to gain access and actually appeal to out-ofschool youths. The CIP has had a very high out-of-school youth

enrollment (47%) compared to other DOL programs. YCS, which has

been run by a board with broad community participation, has also

attracted out-of-school youths, but to a lesser extent (35X of its

enrollees).

It was noted earlier that the Entitlement program appealed to

few dropouts (8% of its enrollees).. However, data gathered from

the Entitlement implementation study show that sites with the

highest out-of-school enrollment (up to 13%) were those in which

CBOs participated in the recruitment efforts (Ball et al., 1979,

p. 63). According to these preliminary data, Entitlement programs

run by a government agency, an independent contractor, or an LEA

alone were less successful in recruiting out-of-school youths than

those administered by a combination of agencies that included a

CBO.

Although the data from both CIP and Entitlement suggest that

the role played the CB0 was a positive one, not all investigators

have reached similar conclusions. Observational data gathered

during brief field visits to Entitlement and other YEDPA programs

led Wurzberg (1979) to conclude that "there is very little to

distinguish CBOs from other service deliverers with respect to

cost, target penetration, or effectiveness as program deliverers"

(p. 42). The same report noted a great variability within

CBOs, which led its author to maintain that generalizations about

CBOs should be viewed with caution.

Attendance and Retention Patterns

In general, all DOL-sponsored programs have experienced

attendance and retention rates much lower than those in the public

high schools.

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532
No exact figures or attendance patterns are yet available

from either Entitlement or !CS. In the CIP, however, where the

setting is small and individualized attention is the norm, absenteeism has been quite high. During the winter months, attendance

was as high as 80% in one site, but it decreased to 50% during the

summer. In the three other CIF sites,' attendance rates have

ranged from 40 to 05%. Counselors call and even visit the youths'

hoses whenever attendance problems are detected. However they

report that this very time-demanding activity has met with little

success. In the CIP experience, the attitude toward attendance expres5ed by the alternative high school is at odds with that

demanded from the cooperating LEA. Vhereas the CIP seeks-to

provide students with "a second chance" and, thus, is willing

to combine a nurturing approach with a demand for increased

attendance, the LEA demands minimal attendance requirements. It

remains to be aeen how these differences will be reconciled.

Together with high absentee rates, the work-oriented programs

have been characterized by substantial dropout rates. In the case

of the CIP, the dropout rate has ranged from 27 to 70% over a

five-month period. Two programs with smaller dropout rates

have been Entitlement, which reports an enrollee loss of 11%

within a seven-month period (Ball et al., 1979, p. 87) and YCS,

which reported a 14% dropout rate within an identical period

(ACTION, 1979, p. 20).

Although there has been a tendency for administrators of the

YEDPA legislation to compare attendance and retention rates in

these work-oriented programs with those of the high school, such

comparisons do not appear appropriate. The youth population in

these two settings is quite different. As noted in Chapter I/ of

this report, disadvantaged youths face a number of social and

economic conditions distinct from mainstream youths. It would be

more appropriate to compare their present attendance with their

attendance at the regular high school last attended.

Conclusions

The data examined in this chapter indicate that the recruitment methods used for out-of-school youth must be different from

6These figures were derived by comparing those in the third

cohort who were invited to enroll in the program with those who

were available four to six months later for the mid-term testing.

It is not possible at this point to distinguish those who never

actually enrolled from those who dropped from the program or from

those who had sporadic attendance or those who returned to the

high school.

518
those used for youths still enrolled in regular high schools. The

former youths are difficult to contact and require recruitment

strategies that are time and labor intensive. The recruitment of

inschool students is best accomplished through collaborative

arrangements with the LEA, but such arrangements suffer when the

schedule of the work - oriented program is out of phase viththe

regular school calendar. Other factors that are dysfunctional to

optimum school program relationships include the lack of authority

prise sponsors and other program administrators have over anedemic

standards, philosophical differences, practical considerations,

and perceived threats to the status quo of the LEA and its teach

ers. Program implementors have had varying degrees of success in

providing work experiences to youths. Large programs without well

developed networks of community resources have provided narrow

ranges of occupational choice, mostly within public agencies.

Small programs with linkages to community resources or moderate

aimed programs with extensive community representation have

provided more diversified occupational experiences, even though

the participation of private firms has burn low in all cases. So

far, the performance of CEOs seems to be superior to that of prime

sponsors and independent contractors.

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59 A
IV. FACTORS CONDITIONING THE IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS

Efforts to install new programs are never devoid of problems,

whether anticipated or unexpected. In the case of the programs

examined here, these implementation problems can be traced to the

following four main sets of factors: time constraints, inadequate

program definition, unanticipated complications, and incompatibilities between service and research demands. Each of these sets

of factors is analyzed below.

Time Constraints

Following the signing of the YEDPA legislation in August

1977, DOL sought to have work-oriented programs in place and

operating by the following spring. Although, in principle, this

afforded a six-month preparation time, in fact it did not, since

the interval was shared by organizations operating at three

different levels.

Local site administrators had between one and three months to

put the necessary human and physical resources in place before

providing services to the target youth. The consequence of these

time constraints was a lack of planning. The non-unexpected

result was that important start-up activities were either incompletely on inadequately carried out.

The brief time available placed heavy demands on the managerial abilities of program administrators. Some administrators,

as in the case of YCS, responded to the challenge in a very

effective way. Others, most frequently prime sponsors under

Entitlement, became overwhelmed by program demands and were not

able to correct many of the problems that emerged during initial

program implementation.

Ideally, the process of disseminating an innovation should

encompass a series of steps beginning with the explicit description of program components, the identification of personnel and

other resources needed for the innovation, and the identification

of the personnel who will manage the dissemination effort. In the

case of Entitlement, one cannot speak of a dissemination process

inasmuch as the "program" was really a "policy". Interested

sites presented preliminary proposals in September and a final one

in December. From their perspective, they had only three months

to estimate the pool of potential youths in the community, identify the gamut of work sites in the community, obtain the commitment of agencies and businesses to become work sites, arrange with

the LEA for admission of out-of-school youths, and coordinate

schedules that would allow program enrollees to combine classes

and work experience.

520.53,5
It is now evident that the planning of several Entitlement

prime sponsors was both hasty and incomplete. First, some of them

failed to expand their staffs, even though it should have been

clear that the Entitlement tasks of recruitment, enrollment,

identification of job slots, payroll monitoring, and work site

management could not be accomplished in the "spare time" of

existing staff members. Second, since prime sponsors had to give

evidence of commitment from the work sites in order to complete

their final application during November, they had no recourse but

to use their established networks of public and nonprofit youth

sponsors (Ball et al., 1979). This limited the selection of work

experiences to-those that had traditionally been available (i.e.,

before Entitlement). The new agencies that did agree to cooperate

with Entitlement often failed to live up to their promises. The

fact that Entitlement grants were awarded competitively had a

negative impactxas such competition was found to "create powerful

incentives for igencies to oversell their abilities to carry out a

program" (Balliet al., 1979, p. 27).

Inadequate consideration of the incompatibilities between

program DOT. and LEA calendars represents a third planning deficiency. DOL-sponsored programs operated under a fiscal year that

began on October 1, whereas the LEA fiscal year started either on

July 1 or January 1, and its academic year in September. This had

serious implications for recruitment, enrollment, arrangement of

work experiences, and even program staffing.

The case of the CIP is of significance because this program had been field tested before, and the implementation process called for its replication rather than for "beginning from

scratch." The CI? disseminators had been actively involved with

the development of the original CIP, but they were also substantially affected by the lack of planning time for implementation in

an additional four sites. Officially, the local CEO affiliates

(the equivalent of the prime sponsors) had scarcely two weeks to

develop their proposals (although some of them too had undertaken

exploratory planning). As in the case of Entitlement, the competition for CIP funds also led the CBO affiliates to oversell

themselves and to minimize any potential problems in their proposals.

The four CIP winning sites, which received their contracts in

December 1977, had then to hire their staff immediately and

provide training for them in order to "start operations" is

January 1978. Hampered by holidays, the process of getting the

staff and physical resources in place at maximum speed led to

problems of incomplete or inadequate staff, inadequate development

of recruitment strategies, unresolved agreements with the LEAs,

and limited knowledge about the program by the community. Several

of these problems, particularly recruitment and staffing, were

critical and noticeably affected the implementation process.

521

53 6
In contrast to Entitlement and, to a lesser extent, the CIP,

the YCS implementation appears to have been characterized by both

.careful planning and flexibility. Though the program was developed from scratch, YCS administrators conducted a small pilot

project before starting full-scale operations. They produced a

plan with clear objectives and performance standards, and trade

provisions for adequate time and personnel to accomplish the

anticipated tasks. The 'ICS success gave strong evidence of the

importance of certain key planning activities, particularly

staffing, recruitment strategies, start-up schedules, and staggered intakes.

The intense and brief planning period that characterized

the YEDPA programs was similar to that experienced by CETA programs in the mid-70s and brought about analogous results (see

Snedeken & Snedeken, 1978). .The pattern of imposing severe time

limits needs to be seriously examined by program administrators at

the federal level. Without adequate time for planning and preparation, serious problems seem almost certain to arise. Excessive

eagerness to demonstrate that some program works, has a high

probability of leading to the opposite outcome.

Inadequate Program Definition

A close examination of the various DOL-sponsored "programs"

reveals that not all of these were fully developed programs, by the

time of their implementation.

Of the three programs examined in this report, the CIP is

,unique in having detailed specifications regarding the number,

qualifications, and roles of staff; the characteristics of its

career-exploration experience, its instructional methodology; and

its desired program climate. On the other hand, the CIP did not

have equally useful specifications for details such as operating

procedures among departments and information-processing routines

related to transcript reviews, counseling, academic credit records, and class schedules. These deficiencies turned out to be

significant and had repercussions on implementation issues such as

recruitment, coordination with the LEA, and attendance and retention.

As pointed out earlier, Entitlement was not really a "program" but rather a statement of social/educational goals and the

broad means by which they were to be attained. Since each prime

sponsor developed its own proposal, there were as many Entitlement

"programs" as sites. Given the broad features of the program as

expressed in the legislation and the tentative natare of the

program at the local level, prime sponsors could give only vague

522

r;
explanations of what the Entitlement program was. Local administrators were heard to describe the program to potential work

sponsors as "a year-round SPEDY (Summer Program for Economically

Disadvantaged Youth) where the activities are almost wholly

work-oriented" {Manpower Demonstration Corporation, 1979, p.-38).

Preliminary data from Entitlement indicate that the lack of

definition of program features affected recruitment, procurement

of appropriate work sites, and coordination with the LEA.

The YCS, which is characterized by detailed personnel qualifications and roles, clear a priori definitions of what the job

experience should do for each youth and his or her sponsor, and

complete description of performance standards attached to the

various program objectives, experienced a very smooth implementation process. A comparison between the CIP and TCS reveals

that, whereas both programs had developed their components in

detail by the time implementation began, the YCS--unlike the

CIP--gave particular attention to staff training in day-to-day

operating procedures, including the "establishment of clerical,

medical, and legal routines for processing the volunteer applications" (ACTION, 1978, p. 8). It appears that an understanding

of proper internal procedures is very important. In the case of

the CIP experience, the two sites that reported the greatest

implementation problems were also those where personnel were

unsure as to their responsibilites for carrying out routine tasks

such as class scheduling, attendance records, and maintenance of

counseling files.

The implementation experience of these three programs suggests that well- developed programs, with clear components, are

easier to implement than those with ambiguous features. The

experience also showed, however, that even previously field-tested

programs may not have been adequately documented to assure ?roblem-free implementations.

Unanticipated Complications

A recurrent theme in the implementation of the DOL-sponsored

programs has been the unanticipated complexity associated with

such apparently simple tasks as recruitment, work placement, and

coordination with the LEA. These tasks became complex because

they involved several community agencies and businesses and were

highly dependent on contextual factors. Moreover, they had to be

performed under substantial time pressure and demanded constant

attention.

Recruitment activities became difficult because (a) the

appeal of work-oriented programs to the target youths was overestimated, (b) the existence of competitive programs was not fully

5 (-)s
anticipated, (c) out-of-school youths were more difficult to

contact than had been expected, and (d) obtaining referrals of

disadvantaged youths required the cooperation of numerous individuals in many agencies.

Like recruitment, work-placement activities needed an active

network of community agencies and businesses, capable of offering

different work experiences. In addition, this network had to be

composed of firms and agencies willing to provide.the work experience to the target youths and to offer some form of monitoring.

Since the organizations in this network operated mainly on a

voluntary basis, program administrators could not enforce compliance. Their only means to obtain work sites was through

persuasion, and this demanded time.

4 Entitlement and the CIP, the two programs that depended on

LEA collaboration for both in-school youth referrals and program

operations, lacked adequate experience in dealing with the LEA.

In the case of Entitlement, program administrators at the national

level made unrealistic demands of the LEA, asking it to provide

attendance and performance monitoring on a monthly basis of youths

that traditionally were not a high priority concern of the school.

It is evident that Entitlement administrators did not consider the

time and effort the LEA would have to contribute to meet these

excessive demands.

For the CIP, the task of coordination with the LEA became

complex basically because, in two of the four sites, the CIP

administrators did not fully understand the needs and priorities

of the LEA while the LEA administrators lacked a similar understanding of the CIP. The situations at the four replication sites

differed so much from that at the prototype site, that what was

learned there was inapplicable and of little use. Agreement on

issues such as credit award, referrals of students, and recording

of grades took time to implement in two sites, in part because the

leadership was inadequate but in part, too, because the staff was

unsure as to "what to do." Compounding the problem was the

fact that the LEA was unfamiliar with alternative programs and,

consequently, required considerable time to determine how the work

experience would be credited, what criteria would be used for

identifying students, and what arrangements would have to be made

so that CIP students could receive high school diplomas while the

LEA continued to receive state funds for these youths. Dealing

with the LEA was facilitated in cases where the LEA had had prior

experience with alternative programs, where the CIP leadership was

resourceful, and where conditions such as over-crowded schools

made it in the best interest of the LEA to cooperate with the CIP.

524

5;i3
Incompatibilities between Service and Research Demands

The YEDPA legislation aought to fulfill two, at least partially incompatible purposes, namely (a) to provide a solOtion

(work-oriented programs) to a major social problem (youth unemployment) and (b) to test whether the solution was effective. The

Act identified as the purpose of the new programs "to employ and

increase the future employability of young persons...and to test

different approaches in solving the employment problems of youths"

Muth Programs under the Comprehensive Employment and Training

Act, 1977 p. 46728) (emphasis added].

It was the need to provide a service that prodded DOL into

requesting that program Administrators at the local level start

serving youths immediately, despite the fact that several sites

were ill prepared to undertake this task. It was also largely

because of the service need that DOL was firm in requesting that

sites honor "contractual obligations" by enrolling as many students as stated in the ehrollment projections. (The CIP was an

exception to this general "rule". Because of its small size,

enrollment quotas had to be met so .that statistically reliable

impact assessments could be made.)

The pressure to meet enrollment quotas seriously affected the

operation of some programs, and had repercussions for both service

and research functions. One of the reasons Entitlement did not

enroll many out-of-school youths was that the Revere time pressures encouraged prime sponsors to concentrate on in-school youths

since they were easier to approach. The failure to meet the

enrollment targets by the CIP led to threAts of program termination by DOL, which seriously affected staff morale and program

operations. The establishment of fixed quotas with deadlines

not only resulted in temporary paralysis of the program but also

forced staff members to recruit and enroll what they termed "a

disproportionate number (of youths] who are probably not suited

for the program."

In the case of Entitlement, it was soon discovered that the

demand for "generation and collection of standardized, disciplined

data from the sites...challenged (the prime sponsors'] management

and affected implementation" (Ball et al., 1979, pp. 7-8). Many

of these data-gathering efforts related to the process of "reverification," which forced program administrators to engage in a

laborious process of checking whether enrollees continued to be

eligible for the program. Evaluation pressures also affected

implementation of the CIP. Initial evaluation procedures called

for group testing and discrete student intakes (i.e., cohorts

to begin at specific times) as opposed to open entry or staggered

intakes into the program. Delays between recruitment and testing

and between testing and intake had the effect of reducing the

525

540
number of enrollees. To be sure, evaluation procedures were not

the sole factors responsible for attrition, but they played a

salient role.

Data from the CIP in particular provide evidence of the

difficulty of "evaluating" a program before it is allowed to

establish itself as a "service" for the community. DOL wanted to

determine whether. the C/P could show positive outcomes within a

two-year demonstration period. On the other hand, the very fact

that the program operated as a demonstration created a climate of

instability for both by program staff and the communities in which

the C/Ps operated.

Experience with these work-oriented programs indicates that

it is difficult to implement programs that seek both to offer a

service and operate as experiments. These two objectives tend to

make incompatible demands on program implementors, and to compound

whatever other difficulties may arise. It is not the case that

concurrent service delivery and research programs are inherently

impossible to establish; nevertheless, the task should be recognized as a difficult one that requires careful planning, close

cooperation, and open communications.

An interesting characteristic of the four sets of factors

examined in this section is that they are primarily "structural

problems," which Duke (1977) defines as those that are built into

the process by which innovations are funded and that implementors

are rarely free to alter. The restrictive timelines, the need for

collaborative agreements, the limited clarity of program definition and the conflicting service and research needs of the programs were major problems for program implementors at the local

level.

526
V. CONCLUSIONS

Data from the DOL-sponsored programs are still preliminary

and are derived from interim reports based on a few, capes.

Nonetheless, the findings presented in this report make it possible to draw some highly plausible inferences with respect to

three implementation concerns stated in the 1977 DOL Knowledge

Development Plan.

The FeasibilityLof New Institutional Arrangements for the Provision of Work Experience

Three different institutional arrangements were tried during

the implementation of the DOL-sponsored programs selected: an alternative educational delivery agency run by a gso in the case

of the CIP, an approach based on broad community participation in

the case of YCS, and the predominant utilization of the existing

manpower agencies and other government units in the case of

Entitlement.

Findings reveal that, while all three institutional arrangements are possible, some appear to have advantages over others.

Programs with well-developed community networks tend to perform

better in gaining access to disadvantaged and, particularly,

out-of-school youths. They also show superior performance in

obtaining diversified jobs matched to youths' interests.

The cooperation of the LEA in the identification of potential

enrollees, awarding academic credit, and even granting high school

diplomas is possible, though obtaining this cooperation is likely

to be a time-consuming and laborious process in most communities.

On the other hand, it is clear that LEAs face a number of Ailosophical, practical, and political disincentives in collaborating

with DOL-sponsored programs. The fact that they have collaborated

is a testament to the powerful incentive afforded by external

funding. It appears unlikely that LEAs will adopt these programs

once federal support is cut off.

The performance of prime sponsors as organizers of work

experiences has been rather poor, but no conclusive statements can

be made P:out their capabilities, as these agencies were subject

to severe time constraints during the implementation process.

Also, they were assigned tasks relatively unfamiliar to them--the

establishment of relations with the LEA and with numerous businesses and agencies in the community. It remains to be- tested

whether the knowledge gained from the current experience has

rendered prime sponsors more proficient.

527
The Provision of "Meaningful" Work Experiences

In general, programs seeking to serve large numbers of youths

have not been able to provide work experiences carefully matched

to youths' preferencei. Programs of a smaller size and thoseof a

medium size that include broad community participation seem

capable, through counseling and individualized attention, of

providing youths with more satisfactory and satisfying work

experiences.

Assessing the quality of work experiences is difficult even

in the case of small programs. The nature of the experience- -

which may involve only one youth per job site--poses logistical

problems not likely to be resolved without major increases in

personnel and funds for monitoring purposes.

The provision of work experience for disadvantaged youths has

faced one problem also encountered by disadvantaged adults, namely

that their dependence on public transportation limits accessibility to preferred work experience locations.

The participation of private, particularly profit-making

firms, in the provision of work experience remains an elusive

objective. Despite the wage subsidies present in some programs,

relatively few private businesses have made job opportunities

available. On the other hand, programs run either by CBOs or by

groups with broad community representation seem capable of securing the support of diverse employers in the community.

The Appeal of Current Delivery Programs

Several factors influence youths' decision to enroll in

work-oriented programs. It is not possible, at this time, to

measure the relative impact of these factors on the youths'

choices, but it is evident that, either singly or in combination,

they are responsible for the large disparity between the pool of

potential program participants and those who ultimately enroll.

Two of the factorsdemographic/ sociological characteistics, and

local labor conditions--operate beyond the ability of program

administrators to manipulate them. But the remaining four- -

incentives offered by work-oriented programs, competition with

alternative programs, program eligibility and entrance requirements, and youths' perception of the program--are amenable to

program design and planning efforts.

Out-of-school youths are not attracted by programs that

require their return to the traditional high school. Their

Experience with the public schools has been negative and they are

more interested in alternative educational settings, particularly

528
those that offer individualized attention. On the other hand,

out -of- school youths are interested in joining programs that

allow them to engage in concrete, individually tailored work

experiences.

Among youths currently attending school there is a willingness to remain in school when offered a stipend, but for some of

them, attending an alternative school setting, even if not remunerated, is much more attractive.

. Because of the apparent hierarchy in preferences, it seems

that programs that (a) offer either a precise interest-job match

or an an alternative academic environment, (b) provide a host of

auxiliary services; and (c) offer a financial incentive have more

appeal than programs that incorporate only one of these features.

Other Implementation Lessons

In addition to the preliminary hypotheses presented above,

the experience of implementing work-oriented programs has provided

a number of lessons that should increase our understanding about

specific implementation activities. These lessons can be summarized as follows:

Recruitment of disadvantaged youths requires differential

approaches with out-of- and in-school youths; in particular, recruitment of out-of-school youths is labor

intensive and demands personal contact with these youths.

Projections of program enrollment are presently derived

from a weak technology that tends to overestimate the pool

of potential enrollees; holding implementors responsible

for meeting unrealistic enrollment targets aggravates the

situation because it diverts staff attention from ongoing

program operations.

Eligibility requirements and entrance tests--though

intended to assure that the intended target, population is

that which is served--have the negative effect of deterring a substantial number of youths from participation.

Activities that require the participation of the LEA must

be carefully synchronized with the LEA academic and where

applicable, fiscal calendars.

Adequate incentives remain to be developed to secure the

participation of private, for-profit firms in providing

work experiences; employing youths with subsidized wages

does not appeal to many commercial and industrial firms.

529

544
Well ests101shed CBOs appear to have significant advan

tages in the areas of recruitment and provision of work

experience over most prime sponsors.

Finally, the implementation experience has disclosed a basic

but unfortunately too frequently encountered phenomenon in social

programs. There is a gross underestimation by program developers

and implementors of the complexity of the tasks involved and of

the time required for adequate completion. Implementation activi

ties are rarely.preceded by proper planning and training of

program implementors. As acute observers of the implementation

process have remarked, individuals fail to "appreciate how diffi

cult it is to make the ordinary happen" (Pressman & Wildaysky,

1973, p. xii).

530 ti t)
REFERENCES

ACTION. Interim Progress report of the National Youth Community

Service Demonstration Protect for the period January 1-dune 30,

1978. Washington DC: Author, July 1978.

ACTION. Interim Progress report of the National Youth Community

Service Demonstration Protect for the Period July-December

1978. Washington DC: Author, February 1979.

Ball, J., Diaz, W., Leiman, J., Mandel, S., & McNutt, K. The

Youth entitlement demonstration An Interim Report on Program

Implementation. New York: Manpower Demonstration Research

Corporation, April 1979.

Barclay, S., Bottom, C., Farkas, C., Stromsdorfer, E. W., & Olien,

R. J. Schooling and work among youth from low-income households. A Baseline Report from the Entitlement Demonstration.

New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation, April

9, 1979.

Dearman, N. B., & Plisko, V. W. The condition of education.

Washington DC: National Center for Educational Statistics,

1979.

Dingle Associates, Inc. Report on joint DREVIDOL youth emploYment

and demonstration prolect acts workshops. Washington DC:

Author, 1978.

Duke, D. L. The impact of trying to make an impact, or the

negative side of noble ambitions. Stanford CA: Stanford

University Center for Research and Development, April 1977.

(Occasional Paper No. 17)

Manpower Demonstration Corporation. The Youth Entitlement demonstration program. A summary report on the start-up period of

the Youth Incentive Entitlement pilot prolect. New York:

Author, January 1979.

National Urban League, Economic Development Department. Youth

career development proJect_Year-to-date_Progress report (February 3- December 31, 1978). Washington DC: Author, January

30, 1979.

Pressman, J., & Wildaysky, A. Implementation. Berkeley CA:

University of California Press, 1973.

Public Law 95-93. Washington DC: 95th Congress, August 5,

1977.

531'
Snedeken, B. B., & Snedeken, D. N CETA: Decentralization on

trial. Salt Lake City UT: Olympus Publishing Co., 1978.

Treadway, P., Foat, C., Fetterman, D., Stromquist, N. & Tallmadge,

G. K. Study of the career intern program. Interim Report - =Task

A: Fidelity of implementation. Mountain View CA: RMC

Research Corporation, 1979. IUR-3367

U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. School enrollmentSocial and economic characteristics of students:

October 1978. Washington DC: Author, April 1979. (Series

P-20, No. 3357

V.S. Department of Labor/Employment and Training Administration.

A knowledge development plan for the Youth Employment and

Demonstration Projects Act of 1977. Washington DC: Office of

Youth Programs, September 1977.

V.S. Department of Labor/Employment and Training Administration.

Assessment of the Job Corps Performance and Impacts. Vol. I.

Washington DC: Author, 1979.

U.S. Employment Service/Employment and Training Administration,

U.S. Department of Labor Schoorttwork transition demonstration protect. Report of activities. First Quarter. Fiscal

. Year 1979. Washington DC: Author, 1979.

Washington Research Project, Inc. Children out of school in

America. A report by the Children's Defense Fund. Washington

DC: Author, 1974.

Wurzburg, G. Improving opportunities for youth: A review of

prime sponsor experience in implementing the Youth Employment

and Demonstration Projects Act. Washington DC: The National

Council on Employment Policy, August 1978.

Youth programs under the Comprehensive Employment and Training

Act. Federal Register, September 16, 1977.

532 eJ.1
NIE Papers in Education and Work: Number Seven

THE CAREER INTERN PROGRAM:

AN EXPERIMENT IN CAREER EDUCATION THAT WORKED

By

Richard A. Gibboney Associates, Inc.

Blue Bell, Pennsylvania

May 1977

533

543
This report was prepared for theOppmm-unities Industrialization Centers of America,

Inc., which designed and operated the Career

Intern Program supported by funds from the

National Institute of Education under contract

number NE-C-00-3-0122. Evaluation of the

program was performed by Richard A. Gibboney

Associates, Inc., under a subcontract from

Opportunities Industrialization Centers of

America, Inc. The contents of this report

do not necessarily reflect the views of the

Instituteor of any other agency of the

United States Government.

534
INTRODUCTION

This report is written for the educator or school board member

interested in a program combining basic and career education

for high school youth who are not succeeding in regular schools.

Technical aspects of the evaluation design, a description

of the instruments used, and a discussion of the data analysis

procedures are covered in a separate technical appendix.

Those who want more information on the instruments used or

wish to study the array of basic data in depth may find

such material of interest. Nonetheless, reading this report

will be easier if the reader understands its context in time

and the evaluation design on which data summarized in the

report are based.

TIME LINE FOR THE DEVELOPMENT AND EVALUATION

OF THE CAREER INTERN PROGRAM (CIP)

Although the Career Intern Program offered service to youth

in the fall of 1972, the systematic linking of program

development and evaluation began with support from the

National Institute of Education in December 1973. As work

progressed and tentative conclusions were reached on the

time required to develop CIP and evaluate its results, time

blocks were created, each with a major focus. This report

is based on data collected during the last of the time

blocks listed below.

o December 1973 - August 1974: Program development work

continued; evaluation to facilitate program development

(formative evaluation) and to make a preliminary assessment of major program results (summativt evaluation) begun.

o September 1974 - February 1.975: Program more fully

developed; evaluation used to facilitate the "fit"

between the program as implemented and the reaction of

interns and staff to the program.

o March 1975 - February 1976:

mented; evaluation to assess

data to staff on the quality

efforts, and to document how

Program developed and implemajor results, to provide

of their implementation

the program was completed.

535

550
OVERVIEW OF THE EVALUATION DESIGN

An evaluation procedure was developed, using a lottery process

to determine which students were to be admitted to the program

and which ones were not. Theolottery process controls for

the possible bias which might be present if students who

volunteered for the program were compared with .he students

who did not. The students chosen by lottery to enter the

Career Intern Program constituted the experimental group;

those not admitted, the control group.

The lottery was held for applicants who had completed interviews, taken achievement and attitude tests, and otherwise

completed the pre-enrollment procedures. No applicant knew

whether she or he would be in the experimental or control

group at the time the entry-level data were collected.

Applicants who did not complete the pre-enrollment procedures

were not included in the lottery. The experimental nature

of the program and the use of the lottery were explained to

all applicants and their parents during the pre-enrollment

process.

Students were enrolled (and control groups formed) at three

times during the period covered in this report: January

1974, June 1974 (CIP operated for a summer semester) and

February 1975. Most of these students (called "interns"

by the program) completed the program by February, 1976.

Follow-up studies were initiated on as many interns as

possible who had completed the program prior to December

1975 and on the control group. These studies were conducted

to elicit some data on what graduates did after leaving

CIP with respect to jobs held and post-high school vocational

or general educational training pursued. The groups from

whandata were collected are identified in the report along

with other descriptive information.

One other facet of the evaluation needs to be explained- -

the problem of the changing sample size (i.e., number of

students from whandata were collected) reported in the

text as'different evaluation questions are addressed.

The reader will note, for example, that in Chapter Four

the sample size used is sometimes 498, 490, or 404 (reported

as N = 498, N = 490, etc.). The sample size varies depending on the number of individuals who completed the particular

interviews or tests which supplied data pertinent to the

question. Some Ns reflect usable demographic data from the

total applicant pool for the January 1974, June 1974 and

Foie 1975 admissions (before the lottery was held).

Other Ns refle..t the number of students from the applicant

pool who completed the tests. All applicants completed the

536
pre-enrollment interview during which thb purpose of CIP

was explained. At this point, some decided that CIF was not

for them or that they did not want to face another test.

This action, or comparable actions, resulted in a larger

sample size for personal background information or educational

aspirations than for reading scores--primarily since the

reading and math tests followed the pre-enrollment interview.

The reasons for the changing sample size are usually clear

from the test. Unlike some studies, this study does not have

a constant sample size. Several reasons contribute to a

shrinking sample size. Control group students, who are not

attending CIP, may not have an incentive to return information.

Interns may be absent on days tests are given, or they may

return to their former schools or take a job. Sometimes data

were too incomplete to be usable. Sometimes despite efforts of

CIP staff and evaluators, youths on the intern group could

not be located at all for post-testing. All of these factors

reduce the number of suable data sets and hence the same size.

We have tried to generalize to the appropriate sample as the

N's changed, so that the conclusions are valid for that

group. However, the reader should he alerted to the need

for caution in recalling whether a particular finding was

for all applicants, all applicants who took the relevant test,

or other sub-groups within the population. Differences in

basic characteristics that might affect outcomes are noted

where the sample size decreases.

One question that may arise in reading almost any research

report is how believable are the findings. Notes on methodology in the Appendix examine several issues related to

believability, outlining rival hypotheses and the evidence

relevant to these. The findings reported in the test are

those on which the evaluators are ready to stake their professional reputations as believable.

The reader might be interested in knowing that the findings

are based on a design which has been said to be difficult

to achieve in action research: a study involving three

separate cohorts of applicants, with participants and nonparticipants chosen at random from the applicant pool.

The design contributes to believability in two ways. First

the replication of findings across three separate groups suggests

that whatever is happening, is not a one-time, one group

event. Second the true experimental and control groups

permit strong inference that whatever is happening is due

to the internship experience, rather than to changes which

would probably have occurred without OIC.
CHAPTER ONE

WHAT IS THE PROBLEM?

On Thursday, October 5, 1972, the Phil^delphia Evening Bulletin

reported;

The eyes of the nation are upon you, Rev. Sullivan,'

U.S. Commissioner of.Education,Dr. Sidney Marland

said yesterday afternoon after he helped dedicate

Rev. Leon Sullivan's new educational center for high

school dropouts in Germantown. . . . "Called the Urban Career Education Center, Dr. Sullivan's

new organization will work with Germantown High School

pupils who have already dropped out or seem about to.

"I cannot emphasize strongly enough that this is not

simply more vocational education for blacks, something

that has properly been attacked in the past as tending

to segregate blacks into semi-skilled occupations,

reserving college for the white middle class,'

Marland said."'

The Reverend Dr. Leon Sullivan, founder and chairman of the

board of the Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America

(OICs/A), pointed out another dimension of the Urban Career

Education Center when he wrote:

"We want to improve the capability of elementary and

secondary schools in order to make them meet the needs

of disadvantaged youth. It is not sufficient just to

supply quality education, as important as that is:

a component like OIC is needed to use its prestige and

its contacts in the business community to guarantee that

disadvantaged young people have promising opportunities."

In the sense of opening the doors at

youth and their families, October 5,

of the Urban Career Education Center

component, the Career Intern Program

62 West Harvey Street to

1972, was the beginning

(UCEC) and of its largest

(CIP).

In another sense, the origins of the CIP go further back to

the 1960s' problems of apparent dropouts from the American

Dream.

538
DROPPING OUT IN AMERICA

A free public education through high school did not become

part of the American Dream until recently. As long as

apprenticeships, indenturing or child labor busied almost all

youth, education past the sixth grade was limited to children

of affluence. Not until the 1930's when adults competed for

jobs usually held by youth was legislation requiring full-time

school attendance up to age 16 or more enforced.

To parents of the 1960's, some of whom were among the first

generation for wham a universal high school education was

available, and grandparents to whom a high school diploma

was often only a dream, the phenomenon of high school dropouts

was incomprehensible. To educational planners, dropouts were

part of a pattern including drugs, vandalism, gangs, pregnancy,

and fighting in the high schools. To a certain extent, it

was thought that problems in high schools would be reduced

when alienated youth took their problems elsewhere.

At first, the high dropout rates, particularly among black men,

was widely viewed as a cause for alarm. It was feared that

dropouts could not find work, would contribute disproportionately to crime, and would indeed only take their problems

elsewhere.

These concerns were somewhat soothed by a rise of skepticism

concerning the effectiveness of education generally in reducing

the gap between rich and poor in America, and by studies . suggesting high school completion did not matter that much.

Wholesome as these revisionist studies were in shifting some

of the burden of social reform away from schools, the facts

suggest that failure to complete high school is a problem

for the individual and society.

IT HURTS

Failure to complete high school hurts in a least five ways:

ability to find a job, upward mobility, income, work satisfaction,

quality of life, and satisfaction with personal development.

Two qualifications should be remembered in considering the data.

First, although the personal and social costs of dropping out

are high on the average, hot all dropouts fail vocationally

and personally. Many are as satisfied, happy, and productive

as their friends who have completed more education.

539

5A- 4
Second, dropping out (leaving school and not returning to

complete an eddcational step) is what hurts. Stopping out

(leaving school for a while, then returning to complete training)

apparently is less of a problem.

o Finding a job: Despite the assets possessed by many dropouts, the hard fact is that as a group, they have more difficult

time finding a job than their high school graduate peers.

Dropouts were more adversely affected by increased competition

for jobs in 1974 than were high school graduates. The unemployment 'rate of dropouts rose almost twice as much (by 4 percent)

as it did for high school graduates.

According to the U. S. Department of Labor, 20% of high school

dropouts between the ages of 16 and 24 were unemployed in 1974,

compared .to 107, of the high school graduates. With over 3

million dropouts in the labor force, the number of youth

affected is large---close to 600,000 persons between 16 and

24 years of age.

When dropout employment rates are comrlved by race, youth

from black and minority races are doub.uy disadvantaged.

About 16% of white youth without high school diplomas between

the ages of 16 and 24 were unemployed in 1974; 32% of dropout

youth from black and other minority races wanterjobs and

could not find them.

o Upward Mobility; Whether one is a dropout or a graduate,

getting a job is not the whole story. To the extent that higher

pay and status are valued, being a dropout hurts. Employment

rates within occupations vary---to the disadvantawof the

dropout. Employed dropouts in the 16 to 21 age group generally

do not find work in the more skilled, high paying jobs when

compared with high school graduates. For example, in 1973,

557, of employed women high school graduates but only 20% of

employed women dropouts held clerical jobs while only 15% of

employed women graduates but 287, of employed dropouts were

service workers. Among men the differences were less dramatic

but, consistently, dropouts more frequently found lower paying,

lower status jobs.

o Work satisfaction: The relationship between job satisfactiofilTai-IUMEZir with wide treads, not an inclined

plane. Completing a degree---high school or baccalaurate---

is associated wit -a a big jump in job satisfaction, but adding

another year without the degree, has little effect. Perhaps

it shouldn't be this way, but it largely is. If job satisfaction

is important, there is little payoff in getting more education

unless one completes a credential. Particularly as one gets

older, workers who have not completed high school are more

satisfied with their jobs than workers who have not.

540

Jv
o Quality of Working Life: An index of quality of employment

(comfort, challenge,and financial resources) was constructed

.for a 1973 national sample. The results showed a stronger

relationship between education quality or employment, with

the stair steps very clear: a year is not a year is not a year.

Increments in quality of employment came only at those points

(high school or college) where educational credentials are

conferred. "Little is gained in quality of employment by

going from grade school to obtaining some high school education

but no diploma." (Quinn et al., p. 34).

o At 30, Satisfaction with Educational Development: Looking

backward, respondents in a recent follow-up survey of a national

sample of youth of the 50's felt considerable satisfaction with

many aspects of their lives: their family, their friends,

their work, their community. One area stood out: regret at

the missed opportunities in their educational development.

While high school and college graduates weren't immune to such

regret, those who started---but never completed---their education

hurt worst.

These, and other data, add up to the conclusion that for most

youth, getting a high school diploma has been and will continue

to be important for their lives after high school. The diploma

will not be the golden key it might have been for their grandparents, or .the silver key for their parents, but it may be a

necessary key for them and their children.

HOW MANY

In 1972, 25 percent of U. S. high school students did not

graduate from high school at the same arm as their age mates --

approximately 1,000,000 students in all." The Philadelphia

School District reported an overall dropout rate of 15% in

1974 based on students who notified the District that they

were leaving school. Many students dropout without such

notification. These students would not be counted in the

official dropout rate. Even so, at least 9,500 students

dropped out of Philadelphia Schools in 1974. Tenth grade, the

critical school leaving grade in Philadelphia, when youth reach

16 and are no longer required to attend, accounts for. over 50

percent of students dropping out.

Little is known about how many of these youth are only stopping

out. There are few data on how many youth return to high school

before they are too old legally to receive free public education.

Even less is known about the number who will enroll in high

school equivalency examination training, will complete such

training, will take the General Equivalency Diploma examination,

or will pass it.

541

55G
Dropping out is culturally selective. It hits hardest at

families of lower socio-economic status. For both whites and

non-whites, the higher the educational level of parents, for

example, the lower the chances of a male youth from that

family dropping out. Moreover, more non-white youth came from

poorer homes, so dropouts come disproportionately from minority

youth. In 1973, for example, there were almost twice as many

black men and women dropouts among 14 to 24 years olds (187, and

19%, respectively) as white men and women (107, and li%, respectively).

The data presented document what many inner vity students,

teachers and parents know---if you are poor, black and if you

do not have a basic education which will help you find a job

or continue your education, your future is bleak. i

Yet, most high schools have not been successful in increasing

retention rates through improved or special programs. The

problem is more complex than simply keeping youth out of the

labor market and in school longer. Few want to force youth

to stay in a classroom by increasing the minimum school

leaving age to 18 or 21 when many are voting with their feet

to get out. Alternative work-study, cooperative learning and

community service programs seem to offer meaningful ways of

helping youth learn and earn between 16 and 25, but these

reach only a few and seem to attract more affluent youth.

Improving schools, expanding options, and creating youth

service/learning alternatives all are being tried. According

to Geisinger (1973),

"Proposed and mostly unproved innovative practices

include a variety of counseling programs, prevention

ideas, replacement of the general high school curriculum with the career curriculum, performance

contracting, changes in teacher practices, cooperative

community approaches, non-graded organization and

multiple courses instead of repeating a grade, for

students who have difficulty adjusting to school,

changes in curricular practices including short

units, content in skills training (English, mathematics and reading) that is relevant to the life of

the student, replacement of the continual stream of

negative reinforcements given students with positive

reinforcements (focus on success, individuals,

rather than failure) and supplementation of the

'fact school' with a 'value school." (p.21)

While Geisinger concludes that "...some schools do

seem to have helped many of their students", hi::t

review suggests that there are more ideas tried

out on a small scale than approaches tested long

enough and hard enough to offer reasonable assurance

of their value. (See also Weisbrod, 1965 and

Millsap, 1969) Interestingly, many of the successful

innovations (e.g., Massimo, 1969) have emphasized

career counseling and development of adaptive skills:

punctuality, getting along with others and problem542
solving. Career information, particulary for nonwhite youth, has emerged from a recent economic analysis (Hill, 1975) as a public policy alternative to

increase school retention where this is desirable."

The Career Intern Program has its origins in these concerns, as

a possible solution for the often hard-to-reach youth from very

low income, multi-problem families.

THE STORY OF OICs/A

One of the first battles won by community action in the long,

bitter'and continuing fight for racial equality in employment

took place in Philadelphia in the late 1950's and early 1960's.

Four hundred black clergymen, outraged at the failure of

gradualism, led the boycott of businesses which practiced

racial discrimination in employment opportunities. The boycott

was called the Selective Patronage Program. One of the initial

targets of the Program was the Tasty Baking Company. After

three months of the boycott of Tasty's products, the company

agreed to hire black workers. As the Tasty Baking Company

acquiesced to the demands of the Selective Patronage Program,

other businesses followed suit.

Once black workers were allowed to seek employment opportunities,

however, most were placed in unskilled jobs because of their

lack of training and education. Thus, providing education

and training for blacks and other minorities became the motivation for establishing the first Opportunities Industrialization

Center (OIC) in an old jailhouse in Philadelphia

Today, it is often easy to forget the courage and dedication

of these clergymen who demanded that jobs at all levels be

open to all applicants, regardless of race. The Reverend

Dr. Leon Sullivan, pastor of the Zion Baptist Church on Broad

and Venango Streets in Philadelphia, was their leader. The

first Opportunities Industrialization Center was founded in

Philadelphia by Dr. Sullivan, who was concerned over how few

minority workers were qualified to fill the newly available

jobs.

By 1974, the local OIC programs sponsored by the national organization (OICs/A) had spread to over 100 cities and had trained

about 195,000 persons. The Wall Street Journal described

OIC as one of the most successful manpower programs in operation.

In April 1974, Thomas Bray worte:

"As founder and National Director of the Opportunities

Industrialization Centers of America, Dr. Sullivan

has made a career out of self-help for blacks and

other minorities. The OIC program began 10 years ago

543

553
in an abandoned police station (sic) in the

North Philadelphia slums and has since grown into

a network of more than 100 job-training centers

across the nation. Over 150,000 disadvantaged and

unskilled workers have been trained and placed in

jobs ranging from brickworking to court reporting,

and labor experts praise the OIC as one of the

most successful and efficient manpower programs going."

Until 1972, the OIC programs served mostly out-of-school youth

and adults (18 years and over) and emphasized preparation and

training for a good job. The Reverend Dr. Sullivan became

increasingly concerned, however, with younger people; with

youth who might, with a better education, earn a better chance

in life. CIP was the result.

CAREER EDUCATION

The interest of OICs/A leadership in preventing adult unemployability through improved education coincided with U. S.

Commissioner of Education Sidney Marland's development of the

career education concept. As Marland wrote in 1972:

"Career education is a systematic way to acquaint

students with the world of work in the elementary

and junior high ears to prepare them in high school

aad college to enter and advance in a career field

carefully chosen from among many. For adults it

is a way to reenter formal education and upgrade

their skills in their established career fields or

to enter a new field. Career education intends to

equip the individual to get a useful and selfrespecting job."

A career education program for youth

o merges academic and career preparation;

o emphasizes career exploration, expanding options

choices;

o provides an in-depth knowledge of how the economic

system operates, and what the world of work is

like from a wide variety of viewpoints; and

o prepares youth for the continuing education

required to enter the career of their choice, for

apprenticeship or technical training, or for

entry directly into the world of work.

544

550
Several factors influenced the formation of the ,UCEC and

the CIP. First, the success of OIC programs in training

unemployed adults had resulted in know-hoW among OICs/A

personnel in the difficult area of adult training. Dr.

Sullivan's concern with urban youth who were out of school

and out of work was a second factor. Could not the OICs/A

concern and training expertise help them as well? The

final element needed was the concept of combining general

and career education for youth. This was provided by Dr.

Marland and his staff at the U. S. Office of Education.

BRINGING IT ALL TOGETHER

In 1970, Dr. Marland met with the Reverend Dr. Sullivan at

the Seventh Annual OICs/A Convocation in Seattle, Washington.

From this meeting came an Office of Education commitment

to create an innovative partnership: OICs/A would bring its

know-how in training low-income adults, its community-based

support, its access to business and industry, and the OICs/A

spirit of belief in achievement to the educational needs of

inner-city youth, while the Office of Education (OE) would

bring not only the money for the first program, but also

the support of its staff and their consultants in developing,

testing, and disseminating this experimental approach to

career education.

The OICs/A leadership envisioned one program, the Urban Career

Education Center, with three' components: The Career Intern

Program (CIP), :he Community Career Program (CCP), and the

Career Orientation Program (COP). In the spring of 1972 a

grant was awarded to OICs/A by the Office of Education to

plan and begin initial operation of such a program. OICs/A,

in turn, subcontracted with the OIC of Philadelphia (POIC)

to operate the program.

In August 1972, the National Institute of Education (NIE)

was formed. In February 1973, officials of OE and NIE agreed

that the Office of Education program would be responsible

for the CCP and COP, while NIE's Career Education Program would

be responsible for the CIP. On Decerber 17, 1973, the NIE

awarded OICs/A a contract to contium the development of CIP.

A second award was made in September 1974 for 18 months to

complete program development .and evaluation. An interim

report (June 1975) described the middle months of a new

partnership and a new educational opportunity. The early

planning period and the first 12 months of program operation

were recalled but not documented. This report deals with

the last 18 months of development when the challenges, the

disappointment., and the painfully achieved progress of the

early months, will, it is hoped, have had their greatest

payoff.

545

560
The CI? represents an attempt to get at the root of serious

urban problems. This objective is reflected in the statement

of purpose included in the proposal submitted by OICs/A

to NIE in December 1973: "To provide career education and

career opportunities for urban youth to prepare them to lead

full, productive lives."

Along with other experienced educators, the C1P staff realizes

that no one truly understands the problems of urban youth who

have dropped out or about to, or knows fully what to do about

them. But CIP is putting some of its ideas into action,

checking closely on the results achieved, and learning how

to help.

To meet this objective, CIP is trying to provide a vital

general education to youth, many of whom have not had this

opportunity. CIP is also trying to provide a balanced

career eduction program, and to create a personal, supportive

school atmos,here.

546

5C1
References

Bachman, Gerald. "Dropouts and Graduates Five Years After

High School: A. Resurvey of a National Sample of Young Men."

Ann Arbor, Michigan: Survey Research Center Report, 1976.

Cohen, Eli E., Ehrenfeld, Selma, and Greene, Louise. A

Guide to the Development of Vocational Education Programs

and Sources for the Disadvantaged. National Committe on

The Employment of Youth. New York. October 1969.

Employment of High School Graduates and Dropouts 1973.

Special Labor Force Report 168. Washington, D. C.: U.S.

Department of Labor. (See Monthly Labor Review, September,

1974).

"Federal Youth Programs: A Discussion Paper," Washington,

D. C.: Office of Economic Opportunity, December 1972.

Geisinger, Robert W. "School Dropouts" Department of Education,

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, July, 1973.

Hill, C. Russell. "Droppoing Out of High School: The

Effects of Family, Ability, School Quality, and Local Employment Conditions.' Office of the Assistant Secretary for

Planning and Evaluation, Department of Health, Education

and Welfare, Washington, D. C. Mimeo, July 1975.

Massimo, J. "Special Education, Guidance, and Remedial

Work for the Dropout." Virginia Journal of Education,

Vol. 62, February 1969, 22-23

Millsap, Mary Ann. "An Evaluation of Dropout Prevention and

Dropout Recovery Programs." Office of Program Planning and

Evaluation, U. S. Office of Education. May 1969.. Mimeo.

"Philadelphia High School Dropouts, 1970-71 to 1973-74."

Report 7505, Office of Research and Evaluation, School

District of Philadelphia, October 1974.

Quinn, Robert P. "A Policy Study in Education and Work:

Job Satisfaction." Ann Arbor, Michigan: Institute for

Social Research, 1976.

Quinn, Robert P. and Baldi, de Mandilovitch, Martha S., "A

Questionable Payoff," Ann Arbor, Michigan: Survey Research

Center Report, November 1975.

Quinn, Robert P., Staines, Graham L., and McCullough, Margaret

R. "Job Satisfaction: Is There a Trend?" U. S. Department

of Labor, Manpower Research Monograph Nov.30, 1974.

547

5G2
"Survey of Philadelphia High School Dropouts, 1973-74."

Report 7541, Office of Research and Evaluation, School

District of Philadelphia, February 1975.

Tiedeman, David V. and Miller - Tiedeman, Anna. "Career Initiation

When Alienation From Secondary Schools Occurs: A Review of

the Literature". Washington, D. C.: American Institutes

of Research, June, 1974.

U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census Current

Population Reports, Series P-23, No. 46 and Series Pm:

No. 277, 1974

Weisbrod, B. A. "Preventing High School Dropouts", in

Measuring Benefits of Government Investments", R. Dorfman

(ed.), Washington: Brookings Institution, 1965,

Young, Ann M. Graduates and

Market, 4. specia La or Force Report

Washington, D. C.: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of

Labor Statistics, 1975.

548
CHAPTER TWO

WHAT IS THE CIP LIKE?

Unlike many dreams, the Reverend Dr. Sullivan's dream became

a reality. The journey from dream to reality, from idea to

working program, was long, often discouraging, sometimes

exhilarating, and full of surprises. The following is a

recounting of that journey, undertaken collaboratively by

OICs/A and the Philadelphia School District.

CIP IN OPERATION

The need fora program like CIP was apparent. Too many students

were being turned off by urban high schools. Large numbers

of students were dropping out before graduation. Statistics

showed their chances of getting satisfying jobs were poorer

than for graduates. Many still in school could be identified

as potential dropouts, with poor attendance records and little

skill in math and reading. They had not acquired career

information, nor did they know how to find useful job oppux -

tunities. They were becoming increasingly alienated.

The Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America

(OICs/A), with its experience in manpower Braining programs,

not only felt a need for a program to help these students,

but saw it as basic to what it was trying to accomplish

for its adult constitutency. Programs directed at training

adults for the job market, or at bringing employers to the

inner city, solved part of the problem, Another problem

seemed to lie in the schools. While many schools were helping

students, others were turning students off by providing

realistic studies. A new kind of school was needed--one which

succeeded in instilling usable skills and attitudes in such

a way that students' interests were maintained and their

dignity enhanced.

Designing a program to solve this problem, however, demanded

clearing a number of hurdles. Such a school would have to

meet diverse requirements: For example, it would have to be

a respectable educational institution, with state-approved

diplomas, in order to enlist the active support of the community. The curriculum would have to be different from that of

'public schools so that it was relevant to the lives of the

students, while at the same time, it had to instill the basic

skills needed to compete with high school graduates in the

job market. A special kind of instructo- was called for- -

one with imagination, idealism, and sense of reality, who was

549
able to operate without a ready-made educational model.

Furthermore, in addition to assuring academic respectability,

practical curricula, and dedicated teachers, this school

would have to find ways to attract and motivate students with

a history of failure.

Calling upon the expertise of its staff, OICs /A found the

resources to design and implement such a program. A prototype

was ready for implementation by November 1972. During most

of 1973 and 1974 the preliminary course materials were revised

with the help of counsultants working with CIP staff. Between

September 1974 and February 1975, program leadership, structure,

and content stabilized. By January 1975, CIP was ready to

get the summative evaluation year underway. The program,

as sketched below, was designed not only to meet the requirements discussed above, but also to be consistent with the

OICs /A philosophy of "focusing upon the needs of the people

in a personalized manner."

The Context of the CIP

The Career Intern Program is one element of the Urban Career

Education Center concept. UCEC offers a coordinated program

to deal with the problems urban youth encounter in seeking

meaningful careers. It attacks the problems on three fronts.

One component of UCEC, the Career Orientation Program (COP),

is designed to serve selected elementary, middle, and junior

high schools. It attempts to demonstrate that from effective

planning, guidance, and cooperation between UCEC and the

school district will lead to a successful career education

program in regular schools. The primary concern of COP

is to find a way by which career education can be integrated

into academic education in traditional public schools.

Another componet of the UCEC is designed to help parents in

the community, particularly parents of interns in the Career

Intern Program. This component, the Community Career

Program (CCP), aids parents in obtaining legal and

medical help, housing, and other community services. It involves parents in the education of their children, by making them

aware of the school's programs and problems. Furthermore,

CCP provides opportunities fc. these parents to get job

training and placement in better jobs.

The Career Intern Program is the third component in the Urban

Career Education Center. The CIP completes the approach of

UCEC to the career problem. It is concerned with young people

who drop out of public schools and who face severe problems

in finding jobs. As part of the UCEC, CIP is vital aspect of

the OICs/A effort to develop a community-centered attack on

the problems of urban employment.

550
The UCEC program is only part of the context important to

the CIP. Its relationship to the public school system is

crucial. The ensure a continuing source of interns and a

continuing association with the public schools, CIP developed

a special relationship to Germantown and other high schools

in Philadelphia. Germantown was designa.:ed the primary

feeder school for the program. Upon graduation, interns are

awarded a diploma from Germantown or from the school previously

attended by the CIP student. Germantown High School was chosen

initially because it typifies the kinds of problems that are

dealt with by the CIP, and is located in the same neighborhood

as UCEC. School counselors from the sending schools reported

a general pessimism on the part of many students respecting

their post-high school prospects. The liaison between the

sending schools and CIP is primarily the responsibility of

the CIP School District Coordinator (an employee of the

Philadelphia School System) and, to some extent, that of

the CCP. The roles of the coordinator and CCP in recruitment

will be discussed in more detail larar.

Progression through the CIP

Each year CIP enrolls about 250 students in grades ten through

twelve who are not succeeding in their "home" high school.

Students are placed within CIP based on credits previously

earned. Darla, for example, with earned credit for the

tenth grade English would be placed in English Level 2 (see

Figure 1); Larry, who has no science credit but who has successfully passed eleventh grade Engaah. 147uuld be enrolled in

general science or biology and English Level 3. This initial

placement on the appropriate rungp of the CIP curriculum

latter recognizes past success, acaresses academic def..ciences,

and reflects an early expression of CIP's desire to create a

more personalized environment for learning. (Other efforts

to personalize learning, such as the use of individual learning

packets, will be discussed later.) How long it takes to

complete CIP depends on the number of credits needed by the

student to earn a high school diploma. Some students may be

in CIP for only one semester; others for one or two years.

CIP operates on a two semester plan, offering academic and

career ducation experiences over the three grade levels of the

typical senior high school (see Figure 1).

Administrative Structure

The primary administrative slots in the Career Intern Program

are the UCEC Director, the Instructional Supervisor, and the

Counseling Supervisor. The relationship among these various

slots is shown in Figure 2, the CIP Table of Organization.

551
The Director of UCEC is charged with general policy making

and overall admiiii7ration of the entire Center. The Director's

primary role is leadership: clarifying CIP's objectives,

enlisting the support of staff and outside resources to

accomplish these objectives, and building morale to sustain

both students and staff efforts. In addition, the Director

is the operational head of CIP. These functions include

coordinating activities of the CIP units, making decisions

affecting policy and practice, and facilitating communication

among staff. Furthermore, given the relationship between

CIP and OICs/A, the Director serves as a primary channel

for communication between the CIP staff and the larger organiation.

The Instructional supervisor is responsible for curriculum

development, in-service education, and the Resource Center

(library). The Instructional Department is composed of eight

teachers. The basic responsibility of this Department is the

instruction of interns in the four academic subjects (English,

Social Studies, Mathematics, and Science) and in a number of

electives. The Resource Center houses information relevant

to course materials and independent study. It is designed

as a clearinghouse for all materials used by interns, counselors,

and staff. It is also a place where interns gather to read,

or to pass their leisure time, and is available for independent

study assignements.

The Counseling supervisor is responsible for the counseling

staff whose work embraces personal and career guidance. The

four personal counselors and four job developers help students

with their personal problems, assist them to plan and apply

for post-high school education, and support students' career

development planning.

Job developers also locate work exploration opportunities,

guide students through Hands-On experiences (Hands-On will be

described in a latter section of this chapter) and evaluate

the interns' performance during placement.

In summary, the operational Career Intern Program consists of

two departments: An Instructional Department charged with

classroom teaching and providing resource materials to teachers

and students, and a Counseling Department charged with guiding

students through the program, dealing with their personal

problems, preparing the interns' individual Career Development

Plan, making career information available, and supervising

the two-weeks long Hands-On experiences. The structure was

devised to provide a firm academic foundation, maximum

individualized attention for interns' personal and career

problems, and to infuse academic; elective and club activities

with career education.

a

552
General Program Processes. Four key program features will be

discussed here which were designed to provide the kind of

education envisioned in the CIP concept. These are: recruitment

and intake, the Career Development Plan, intern assessment,

and placement of interns.

Recruitment and Intake. Through contacts with the counselors

at the sending schools, the CIP School District Coordinator

knows who are school dropouts, or who were identified by the

counselors as potential dropouts. Potential dropouts are those

who have expressed disillusionment with the school, who have

a consistent pattern of poor attendance, or who have serious

academic problems. Sometimes after the names of potential

and actual dropouts are received, the School Coordinator oes

to the schools and reviews their records. From these recor s

and from discussions with the school counseTars, the School

Coor inator decides whether or not a given student might benefit

from attending CIP. Following this, a check is made to see

if program-entry requirements are met--that is, no major disciplinary problems, and a minimum of a tenth grade education.

The School Coordinator then submits the names of qualified

individuals to the CCP Program Specialist.

An additional source of names is walk-ins: youth and their parents

who have heard of CIP, walk in, and want to enroll. Referrals

from sources in addition to the school is a third, and large,

source of applicants.

After the applicant list is developed, the Program Specialists

send a letter to the parents of the interns and requests that

they telephone for an interview at CIP. Home visits are

made in an attempt to locate parents who did not respond or

whose letters were returned unopened.

The next formal 'ontact prospective CIP applicants and their

parents have with the Career Intern Program occurs after

parents or applicants notify CIP of their interest. This

interaction, called the "intake interview," is conducted by

a member of the Counseling Department and a member of the

external evaluation team. The objective of the interview,

involving both applicant and parent(s), is to explain the

nature of the Career Intern Program and the benefit that could

be derived by the applicant's enrollment.

Immediately following the interview, while still at UCEC,

the prospective applicant is asked to take the reading section

of the Stanford Achievement Test (SAT), Advanced Battery,

to detrmine an entry level reading ability. If the score

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is at the fifth grade level or higher, the minimum entry

requirements are met and the applicant is asked to take a

battery of additional tests.*

From the intake interviews and the testing procedures a pool

of potential interns, roughly twice the size of the entering

class, is identified. The entering class is chosen from

this pool, by lottery. Those admitted constituted the

experimental group, and those not admitted are the control

group, Each group is notified by letter, and those

selected to enroll in the program are instructed to report

to the school on a given day to begin their formal affiliation

with the program.

The Career Development Plan. A second important program feature

vital to each intern's participation is the Career Development

Plan (CDP). Career Development Plans are written records of r the interns' career plans which profile their aptitudes and

include the strengths and weaknesses that have emerged from

the testing. The CDP also records their Hands-On experience

and reactions; indicates the kinds of academic credit they had

gained and what's still needed to reach their career goals;

and lists post-CIP options they might be interested in

pursuing. The primary responsibility for the preparation

of the CIP lies with the counselors, who work in conjunction

with the students, soliciting input from teachers, job

developers and parents. The counselors also obtain additional

information from such sources as their own records, test

scores, and intake interviews. As the intern continues,

the CDP is adjusted to reflect changes in career interest.

This flexible plan proveds the framework within which the

intern works for the remainder of the Career Intern Program

experience.

The CDP serves two fundamental curriculum-instructional purposes.

First, it individualizes students' curriculum within CIP by

relating their interests and abilities to the CIP resources.

Second, it provides a vehicle to bring together teachers and

counselors in adapting the general CIP program in a way which

makes sense for each student. The major features of the CDP

are described below.

* The tests included the SAT math and reading tests, Raven's

Standara Progessive Natrices (test of non-verbal reasoning

test), Rotter's Internal-External Scale, Coopersmith's

Self-Esteem Inventory, and Super's Career Development

Inventory. Entrace into the program was not predicated

upon test scores. The tests and inventories provided a

baseline for assessing later intern achievement and attitude

change in comparison with a control group. In the operational

program, these are not necessary, nor would it be necessary

to select interns by lottery, should the number of appll.cants

exceed the available openings.
The general counselor sets up the first meeting on the plan,

coordinates the work of all staff involved in its development and later monitors its implemdntation, incorporating

any necessary changes into the plan.

Each student makes a first and second choice of possible

careers. The CDP provides a road map of how to get from

where the intern is to where he or she wants to go. CIP

courses are selected, the student's previous academic

history is reviewed, summary comments noted in the CDP,

the reason for the later choices are given, and the roster

is completed for the CIP work to be done. The student's

progress is continuously noted on his/her CDP, so staff can

troubleshoot problems before they get serious enough to

impede the student's progress. The CDP provides the most

complete. cumulative record for each student, showing the

educational objectives, a plan to reach the objectives,

personal and academic background, any changes made in the

CDP, and the reason for these changes. Frequent review

of the CDP is important in encouraging both interns and staff

to keep moving, and to avoid an intern being "locked" into a

plan which no long serves her/his purpose.

Intern Assessment. Assessing the progress of interns

presents problems. Interns in the program are individuals

who have had problems with traditional schools. Furthermore,

the goals of the program and the career objectives of the

interns do not lend themselves easily to assessment by

routine procedures. Since both counselors and instructors

play important roles in the growth and development of interns,

both have to coordinate their work with respect to the assessment of intern progress. In order for interns to have a

realistic set of career ambitions, an accurate assessment

of capabilities and potential is essential.

Formal assessment procedures are established at various

points in the intern's progress through the.program.

The first assessment which takes place is diagnottic testing

which occurs within the first two weeks of each intern's

enrollment into the CIP. This testing is conducted by each

instructor to ascertain intern levels in terms of academic

and career knowledge and proficiency.

Mid-term and Final Assessments are conducted to measure intern

progress, to ascertain intern problems, to assign intern

grades, and to determine intern qualifications for graduation

and entry into the next level of activity in intern career

ladder progressions.

Disposition conferences are conducted periodically to discuss

problems/progress in relation to each intern and to ascertain

strategies to continue to assist intern achievement. At the

end of each semester students are assigned grades for

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the acalemic courses they have taken. These grades are assigned

primarily by instructors, but counselors do have an input,

particularly when there are-mitigating circumstances, such

as prolonged absences. The instructors and counselors try

to arrive at fair grade for the interns. Although a grade

is assigned, credit (necessary for graduation) is either

given or denied for the Hands-On experience. An intern

who fails to receive a satisfactory grade on one of the

Fused Academics courses might be asked to repeat the course.

Assessment procedures are designed to be consistent with the

CIP curriculum. Since the curriculum is based upon individualized instruction and an innovative approach to Fused Academics,

rigid criteria are inappropriate. Instructors and counselors,

therefore, depend upon their close association with students,

the weekly counseling sessions, classroom participation,

quizzes, and individual study performance to:provide information for making judgments. This approach requires cooperation among counselors, instructors, and job developers.

Placement of Interns. Successfully placing graduates in

either jobs or post-high school education is a major goal of

the CIP. In the original design the procedural details were

not delineated. The general charge to the counseling and

career staff is to rely on the services and experiences of the

larger OICs/A organization. Indeed, as. the first group of

interns finished their program, it was apparent that job

placement was one area where the resources, reputation, and

contacts of OICs/A and the Philadelphia OIC were invaluable

assets.

The general procedure envisioned in the proposal relied

heavily upon the counseling staff and upon a successful Hands-On

experience. If the intern was happy with a Hands-On placement

and the employer with whom the intern worked was satisfied,

CIP would arrange for the intern to continue in on-the-job

training in the same position. Most employers were willing

to do this as OICs/A paid the intern's salary.

Thus, where financial assistance was needed to help an intern

make the transition from CIP to a job, CIP was flexible and

supportive. For some employers (e.g., the Prudential Insurance

Company, the University of Pennsylvania or Hahnemann Hospital),

no CIP financial aid was needed. Some employers could pay

enough to cover almost all expenses, so the graduate needed

help only with carfare or lunch money. Some employers could

offer a small stipend but not enough for a worker to live on:

CIP might pay up to 50% of the graduates' salary. In a few

instances, CIP would subsidize employment during the transition period.
The majority of interns found their first job through this

procedure, which was intended to provide an effective means

of transition from the CIP to the working world. Many of

the Hands-On placements and subsequent on-the-job training

programs were carried out in actual OIC programs. In some

instances a graduate who were not immediately employed used

CIP-learned skills to pursue jobs on their own.

For interns interested in college or advanced technical

training, the Counseling Department was a resource. One counselor was designated as the college counselor whose job was

to know what kinds of programs were available, to assist

interns in making applications, and to arrange school interviews for interns.

The degree of success in graduate placement is shown by the

employment and college enrollment statistics presented in

Chapter Nine.

THE PROGRAM AS IT DEVELOPED: THE HURDLES

The preceding section described the CIP as it now operates.

This section looks backward, and describes the development

stages. The obstacles in translating the original plan into

a working school were formidable. Most of them stemmed

from the innovative and complex nature of the program. These

problems and the solutions found will be mentioned here because

they were important in determining the "final" shape of the

CIP.

Administration

One of the most difficult tasks was working out procedures

to administer the program. While the formal lines of authority

and responsibility were clearly drawn on paper, they did

not reflect the real demands placed upon administrators in

serving several "masters." Administrators felt a number-of

conflicting pressures. There were the demands of the basic

OICs/A ethos to provide help to all who needed it, which

sometimes conflicted with the demands of the evaluation design.

Administrators were often confronted with the choice of appearing inflexible in the face of a request for an exception

to the experimental design or of compromising the assignment of students to the experimental or control groups on

the basis of a. lottery.

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4,.
For example, one afternoon the School Coordinator called

the external evaluation office about an intern who had dropped

out of CIP to go into military service. He failed the army

physical and applied for readmission to the program. His

re-entry under those abnormal conditions would have risked

skewing the experimental evaluation design. The School

Coordinator, concerned with helping the intern, found himself

helpless and frustrated in his attempt to do what he saw

was his job.

In another case an applicant failed badly on the reading

test and under normal circumstances would have been dropped

from further consideration. However, investigation revealed

that he lived in a home for boys and would have to be sent to

a detention center if denied admission to a school. Again,

the question had to be faced: "Can the program 'bend' to

accommodate those whom (in the eyes of the program staff)

it is designed to serve?" In both these instances the

issues were resolved in favor of admitting the intern.

The demands for academic excellence and administrative efficiency had to be balanced against the realities of urban

life and humanistic concerns. This conflict was couched in

questions like: "Do we hire certified teachers although

others are better qualified to understand the unique problems

of inner-city kids?" "Because an applicant cannot read

atafifth grade level, do we keep that person from entering

when she or he desperately needs and wants an education?"

"Do we hire only qualified people for whom there is already

a slot, or do we hire needy people and either train them or

change the program to accommodate them?" These questions

were posed repeatedly in many forms and demanded administrative

decisions.

There were other conflicting demands felt by the administration--pressures to make the program look good to observers;

pressures to maintain the students' motivation and interest,

and at the same time bring up their scores on standardized

tests; pressures to use curricula developed (in part) by

consultants, and at the same time adapt it to the problems

of the CIP classrooms.

In virtually every case, these decisions had to involve

skillful compromises. For example, resisting the temptation

simply to make cosmetic changes in response to observer criticism, while at the same time recognizing the importance of

a "good press," OICs/A assigned staff to draw up and monitor

action plans to ensure needed change. Classes in test

sophistication were introduced both to help interns develop

skills related.to taking standardized tests and to aid them

in overcoming the anxiety which most seemed to feel when

confronted by such instruments. The problem of implementing

curricula was solved by conducting intensive workshops which

brought consultants and staff together.

558
Dealing with these pressures required not only a workable

administrative structure and clear administrative policy,

but an administrative staff equal to the demands. Such

personnel had to meet several requirements. They had to have

a clear philosophy of administration-knowing how to use

pressures, when to buffer staff from pressures, and so

forth; they needed a feel for and a conviction about the

overriding goals of the program; they had to be imaginative

and able to work without role-models; and they had to feel

secure about their'abilities.

In the early stages the program encountered serious problems

in finding qualified people and groped for proper procedures.

The causes were many but were mainly related to the undefined nature of the roles and duties of staff personnel.

For example, was it the duty of the counselors to give grades

in courses, since they were most intimately involved with the

:'.aterns? How, much personal counseling should the instructors

undertake, given the de jure role of counselors? What did

these considerations mean when it came to looking at credentials

for hiring? These problems were compounded both by the newness

of the program, and OTCs /A's consequent lack of experience

in hiring educational personnel able co function in innovative

contexts.

The result was a general air of confusion concerning who was

to do what, an unclear notion of how decisions were to be

made, a pervasive attitude of defensiveness, generally poor

staff morale, and a high staff turnover rate. This situation

was reflected in the data and in the recommendations of the

first formative evaluation report.

Happily, aany of the administrative problems were solved.

Simply getting through the shake-down period--during which

roles, duties and lines of communication were defined--led

to volutions to some of the problems. The informal

evaluation reports provided insights nad ideas which the

administrators used in making staffing decisions, and focused

staff attention on underlying problems. As a result, an

action plan was drawn up and implemented. The evaluators

provided information to the CIF staff on the extent to which

this corrective action plan was carried out.

Modeling

A second serious problem was that of developing a program

without a suitable precedent to follow. This problem showed

itself in a number of ways. There were no established criteria

for hiring staff-especially instructors, counselors, Anti Job developers. Attempts were made to obtain people with

experience in related areas--such as adult career education,

OICs/A manpower training programs, public school counseling,

or other alternative schools; however, the demands of their

previous jobs did not coincide with the requirements at CIF.

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574
New roles had to evolve. The immediate result was confusion,

lack of coordination, and tension as each individual attempted

to defend his or her approach,

For example, a Director was hired with experience in a program

where there were few external controls and little experimental

evaluation. As a result, the Director felt frustrated over

apparent infringements on decision-making responsbilities.

A career counselor was hired from an adult career program

and did not understand the necessity for establishing a relationship between untrained youth and career information.

A teacher was hired who though well versed in the academic

nature of a particular discipline, had little understanding

of the life of the students.

The lack of a guide was also evident in the area of student

assessment. CIF attempted to do away with the effects of

the standard grading system. The Fused Acaderhics approach

used at the program tried to give equal weight to academic

progress, improvement of self-image and other affective

concerns as well as to the development of career strategies

and the acquisition of usable career information. Yet

there was no available common denominator for assessing

these aspects of intern grdWth.

The lack of a tested model raised a number of other important

questions. What kinds of curricula should be developed for

a program like this? How does one make sure that the

careers being taught are in fact, viable for the interns?

How can interns be convinced that the program is going to

serve their interests and will not leave them short changed?

What behaviors are appropriate for interns in this context?

What can they get away with? What are the unspoken roles

of the game?

While these problems are by no means completely solved, a

number of mechanisms have been developed to deal with them,

and these have generated some solutions. Attempts have been

made to increase communication among the staff by instituting

inter-departmental workshops and staff meetings focusing on

specific issues. Classes taught jointly by counselors,

instructors, and career experts are now being ofiered. Less

reliance is being placed on external consultants and more on

the use of internal staff, who have a better grasp of the unique

problems of the program. everal changes have also been made

in the curriculum. For instance, the two-week Development

and Motivation section which was a "motivational" course

included in the original program design has been spread

over the entire first semester and is team-taught by instructors,

560
reduced to those that are applicable. The number of careers to which interns are exposed has been counselors, and job developers as a Career Counseling Seminar. The successes generated had to be confronted. In addition to these problems several others of lesser scope led to program and role definition. have instilled a new confidence within the staff and have They are problems of built-in structural prior to entry in the CIP. with the lack of individual attention interns experienced The first of these problems stemmed from an attempt to deal Instructors Versus Counselors teeism; and of intern recruitment and program image. of intern motivation which shows up most dramatically in absen- conflict between instructors and counselors in the school; To fill this need, a counseling contact between interns and counselors. program was designed with a staff size allowing for frequent Counseling was schools. of the functions normally assigned to teachers in traditional made co-equal with teaching, and counselors were given many They were charged with handling all personal problems own. interns face, the solution posed serious problems of its development as paramount makes sense given the problems While this concern to treat personalproblems and affective matters and with cognitive development. Teachers, on the other hand, were to deal only with acadetic of interns, as well as with ensuring their affective growth. First, given the lack of a model, definitions of and how? but family problems, who should deal with the problem, counselor was convinced the reason was not lack of ability If a student, for example, was doing poorly in math and the responsibilities of counselors and instructors were a problem. Interns were encouraged to seek out counselors for help with their problems. Since it is often impossible impinged on their own areas of expertise and interest. themselves giving advice in areas that instructors thought to, sort out personai from academic problems, counselors found As cooperation a program of this kind requires. themselves in attitudes of competition that hindered the a result, a feeling of resentment built up, expressing Relatively students from class?" became major problems. simple questions, like "Who has the responsibility to dismiss Interns would granted permission to be away. sonal obligations; the counselors, being sympathetic, frequently go to counselors and explain that they had to attend to per- Thus, instructors not only buting most to the success of their teaching. also felt that they had lost control of the factors contri- felt frustrated about the definitions of their roles, but 561 576
This conflict between counselors and a.nstructors also created

difficulties with assessment of interns. Since counselors

based their asseement upon difforent criteria from that of

teachers, there was often a discrepancy. Integrity or professional judgment was called into question, requiring a thirdparty.decision, Fruthermore, since counselors were judging

the quality of affective growth, they found the number or

letter grades of teachers unusable; and finding a common denominator became a serious stumbling block.

As a result of these conflicts, a number of changes were made.'

A series of workshops was held, attended by both counselors

and instructors, so that problems could be discussed. Formal

lines of communication were established between the two

departments. The curriculum was changed so that instructors

and counselors together could teach some of the courses.

Intern Disposition Review Conferences, where teachers, counselors, and career advisors can sit down together and discuss

specific students, were designed,

Absenteeism

. Many interns appeared, in the past, to take a very casual

attitude toward classes, with the result that absenteeism of

over 5070 was not unusual. This had a negative effect on

intern progress, on lesson continuity, and on staff morale.

The causes were difficult to isolate. One underlying cause,

however, was the pattern of behavior developed in the public

schools and carried over into the Career Intern Program.

Another factor was the admission of students with poor motivation. Further, the CIP is often initially perceived by

interns as a way to get through high school with as little

bother as possible. In addition, poor attendance may also be

the direct result of personal and home problemi.

While the problem has not been entirely solved, several steps

have been taken to alleviate it. The changes in counseling

procedures, with counselors and instructors working together

helped. Recruitment and intake procedures guide those who

were not sufficiently motivated away from the program, and

have made responsbilities clear to those who do enter the

program. A series of micro-teaching workshops was instituted

to upgrade the quality of instruction. The curricula have

been compistely revised to otfercourses that are relevant,

interesting, and individualized. The result has been a marked

decrease in absentee rates.

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.%rw 4.0 61
recruit interns. A final unforeseen problem became apparent in attempts to Intern Recruitment and the Program Image The problem had two faces, the first sources. The difficulty in getting enough applicants stems from several and the second, defining the goals of the program. being the difficulty of getting enough qualified applicants, In the early history of the program (before January interns or their qualifications. 1974) there were no limitations on either the number of Virtually anyone who applied was accepted. When the experimental design was instituted, process. several new factors were introduced into the recruitment First, only students with a minimum fifth grade reading level were admitted. In addition, the design called qualified applicants to constitute a control group. for a specific number of admissions, plus a large 'pool of Thus, than before. the sheer number of applicants had to be significantly larger Furthermore, admission under the new design to enter the school. antee that an applicant would be chosen, even though qualified required a full day of interviewing and testing with no guar- This had a discouraging effect on feeder schools. School District Coordinator with counselors in the designated The major mechanism for recruitment was the contact of the potential interns.Since the public school counselors were applicants, the implications were more far reaching. While the net result was that there were not enough qualified Coordinator, many were judged to be unqualified for admission. When their records were reviewed by the School District send students without reference to an explicit set of criteria. never quite sure what the CIP was all about, they tended to First, have to be developed. it "as obvious that additional recruitment mechanisms would Second, it was apparent that public should be pushed,". as poor students;" or whether "the emphasis on career training nature of its orientation and thus appeal to those identified unhappy with the public schools;" should stress the "remedial project iteself as "an alternative school for anyone who was in the form of a heated discussion as to whether CIP should The question came up in a staff meeting early in the summer of the CIP. school administrators were confused as to the purpose and goals In any case, the effect on recruitment and the possibilities for publicizing the program would be affected. 5.63
Several important steps have been taken toward resolving

the difficulties associated with recruitment. In January 1974,

in response the immediate problem of getting enough applicants

for the first class, several staff members were instructed

to recruit students via telephone or door-to-door solicitation.

This technique proved both time consuming and unwieldy, though

it did increase the number of prospective students.

As a result of the recruitment problem, the School District

Coordinator began a stepped-up campaign to advertise the

program in'feeder schools. He scheduled student body assemblies,

combed student records, and intensified his contacts with

school counselors. Furthermore, the number of feeder schools

was greatly expanded to cover the entire city. Descriptive

literature was sent to the principals and counselors of

virtually every city high school.

As the Career Intern Program becomes more clearly defined and

better organized, the staff believes it can accept an increasingly

larger student body. This means that greater numbers of students

must be identified. The problem appears to be solved. For

one thing, people are hearing about the program by word of

mouth, and the number of people who apply is increasing rapidly.

For another, the intake procedures have been streamlined to

reduce the total time for interviews and testing. Thus, they

are less onerous to potential applicants.

In summary, the above were the major problems faced in the

early stages of CIP development. Basic, of course', are the

problems resulting from the innovative nature of the program.

These include development of a viable administrative structure

and a set of administrative procedures, plus the job of erecting a program for which there were few antecedents. Beyond

this there were a number of problems of lesser scope which

had to be dealt with--the unforeseen structural conflict

between counseling and instruction, the high absentee rates,

and the problem of intern recruitment.

THE PROGRAM AS IT DEVELOPED: SOME CHANGES

The net result of these processes has been the creation of

a program which is in some respects different from the one

orginally proposed, but which is representative of the basic

idea of the Reverend Dr. Sullivan and the Opportunities

Industrialization Centers of America. The result is not a

compromise or a dilution of the original dream. Indeed, in

many respects it is more exciting and responsive to intern

needs than had been imagined.
This section reviews the changes that have taken place since

the program's design and inception. No effort is made to

describe again the basic structure of the school, which has

remained much as originally planned. What has changed are

mainly roles, emphases, and program processes. These major

changes are in administration, instruction/counseling, and

program development and review.

Administration

Perhaps the most significant administrative change has been

in the hiring of a Director with a background of experience

in teaching, school administration, and innovative educational

program development. In addition to the improved morale

resulting from this appointment, the new Director has instituted

a number of administrative procedures that have significantly

altered the shape of the program. Department heads are now

required to prepare and submit to the Director bi-weekly

reports of their activities. Each report is sent on to OICs/A

and is circulated among the other department heads so that

all administrators are kept abreast of every major development

in the program.

Efforts on the part of the administration have been made to

increase the quality and effectiveness of communication among

staff. Instead of weekly general staff meetings, frequent

staff seminars are held which focus on specific issues,

and regular, individualized intern assessment conferences

are conducted, bringing together instructors, job developers,-

and counselors. Furthermore, in keeping with the effort

to enhance staff communication, the results of the ongoing

evaluation are made available to staff both as written reports,

channeled through the Program Manager and UCEC Director, and

as oral briefings to the entire staff by the evaluators. This

immediate evaluation feedback permits quick response and

implementation of suggestions on the part of the staff.

In addition to this administrative change, a number of others

have been made which, while less basic to the operation of

the program, have nonetheless made a noticeable difference

in ambience. For example, the office of the head of Educational

Services has been moved to the Resource Center, greatly increasink this individual's interaction with staff and interns,

and the title of the position has been changed to Curriculum

Liaison/Resource Center Specialist. As a full-fledged

department, Educational Services hae been eliminated, because

the bulk of one of its major functions--the development of

a basic curriculum for a new and innovative program--has

largely been accomplished. This has been the one major

structural change to take place (see Figure 2).

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5S
A comprehensive action plan has been formlated to ensure

that the recommendations of the formativ4 evaluation are

carried out. Department heads have been granted a great

deal of autonomy in doing their jobs within the framework

of the general program policy. At tl.a same time, they have

been made accountable through the requ3zed bi-weekly reports.

In summary, the present administrative structure has been

streamlined; qualified people have gradually emerged in

key staff positions; procedures for effective communication

have been and are being developed and implemented; a general

administrative policy based upon respect for individual

staff expertise has been articulated; and stress has been

placed upon regular staff-staff and staff-intern interaction.

Instruction/Counseling

The above administrative changes have had important effects

on the processes of instruction and counseling. One change

has been that the tendency to separate Leaching and counseling

functions (which was never intended in the original design)

has been reversed. The current emphasis is upon cooperation

between instructors and counselors, 7.7hich occurs in several

ways. A Career Counseling Seminar is offered, taught by a

team of counselors, teachers, and career advisors. In

addition, regular Intern Formalized Assessment Conferences

and periodic Intern Disposition Review Conferences are

conducted and attended by all staff involved in an intern's

program. Preliminary data relating to the effectiveness of

such cooperation indicate that teachers and counselors have

begun to see each other as equal partners in a joint enterprise.

New procedures have been developed to ensure successful Hands-On

experiences. These procedures are designed to make sure

interns' experiences are useful and relevant to their interests.

In the new procedure, an intern's counselors keeps a careful

record of the intern's progress in the program. Sometime

during Phase I, after the Career Development Plan has been

formulated, an Intern Disposition Conference is held, at which

time the intern along with her/his counselor, instructors,

and career advisor settle upon two career choices. When the

intern completes the Career Counseling Seminar, his/her

counselor sends a transmittal memo to the Career department

indicating that the intern is ready for Hands-On and naming

the two careers of interest to the intern. The Career department then arranges for the Hands-On experiences.

Curriculum

Attempts are being made to enhance the quality of instruction

in two ways. First, new curriculum packets (to be described

below) have been developed and are being used. These are

EGG

581
designed to. permit individualized instruction that answers

the needs of the particular intern, and to fuse academic and

career information. Secondly, teacher workshops are conducted

by the head of the Instructional Department, the outside

curriculum consultant, and other outside specialists. These

are designed to facilitate implementation of the new curriculum.

A series of micro-teaching workshops has been held using

videotaping as a means of getting teachers to evaluate their

own classroom behaviors.

In addition to the changes in courses and counseling, the

program today features a large number of non-classroom activities.

A successful career fair was held at the end of the summer

for which interns studied various careers, designed visual

displays, and made themselves available to discuss the careers

with other interested interns. Excursions to various cultural

centers--museums, the zoo, theaters, and so on--have been

conducted, and more are planned. These all reprezlent efforts

to enrich the educational experiences of interns.

In summary, new procedures have been introduced to enhance

the quality of career advising and to integrate instruction

and counseling. High quality instruction is a constant

concern and is being ensured through the use of updated curriculum packets supplemented by reular teacher workshops.

Basic Subjects in the Curriculum

CIP is committed to a personalized program. This commitment

led to the development of personalized curriculum materials

based on the following assumptions:

1. A teacher able to interact on a personal level with

each student is essential. Curriculum materials should

facilitate such interaction, not take the place of it.

2. The ability to work independently and learn autonomously

will vary significantly with each individual. The curricula

will have to help the intern make the transition from

dependent, teacher-directed learning to independent,

autonomous learning.

3. Interns vary in their readiness for learning. The

materials should provide a variety of learning activities.

4. The materials should help the intern recognize the

need for the information which they contain; should specify

learning objectives; and should provide frequent feedback

about learning.

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The packets were also designed to remedy two weaknesses in

earlier versions of the curriculum: Information overload- -

students were burdened with too much career-related information;

and too little emphasis on processing information--srldents

were not helped to think analytically about careers and to

develop a means for finding and using appropriate career information:

More About Curricula: The Counseling Seminar

The Career Counseling Seminar (CCS) assists students to understand career information, develop self-awareness, explore

career possibilities, and cope more successfully with diverse

social situations. Most interns are street wise. The seminar

helps them become school wise and work wise. The seminar,

meeting for one period daily for 22 weeks, is required of

all students. The seminar also deliberately integrates the

efforts of teachers and counselors who constitute the teaching

team.

Curriculum materials consist of learning packets written on

a fifth grade level, A list of all packets is given in the

appendix. Illustrative rJpics include;

o Career Information Processing

1. Identifying present career interests

2. Exp4nding present interests into new horizons

3. Choosing a career study

4. Deciding on career information needed

5. Locating print resources

6. Interviewing career specialists

7. Using community agencies

8. Evaluating career resources

9. Recording career information

10. Writing the career report

11. Sharing career information

o Decision Making process

1. Rational decision making

2. The trouble with superstition

3. Brainstorming options and choices

4. Whom can you trust? The use of authority.

5. Predicting consequences

6. Learning A:rom experience

7. Keeping the options open

8. When to follow your hunches?

9. When to listen to other people?

10. What kind of decider are you?

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Academics and Career Education

These studies (English, Social Studies, Mathematics and Science)

relate senior high school subjects (grades 10 through 12) and

career education content. Ninety-seven packets in English,

social studies, and seence have been developed, plus 43

lessons in mathematics. Each packet contains four to eight

lessons, a pre-and post-test covering packet content, a

series of readings and activities, and a list of optional enrichment activities.

The units f,nr the first level of English, each unit serving

as a focus for a learning packet, illustrate the integration

of career, academic and other content within a separte-subjects

curriculum design.

o English II

Career:

Academic:

The Job Interview

Communication Problems and Job Success

Career Focusing

Speaking and Listening

Writing Better Sentences

Writing Better Paragraphs

Hope - the Afro-American Soul in Literature

Flight and Fear in Literature

Self: You, Your Language, and Careers

Community: Communication in the Community

The packets were developed by outside consultants working with

the CIP staff. Packet content was designed to appeal to

students who were not motivated (or experienced) in working

on their own and who had some difficulty with academic content.

A student who used only packet material could master at

least the basic content, although going beyond the basics is

encouraged. Teachers use the packets in a way which best

fits their teaching style, and are encouraged to supplement

the packet content with "...active, experiential learning"

to avoia a workbook-drill approach in teaching.

Hands-On

Interns are recommended for Hands-On experiences which are

designed to provide exposures to the primary labor market

in their last semester at CIP. If interns' attendance is

satisfactory, if interns are doing well in their courses,

and if their teachers and counselors feel they are ready,

the general counselor submits interns' names to the Job

Developer. The Job Developers, who are advised of the interns'

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first and second career choices, find appropriate placements.

Each intern is required to have two Hand-On placements of one

week each. Work in Hands-On is evaluated both by the supervisor at the business placement and by the CIP Job Developer.

Hands-on is an experience in CIP whose importance may seem

surprising since almost all interns work by necessity or

choice. Their jobs are, however, typically in the secondary

labor market of low-paying, high-turnover youthAobs. Few

interns have had access to the higherpaying, primary labor

market world of suburban firms, downtown businesses,, and

professional and Skilled trades. For most students, Hands-On

represents their first exposure to conditions and people in

primary labor market work, selected with their interests and

needs in mind. Typical. Hands-On placemenfi-iffvolved students

observing/working* in the positions described in the composite

portraits which are listed below:

o Lila, putting together her record as the fastest

(and most accurate) figurer at CIP and her

interest in data rather than people, spent a

week as an actuarial clerk in a suburban insurance firm. Her performance was so remarkable,

the firm offered her a traineeship in actuarial

statistics.

o Rupert, whose street occupation had involved

both relating to people and handling considerable

sums, worked with a teller in a downtown bank.

Initially ill-at-ease in the acres of marble,

he gained both knowledge of the range of banking

services available to him and how his =one/ sense

and reliability could fit into the work of bank

employees.

o Gene had a little interest in a lot of careers

but no great interest in any. His abilities

were similarly dispersed rather than concentrated.

A week with a computer technologist in a downtown Marine Corps Supply Center helped him understand the diversity of occupations available within

an employer such as the Marine Corps-and helped

also rule out computer technology as a possible career.

* Sometimes satety considerations or other rules preclude

actual work.by students.

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o Merle spent his hands-on with a building contractor

in the city, literally hands-on as a carpenterfor-a iftek. Added attractions were the opportunities to observe close-up the variety cf other

skilled crafts and trades working on the construction

site,

o Earlyne's first hands-on choice, working with

a nurse, did not come through. Reluctantly she

agreed to spend a week with a parole officer

in the city corrections department. It was a

week that has influenced, and perhaps changed,

her life. The officer who was her monitor

was committed to making parole work, and showed

Earlyne a fuller range of challenges, opportunities and rewards - as well as disappointments,

some risk, and frustration than her second

hands-on (which was nursing) could olriro Other hands-on placements have included social

work in a local community action project, chef

in a suburban motor lodge, dental assistant

in a city clinic, nurse in a home for the

elderly, and journalist with the city newspaper.

Doris' (an actual student) experiences illustrate a number

of the effects Hands-on have on intern attitudes toward

careers. On her CD? she had indicated that her first

choice of career was in the area of computers and her second

was to be an X-ray technician. Her Hands-on experience made

her change her mind.

"After I had, you know, gone on that Hands-On

experience with the computer, I didn't like it

too much...I just didn't like it because...you got

to go to school. I don't want to go back to school

a long time just to get into that...I'll probably

go back to school in about a year, I want to go

to a training school or something."

She really liked the X-ray technician experience, however.

Her reasons for liking it probably reflect the kinds of

considerations that ultimately go into a satisfying career.

"...I just like the taking of X-rays of people and

v'tching how they develop through the machine and

stuff... the people I worked with were really nice.

Lynne and Eric, that was their names. They showed

me a lot when they weren't working and I was

registe-tng patients and stuff and then Erie showed

me how to run the machine a little bit."

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For Doris, as for many of the interns, Hands.-on gave her a

clearer idea of what a realistic career goal was for her,

of how to go about attaining it and convinced that she

could succeed if she worked at it.

In some cases, the Hands-on experiences have unexpected

effects on the attitudes of interns. One intern, for example,

wanted to become a dental assistant. When she got to the

site and discovered how much schooling the career required

and what the work was like, she realized that she would

not want to do it. However, she discovered what the

duties of a medical receptionist were while at her Hands-on.

She decided this was something she could do, and came back

determined to get more information various openings for

receptionists.

Electives

Elective subjects broaden the curriculum, contributing to

the "you-are-important" atmosphere CIP tries to maintain.

Electives offered by CIP include cultural arts (clarifies the

concept of culture and helps students explore their own and

other cultures); basic typing for personal use; graphics

(perspective, form and their communication through drawings,

provide insight into a related career), consumer mathematics,

and humanities (artistic expression in painting, music,

films. and literature).

Program Development and Review

Even after four years of development, the Career Intern

Program is not static. Procedures have been introduced to

ensure that it remains flexible and responsive to the changing

needs of interns and of the community it serves. Existing

programs and practices are constantly under review.

The mechanism for effecting change and for monitoring the

program includes the Office of the Operations Planning Assistant

of the OICs/A who works with the Program Manager, reviews

all program reports, and maintains continuous on-site

contact with the program and with the external evaluators.

Based on the information received, the Operations Planning

Assistance makes recommendations to the UCEC Director.

A second important mechanism for review has been the external

evaluation team. On-site fieldworkers monitor the ongoing

program and regularly report their observations to the Program

Manager. Thus, they are able to evaluate the effectiveness

of change.

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In Instructional Curriculum Supervisor is constantly searching

out and reviewing new instructional materials and is

actively producing in-house materials and methods.

Various instructors and counselors have been assigned the

task of organizing and supervising extra-curricular group

activities, which will add to interns' knowledge and give

chem a wider range of school experiences. For example,

a Student Counseling Committee has been formed to provide

a means for interns to discuss personal and school problems

with other interns; a Progressive Student Association has

been organized to give interns a voice in the program; and

several activity groups meet reguarly.

A new, streamlined procedure for intake interviews, using a

slide sho0 which can be shown to a number of parents and

interns at the same time, has been developed and is being

tried out.

Conclusion

The picture that emerges is that of an exciting and changing

experiment in education. Some of the changes described

above are a confession of failure. Some of the new programs

and activities may prove ineffective and require further

change. More importantly, huwrver, the program has proven

itself capable of meeting challenges and of dealing with

its own imperfections. CIP appears well on the way to

meeting its oeginal goal: to prove "the hope of productive

futures for uroan youth."

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CHAPTER THREE

THE INTERN AND CIP: FOUR CASE STUDIES

The interns whose experiences are described here under

fictitioUs names are selected on twc bases. First, they

represent a sampling of various student feelings about the

Career Intern Program; and second, they exhibit the range of

social characteristics typical of entering interns.

Included are two men and two-women, high school dropouts

and non-dropouts, one whohas finished CIP, two who are

midway through their programs, and one whose graduation is

still sometime off. One of the interns is white, and three

are black. They come from a variety of home contexts and

a number of different high schools. They range from good

students to very poor. Taken together, they provide an

accurate composite of typical intern experiences.

No attempt is made to describe the entire life history of

any one intern. Rather, using their words and assuming

their perspective, this chapter tires to describe -what they

find significant and interesting about the program. Each

intern reveals the special personal meaning the program

holds for her or him.

Eddie: "I needed a diploma."

Eddie's story tells of the obstacles some public school

students meet in trying to get a diploma. Eddie had a pretty

good idea what he wanted to do with his life, but the problem

was that he had been unable to obtain the pass-key,in all

his years in public school. Without the diploma, Eddie

feared that he would have to take whatever he could get

on the street and he had seen too many frightening endings

out there to want to settle for that alternative. Here is

Eddie's story.

When his family moved from West Philadelphia to Germantown,

Eddie breathed a sigh of relief. He had been dodging gang

members in the old neighborhood for two years and he was

glad to leave the scene of the battle. In a new neighborhood

and new school, Eddie found himself in a different scene,

but fighting the same battle. There were new gangs to deal

with and he was not doing much better at the new high school

than he had at the old. He refused to enter the gang

scene which he knew would lead to his dropping out of

school. At the same time, he could not be a part of the

successful student scene. In describing the social context

of the high school, Eddie characterizes his own dilemma.

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"If you're a hoodlum (gang member), you're cool. If

you're not a hoodlum, you re 'iced' (snubbed). If

you're a "bookworm,' they call you a dummy."

Eddie needed to find a place where he could be himself, and

where he could get the understanding and help to finish high

school.

CIP was less than a block away from his high school and

Eddie wandered over there occasionally to check it out.

"If you walk into a regular school, everybody stares at

you like you're...somebody from a different planet or

something...over here (CIP),I found the school was

together. They don't give you any hassles about what

you're doing in here and how you got in here."

So the first thing about CIP that appealed to Eddie was the

atmosphere of openness. Eddie was admitted to CIP in January,

1974. Before long he began to endear himself to teachers

and counselors, taking an active role in student activities.

He was handsome and a stylish dresser who loved to flirt with

the girls or spend an afternoon rapping with a teacher. He

became involved in the Progressive Student Association, a

student initiated .group set up as a voice for interns in the

school and for planning student social activities. As a

member of the group Eddie participated in planning dances and

organizing basketball games between students and staff. During

second semester at CIP, another intern wrote and directed a

play in which Eddie had a major part.

Eddie related to adults especially well, forming close friendships with many of his teachers and other staff members. As

a result of his easy relationship with CIP staff, they tended

to entrust him with responsibilities, like relaying messages

between staff members or helping teachers carry books from

the resource center.

Soon just about everybody knew Eddie. His classmates respected

him for his efforts in their behalf, and his teachers and

counselors saw him as special. He had found the place he was

looking for at CIP.

Because of his reading problems however, it took him much

longer to get through the program than many of the interns who

entered CIP when he did. He had been in high school for five

years before coming to CIP and had made it only as far as the

11th grade. Like many students in the large high schools, Eddie's

slow pace is probably attributable to his never having admitted

or dealt with his reading deficiencies. At the same time, no

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one was paying much attention to the fact that after so many

years he had accumulated so few credits. Eventually he would

either have dropped out or he would have been dropped from

the rolls.

But in the supportive atmosphere at CIP, Eddie had a chance to

admit his problems, to seek and to get the help he needed to

improve. Eddie saw the CIP teachers were different. . .

. . .they take time to explain what's happening. They

really take time to understand you, to see how you get

along with other people in the classroom. The teachers

here don't have the attitude they have at High School,

you know, if he doesn't get his education, I don't care,

it doesn't have anything to do with me, I'm still getting

my money.' But teachers here don't feel like that, they

feel that we all have to survive, so they can't turn

their back on you when they know they can help you make

that change."

This comment of Eddie's is typical of many interns' analysis of

the difference in attitude of teachers. That difference fills

a need that Eddie and other interns like him felt strongly.

Eddie not only feels that teachers at CIP care about him in

a personal way, but also that school in general has become more

personally meaningful to him. When he refers to his courses at

CIP, for example, he doesn't only use course names but refers

to them in terms of what he is learning about. Here he is

talking about one of his favorite classes and the issues discussed that have impressed him deeply.

. . .the work seems like fun, not boring. You can't go

to sleep in classes because we do things. Like in my

Social Studies class, were learning about ourselves, like

our racial self and prejudice. Everybody gets a chance

to act out what prejudice is. Some people say prejudice

is like not likingstring beans. But that's not prejudice

and you learn what prejudice is really about."

In his last semester at CIP, Eddie was taking only one course

because he had completed everything else he needed. He had had

to repeat his English course once, but by this time, Eddie was

reading adequately. One aspect of the school he complained

about in his last semester was the packets teachers were using

in the classrooms.

His dissatisfaction is mixed with an understanding of their

intent and the value of doing them. Somehow, his mixed feelings

represent the movement Eddie had made toward an understanding

of the value of school and toward increased self-awareness.

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. .I couldn't stand the packets. . .they ask you the

same questions through the whole packet. You finish one

. question and turn the page and you see the same question

in a different form. . .maybe they do it to check you out

to see whether you're rushing through or whether you're

taking your time to think about the answers. . .We do

them individually because everybody says something different

. . .1 always wanted to catch the guy that made up those

packets. I alwaya wanted to catch him. . .We had one of

them called 'How do you feel about yourself'. Well, quite

naturally, you're going to exaggerate to make yourself

look good. But then if you look at it, you say, 'Well,

how do I feel about myself?' And if you really sit back

and think of all the wrong things you've done, you'd have

to put down something different from what you first wrote

down. Or how do you feel at this particular moment?

Nervous? So you really can't just put down anything off

the top of your head. You have to really sit back, read

it, and then think about what it asks you, and then write it

down. It made you think. It was sickening. But I guess

to a certain extent they were alright."

Unlike many of his fellow interns, Eddie knew what he wanted

to be for a long time. He looked into other careers when he

was at CIP and had six hands-on experiences during his stay,

but his first love was electronics.

"When I was about eight years old, my father brought me a

radio--I took that radio apart and he told me. . .he beat

me first, and then he told me, 'That radio better be

working!'. I got the crystals back in that radio and that

radio was working. That's what got me into it. Then I

started dealing with a little bit of everything. It's

fascinating. You take a radio that's a good twelve, thirteen

years old and you say, "Wow, I'm going to fix this radio.'

You sit down and get to pulling those tubes out and testing them and seeing which ones are no good and you put

new tubes in and you might take the cord off cause the

cord had a break in it. You know, you can get a short

circuit because of that. You take the cord off and you

put another one in there, slap it in the wall and the

radio come on. Wow, you see what happened. That's a

Recalling his favorite hands-on experience, Eddie tells about

working with an electrician for two weeks as he went from job

to job in the city.

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"I thought I knew a lot about being an electrician.

I thought electrician and electronics were just about

the same thing. Until I went on that hands-on. First

of all, I didn't really think about all the things

electricians do and how. they work. I thought to myself,

'I'm really more interested in building things, electrical things,' So I talked to that electrician and he

showed me some other stuff he was working on, on his

own time. It made me think about that career in a

different way, but I knew I. still wanted to work with

electronics."

Eddie never entertained any ideas about going to school beyond

high school. His major goal was to get a high school diploma.

A diploma, to him, symbolized a clean ,reak from the street

scene that constantly lured him but that he so diligently

tried to avoid.

"I really wanted to get a high school diploma. I know what

it's like out there and I want to get a better job than

just what I could pick up on the street. I really go to

find out what I wotild have missed if I had dropped out. What

opportunities I would have had. And that's why I'm glad

I came over here. The people I see down town, I feel sorry

for them. You see them sitting on the corner or sleeping

in the street and you say, 'Damn, will you look at that!'

I feel sorry for them. But really, if you sit back and

think about it, you know, they can get it, they can do it.

Maybe it's because they feel sorry7 for themselves, like

if other people don't try for them, they're not going to

try themselves. I'm not going to end up like that."

With the help of his counselor, Eddie looked into opportunities

for getting into electronics. He finally decided he was going

to go into the Air Force, and applied even before he graduated.

At the CIP graduation ceremoney in August, Eddie received an

award for perfect attendance. The contrast of this award with

his past school behavior isstriking. Had Eddie not found a

place where he could be himself, which gave him the support

and patience to work on his reading skills, he probably would

never have graduated from high school.

Darla: "I had to get myself

Darla sheepishly walked into

one morning, a half hour late

together."

the classroom building at 9:45

for the Career Counseling Seminar.

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Instead of going upstairs to class, she went to her counselor's

office to explain why she was late and to get the necessary

paper work done so she would be considered present in school

that day.

"You know, it takes me so long to get here all the way

from South Philly, and, anyway, I wasn't feeling too

good this morning."

Appearing disappointed, her counselor looked hard at Darla,

as if waiting for Darla to add something.

"I know. It's my own fault, really. I just could have

started out earlier and I wouldn't have been so late.

But do I have to go to the Career Seminar today?"

Darla dropped out of high school early in her second time

around in 12th grade. After a few months of doing nothing, she

decided to phone the local OIC for information on clerical

skills training programs. Since she had been out of high school

for only a short time, the OIC representative advised her to

apply to CIP. She started attending classes at CIP in February

of 1975, ready to wipe the slate clean and start afresh.

She'd had a couple of new starts before, but each time failed

to live up to expectations. She had been an exceptional student

in junior high school. When she started high schoOl she was

offered admission to a special program for the top students.

Darla was interested in secretarial work, so she was put into

the 'r- op' program, an accelerated commercial course which

simui_t.ed the work environment. She did fairly well her

first two years in the program, but during her senior year,

she began to have problems. When she first came to CIP she

blamed her failure at the old high school on family problems,

on teachers' lack of understanding or on some of her classmates'

attitudes.

. . .I guess when my mother and father broke up, it tore

me up. I took it hard. . .Anyway, I didn't like being in

a.classroom full of girls, and I wouldn't dress the way

my teachers told me to dress, I didn't see any point in

getting dressed up when I'm looking at a bunch of women

all the time. I had top English, but that English teacher

and me couldn't hit it off for nothing, cause all she would

do was talk about literature-not English. Then there was

this one girl who used to try to out do me in everything.

She thought she was 'Miss Cutie', but she wasn't."

Darla failed every subject in her senior year. She returned

the following year, and the teachers and her counselor at the

old high school were willing to give her a second chance in

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the Co-op program. But Darla began cutting classes again,

eventually ran out of excuses and dropped out. Darla saw

CIP as a chance to begin in a new environment, with new people,

and with renewed determination.

When she first came to CIP, Darla was bubbling over with enthusiasm. Believing that she had failed at the other high school

because of problems with her family, teachers and classmates,

she was convinced that things would be different at CIP.

Because she was already in 12th grade, she could graduate in

only one semester and she was gung ho to beat her younger

sister to a diploma. There were several reasons for her

"high" at the beginning of her CIP experience. For one thing,

she liked her teachers and felt the subject matter was relevant

to her. Darla noticed that she was gaining interest in school

again. She was gaining the self-confidence to express herself

in class. When she thought about it, the biggest. difference

between the teaching at the old high school and the teaching

at CIP had to do with attitude.

"Here they come at you on an adult basis. You don't just

have to take the teacher's word, they want you to judge

for yourselves."

Darla stressed how important being treated like an adult was

to her. It was not only her teachers, but her classmates who

interacted with her as an adult. Darla tells about an incident

which she feels exemplifies interns' interactions with each

other.

. . .there are some childish ones over here, but there's

one thing I notice, if you do something wrong--everybody

is on your back. . .This one girl, loud-talked me one day

out in the street. I told the rest of the students and

they got on her back and said, 'Hey, why did you do that?

That's not right, you are suppose to be an adult so start

carrying yourself like one.' There was no argument, it

was just. . .she just took it because nobody was trying

to make her look bad or anything, they were just putting

her in her place. That's what I like about this school."

Another reason for Darla's enthusiasm at the beginning was an

arrangement her counselor made for her to work as a secretary

each afternoon in the Career Department. This arrangement

furthered her clerical skills training and also served as her

hands-on experience. Getting the job also underlined Darla's

feeling that she was being given a chance to act like an adult.

Here she reveals her excitement at being hired.

580
"I came over there and interviewed and I filled out these

papers. He told me I had the job...boy, was I tickled

pink! Boy, I told my mother. She was glad too, cause like

she was having hard times, and like at the time, I was

spending .90c for carfare and a dollar for lunch, sometimes

more. It was hard on my mother, because she had my sister

in her last year (of high school), plus she has my little

brother, plus she has the house and everything to pay for.

She said I didn't have to give her anything just as long as

I put twenty dollars in the bank; she didn't want anything

from me, just as long as I had some money in the bank...

They pay me a hundred dollars every two weeks."

In the Career Counseling Seminar, Darla decided to do her career

report on becoming an executive secretary. She learned about

the speciality while reading some general reference materials

in the resource center. The glamour of the executive secretary's

job caught Darl's imagination. She had once entertained thoughts

of going into fashion design, but felt it was too impractical

a career to pursue. Becoming an executive secretary represented

a good compromise between glamour and practicality.

As the semester wore on, Darla'shigh wore off. She began to

have problems in school and with her job. She was arriving

late and cutting several of her classes.

Her attendance at the Career Counseling seminar suffered

because it was first thing in the morning. The more she missed

it, the less she wanted to go. Soon she found herself cutting

other classes and a pattern was emerging. Darla mould begin

to feel down on herself, but she would rationalize her behavior

by blaming outside forces--illness, the distanceihe had to

travel or home problems. Eventually, her job suffered too.

She blamed her boss. Either he didn't understand her, or he

expected too much of her. She beganto make excuses to leave

early in the afternoon, and sometimes she wouldn't show up

at all.

"Like when he give me something, I freeze-up all the time,

and then just mess up half the time. I didn't even care

if I got to work. And I'd come in late. Half the time,

I couldn't come in cause I was either sick or I had

to go somewhere--to clinic or I might have to go somewhere

else."

At mid-term, the results were in and things did not look good.

Darla was failing every one of her courses simply because she

was missing class too often. Her English teacher's comment

typifies the frustration her teachers felt.

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"Darla is a girl with a sweet smile, beautiful interpersonal skills, and she's flunking. Her attendance is

sporadic...50 or 60%. When she comes, she does pretty

good work. If she came she'd pass. I mean, her scores

were all like 70's and just a few 70's doesn't get you

passed."

Darla's counselor talked to her every day, urging her to come

to school, and talking with her about personal problems

Darla perceived herself to be having. Her teachers explained

to Darla exactly what she would have to do in order to pass

their courses. Her enthusiasm welled up again and by the

end of the semester, Darla had passed all of her courses except

the Career Counseling Seminar. This meant she could not

graduate.

A noticeable shift occurred in the way she viewed her own

behavior that semester, however. Where before she blamed

everyone and everything for her problems in school, she was

now beginning to see that it was she kho had primary responsibility

for her school success. She recognized her behavior pattern

of messing up, feeling bad, and running away or avoiding the

issues.

"I started getting--1 got real lazy, and I started

fooling around. And that's how I flunked, because

I fooled around and everything. I would miss class

a let, You used to see me in the recrpation room all

the time, cutting classes...This is the same thing that

happened at the other school. I was in the same bag

was in before."

The opening scene in the counselor's office took place in

Darla s second semester at CIP. She was taking the Career

Counseling Seminar which she had failed the semester before.

On that day, Darla was late. She started off blaming her lateness on outside forces. Her counselor waited to hear if

Darla would be satisfied with her rationalizations. But Darla

had begun to recognize the pattern in her behavior, and, to

her counselor's satisfaction, added that it was her own fault

for being late. From this perspective, her failure to graduate

could not be blamed on the teachers, the weather or her friends.

At CIP, her teachers', counselor's, and classmates' support

were ideal. She realized that all along there was a crucial

element she had been missing in trying to explain her past

failures--herself.

582

,t". %.1 1.1 of
"I had been feeling down, but now I'm starting--I'm anxious

to go to school now. I'm going to start getting stuff

together...I have to, you know, I'll be 20 years old.

I'm going on 20...it's nobody's fault but my own that I

didn't graduate. Hy sister teases me, I always used to

tease her that I'll be getting out of school this year

and she'll still be in there. :Now she teases me. But

I know now that I'm never going to graduate unless I get

myself together."

For Darla, the CIP experience was more than choosing and working

toward a career goal - - more than getting high school diploma.

For her it was a chance to learn an important lesson about herself. By seeing her own behavior against an ideal school

setting, she realized it was she who was preventing herself

from accomplishing her goals. Getting through high school was

one thing, but, unchecked, the pattern Darla exhibited would

have affected her in any working situation she might enter.

Interestingly enough, the feature of CIP that Darla liked so

much--being treated as an adult-was the very thing that she found

she could not live up to.At CIP, she learned something fundamental

about herself and her awn problems in dealing with the responsibilities of the adult she so much wanted to become. It

provided a chancel= her to test herself before going out into

the work of work.

A postscript to Darla's story is encouraging. She was accepted

to a secretarial training school. After graduating from CIP,

she began attending classes there in January 1976. So far, she

has been doing well and is looking forward to succeeding in a

job.

Sherry: "I don't think I could do it."

"I figured that if I got a diploma I would get a different

job. I didn't know what I wanted to do, but definitely

change jobs. I wanted to come back to school because of

my kids too. So I could help them when they begin to get

hard work in school. I didn't want to be embarrassed in

front of my kids and not be able to help them."

Sherry had been out4of school for six years before coming to

CIP. She dropped out after tenth grade because she was pregnant

and never went back.. the meantime, she had two more children.

Sherry applied to CIPbecause she wanted to get a diploma and

a better job. She did not consider going to college or any

other kind of post-high school program because she did not

think that she had either the ability or the time, given the

burden of three young children.

583

593
Sherry is a young-looking 23 year old, who, despite her age,

blended in with the other interns at CIP. The only really

distinctive quality Sherry displayed was a maturity marked

by her dependability and perserverence. From the beginning

her teachers noted that Sherry was one of their most diligent,

conscientious students. Less than six months after she started

attending CIP, Sherry was seriously considering going to college

to become a social worker. What happened to her at CIP to

change her aspirations is the subject of this study.

For one thing, Sherry found herself to bean extremely bright

woman who enjoyed learning and excelled in school. Only a

few weeks after classes started, Sherry's math teacher made

this comment. . . "she is a very good student. The best I have. She's

a straight 'A' student. A beautiful girl. Doesall

her homework on time, is very bright, very quick to

grasp things. There is nothing wrong, nothing I can

say against ner, no minuszs--all plus. Attendance?

Every day! She is a gem of a student."

Sherry impressed her teachers with her ability and her motivation.

Her English teacher commented that Sherry was an aggressive

student in the sense that she was trying to learn as much as

she could.

"Even when assignments she has been given have been done

she invariably comes to me to ask for more work. And

of course her concern does not seem to be that of just

trying to be impressive, I think she seems to be genuinely

concerned about work..."

When her mid-term grades came out, Sherry had earned all 'A's. It

was the first time in her life that she had done well in school.

Her lOth year grades had been well below average. It had been

several years, however, since she had tried her hand in a school situation. In musing about the reasons for h:-r academic

success at CIP, Sherry's renewed self-confidence reveals itself.

"I knew I could do it all the time, but, you know,

just really had my mind more at ease now. I feel it's

something I really want to do. My teachers tell me that

I should study harder and that I should think about going

to college because they say I'm really doing pretty well.

Just about everybody has told me that."

As Sherry realized her capabilities as a student she began to

entertain career possibilities she had never considered. She

gained information about careers through the Career Counseling
Seminar and her hands-on experiences. At intake Sherry indicated

that she wanted to become a secretary. She stayed with this

.goal at first, signing up for the typing course at CIP. In

the Career Seminar, while working on her career report, she

began to look into various specialties in the secretarial field

and became interested in courtroom stenography. She learned

that courtroom stenography required post-high school training.

Her new self-confidence led her to believe that she could do

it and that the payoff was probably worth the effort involved.

In the seminar, she was encouraged to analyze her personal

reason for choosing courtroom stenography which was being in the

courtroom.

"I always wanted to be in the courtroom somehow. I

guess the thing that appealed to me about being a courtroom stenographer was that you could be helping in an

important way. I always wanted to work with people

to help in any way I can, so I think that courtroom

reporting is more than just being someone's secretary

and it gets you involved with people."

Sherry continued to impress her teachers and her counselor

with her excellent academic performance and her mature attitude.

Her teachers began encouraging her to think about college and

other possible careers. Sherry had vaguely considered becoming

a parole officer or social wcrker. She knew very little about

social work, but decided to request hands-on experiences in

this field.

In her second semester, Sherry was assigned to work with a city

probation worker who specialized in working with alcoholics.

Sherry's eyes opened for the first time about what the career

entailed and how different it was from being a courtroom reporter.

"I never realized how complicated being a parole officer

was...I think I also realized for the first time what a

courtroom reporter does. I'd rather become a probation

officer because they really work more closely with people

and they can really make a difference."

As Sherry made that decision, she realized that she was committing

herself to going to college after she graduated. Her view of

her family responsibilities had been a source of conflict.

Even though her husband had encouraged her to go back to school,

and was helping her in every way he could while she was attending

CIP, she had never seen herself in the role of a professional

woman. The changes she was going through with respect to school

585
and career aspirations, however, contributed to her being

able to see things in a new way. She knew she had the

ability to succeed and she had a goal that motivated her to

find a way.

"What really helped me decide that 2 wanted to go to

college it -well, t first thought I shouldn't go

because all my children weren't in school. I wanted

to get them first in there, I then thought I could do

what 2 wanted to do. t figured that by then all

would have to do is get somebody to pick them up or

either 2 could pick them up. But one of my teachers

told me, 'Look, Sherry, you can go to college and

plus you can get your home situation taken care of.

Because my wife went to college, and I watched the two

kids while she went. 't know it's hard, but you can do

it.' And I'm not the only one I see that is still

thinking about college or going somewhere, and they're

doing it--older than I am. They have children and

they re trying."

Jack: "I go to be me..."or "1 try to deal with life in a realistic

way."

Jack could outtalk anybody at CIP. A wiry, energetic young man,

Jack love to expound on social or philosophical topics to

anyone who would listen--and his intensity was so engaging,

he was rarely without an audience. Jack like the feeling of

being different, of taking unusual stands on issues and he

always commanded attention with his verbal agility. He

liked the attention he got, using it to his advantage wherever

possible. Thus, if he hadn't read the assignment, he could

always make a good show by picking up the gist of the reading

in class discussion and talking around it. In his history

class one day, Mr. was asking the class to explain what

capitalism was. HeI one of Jack's speeches.

if ...See, government and politics, this is why I say that

this is a very capitalistic country. The United States

capitalizes on every situation. Now, for example, the

Arabs. At the height of this oil embargo and stuff, this

is where some people made $21 million from it. See how

they capitalize on that? See how SEPTA (Philadelphia's

transporation authority) capitalized on buses. SEPTA

drivers make five something an hour, and it doesn't

require education to ride a bus, you can be almost

illiterate to ride a bus. But yet they are hurting the

people in their community that are going to school..."

586
At intake, Jack indicated that he expected to become a skilled

laborer of some sort, although when asked what he would be

if he cold do anything he vented, he indicated that he

wanted to get a law school degree and go into public relations.

When he actually started classes at CIP, Jack told everyone

that he wanted to be a journalist. Knowing that his obvious

talent was expressing himself, and enjoying it as he did,

Jack saw journalism as a logical choice. Beim- identified

with that career also fulfilled Jack's need to be considered

exceptional, creative and just a little different from the

crowd.

"...a lot of people just like to hear me talk. They

say I have a gift of gab. And I can't help itWhen

I'm not in class, they misse, that's what they say.

They tell me they miss me in the classroom because, you

know, when I wasn't there they wouldn't have any exorbitant discussions, probably if I was there it would

have happened. I'm the type of person who just wants

to be respected, that's all. That's why I want tc go

into journalism. I'd like to be a television anchorman.

Just get up and tell people about the news and, you

know, tell people about what happens in the world,

because I've always been able to make a way with words.

I cry to speak very well, I write very well, I communicate

very well."

Jack's outer confidence and his way with words belied his

own inner self-doubts as revealed by the order of his career

choices at the intake interview. On his career development

filled out a few weeks after he started attending classes

at CIP, Jack indicated that his second career choice was

to become a welder, a substantially different goal than

journalism. Although he initially indicated a desire to

become a skilled laborer, later he decided to adopt the

pose of planning for a more glamorous but elusive career.

At CIP, however, people believed his front of self-confidence.

No one challenged him directly about his chances to succeed

in journalism. He was allowed to feel it out, to experiment with his goals and dreams, and possibly to develop

within himself the belief that he could make them a reality.

To a large extent, Jack was a lot like his father. A supervisor in the water department, Jack's fat"..er was a good

provider. At a conference with Jack's teachers after midterm grades came out, Jack's father enraptured the teachers

by a humorous but insightful speech about Jack, schooling

and life in general. One could see that Jack admired

his father, one person who could certainly not be snowed

by Jack's speechmaking. Jack's father was concerned about

his math grade. Jack's ability counted, Jack shone, but in

math, where Jack's talents afforded him no advantage, he was

failing. Jack's math teacher commented:

587

. -11602
"...I know he has the ability to do math. If he would

just stop talking about it, and sit still long enough

to concentrate he could be my best student."

Before Jack came to CIP, he had fared poorly in school.

His problem then too was not being able to sit still. He

cut classes most of the time, easily giving in to friends

who influenced him to go drinking or carousing.

"I used to walk to school and run into a couple of my

buddies, friends over there, and they would influence

me to do something that wasn't constructive that

was destructive. They were just drinking wine everyday. They're just going to get cirrhosis of the liver

and kill themselves."

As a result of absences and lateness, Jack failed 11th grade.

Feeling that he had to escape the influence of his friends

he applied to CIP. At CIP, his classmates exerted a positive

influence on him.

"...Most of the students here come in with a positive

attitude--they want to learn something. This is what

their purpose is here, to learn something, to go on

to higher goals.,. higher education. Maybe they want

to go to college, some just want to get jobs."

Jack attended regularly at CIP and he was beginning to

enjoy school. He was receiving the attention and encouragement that he craved. In terms of his career goals', Jack

was concerned with discovering what was realistic to expect

of himself. He couldn't decide whether he was really

capable of going to college and pursuing a career in

journalism or whether he should try a less ambitious career,

one that required less education and risk. He was particularly

susceptible to the positive value placed on going to college

by CIP teachers and counselors. His concern with r'.alism

and his own ambition is expressed in the following comment

Jack made about the Career Counseling Seminar.

"It has made me deal with life, look at things in a

more realistic way. When I came here, I fpund that the

teachers try to push you forward. They stress the

importance of education, of getting this knowledge, that

it's of vital importance. If you don't, you're looked

down upon when you fill out a job application or something.

No diploma, you're not going to get that job. I think

what this school represents is reality. Most of the

people who come here have failed somewhere else, right?

When we came here, the teachers, the counselors, everyone

tries to motivate us."

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ivezi
In his second semester at CIP, Jack went on his first hands-on.

Because of the availability of placements, Jack's placement

for his first hands-on was in his second choice, as a welder.

He was extremely enthusiastic about the experience and began

rationalizing the possibility that he would reject his dreams

in favor of a career as a welder.

"...I feel like this, if a man can use his hands along

with his head, then he's got something. But if a man

uses his head too much and can't use his hands, then

he's lost. There are a lot of people with doctor's

degrees who can't even get a job out there, but if

you have a skill like welding you can always get a job."

Also as a result of his hands-on, Jack realized how important

math was to a welder, who has to be concerned with angles

and measurements. He redoubled his efforts to do well in

math, and signed up for a drafting course offered as a math

elective.

Jack's second hands-on was scheduled to be a local newspaper.

In the meantime, he had come to weigh his ambitions on the

scale of realism. He had learned that journalism was a

difficult field to break into, requiring discipline and

patience to develop one's talents and to gain recognition

for them. He was also becoming more comfortable thinking

of himself as having a career as a welder, like his brother.

He has not made up his mind yet, but he has had the opportunity

to try two very different careers on for size. It is likely

that whatever his decision, his experience at CIP will

have had a part in this feeling satisfied with his choice.

More to consider. The cases described here depict the

experiences of interns who stayed with the program, and

their success is at least in part as a result of CIP being

able to meet their personal, academic or career needs.

For others, CIP did not work. For those, extreme personal

problems, expectations which were not met, and numerous

other and complex reasons led to their decisions to drop

out.

o Stella is one example. She was doing well at CIP in her

first few months until suddenly she found herself in

the position of having to be the breadwinner for a

family of five younger brotherss and sisters. Shy and

private, she rejected her counselor's attempts to

talk with her, and she began to miss school. She fell

behind and finally decided to drop out that semester.

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She returned the following fall, but her counselor had

left CIP and she could not open up to the new one. Her

problems mounted again, and with no one at CIP who

could reach her, she dropped out -- this time for good.

o Tim another former intern, complained that he didn't

feel he was learning anything in his classes at CIP.

He preferred a more traditional approach to school and

insisted that he would have likedto be able to return

to his old high school. His teachers at CIP either

could not remember having seen him in class at all,

or commented that the few times he did attend, he was

extremely quiet and reluctant to participate. He

stopped coming to school only a few weeks after the

semester began, and eventually decided he would not

continue at CIP. After he left, he got a job in a

restaurant, and talked about trying to get a high

school diploma elsehwere. Eight months later, he was

out ofajob and no closer to a diploma.

o Lynn possessed one of the highest I.Q.'s of any entering intern. At first, she seemed to fulfill her promise

and became known as one of the best students in the

program; but she was shaken and disillusioned when

in the second month of her tenure her favorite teachers

was transferred. As the first semester continued, she

became increasingly discouraged, spending less and less

time in class.

Frustrated by what she saw as an ever-changing program

and disappointed with her career curriculum--since she

had come primarily to get a diploma as quickly as

possible--she began to feel betrayed. Finally, toward

the end of the summer, when it became apparent that

her graduation would be delayed for at least another

semester, she left in disgust to go to Virginia and

live with a sister while continuing in another school.

o There is also Roland, who came to the school before the

present experimental program was instituted. He had

dropped out because gang involvement in high school

led to serious trouble with the authorities. After

half a semester in the Career Intern Program, he dropped

out and went to work as a short-order cook because of

family pressures. Later on, he realized this was not

the life he wanted, so he quit his job and went back to

school. He is presently working to prepare himself

for a career in fashion design.

These interns had less contact with teachers and/or counselors

than the interns described earlier. Once they had fallen

behind, they tended to give up, reluctant to face teachers

and counselors. On the other hand, there are examples of

interns for whom the above statements are also true but

who did succeed. One intern who dropped out in this first

semester, returned and graduated the following semester.

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~
In addition, there are a number of outstanding, success stories.

For instance, there is the story of Mitchell, who attended

CIP when it was just getting started. In conversations, he

tells how the class used to gather in front of a church each:

motning until they found out where the school would be

conducted that day, usually in one of the local churches.

He, too, had been a dropout from high school and is now

working as a disc jockey at a local radio station while

pursuing a university degree in communications.

Conclusion

The brief life histories presented above characterize intern

experiences at CIP. The uniqueness of this program is found

in its apparent ability to speak to the varied needs of

so many different kinds of individuals, though perhaps

not always successfully.

The emerging picture is not one of a group of cowed students

who see nothing wrong with the school. They see it as

exhibiting its share of injustices, unfairness, and needless

political hassles. They are as frustrated, as scared,

and as resentful of what they consider to be bad teaching

as students in, any school. However, again and again they

reveal themselves as feeling personally responsible for

seeing to it that changes are made. They are almost unanimous

in their belief that while imperfect, CIP is better than

anything they have experienced before.

The four cases presented in this chapter demonstrate the

various ways in which CIP meets the needs of individuals and

brings about change in their lives. For some, CIP is the

only practical way to a high school diploma. For others,

the CIP experience helps them to come to grips with personal

realities, teaching them that the responsibility for personal

growth and school or career success is their own. CIP

serves others by widening their awareness of careers and

helps them to make their own best choices. Each successful

intern changes in one or more of these ways through their

CIP experience.

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CHAPTER FOUR

WHAT ARE INTERNS LIKE WHEN THEY ENTER THE CIP?

Jan is 18; if

Ashe were in the grade expected for her age,

she would be a senior in Germantown High School. But Jan

is not a senior, L A bright, eager student frok the first

eight years of school, she dropped out of high school when

she was 16, after a long history of poor attendance, "being

fresh," and getting into one minor scrape after another.

She reads at the eighth grade level; her math ability

tested much lower, however - -at the sixth grade level. This

means Jan can read most newspapers easily but could not

quickly and accurately make change, or apply arithmetic to

problem solving. As far as people can tell from the way

Jan describes herself, she is independent, self-confident

in personal r Lationships, but unsure of her ability to

learn enough to earn her own living. Since she wants to

leave home, get her own apartment, and be independent,

finishing high school and getting a good job are high on

her list--she wants to care for herself and for her one-year

old daughter. ,

Carl is 16. Tall, dressed in the latest fashion, and wellcoordinated, he looks as if he were 21. Carl is a sophomore- -

just barely. According to his school records and his

achievement tests, Carl is bright, competent, and able to

do almost anything he would like. But he is unclear about

future plans. He "doesn't like school," and rarely attends.

He has no fixed interests and, apparently, little sense

of direction. Despite his physical appearance, he feels

uncomfortable with adults, unsure of himself around the

young men and women older than he, but bored with what

kids of 16 can offer. Carl has worked off and on at various

jobs since he was about 12--a few weeki here and there,

but never leaving behind much of a welcome if he wants to

return. He is not sure what he wants from the Career

Intern Program, except that it sounds different from

Germantown High and he'd like to try it. His parents,both

white collar workers and increasingly concerned that Carl

may "go wrong," are even more eager.

Jesse, at 18, is in his senior year, but 1 credit short of

the 12 required for graduation. It does not look as if

he is going to make it. Jesse has been passed on from

year to year, apparently because he seems to be trying and

makes no trouble. His reading scores are barely at the

fifth grade level, at the threshold of literacy, and his

math performance is not much better. These are the upper

limits of Jesse's skills in most circumstances: he can

Jan, Carl and Jesse are composites from CIP data and case studies.

592
barely comprehend a newspaper article, and his writing

skills are, at best, elementary. Jesse's guardians have

less than an eighth grade education and are employed as

service workers. Despite their concern for Jesse, they

have had little time to visit his s-hool, to work with him

at night, or to be his advocates ft-, better educational,

support. Jesse sees himself as at the mercy of whatever

luck--good or bad--comes along; he does not believe that

what he does will make much difference in his life. He

is an applicant for CIP mainly because of his school.counselor,

afraid Jesse will not be able to graduate and seeing little

future for him even if he does,he has urged Jesse to try

the Career Intern Program. His guardians are at best

neutral. They are unsure of what CIP can offer and, since

Jesse has not gotten into trouble, wonder if it will be

too permissive for a youth accustomed to the fairly structured situation at Germantown.

Each of the 502 students who have applied and the 310

interns admitted to CIP is, like Jan, Carl, and Jesse, an

individual with distinctive hopes, abilities, and problems.

Some look as if they would probably do well in almost any

situation. Some would present challenges to the most

successful of schools. What they have in common is a

history of failure in school.

This chapter presents a profile of the students who applied

to CIP. It is important to keep in mind the complex

individuals represented in the findings. In later reports,

data will be analyzed to describe in more detail how subgroups of individual students may be alike.

WHO ARE THEY? AGE, STATUS, AND SEX OF APPLICANTS

The applicants range in age from 14 years (1 out of 502

students who applied to CIP between January 1, 1974, and

December 1975) to 24 years of age (4 applicants). Over

half of all applicants (250) are 17 or younger. For the

most part, they're at an age where they'd be thought of as

high school, students.

Of the 502 applicants, 40% had dropped out of the public

school system. Twenty percent more were still enrolled

in high school when they applied for the Career Intern

Program, but had such poor attendance records, they had in

effect dropped out. Thus, approximately 301 of the

applicants (60%) either were not participating in some

kind of formal education or were participating only minimally.

593

6O
As Figure 1 shows, age and status are related: most of the

applicants 17 or younger were still enrolled in high school,

while all of those 18 and older had dropped out.

If applicants had maderormal progress, of the 502, 78 or 16%

would have been in.the tenth grade; 275, or 55%, would have

been in the eleventh grade; and 149 or 30%, would have been

in the twelfth grade.

The dropouts were not, by and large, attending some alternative school. One hundred seventy were working or actively

looking for a job, and 34 were just "staying at home."

Of the 34 applicants at home, 25 were women, and 8 of these

had children. Only 17 were either participating in or

waiting for admission into other programs.

Overall, slightly more of the applicants were men. Of

the 305 applicants still in school, 154 were men; and of

the 197 not enrolled in a high school 100 were males.

Thus, men were slightly more likely to apply to the program

than women. However, this difference is not reliable.

HOW WERE 1HE APPLICANTS DOING IN SCHOOL?

Many alternative schools are believed to attract applicants

who would probably j)e successful almost anywhere. Were

the CIP applicants, dropouts or not, having trouble at

school? And if so, why?

There are several ways of answering this question: gradepoint averages, how many credits the students were lacking

for graduation,performance on measures of academic

achievement, and statements of parents, counselors, and

students themselves. Taking these all together, the

answer seems to be that almost all the applicants were in

serious academic difficulty because they lacked the ability

to learn.

Grade Point Averages

In the Philadelphia schools, a grade of D or less is

failing; a grade of C or more is passing; and grades of

B or A are considereff academicsily superior. Most (65%) of

the CIP applicants (326 out of 502) either were failing

during the semester before they dropped out or were failing

Before they applied. Some (25%) were passing; but with

C averages. A few (10%) had academic averages suggesting

superior performance.

594

609
I

150-

N

U

M 125 -

B

E

100-

0

F

m) A 75-

P

L

I 50-

C

A

N

T 25-

S

610

FIGURE 1

AGES OF DROPOUTS AND NON-DROPOUTS APPLYING TO CIP

N = 502

29%

10%

15 Years 16 Years 17 Years 18 Years 19 Years 20 Years

a DROPOUTS

N = 197

A G E

2% 2%

n r-1

21 Years 22 Years 23 Years

NON-DROPOUTS = N = 305

611
Credit Deficits

A student needs 12 Carnegie units to graduate from high

school in Philadelphia. At an average rate of four units

per year, this means a junior should have completed four

units, and a senior eight units at the beginning of eleventh

and twelfth grades, respectively. The credit deficit is

the difference between what the student is normally expected

to have and the credits actually completed. The larger

deficit, the further behind the student would be for

her/his age and grade level.

Virtually all CIP applicants have credit deficits. On the

average, applicants to the Career Intern Program are deficient

by four units, or one year though some are as much as

seven units behind. Few of the applicants seem likely

to graduate with their class. The situation for the

dropouts showed distributions almost as discouraging,

although the group was older and might have been expected

to have completed more credits.

Performance on Achievement Tests

Achievement tests yield scores that describe the grade-level

attainment of a student relative to what other students

at that grade level can do. If, for example, almost all

students at the beginning of the tenth grade can correctly

solve the problem, "What should be Dick's change? He

gave the clerk $5.00 to pay for a ball that costs $1.50

and a flashlight that costs 97c," and a given student

correctly answers that question as well as others like it

but fails questions most other students in tenth grade fail,

the student would probably receive a grade equivalent

score of 10.0.

Table I shows the distribution of grade-equivalent scores

in reading for the 498 applicants taking the test,1 while

Table II indicates the distribution in mathemoics achievement for the 500 applicants taking that test.L (The reader

is referred to Volume II for the raw score distributions

of the reading and mathematics tests.)

lwith regard to the 5714-Efide equivalent score in reading

mentioned earlier as a base requirement for admission, in

practice, a 4.5 grade equivalent score was used as a cutoff point, since this figure is still within one standard

error of measurement for this instrument. Thus, 1.4%

rather than 8.5% of the applicants initially were denied

admission to CIP because of their reading scores.

2Not all applicants tools all tests for several reasons.

Some decided that the program was not for them; some left

in the middle of testing without explanation; still others

made intial application but never returned for formal

interviews and testing.

596
TABLE I

APPLICANT READING ACHIEVEMENT1

N = 498

GRADE EQUIVALENT PERCENT

Below - 4.9 70 141.

5.0 - 5.9 119 449.

6.0 -.1579 84 17%

7.0 - 7.9 88 18%

8.0 - 8.9 50 10%

9.0 - 9.9 15 3%

10.0 -10.9 28 6%

11.0 -11.9 26 57. Above -12.0 18 4%

Average Grade Equivalent for Group = 7.1

iStanford Reading Achievement Test, Form A

597

pr -
APPLICANT MATHEMATICS ACHIEVEMENT1

N = 500

I t .111 I T.

Below - 4.9 68 147.

5.0 5.9 43 97.

6.0 6.9 126 257

7.0 7.9 89 18%

8.0 8.9 85 17%

9.0 9.9 40 8%

10.0 - 10.9 19 47.

11.0 - 11.9 13 3%

Above - 12.0 17 3%

Average Grade Equivalent for Group = 7.3

Stanford Mathematics Achievement Test, Form A

598

C4
These tables, along with data from feeder schools, 1 indicated

seven points:

1. Most of the applicants to CIP 04% of whom should

have been in the eleventh or twelfth grade) were

substantially behind the performance of average

eleventh grade students nationw de in reading and

mathematics achievement.

2. The average reading achievement (7.1 grade level)

was slightly loner than the average mathematics

achievement (7.3 grade level). Both levels were

an average of four years below the national norm

for students in the eleventh grade.

3. Fifty-five percent of the applicants tested at

the low end of the scale (6.9 grade level or lower)

in reading, and 47% were on the low end of the

scale in mathematics. If these skills are important

to later academic or life success, the students

were seriously deficient.

4. In an absolute sense, lack of basic skills appears

to be serious enough to account for previous school

failure for most applicants. This turns out not to

be the case.

5. They are behind. This is true whether their

performance is compared with their actual grade in

school (average, 10th grade) or where they should

be if they had not fallen behind (11th grade).

However, applicants' performance on these tests

was not significantly different from that of all

students In the city high schools in their age groups. 1

6. This means that the students who applied to CIP

were not less academically able than students who

stayed in school, which in turn suggests they were

not leaving the school because of academic deficiencies per se.

7. Finally, some applicants had high achievement

scores in reading. About 9% were at grade level or

above nationwide in reading. One implication is

that the CIP program must meet the needs of students

varying widely in basic academic skills.

Feeder school averages are based on (1) an examination of

a large sample of feeder school student records; (2)

achievement data published in the Philadelphia Inquirer,

February 15, 1975; and (3) personal communication with

research personnel in the office of the School District of

Philadelphia.

599

615
These test results are not synonymous with intellectual

potential or ability. That is, they are not to be construed

as reflections of ability to learn reading or mathematics.

Rather, achievement tests assess performance, which in

turn reflects learning ability, motivation, and educational

opportunity. The wide apread of performance, but overall

low scores, indicate that the applicants are a diverse

group even though many are well behind the national norms

for their grade level.

Performarx.e on Measures of Ability to Learn

Cognitive ability may be roughly defined as skills by

which we gain knowledge of ideas, or as our ability to

learn from experience, to think, and to reason. This

capacity can be measured in several ways. Most frequently,

"I.Q." tests are used. Of these, me of the most frequently

administered is the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for

Children (WISC). While the term "I.Q." has gained currency

as a descriptor of individual potential, the traits

constituting the "intelligence quotient"remain open to

disagreement among test developers, researchers, and educators

In assessing the cognitive or intellectual potential of

minority individuals, the notion of I.Q. has generated

considerable controversy. I.Q. is essentially a ratio

of how much one has learned to one's age. If everyone's

opportunities: to learn were equal, the I.Q. would be a

good indicator of inborn ability to learn from experience.

But learning opportunities are decidedly unequal; so many

contend that the tests commonly used to measure intelligence

fail to yield high scores in minority populations because

such tests are biased in favor of the majority culture.

The average score on most intelligence tests is 100, which

indicates average learning for average age. The test

items from which scores are computed usually reflect the

experience of majority, middle-income culture. To reduce

such bias, applicants to the Career Intern Program were

given a test of non-verbal reasoning. That is, the test

does nos contain verbal problems (believed to be the most

biased) but does require much thought and reasoning about

relationships between the pictured model and. other pictures,

all of which closely resemble the model. For each of the

60 items in the test, applicants were asked to pick from

six or eight choices the one most closely related to the

model.

Table III indicates that of the 404 applicants taking this

test, 262 or 65% of the group, scored average or better

than what most high school students score. Further, an

600

616
average score is roughly equivalent to an I.Q. of 100 and

equal to 100 on the WISC.

Of the group of students applying for CIP, well over half

performed as well as or better than most people their age

on this measure of ability, and about one quarter performed

at levels usually indicating well above average ability

to learn. Fifty-five interns, or 13%, however, performed

at levels suggesting low motivation, slow learning or perhaps

severe lack of opportunity to learn. (Volume It for

raw score distributions on Raven's Standard Progressive

Matrices:)

TABLE III

APPLICANT NON-VERBAL REASONING'

N = 404

CATEGORIES NUMBER

Very low 13

Low 42

Below Average 87

Average 160

Above average 97

High 5

PERCENT

3%

10%

22%

40%

24%

rx These results are consistent with observations and results

of other studies. In the opinion of teachers and counselors

from the sending schools, for example, CIP applicants could

do well.if they wanted to.

"Mark was doing well, he was one of the class leaders then

for some reason he just stopped coming."

"Angelica wasn't what I would call an outstanding student

but she did alright, when she applied herself. She never

seemed to get her homework done though and just sort of

fell behind."

"Tom's another case. He just could never settle down. He

didn't have any trouble with his work but he was always

causing trouble. It seemed like he was bored and just

wanted attention."

Raven Standard Progressive Matrices Test.

601

. ; " '61
In one study, Geisinger (1975) found 381 employed Philadelphia

dropouts were average or above in intelligence. He cites a

larger survey of 21,000 dropouts in three states which

reported that 50 percent had scores in the average range

(90-109 I.Q.) and 11 percent were in the 110 I.Q. range or

higher, a distribution similar to that of CIP applicants.

What has been learned so, ear? First, that the applicahts

are having academic problems, and second, that lack of

a-pity to learn is not a problem for lost. Why, then are

these young people dropouts or potential dropouts? There

are several possibilities: problems at home, problems

in the schools, problems with other teenagers, or problems

within the Students themselves--e.g., little self-confidence

or not believing that hard work can make a difference. For

most applicants, all the above miTbe true to varying degrees.

Below, each possibility is discussed for the group as a

whole.

WHAT ARE THE APPLICANTS LIKE?

For the most part, CIP applicants have average or above

average learning potential, but, in many cases, they lag

far behind the national norms in their mastery of critical

.reading and mathematics skills. That is, the majority of

applicants did not achieve at a level commensurate with

their abilities.

The reasons underlying the aivergence between ability and

performance may be as diverse as the pool of students applying for the program, but one hunch has been that the problem

is motivation. That is, people who believe they cannot

succeed will not succeed; those who believe they are victims

of external forces will not attempt to direct the course

of their own lives.

At issue here is not that these perceptions are inaccurate

reflections of reality; rather, that negative perceptions

regarding oneself and one's ability to control one's

environoment are harmful to success in school and in later

life. This is the conclusion drawn by OICs/A and has been

supported, in part by earlier research. Much of the

structure and curriculum of CIP has been based on the

assumption that motivation is the lock and that individualized instruction and a great deal of contact with

caring adults in a "You must succeed" atmosphere is the

key.

602

6.18.
Do Applicants Feels They Control Their Own Destiny?

Historically, Americans have believed that through hard

'work people can succeed and, further, can control the

course of their own lives: "It is what you are, not who

you know." For children growing up in minority cultures,

however, this sense of individual control may be lacking.

In the classic study of inequality in American education,

for example, James Coleman et al., (1966) found that

students from low-income homes tend to feel an inability

to control what happens to them: they feel who you know,

and luck, ate what really make a difference. Coleman

also found that low-income youth who believed they could

make a difference did well on measures of verbal anHEIEhematical achievement, while self-esteem had no association

with achievement. For higher income students, the reverse

was true. Middle class students who had a high sense of

self-worth had high scores, while internality or externality

of control was unrelated to test performance.

On the basis of this finding, a substantial body of programs

has grown up aimed at increasing the.low-income person's

belief that what one does makes a difference. One of the

basic assumptions of OICs/A is that this belief is the

beginning of successful career education.

It would be expected, by this line of reasoning, that many

CIP applicants may have a sense of external (luck/influence)

rather than internal (my abilities and energy) control.

Table IV indicates that about one-third of the applicants

to the Career Intern Program fall within such a category.

About 30% of the students indicated they felt control

rested within themselves. They indicated this by agreeing

with statements such as, "Trusting to fate has never turned

out as well for me as making a decision to take a definite

course of action," or, "What happens to me is my own doing."

About 40% of the students' view of society was not one where

anyone can succeed through hard work, but one where individuals

could exercise at least some, albeit limited influence on

the course of their lives.

Thus, typical applicants to the CIP neither fit the popular

stereotype of minority kids (feeling almost unable to

control what happens to them) nor do they go to the other

extreme and feel that they have the world by the tail.

For the most part, they tend to believe that their

opportunities are indeed limited but that at the same

time thc-e is some row to maneuver; that given half a

chance they can make it--that's why they are applying- -

but their faith in the world is not very high. (See Volume II

for the raw score distributions for Rotter's InternalExternal.Scale and derivation of categories.)

603
One of the beliefs of the Career Intern Program is that

students served by the program need to be "turned around,"

or remotivated to realize they are or can be in control

of their own destinies. For at least a third of the

students applying to CIP this assumption seems valid. While

these applicants may, and prcbablydo, have other problems

contributing to their difficulties in school, their belief

that they cannot control their destinies appears to be one

of the largest problems the Career Intern Program has to

overcome.

About one-third of the applicants indicated by their test

scores a belief that they do in fact control what happens

to them. For these individuals, particularly, one must

pose other ideas which might throw light on their lack of

success in school. Such factors as family relationships,

relationships with friends, and self-image for example, may

provide explanations for school-related problems.

TABLE IV

APPLICANT LOCUS OF CONTROL1

N = 402

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

'Very Internal 40 10%

Internal 80 20%

Non-differentiated 163 41%

External 109 27%

Very External 10 2%

LRotter InternalityExternality Scale

604
Do CIP Applicants Tend to Have Trouble With Their families?

Applicants indicated their general feelings regarding family

and home by responding "like Me" or Unlike Me" to items such

as "My parents and I have a lot of fun together," and "My

parents expect too much of me."

Data presented in Table V indicate that, by and large, applicants

do not report trouble with their families. Rather, they feel

good about their relationships to the parents and siblings.

They claim to enjoy doing things together, feel their parents

are supportive without being unreasonably demanding, and are

willing to do their share to shoulder any economic burdens.

Despite the fact that they are poor, they don't feel their

parents are personal failuresbut are instead proud that they

have been able to accomplish what they have, given the circumr

itances of life; (See Volume II for raw score distributions,

Data presented in these tables are based on Coopersmith's

Self-Esteem Inventory.) About two-thirds of these students

tended to view their family relationships positively, and

almost one-third viewed these relationships very positively.

Only about one-third of the students assessed family relationships negatively, but more of these felt only.slightly negative,

with a small minority of 770, or 27 students, rating relationships

to home and family very negatively.

TABLE V

APPLICANTS' FEELINGS ABOUT FAMILY

N = 404

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very Negative 27 770

Negative 127 3170

Positive 128 327,

Very Positive 122 3070

The fact that, for the most part, responses were positive does

not mean CIP applicants never have family-related problems.

According to additional data collected through individual

interviews, many applicants have experienced family-related

problems which may well be connected with their previous

school performance. Such problems include: assuming responsibility for a large number of younger brothers and sisters,

working because the family needs the extra money, coping with

the economic problems associated with women who are the

breadwinners of the family, and coping with the economic

problems associated with low family incomes.

605

621
Of the total pool of 502, most CIP applicants :come from

families with at least two younger children. The applicants- -

by and large still children themselves--must assume at least

partial responsibility for rearing them. While they may

feel very positively about their brothers and sisters, as

previous data have shown, the fact remains that the need

to care for younger children affects the amount of energy and

time a student realistically can make available for schoolrelated activities. As one applicant said,

"Look, man, before I can even think about coming to

school in the morning, I got trTEEd and dress four

younger brothers and get them to school.. Then, when

I get home, I got to take care of them 'al 7:00 or

8:00 at night. I don't have time for school."

Much has been written in recent years about job discrimination

encountered by women. One of the worst aspects of such

discrimination is the lower wages paid to women for jobs

performed by both sexes. An overwhelming 757. of applicants

to the the program come from homes in which a female parent

or guardian is the primary source of income. Further, the

jobs held by heads of households for this student population

are low-paying and/or seasonal in nature: 407. of the CIP

applicants live in families in which the wage earner does

manual labor. Less than 57. have parents who are in highstatus occupations, such as the professions or management

positions. Only one percent have parents who have professions

in medicine, law, education, or. accounting. About a quarter

of the breadwinners in applicants' families were unemployed:

Thus, a chronic shortage of money would seem to be a recurring

problem for most of these applicants. Not only do most of

the jobs held by heads of households tend to fall on the lower

end of the economic scale, but since more breadwinners are

female, their wages may be lower than could be expected for

men holding similar positions. Because of this, 65% of the

applicants report the need for at least a part-time job while

in school in order to help support their families.

Do the Applicants Like Themselves?

Most of the applicants who took the tests felt they were not

in complete control of their lives. One might infer, therefore,

that as a group the applicants would have a negative self-image.

How well you like yourself may be more important than how much

other people like you. It is widely believed that one of the

saddest and most debilitating outcomes of poor educational

experiences is children who do not feel they are worth very

much, who feel they are not smart, pretty, fun to be with,

or worth caring about. (The extreme converse, "I'm perfect;

606

622
just ask me," is believed to be over-compensation and not

particularly desirable.)

But, contrary to expectations, data presented in Table VI

show that most of the applicants were in fact positive when

assessing their self-worth. They indicated this by responding

"Unlike Me" to statements such as, "I often wish I were someone else," and "I can't be depended on." While the remainder

saw themselves in a less positive light, few scored in the

lowest category of the self-esteem scale. This suggests

that, while applicants' perceptions of themselves differed

from individual to individual, from highly positive to

slightly negative, few considered themselves lacking individual

worth.

TABLE VI

APPLICANTS' GENERAL SELF-ESTEEM1

N = 403

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very low 35 9%

Low 97 24%

Average 155 39%

High 107 27%

Very High 9 2%

How the applicants described themselves on the test was

consistent with other perceptions. When asked in an interview

whether they had been well thought of in previous schools,

approximately 96% of the interviewees responded "yes".

Applicants in these interviews appear to have pretty good

feelings about themselves. There is little evidence that

they blame their school problems on their own shortcomings.

They tended to see themselves as being well liked by others,

not exceptionally dumb or smart, fun to be with and generally

worth caring about. This does not mean they don't feel they

have been dealt a "bad deal". In many cases they feel this

way, but they haven't let this destroy their sense of self

worth.

'As measured by the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory

607

. 623
Thus, the picture of these applicants is that they seemed to

like themselves. Apparently, whatever negative experiences

they may have endured, either in previous schooling or within

a family situation, had not weakened their serf-esteem.

Most Popular, No, But I've Got Plenty_of Friends.

One might suppose that, since relationships with one's peers

are a crucial element of any school situation, these applicants

may have experienced problems in relating with other students

and therefore, their sense of social self.esteem might be low.

Do the data support such a possibility? To the contrary, as

Table VII indicates, 83% of the applicants felt sure about

themselves in a social context. They illustrated this by

saying "yes" to such questions as, "I always know what to

say to people," and "I'm popular with kids my own age."

Observations show most interns are gregarious and outgoing,

giving ample evidence of enjoying the company of others. While

they would not describe themselves as "the most popular person

I know", they do say, "but I have lots of friends." Not

only do applicants feel good about their families and generally

happy about themselves, they also perceive themselves to be

well adjusted socially.

TABLE VII

APPLICANTS' FEELINGS TOWARD FRIENDS'

N = 403

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very Negative 8 2%

Negative 59 15%

Positive 219 54%

Very Positive 117 29%

What Were Their Former High Schools Like?

So far, it seems that whatever the causes of applicants' problems

in school, these were not associated. with difficulty in getting

along with other people, nor were they related to doubts about

self-worth. To find out what the problems were, one must turn

to different aretts.

As measured by the Coopersmith Self Esteem Inventory

608

'"C24
One likely place to look might be the applicants' original high

schools. Within such schools one might begin to identify contexts,

if not causes, which provided the soil where school-related

problems took root.

Two major feeder schools from which prospective students come

to CIP are Germantown and Roxborough High Schools. These

schools have student populations of 3,100 and 2,700 respectively.

In each school six counselors are available to assist the entire

student population. The student population of Germantown is

predominantly black, while that of Roxborough is mostly white.

These are large, urban high schools, serving twice as many

students as they were designed to accommodate. With few

counselors plus overcrowded classes, they are unable to give

students the individual time and attention wanted. As several

of the applicants to CIP have stated during interviews:

"The relationship that can be attained here (at CIP)

between staff and students seem much closer, whereas in

high school there is really only time for the much

brighter students."

"(Another) high school doesn't give you much help.

The people don't seem as friendly (As at CIP)."

"(The) classes were so overcrowded."

"Other schools try to give you a hard way to go...

as if you were in prison..."

"...in high school you are treated as a class; here

it seems to be on a personal basis."

These are representative-of statements made. by a majortty of

the students applying to CIP. One gets an impression of

students somehow unable to cope with the size of their schools

or with the consequent lack of personal attention they

wanted but did not receive. Given these perceptions, it is

interesting that as a group these students were not particularly

hostile about their high schools. A large majority (82%)

said that they felt they got along reasonably well with their

teachers and that they were fairly treated; most (74%) also

indicated that, given the size of the student bodies, the

schools were being run as well as possible.

What, then, werethe consequences of having attended schools

such as those described above? For one thing, most of the

students (63%) said they just "grew tired" of what seemed

an oppressive atmosphere. Most of the applicants were not

getting good grades (the mean grade point average of this

population was 1.2 out of a possible 4 points), and most

609

-625
had attendance problems. Certainly, given a student population

with family and economic problems, an "oppressive" and

"impersonal" school atmosphere could contribute to fostering

additional problems.

How Did They Perceive of Themselves as Students?

Given the conditions described above, one could ask, "Might

not a school experience with which students have had little

reason to feel successful contribute to a negative image of

oneself as a student?"

The data overwhelmingtly indicate "yes ." Table VIII shows

that 40% of the students perceived themselves very negatively,

and 38% negatively, as shown by their answers to statements

such as: "I find it very hard to talk in front of the class,"

and I'm proud of my school work." Conversely, only 3% of

the group expressed very positive feelings about their

"academic" self, and less than a fifth of the group expressed

positive feelings.

As a group, the applicants perceived themselves as unsuccessful

students. They are willing to admit they are not good students,

and tend to attribute this to personality problems ("I don't

like to talk in front of class") or to teacher attitudes

(They're always coming down on me"). One may conclude then,

that as a group they do not expect to succeed in school.

Given a past history of failure such feelings are hardly

surprising.

TABLE VIII

APPLICANTS' FEELINGS ABOUT THEMSELVES AS STUDENTS1

N 403

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very Negative 161 40%

Negative 153 38%

Positive 78 19%

Very Positive 11 3%

lAs measured by The Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory

610

626
Neighborhood Problems

Are there any other prOblems not related directly to either

school or home which help to characterize these applicants?

There appear to be several which may be defined as "neighborhood-related" problems, such as gangs (along with the fear and

danger they generate), and drugs.

How severe is the gang problem? Applicants are reluctant

to discuss gangs at all., and if pressed during an interview,

they will vigorously deny gangs cause any problems at all

for them. Parents and guardians, however, frequently cite

gangs as areas of concern. Within the Germantown area there

are approximately 35 gangs, ale)ugh,the number of active

fighting gangs fluctuates from Jay to day. Several gangrelated concerns do affect the CIP applicant's school experience both in the public schools 'and 'in the Career Intern Program.

Virtually all the area of Philadelphia served by the CI?

has been sub-divided into turfs by the gang organizations.

The question of gang membership becomes a real concern for

children in early adolescence, since the children are forced

to become involved. As the children enter junior high school

and, later, high school, they become accustomed to sporadic

school related gang fights and perhaps take part in a few

themselves. They learn which neighborhoods to avoid, and may

be forced to take numerous detours in getting to school.

At times, they may not be able to leave home at all.

One of the frequent inquiries made by parents during the

intake sessions concerns the turf on which the Urban Career

Education Center is situated. Many were relieved to find -

that UCEC is neutral territory, although the surrounding area

is considered Haines Street gang turf. Such things as these

not only create attendance problems, but gang obligations,

conflicts, and pressures go with the student into the

classroom, and can seriously affect school performance.

Gangs, then, are a fact of life in the school community. Their

very presence suggests intimidating forces with which many of

the students have to cope on a daily basis.

What about the problem of drugs? All one can say is that

drugs are in abundant supply, and that the peer pressure

brought to bear on these students to "get high" is enormous.

"Hell, I get up in the morning and my brother's

already high; I come to school and pass my friends

on the way, and they're stoned. How can you avoid

it?"

611

/ 627
The combination of gangs and the fear of physical violence,

on the one hand, and of drugs and the mental disorientation

' produced on tte other, presents a series of problems and

potential problems which lessen the likelihood of school

success.

In Summary

o For the most part, applicants do not have a firm sense

that their actions and choices will determine what

happens to them.

o In general, the applicants feel good about themselves

and their worth as people.

o They are very positive about their relationships with

their families.

o Nonetheless they tend to have family-related problems,

such as the care of younger brothers and sisters or the

need to help support their families. This can affect

their performance in school.

o They feel good about their relationships with friends.

o Overwhelmingly, they have negative feelings about themselves as students.

ARE THE STUDENTS READY TO UNDERTAKE CAREER EDUCATION?

So far, certain factors have been discussed, such as academic

performance intelligence, and self-esteem, which may in part

account for the previous lack of.academic success. While

a knowledge of such factors is essential to a description of

Career Intern Program applicants, it is not sufficient in

helping the program administrators judge readiness for career

exploration. Since the Career Intern Program is, by definition,

an educational experience seeking to help young people "turn

on" to careers, it is essential to know if the applicant group

is ready fo such an experience. While the term "readiness"

is difficult to define, a start can be made by asking four

related questions: (1) Are these individuals motivated to

undertake such an experience? (2) Do they have the capacity

to integrate career information by making long-range career

plans? (3) Are they likely to use outside resources in

making career plans? (4) How much accurate career knowledge

do they currently have?

61:2

C28
Are

- This is a difficult question to answer, for the notion of

motivation has many facets. In a sense, the term encompasses

many of the school-related difficulties cited earlier in this

section, such as poor grades, and low reading and mathematics

achievement levels. If these are taken as criteria by which

motivation is to be judged, then as a group the applicants

to CIP are not well motivated to succeed in school. This

chapter has also discussed several other factors which may

contribute to a lack of previous success in school. Familyrelated problems, economic problems, problems with neighborhooe gangs, with drugs, and with child-rearing, all are

potential explanations for a lack of previous success in

school. Such problems may not be simply ascribed to "low

motivation." Certainly, their previous school experiences

have not led these applicants to believe that schools can

help them overcome these problems. In this sense, then,

the motivation of these applicants may be described as low.

The evidence supporting the conclusion of low motivation is

historical. It is based upon revious attendance problems,

revious grades, previous exper ence. While this'evidence is

not to e taken lightly, the fact that these students were

seeking admission to the program may indicate that, at the

time of, application, their motivation was relatively high..

Applicants were sufficiently motivated to make an initial

visit to the program and to submit themselves to lengthy

interviewing and testing--all with the knowledge that,

having completed the application process, they still might

not get into the program because of the lottery procedures.

This suggests that, as a group, applicants are motivated to

the extent that they wish to make a major change in their

lives.

In light of negative experiences with school, why did applicants

who had dropped out apply to the Career Intern Program,

thereby giving education a "second chance"? Most indicated

during their intake interviews that they realized some of

them after trying unsuccessfully to obtain jobs the need

for additional education and viewed CIP as an alternative

means of acquiring it.

In talking with them it is clear that they feel a kind of

quiet desperation. Many of them have been out in the world

trying to make a living. All of them have friends who have

tried to "make it" without a high school diploma. Most have

experienced first hand, either personally or through their

parents, the frustration of having doors shut due to the

lack of an education. There's little doubt they're willing

to try. If they fail, it won't be because they lack motivation.

They want a diploma and they want good jobs.

613

629
Do They Make Use of Resources?

One way of finding out how prone the applicants would be to

use career resources in the future would be to ask, "How

extensively have these applicants used career resources

which may have been available to them in the past?" The data

presented in Table IX show the group had used extensively whatever sources were available. High scores on this test meant

applicants had talked to people in the world of business, or

to teachers and/or school counselors, and had consulted books

or audio-visual aids in obtaining information. (See Volume

II for the raw score distributions and the derivation of

categories used. These tables are based on Super's Career

Development Inventory.)

TABLE IX

APPLICANTS' USE OF RESOURCES FOR CAREER EXPLORATION

N=400

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very Low 6 2%

Low 17 4%

Below Average 73 18%

Average 120 30%

Above Average 106 27%

High 59 14%

Very High 19 5%

The average score for the group of CIP applicants in this case

was higher than the average score for students taking the

test in general. That is, as a group, the applicants to

the Career Intern Program took greater advantage of the resources

open to them than did other students around the country who

took this test.

This being the case, a question springs to mind. If students

are able to exploit career and job resources available to them,

why do they drop out of school or stop attending when high

school graduates have the best chances of getting into good

careers? The contradiction is only apparent. Virtually all

of the dropouts were already failing when they left school.

614

,P30
From their viewpoint there was no realistic possibility that

they would ever get a diploma anyway. Therefore, to stay in

school would have been tantamount to passing up the chance

to at least do something with their lives, as limited as this

might be while staying in school would have meant simply

spinning one's wheels. Even dropping out, under certain

conditions, can be seen as the best use of available resources.

Although these students may have either dropped out of

school or may have been.considering such an action, they were

still concerned about their futures. While they may have been

uncertain as to the best means for getting where they wanted

to go, they did have a destination in mind; and in choosing

that destination, they had solicited information from a large

array of sources.

While about three quarters of the applicants did make use of

a number of outside resources, about a quarter of the group

did not. This may mean that such applicants. were not aware

of the resources available to them, that they did not respect

the judgments of others, or that they did not find it necessary

to consult external sources when making. career plans. It

does not mean, however, that this sub-group--given a rich and

pertinent array of decision-making informationwould not

take advantage of it.

Little is known about the quality of the'resources utilized

by most of the applicant group. Career information received

from outside sources may have been correct, or it may have

been completely erroneous. In addition, resources consulted

may or may not have taken into account the aptitudes and

abilities of the applicants. Regardless of the quality of

the resources used however, these applicants as a group

described.themselves as taking advantage of career resources

available to them. This tendency to remain open and to

explore various sources of information is important to the

program, for it means that applicants have not closed themselves off before the fact and will tend to use is vmation

sources made available by the program.

Do They Possess Accurate Career Information?

Ability to use career resources to one's advantage is of

course, not a very valuable skill unless there are resources

available. An equally important question is, "Row much did

applicants really know about careers and jobs?" On this

score, CIP applicants did not fare so well, as the table

presented below indicates. Their information turned out to

615

:01
be very limited and in many cases seriously inaccurate. Not

unexpectedly, they knew very little about what it takes .

to become a doctor or lawyer, what kinds of things people

in the professions or white-collar jobs really do, what the

relationship was between specific school subjects or academic

skills and job requirements nor what it takes to get into

the higher status occupations.

The average score for the group was 13, a full standard

deviation below the nationwide average of 17, indicating

that these applicants possessed far less actual career information than most other students around the country. This

suggests that while the applicants had made extensive use of

available resources, the latter tended to be scanty and/or

misinformed. It further suggests that in making their career

plans, these applicants did not, as a group, use accurate

sources of information.

TABLE X

APPLICANTS' CAREER INFORMATION'

N=407

CATEGORIES NUMBERS PERCENT

Very Low 35 9%

Low 90 22%

Below Average 140 34%

Average 91 22%

Above Average 41 10%

High 8 2%

Very High 2 0%

The preceding generalizations are true for about two-thirds

of the group who completed this instrument, or 265 people.

About one-third of the group, however, possessed enough

information about careers to score at or above the national

average.

'Super Career Development Inventory

616

632
Given the range of educational problems described earlier,

it is not surprising that, by and large, applicants do not

possess accurate career information. Moreover, in terms of

traits as critical as the possession of actual career

information--such as willingness to seek out external resources- -

these applicants were not at all deficient. Given appropriate

information, the applicants, as a group, would probably use

it and integrate it into long-range plans, according to their

self-descriptions on the inventory, to be discussed in the

section which follows.

Because of the importance of this finding, more details about

the measure used seem important. Low scores on this instrument

indicate students are unable to respond accurately to questions

concerning the "fit" between certain abstract personality

traits (i.e., "liking to do your homework alone") and the

demands of certain job situations. It is likely that most

of the students in this country who achieved high scores on

this test are exposed for long periods of time to individuals

who hold jobs within a broad spectrum of occupations. The

average middle-class child, for example, is probably exposed

to a large amount of career information. Such a child matures

in an atmosphere (both at school and at home) filled with

adults from most, if not all, of the common professions.

She/he attends school from kindergarten onward with the children

of professionals from many fields. Due to such prolonged exposure,

these children are constantly confronted by social, economic,

and career-related values important to the predominant beliefs

of middle class culture in the United States. While children

from lower-income families, such as applicants to the Career

Intern Program, are also exposed to various careers, in all

likelihood such career-exposure is not analagous to that

experienced by the middle-class children.

Only rx of all interns' parents interviewed had professional

occupations such as medicine, law, accounting, education,

and the like; about 25% were unemployed (versus a national

average of about 5.5% as of August 1974), and over 40% were

employed in manual labor. Furthermore, less than 5% of

all parents were employed in any of the higher status occupations,

including both professional and managerial. It can be concluded

that the applicants to this program did not grow up with a

working knowledge of a broad range of middle-class careers.

This helps to explain why many of the applicant group-possessed

so little information about the careers included in this

inventory.

617

633
How Mature Are the Applicants in Their Ability to Plan for a Career?

Data presented in Table XI indicate that, by and large, these

individuals were able to utilize career information in the

formulation of plans for their future. This means that most

of the people tested were able to relate information about

specific careers to their individual aptitudes and interests.

The average, or mean score of the applicants who completed

the instrument measuring ability to plan was less than the

national average score, but this difference is not educationally meaningful on this inventory.

TABLE XI

APPLICANTS' PLANNING ABILITY'

N = 397

CATEGORIES NUMBER PERCENT

Very Low 10 3%

Low 32 8%

Below Average 85 21%

Average 121 30%

Above Average 99 2570

High 33 8%

Very High 17 4%

Slightly more than a third of the group scored above the

national average, while a little less than a third scored

below the average. In terms of ability to plan for a career,

the pool of applicants to the Career Intern Program fails

into three almost equal groups: those who cannot plan very

well, those who can plan reasonably well, and those who can

plan very well.

Previous discussions have stressed the scope and depth of

the problems affecting the lives of these individuals when

they applied to CIP. In the context of these problems, it

is noteworthy that those who completed the inventory showed

on the whole, such a high degree of maturity.

1As measured by the Super Career Development Inventory.

618

C34
40-

P

E

30 -

R

C

E 20 -

a.

10 -

T

635

0-

FIGURE 2

EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS OF CIP APPLICANTS

AND PARENTS AND GUARDIANS FOR CIP APPLICANTS

sr1

Don't High 1 yr. 2 yrs. 4 yrs. Law Medical Other Appren- Tech.- On-the Clerical

know school COLLEGE School School Post ticeship Voc. Job Training

Diploma Grad- School Training

uate

jaw CIP Applicants

N = 355

Parents and Guardians

N sv 274

636
40 -

P

30 -

E

R

C 20 -

anN) O

N

10 -

T

0

637

FIGURE 3

CAREER ASPIRATIONS OF CIP APPLICANTS AND

PARENTS AND GUARDIANS FOR CIP APPLICANTS

Proprie- Manage -

Services Operative Laborer Crafts Sales Clerical torial rial Technical tonal

ProfessCIP APPLICANTS

N 304

OCCUPATIONAL CLASSES

PARENTS AND GUARDIANS w

N my 168

638
Thus in the matter of planning for careers or for the

future in general, applicants to the CIP are as capable as

most of their peers. Accordingto the applicant interview

data, most of them had thought a good bit about what they

wanted to do and made plans to that end. For a number who

had been out in the world of work for some time,. the decision

to apply to the CIP represented a step in carrying out their

career plans. It had become apparent that they were likely

to be locked into secondary labor market jobs unless they

somehow were able to get a high school diploma. The/CI?

held forth hope that this was attainable.

STUDENT ASPIRATIONS/PARENTAL ASPIRATIONS

AND WHERE THE TWAIN SHALL MEET

Aspirations of Applicants for Themselves

Most of the applicants had considered specific careers before

applying to the Career Intern Program. What careers had they

hoped to follow? Figure 3 shows that about 357 of the group

interviewed hope to follow a career in one of the professional

occupations. Since previous discussions have indicated that

most applicants in this group did not possess adequate career

information, some might argue that these students did not

acutally know the skills required to pursue such occupations,

and that their aspirations were unrealistic. Yet Figure 2,

which presents some data on educational aspirations, shows

that about 3.27 wanted to attend a four-year college, while

an additional 20% hoped to go beyond college to medical

school, law school, or some other post-graduate work. About

3670 of the students applying aspired to a four-year college

or beyond. The students indicating aspirations for a professional career were the same as those who wanted college and

post-graduate training. At least in terms of the educational

requirements for professional occupations, the applicants were

realistic.

In the other occupational areas, the relationship between

, career and education aspirations is also clear. A fifth of

the applicants indicated they hoped to pursue technical

occupations like computer programming, radio servicing, or

drafting. Some of these careers require on-the-job training;

still others, work at a two-year college or technical/

vocational school. The persons desiring career in these

areas were among those who indicated that their educational

aspirations ran to two-year colleges, on-the-job training,

and so forth.

621

639
Twenty percent of the group, wanted to pursue occupations

in the crafts area, such as carpentry, pottery, or cabinetmaking. Many of these were among those indicating they wished

either apprenticeships, on-the-job training, or technical/

vocational schools. This was also the case with those few

applicants who said they hoped to become machine operators.

About one out of five applicants, mostly women, said they

wanted to go into some sort of clerical work. When talking

about their educational aspirations, however, only 15% said

they wanted post-high school clerical training. The remainder

indicated they did not know what their educational aspirations

were. It may be that some of those wishing clerical positions

did not know what, if any additional training would be required

for such positions.

Five percent of the group were fairly evenly divided in their

aspirations among occupations in sales, proprietorships of

their own (unspecified) businesses, and business management.

These individuals were scattered along the range of educational

aspirations, as were the applicants wishing to pursue service

careers.

Most of the applicants aspired to specific careers, and while

they might not have known very much about these occupations,

most seemed to have a general notion about the education

required. Furthermore, almost 40% of the group were interested

in careers calling for at least a college diploma, and a

large majority selected careers which would require some

post-high school education and/or training. As a group, the

applicants tended to be fairly ambitious when discussing their

hopes for the future,

Parental Aspirations for the Applicants

Educators have known for some time that parents exert a

tremendous influence upon the direction of their children's

lives, both in and out of school. What are the aspirations

of these parents for their children? In general, they tend

to be higher than those of the applicants. Educationally,

for example, Figure 2 indicates that almost three times as

many parents hoped their children would go to four-year

colleges as did the children themselves. Conversely, about

twice as many applicants expressed a desire to attend technical/

vocational schools or clerical training as did the parents

for their children. This discrepancy is to be expected since

most parents want more for their children than they had for

themselves. Almost half the parents had less than a twelfthgrade education, and only about 6%, or 16 parents, had any

technical training beyond high school. Twenty-nine parents

622

64o
(roughly 11%) had 01.4me college education, and 4% had completed

college. It is reasonable to suppose that parents, even

more than their children, recognize the importance of additional education, and this can account for the difference

between parents and children in terms of educational aspirations.

During initial intake interviews, parents were asked about

the types of occupations. they wished their children would

undertake. These data are shown in Figure 3. In most cases,

parental hopes were quite similar to those the applicants

expressed. That is, parents tended, by and large, to want

the same careers as their children wanted for themselves.

The largest category of occupational aspirations was in the

professional fields for both parents and students, while the

second largest fields selected Were clerical and technical

occupations.

There were, however, two areas of some disagreement between

parents and children. Only 187, of the applicants indicated

they hoped to pursue a technical career, while 25% of the

parents said they hoped their children would follow careers

in this area. Conversely, 1870 of the applicants expressed a

desire to have a career in the crafts area, while only 8%

of the parents hoped for these same careers for their children.

A factor here may be that of job status. It is not unreasonable

to suppose that, in the eyes of parents, jobs in technical

fields have a higher status and given the technological nature

of our society, are more secure than the crafts. Therefore,

parents might prefer that their children adopt careers

within higher status areas.

This discussion has revealed the following about applicant

and parental aspirations for careers and education:

o Applicants to the program hoped to pursue careers

requiring a higher degree of education and having

more status than the jobs held by their parents.

o About half the applicant group wanted to have

careers in either professional or technical fields.

o Parents of applicants hoped their children would

have more education and higher status jobs than

the children wished for themselves.

o By and large, parents and their children agreed

on the types of careers the applicants should

pursue.

623

641
FIGURE 4

BENEFITS OF CIP AS EXP'ECIED BY CIP APPLICANTS

N 0 494

P

Will help me get

E a job; learn a

trade

R

Better than other

C school programs

E WiLl help give as a diplaoa I

Learn about careers

V

Will help me learn

E more and do better

accadmically

D

Last chance to get into a school

program

B

Will help me get

E into college

E Saneone else

wanted me to

E apply

F MI.scelLsneous

I

T

S

119%

1 21% 9

1 17 ch

25 50 75 100 125 3.50

NUMBER OF APPLICANTS

624

C42
WHAT DO THE APPLICANTS EXPECT OF CIP?

The preceding sections have discussed what the applicants bring

to the Career Intern Program in terms of hopes, dreams, and

problems. What do the applicants expect CIP will do for

them? Figure 4 shows the kinds of expectations most applicants

had of the program. About one-fifth hoped the program would

help them either get a job or learn a trade, while about onequarter stated they expected the program to help them get a

diploma. Another fifth hoped CIP would help them learn more

than they had in their old schools, and an additional smaller

group expected the program would help them "do better"

academically than they had in previous schools. Interestingly,

only m of the group expected the program to help them get

into college. About CZ, of the responses were so individualized

that they could not be lumped together into any single category.

Here are three examples of such responses:

" I have a job now but I want to getone that pays better."

"I don't really know what (I expect), but I hope it's

better than what I have going now."

"This is the only school where I can bring my baby with

me."

Of the answers which could be put into categoiies, most concentrated upon the educational rather than the career aspects

of CIP. Half the applicants mentioned such factors as getting

a diploma, learning more, and doing better academically.

A SUMMARY OF APPLICANT CHARACTERISTICS

This section'has tried to present a picture of what these

applicants were like as a group when applying to the Carrer

Intern Program. As noted in the beginning, group pictures

do not tell the whole story, for each applicant differs from

the others. Still, since large numbers of applicants have

certain characteristics in common, it is possible to make

some generalizations about the group. Here, then, are some

statements which seem to apply either to the group as whole

or to subgroups of applicants:

625

643
o Most applicants were 16 or 17 years of age, though

a few were 19 and older.

o Applicants were fairly evenly divided between men

and women.

o Slightly less than half the people applying had

already dropped out of school, while the remainder

were still attending school.

o Most were a year behind in school, were failing,

and if attending, were doing so sporadically.

o Almost all applicants had very low grade point

averages in their previous schools.

o Most applicants had far fewer credits for their

grade level than they should have had.

o Most were far below grade level but not necessarily

below the level of most students in their grade

at their previous high schools in reading and

mathematics.

o The average intelligence test performance of this

group was about the same as for students of similar

ages throughout the country. A large subgroup

demonstrated above-average intelligence. Most

applicants, then, did not lack the ability to learn.

o A large group of applicants believed they could not

exercise much control over what happens to them in

life.

o These students' view of society was not one where

anyone could succeed through hard woik:

o Many applicants either had to help support their

families or had to take care of younger brothers

and sisters because parents worked long hours in

order to support the family.

o The applicants came from homes where the primary

breadwinner tended to be engaged in a low status

occupation.

o For most, neighborhood gangs are a problem.

626

..644
o Most applicants had very positive opinions of themselves in general and felt good about their relationship with their friends.

o Most applicants did not feel they were good students

or could do well in school.

o Applicants had the ability to plan for careers and

had used whatever resources were available to them

in thinking about future occupations.

o The group as a whole did not possess much accurate

career information.

o The parents of about half the applicants did not

have a high school diploma.

o Both applicants and their parents hoped that the

former would have occupations that far exceeded

the status level of the parents' jobs.

o Applicants and their parents hoped that the former

would have a much higher degree of education than

the parents.

o Many, if not most, of the applicants seemed more

concerned about the academic aspects of CIP than

about the help the program could give them in

relation to choosing a career. Ufgently, they

wanted a diploma.

"That looks like somebody I know:" A Typical Applicant1

Sheila is Black, 17, and in the tenth grade at Germantown High

School. She is a year behind the friends with whom she went

to Junior High School and during the past semester failed all

but one of her courses. This semester, she has hardly attended

school at all and is thinking of quitting. She probably would

if a good job came along, despite the fact that her mother would

be heartbroken.

Sheila did OK in school until she got to high school. Her father

who had been sick and unemployed for a long time, died. He

left Sheila, her mother, one sister who is out of school

and a younger brother and sister. Sheila and her mother have

L"Sheila" is a composite, not an actual intern.

627

645
always been close, confiding in each other, helping each othex

and enjoying doing things together. However, the school thing

is beginning to come between them.

Her mother, who worked part time while her husband was alive,

now works full time as a clerk in a local department store.

Her income is pretty low so Shelia's older sister contributes

some money each week; Sheila tries to do as much babysitting

as she can to help out with her own expenses. She also has

to spend some time each day taking care of her younger brother

and sister while her mother works.

Ever since her father died, she has been having trouble in

school. She missed a lot while he was sick and just never

seemed to catch up. She has to take a public bus to the

school, which is quite a hassle. More than once her friends

have talked her into taking the day off and getting high.

She knows this is not right and has even tried to talk to

her school counselor about her problems several times, but

he had so many people to see that she must make an appointment several days ahead. By the time her turn comes to see

him she has either forgotten or is absent

She heard about the CIP through her mother, who heard about

it from a fellow-worker whose son was an intern. It was

her mother who first contacted the director of the program

who in turn referred her to the School District Coordinator.

Sheila's mother took a morning off to go with her for her

intake interview. She was scared when she learned she was

going to take a reading and math test since she was failing

algebra in school. However, she came out all right, scoring

at the eighth grade level in reading and sixth grade in math- -

well over the cut off point for entry into the program. She

quickly warmed up to the intake interviewer and had no difficulty

with the questionnaire. She had been thinking about a career

for a long time -- especially since her father had died. In

a pamphlet she had picked up in school there had been a pitch

about becoming a dental assistant. She thought it sounded

interesting and ever since had secretly hoped she could

become one. The only person she had mentioned this to was

her mother who had encouraged her to keep going to school

if that was what she really wanted.

Sheila knew that to become a dental assistant she would

not only have to finish high school but would have to go on

and get some more training. She was confident that she

could do it if only given the chance. Therefore, it hadn't

taken much urging to get her to come to the CIP.

628

G46
After the intake interview and testing, she was really excited

about getting in. Her only concern was that she might not

be selected in the lottery. Anyway, all she could do now was

go home and wait for a phone call from one of the counselors.

Are her hopes justified? Given where she is, where she has

been, and where she hopes to go, what can the program be

likely to do to help her for herself?

WHAT TO EXPECT OF THE CAREER INTERN PROGRAM

This discussion has said quite a bit about what applicants to

the Career Intern Program are like, and has shown that they

score quite high as a group on some of the characteristics

measured and-quite low on others. One of the ways to judge

the success of CIP is to determine how able it is to help

people grow in areas of weakness, while helping them to

sustain their areas of strength. It is reasonable at this

time to ask, !In what areas can the CIP help interns, and

in what areas can the program be expected to have a measurable

influence?"

The CIP, as described in Chapter II is a career education

program, constructed around a curriculum offering a fusion of

academic and career concerns. There are three logical areas

in which it can expect to contribute some changes in the

lives of Sheila and others. It should help them to change

as students, it should be able to support and improve their

attitudes toward life (how they feel about things), and it

should help them set out on the road to full, productive,

post-high school lives. Within each of these general areas

we should expect certain changes to take place and we hope

that other changes would not occur.

BETTER STUDENTS: A DIPLOMA

Should CIP Affect Reading and Mathematics Achievement?

If nothing else, applicants selected for CIP should have

received their diploma, or still be enrolled in CIP, or have

transferred to other schools. Applicants who applied for,

but were not selected for CIP, should be substantially less

likely to have their diploma or be enrolled in other schools.

The highly individualized nature of the program, the staff

intern ration, the availability of math and reading labs,

and the special curricula should help almost all interns make

substantial ismovements in both mathematics and reading

skills. As a second criterion for judging the CIP, large

increases in mathematics and reading al.hievement test scores

are exEesaq.

629

4..647
Can the Program Have an Effect on Reasoning?

As indicated in Table III, almost 75% of those taking the

test to measure non-verbal reasoning scored average or better.

It is unrealistic to expect much growth (as measured by the

tests) for these students during their tenure at CIP. In

addition, CIP is not designed to raise IQ but to mobilize

the students' capacities to improve achievement and personalsocial skills. Thus changes in performance on the measure

of abstract reasoning would be likely only for youth with

room to grow , and only as an unexpected (but welcome) extra

benefit.

Should Change Occur With Regard to the Notion

of Internal/External Control?

There are three ways of looking at this. Some researchers

believe internality or externality is a deeply rooted personality

trait of uncertain origin, unlikely to change as a result

of almost any educational program. Others argue that a

belief in internal control is preferable to external control

for low income youth, and that educational programs should

be able to increase the belief that what an individual does

can make a difference (Coleman et al., 1966).

The Career Intern Program, however, believes that internal

control as a factor in determining future success in life is

very important. It is hoped, therefore, that those in the

program who feel unable to grasp their own destiny will move

toward a belief that they are in control of their own lives.

In lightof the controversy surrounding this concept, it

would be unreasonable to offer such growth as a firm expectancy of CIP; however, movement toward a belief in internal

control is offered as a tentative criterion by which the

program may be judged.

Can an Increase in Positive Feelings Toward Their Families

Be Expected?

BecauSe trios E applicants already felt very positive about their

relationships with their families, it is unlikely that

these feelings will increase to any measurable extent. As

with the other characteristics, however, the scores should

not decrease.

Should an Influence on General Self-Esteem Be Anticipated?

Most of the applicants felt quite positive about themselves,

and is unlikely they will feel more positive as time goes

on. It is however, reasonable to expect that current, positive

self-images will be maintained. Scores may not increase

significantly, but they should not decrease. CIP should

serve to reconfirm their feelings of worthwhileness.

630

648
Can the Program Affect Relationships Interns Have with Their

Famines?

Again, the applicant group does not have much room for measurable

improvement, since almost all applicants had very positive

feelings about their relationships with friends. It is

entirely possible that the CIP may help interns redefine the

nature of friendly relationships (interns might, for example,

begin to perceive each other as potential learning scores):

yet it is doubtful that analyses will note an increase in

the test score measuring social self-esteem. Again, while

one would not expect the level of social self-esteem to

rise, it should not fall.

On the other hand, applicants suggested that their relationship

with friends was in part responsible for their failure in

school. Because having friends was important, and because

these friends did not support the applicants' school efforts,

they were a bad influence. Their experiences in the CIP should

-not change the importance interns attach to friends, but should

enable the interns to have friends who can be positive rather

than negative forces in each others' lives.

Can Improvement in Academic Self-Image Be Anticipated?

The academic self-image of CIP interns should improve dramatically.

As students, these applicants saw themselves in a very poor

light. If the program meets its objectives, interns should

begin to Experience feelings of success in school. This, in

turn, should lead to a substantial increase in positive

feeling about themselves as students. This, then, is

another criterion by which the success of the program will

be judged.

Should CIP Affect the Degree to Which Interns Use External

esources

For the majority of interns, little growth can be expected

in the use of external resources. As a group, applicants

reported using suca resources--so much so, in fact, that they

scored well above the national average in this area. However,

CIP can still have an effect. It could help interns use

more efficient and appropriate resources, but the degree of

usage will probably not increase appreciably.

631

649
Can CIF Help Interns Gain More Accurate Career Information?

The program should indeed help interns acquire more accurate

career information. CIP provides Career Advisors, a Career

Counseling Seminar, a Career Development Plan to use as a

guide and requires Hands-on experiences. Graduates should . be extremely well.info.med about a wide range of careers and

jobs.

The majority of applicants to the program have very little

accurate career information. There is plenty of room for

growth. Because one goal of CI? is to provide interns

with this information, the program, if successful, should

yield substantial increases in both the depth and the scope

of career information posed. by interns. This is not the

criterion for measuring the program's effectiveness.

Should the Program Affect Interns' Abilities to Plan for Careers?

In most cases, CIP should not affect planning ability to a

great extent because most interns have already scored fairly

high in this area. For the majority of the group, only

slight improvement can be expected. This does not mean that

the program cannot help interns generate more realistic plans

(if in fact their current plans are unrealistic); rather

it means that, according to the measurement used, the applicants

to CIP are only slightly below the national average. While

test scores should increase somewhat after interns have been

in the program awhile, this increase probably will be small,

since test performance has left little room for dramatic

growth. There should be evidence of normal growth and of

increased planning sophistication. ' Post High School Experiences

The Career Intern Program aims to prepare interns to enter

careers in which they will be happy, successful, and satisfied.

All the criteria above are steps to this outcome. Therefore,

the most crucial criterion for judging CIF should relate to

what happens to interns after they leave the program.

Suppose graduates have wonderful feelings about themselves in

every respect; suppose they have learned to read well and

perform mathematical problems with excellent proficiency; and,

further suppose these hypothetical graduates feel completely

in control of their lives. Then, is the program effective?

That depends.

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Graduates should leave the program more prepared to enter the

job market than they were upon entering, or they should be

placed in a context within which desired skills can be learned;

these, too, are criteria by which program success can be

measured. Ideally, graduates should be able to acquire and

hold jobs in the fields of their choice-jobs of higher status

and greater pay than those held by.their parents; jobs in

which they feel the future is bright, and in which they

have an opportunity to move up the career ladder. Given

prevailing economic realities, however, particularly in

relation to a growing unemployment rate, these "ideal"

criteria may be unrealistic. Within the current economic

context, whether or not CIP graduates are able to obtain

and retain employment may be the only reasonable criteria by

which to assess program effectiveness in relation to placing

interns within the job market.

IN SUMMARY

As Students

o Most of them should graduate.

o They should improve math and reading skills.

o They should not change much in their reasoning ability.

How Should We Expect Interns to Change or Not to Change in Attitudes?

o They should not change their feelings about their

families.

o They should not change much in the way they feel

about themselves.

o They should not feel much different about their

friends, except maybe to learn to direct these

relationships for positive ends.

o They should see themselves as better students.

o They should not change much in the way they feel

in control of things.

In Their Career Prospects

o They should not change much in their resourcefulness.

o They should become much more knowledgeable about careers.

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651
o They should not change much in planning skills.

o A. good number should enter post-secondary school

and

o A. good number should go directly into Jobs.

The following chapters pick up the story of the interns

after their first months in CIP, follows them through

graduation until a year later, and considers what about

CIP may have accounted for the programs' occupational

failures and remarkable successes.

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652
References

Coleman, James S., Equality of Educational Opportunity.

Washington, D. C.: U.S. Government Printing Oftice,

1966. See pp. 288-290.

Hope, Richard and Pennick, Vincent. "Internal and

External Control as Related to Training and Race

Relations." Paper presented at the American

Psychological Association Conference, August 1974.

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653
INTRODUCTION TO CHAPTERS FIVE THROUGH FOURTEEN

Chapter Five begins ten weeks after the interns have

entered CIP. Succeeding chapters follow them through

graduation, and, for some, up to a year later, through

school and to work in December of 1975. These chapters

answer the question: does CIP have the effects one

would expect it?---and were there any surprises along

the way?

The answer to these questions is "yes": CIP works,

and perhaps the most surprising finding is how strong

the evidence of its effectiveness seems to be. This

does not mean that every intern is now President and

every control student is repeating 3rd grade. First,

a career education program rarely will define success

only by income, highest level of education attained or

highest occupational status achieved. Second, CIP did

not help every student, even on its own terms.

The reader thus should expect good news, but not a

universal solution to the educational problems of

youth from low-income families.

Chapters ten through twelve specifically deal with what

contributes to CIP's effectiveness. Lastly, the question

of transportability is addressed in chapter fourteen

If CIP is workable only at 62 West Harvey Street, the

taxpayers will have gotten little in return for their

educational R&D dollars. What is reproducible must be

speculative, but school systems wishing to bring the

news from Philadelphia to their town probably caa do

so with some confidence of its adaptability.

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CHAPTER FIVE

PROGRAM EFFECTS AFTER THE FIRST TEN WEEKS

This chapter presents the short-term effects of the

program. Intermediate and longer-term effects will

be addressed in the next chapters. The phrase "shortterm" in this context refers to the first ten weeks

of the program. This period, which includes the

Career 'Counseling Seminar, has two major purposes:

1. To help interns begin to feel better about

themselves and the amount of control they

can exercise over their lives.

2. To help interns begin to gain greater amounts

of information about careers and a better ability

to make plans for careers.

Earlier sections described several characteristics of

people applying to the Career Intern Program. In them

were several statements about self-esteem, career

knowledge and planning ability, and so on. In some cases,

such as with general self-esteem, further growth was

not likely. In other areas, such as the possession of

accurate career information, there was substantial room

for growth. In examining program effectiveness, it

would be reasonable to look first at these areas. The

criteria, then, for making some tentative conclusions

about the first weeks of the program are as follows:

o Internal /external control - while some movement among interns toward the belief that they

are in control of their lives would be desirable,

it is unrealistic to expect much change duping

the first ten weeks of the program.

o Genral and home self-esteem. Interns were

already very positive in these areas; little

growth is expected, but interns should maintain

high levels.

o Relationships with friends. No major growth

but continued positive feelings should be anticipated.

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655
o Academic self-esteem. Interns should feel

better about themselves as students than they

did when they applied to the program.

o Degree to which interns use outside resources.

Not much change should be in evidence here, as

interns were already very likely to use available

resources.

o Amount of accurate career information. As a

group, the interns should possess more accurate

information, as t.ls is an emphasis of the first

ten weeks-of the program.

o Ability to plan for careers. Students applying

to the program showed excellent ability for

such planning; there should not be much change.

These are the criteria for judging the success of the

first ten weeks of the program. In all cases, interns'

scores were compared to those of control group members,

who took the post-tests at the same time. For other

criteria, such as intellectual growth or an increase in

academic achievement, it is too early for assessment.

These will be addressed later in this report.

SHORT-TERM PROGRAM EFFECTS ON PERSONALITY CHARACTERISTICS

Coopersmith's Self-Esteem Inventory and Rotter's InternalExternal Control Scale data on which conclusions were

drawn relative to program effects and personality characteristics may be found in Volume II which contains technical

appendices.

Do Interns Feel More in Control of Their Lives?

By and large,interns do not appear to feel more in

control of their lives at least as measured by the

instrument administered. However, it is unrealistic

to expect change over so short a'period. The degree

of internal or external control possessed by interns

is measured again before graduation.

Do Interns Become More Positive About Themselves in

General and About Relations With Their Families?

As expected, interns as a group continued to have very

positive feelings about themselves and about their

families, although these feelings did not increase the

first ten weeks. What is important here is that their

self-esteem did not diminish. Interns do feel good about

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CS6
A themselves and remain convinced of their self-worth, a

feeling the school helped them maintain.

While the strength of these positive feelings regarding

families has not changed for the total group, it is

likely that the nature of the relationship of the interns

to family memberiEiTaltered for the betteer, probably

as a result of'the success that these interns are

experiencing in CIP. At the initial interviews conducted

during the application process, a large majority of the

parents expressed concern about their children's lack of

success in school. For the most part, these concerns

centered around the importance of a high school diploma,

which parents believed their children would not recieve

if they were not admitted to CIP. Both applicants and

parents agreed that school problems often produced strains

in the parent-child relationship. Parents now state

that the. se strains and the concerns which generated them

have lartsly disappeared, as the following composite

statements illustrate:

"All of a sudden my boy seem to like school... He

wants a career...to be a salesman... He got himself

a part-time job and...he's going to get his diploma"

"I know what's happening now in school with my

daughter...her counselor calls me once or twice

a month..." She is passing everything and going to

class... Even when she was sick last week, and I

wanted her to stay home she snuck out of the house

to come to school... She is a. changed person...

maybe she can even go to college."

"Before, my son was afraid to come to school...

gangs on the corner kept bothering him...he didn't

go too much...Now he goes every day...he going to

graduate in June...he going to get a job."

ror many families the Career Intern Program has helped

to improve the relationship between parents and children.

While this impact cannot be measured by any of the tests

administeroi, it nevertheless seems to have been a

positive effect of the program.

Does CIP Affect Interns' Perceptions of Their

Relationships With Friends?

In one sense the program did not have any measurable

effect during the early weeks on interns' perception of

peer relationships. That is, interns continue to perceive

their relationships in a positive light. As was the

case with parental relationships, however, it is possible

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C57
that the nature of peer relationships has changed. In

this sense, the program may be having a positive influence

upon relationships among friends.

The CIP experience stresses group counseling techniques,

so that interns with similar problems may, under she

direction of a counselor, discuss their concerns and

possible solution together. Furthermore, in their classroom activities, interns are urged to consider each other

as possible learning resources, so that the career research

performed by one often becomes the focus of discussion

for an entire group. When interns function as both, the

nature of peer relationships tends to change:

"Group counseling is good for me...I come to know

that other...students have tLe same problems as me...

and we can help each other." -

"The other day, in Mr. C 8 s class, Larry, did

a report on bein' a automobile

a lot from him...I never knew they made such a lot

of money...I learn from reports of other interns."

"In my other school we had to learn everything from

the teacher...Here though...we can learn from other

people too...like each other...'Course the teacher's

still important but...what I have to say in class is

important too...Other people can learn something

from me."

Based on these comments, it seems that the peer relationships of interns have broadened. While relationships

are still positive, there is a qualitative difference

for some interns.

Dv Interns Feel Better About Themselves as Students'

Mont data indicate that CIP has had a positive effect on

the way interns feel about themselves as students. While

students' scores on tests used to measure this dimeasion

did not improve significantly, intern comments and comments

made in counseling records suggest that after ten weeks

the program interns do think more highly of themselves

as students. This shift in attitude may be attributed to

a conscious attempt on the part of all CIP staff to convince interns that they are not failures and that

lAll student quotes have been edited for grammar. Most

students' everyday speech is typical of their area; observations suggest that some interns acquire a wider range of

speech styles.

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G58
they can succeed in school. The concepts of individualized

instruction, small classes, and frequent prolonged counseling sessions have paid dividends in this case, as

the following composite statements by interns indicate:

"I about flunked out of . I never got good

grades, and I didn't likiEgfiachers and they didn't

like me...I was made to feel dumb...It's different

here 'cause you get a feeling that Reople are your

friends...they really care about you here...I'm

starting to get some pretty good grades."

"On my last report card. from

two subjects, and I only got 177--

the other. I'never did real well

come here and I started getting B'

everything ...People really care

I'm not stupid."

I only passed

n one and a D in

in school. T

s. I'm passing

out me...I know

"I could never do as well in school as my brother...

and teachers always expected that I could do as

good as him in school...they made me feel dumb...

Well, here no one expects me to be anyone but me...

I'm doing all right...I even got an A in a math

test last week...I always used to fall math...it

scared me."

That students find their academic self-image becoming more

positive is further reinforced by the following entries,

excerpted from counseling logs:

"When Steve B first came to see me he was extremely

hostile toward and toward the idea of school.

He knew he needed a high school diploma to get a job

as a lab assistant at , but he really didn t

want to be just failuri7WEEEE failure...last year he

only passed one subject...After three weeks he got

his first marks at CIP, the results of two tests;

he got a C in one and a B in the other. .he actually

smiled...Tt's now the last week of Career Awareness

and during our regular session today, Steve said

something like, 'I really don't think I'm so dumb

after all."

"Saw Janet for the first time today, she's

already thiEREV of leaving...asked her why...she

says that she's not a good student and doesn't think

she'll get passing grades, also says she doesn't read

too well...I think I convinced her to stick it out for

a few weeks...(Three weeks later.) Janet got a C

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659
on her first test, she still isn't confident, but

seems pleased with the grade...Have spoken to all

of her teachers about her fear of failing...Mr. C

says that she really doesn't read badly tut seems

afraid...(Six weeks after first contact.) Janet got

three test grades back this week, two C's and a B...

She didn't say much about them, but she took the

initiative in showing them to me and I let her know

how pleased I was ....She was also pleased,-I could

tell...(Seven weeks after first contact.) Janet is

passing everything with at least a C...Today, she

admitted that she s really not as bid a student as

she had thought at first."

These entries, condensed versions of counseling records,

illustrate the trend of student self perceptions in the

area of academics. The movement from extreme negativism

to at least cautious optimism is clear. Test scores did

not show any significant improvement over the ten-week

period. This could mean that ten weeks was coo short a

time to expect measurable growth, that the test may not

have been appropriate, that the counseling records pick

up more easily changed moodi, and the tests more deeply

rooted feelings, or response bias in eithel- the notes

or the test.

SHORT-TERM PROGRAM EFFECTS ON CAREER AWARENESS

The conclusions in this section are based on the Career

Development Inventory of Super et al. These data may

be found in Volume II.

Do Interns Show Any Increase in Their Tendency to

Use Outside Resources?

As a group, interns did not demonstrate an increase in

their tendency to use outside resources. This was

expected, since they, as applicants, were already

well above average in resource usage. However, neither

did they show any decrease in this area. This is important,

for it means that the program was able to maintain interest

in a wide array of career resources.

While the resource use frequency did not change over

time for the'group as a whole, the type and quality did.

Applicants to the program frequently cited as career

resources teachers, family, friends, counselors, and

very occasionally, books or articles. These may be

described, for the most part, as secondary sources of

information, bemuse they do not involve first-hand

692
occupational experience. The resources most frequently

cited by interns after ten weeks at CIP include more

primary sources, such a3 people working in fields of

interest to interns. While interns continue to mention

teachers and counselors, they also cite such diverse

sources as films, Department of Commerce job publications,

and occupational encylopedias.

The educational program at CIP provides interns with an

environment rich in career information, through a Resource

Center stocked with easy-to-use and current career information, through Hands-On experiences which directly expose

interns to the realities of work situations, through the

constant use of classroom speakers, and finally, through

incentives to learn from each other.

Is There Evidence of an Increase of Accurate Career

Information/

Interns did not possess much accurate career information

according to the Inventory. To assess whether or not

during the first ten weeks interns increased the amount

of career information they possessed, two data collection

strategies were employed: a readministration of the initial

career information test, and frequent observations of

classes. Data from these two sources will be discussed

separately.

Data From the Career Information Test. Results of readministering the Inventory did not indicate significant

gains in this area. This does not necessarily mean that

inters did not have more accurate career information;

it merely indicates that interns did not make gains on

this particular test. There are t,.1 possible explanations

for this:

o Perhaps the reading level of the test was too

demanding for most of the interns.

o Perhaps there was a lack of 'fit" between the

emphasis of the test and the curriculum.

To help interpret the interns'l.mk of growth as measured

by the tests, these two explanations were explored further.

Was the Reading Level of the Test Too Demanding for

Most Interner

The average reading level for CIP applicants was about

seventh glade; several interns read at much higher levels.

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661
Analysis of the pre-test data revealed a significant

relationship between reading ability and the possession

of career information. Good readers were more likely to

score higher on this test than poor readers. For the former,

the reading level of the test was probably not too difficult.

The only other question is whether or not they had already

scored so high on the pre-test that little room for

growth was possible. Analysis of the pre-test scores of

the good readers reveals this is not the case. While

good readers did score higher than poor readers, they

still had room for substantial improvement.

Although the reading level was not a problem for good

readers, it may have been too demanding for poor readers.

To test this hypothesis, an analysis was performed which

took reading levels into account by holding them constant.

This anal sis revealed no si nificant :ain with readin

eve contro e . us, ac o gain on t e career n orIllation test cannot be attributed to poor reading ability.

Was There a Lack of Fit Between Curriculum Content axld

Contents of-the Test? The test used to masure-iFlaiition of careii-REORedge does not stress career-specific

information. That is, it does not assess whether or not

those taking the test are cognizant of discrete factors

pertaining to particular careers. Rather, the test

emphasizes the fit between certain personality traits and

the psychological demands of given careers. Examples of

actual test items are presented below:

"Peter is the best speaker on the school debating

team. The schce 1 yearbook describes 'ais as our

golden-tongued'orator'...Peter will probably graduate

in the bottom half of his class, although his test

scores show that he is very bright. His only good

grades (mostly B's) are in business subjects...

The facts about Peter suggest that he should think

about becoming: an accountant, a salesman, an actor,

a school counselor, a lawyer."

"Jane likes her high school biology and general science

courses best. She likes to do her schoolwork alone

so she can concentrate. When she begins to think

about her future occupation, she should consider:

nurse, accountant, me'ical laboratory technician,

elemertary school teacher."

One could argue that the fit between the scholastic

aptitudes described in the test and the occupations listed

as choices Is imperfect. Even if the match-up were perfect,

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however, the test does not reflect the major theme of

the Career Awareness curriculum, which is based almost

entirely upon the concept of "career clusters," or

groups of interrelated careers, such as medical professions, service occupations, and technical occupations.

During the course of the Career Awareness cycle, interns

are exposed to a single cluster per week. Each intern

is required to pursue one career in depth every week

and present oral and written reports to the rest of the

class. In all, each intern is required to prepare at

least seven reports on different careers. By and large

in these reports, interns tend to focus upon the following:

o Availab4lity of a given career in the job

market.

o Salary ranges of a particular career.

o Type and amount of education required to

pursue a given career.

The CIP curriculum, then, emphasizes the mastery of information in relation to specific careers. It does not

dwell during the ten weeks under discussion here upon

fit between personality traits and general types

of occupations, though this kind of emphasis does occur

later in the program.

Conclusion. The curriculum utilized to teach career

information and the test used to measure it seem mismatched for the first ten weeks; the match will be

better for CIP as a whole.

What Do the Classroom Observations Reveal? Interns

were exposed to a great deal about careers from Career

Awareness. The seven required reports ale the foci for

discussions of various careers. Classroom observations

reveal that, for the most part, these reports tend to be

completed on time; that interns seem to understand their

content; and that moct classes actively participate in

discussing each of the reports. The contention that

interns learned about specific careers is substantiated

by the following comments, solicited from a random

sample of interns both during and immediately after the

first ten weeks:

"When I came here I didn't know what I wanted to do...

I didn't know about the field of communications...

Now I'm seriously thinking about a career in this

field."

"I came in (to CIP)...wanting to he a nurse...I

didn't know how much education I'd have to get...

Now I think I'll be a secretary, 'cause they make

good money. I can get a job and won't have to have

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any more school."

"I always liked science, but didn't know what to

do with it...I learned about medical technology

since I came, and it sounds like what I want.

"I learned so much about lots of careers that I

have been able to choose one that most interests

me...I'm seriously thinking of going to college to

be an accountant."

In defending her choice of a career in the field

of medical technology, Jane states: "I have our

reasons for wanting to be a medical technician.

It will pay me about $6,800 a year right after

training, which is about what I need to support

my daughter and me. I can leave my baby in the

daycare center at the hospital and it won't cost

me too much. I can finish most of the science

courses I need (to get accepted into the program)

this year. The hospital will train me and will

pay me a little while I'm training. Also, it's

a career where I'll have a chance to help people

and keep learning new things."

Quincy decided he did not need a high school

diploma, "because I learned a lot about the field

of carpentry during Career Awareness, and I am going

to start onthe-job training after two months. I

can get my union card after about a year, and I

can make pretty good bread. After six years or so

I can make about $13,000 or more. Besides, X

always like to build things, I like to be outdoors.

It's a pretty good career for me, and people always

need carpenters."

Dierdte feels she will go to college, because

"during Career Awareness I got to spend a few days

helping an elementary school teacher in the classroom and decided that this is the job for me. I

always liked kids, especially young ones, and fire

been doing very well since I came here (to CIP).

I think I will be able to get into college, and

Ms. R (her counselor) thinks she can help me get

a scholarship. Anyway, the money you get for teaching

is pretty good, the fringe benefits are good, and

probably I'll be always about to get a job "

Frank entered the project feeling that "I don't

know what I want to do. I never thought much

about it, but I know need a high school diploma,

so I came here." Now he has decided he would like

to enter the field of communications. "See, during

the Career Awareness, I think it was during the

646
third or fourth week, I did research in

communication's."

These quotes, while not conclusive, do represent the

trend of intern opinion regarding the first ten weeks

of their experiences in the Career Intern Program.

They suggest the interns have picked up career information

Important to them, enough information in most instances

to permit them to make some sort of realistic career

decision.

The first weeks culminate in a document called a

Career Development Plan. This plan, completed by counselors working with each intern, ltsts the career choice

of the intern, plus an accompaning series of steps by

which the intern will attain a chosen career. In providing input to their Career Development Plans, interns

are urged to draw upon all they have learned in the Career

Seminar.

These plans are not an absolute indicator'of mastery of

career information. Yet, to a certain degree, the

quality of such plans reflects both the degree of understanding interns have of the career they have chosen and

the quality of thought that has gone into the making of

such decisions.

"I worked at W ( a local radio station) for

a few days and dFgaly got into it. I want to either

be a broadcast engineer or maybe go into being a

disc jockey. I don't have to decide yet, because

I can decide exactly what I want to do when I get

to broadcasting school, where I've already been

accepted. I know I can make at least $8,000 or

$10,000 a year, and the future is good. I can

even move around the country if I want."

The examples cited in this section are representative of

most interns in the program and suggest that the early

weeks are fruitful in enabling them to explore several

careers, to select those which appealed most to them, and

to make some plans for pursuing careers of their choice.

Do Interns Increase Their Ability to Plan for Careers?

Becau-e applicants had demonstrated excellent ability in

career planning, no change was anticipated for interns

as a group after ten weeks. Therefore, it is surprising

to find that the intern group did improve considerably

in their ability to make comprehensive career plans, in

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665
comparison to the control group, whose abilities did

net increase.

The term "career planning" as used in this context refers

to the ability to integrate facts about given careers,

relate these facts to various situations which apply to

the interns' lives, and synthesize all this information

into an appropriate long-range career plan. Interns who

took the test measuring planning ability were asked to

indicate what action they had taken with regard to such

statements as:

"Finding out about educational and occupational

possibilities by going tattle library, sending

away for information, er talking to somebody who

knows about the possibilities."

"Dealing with things which might make it hard for

me to get the kind of training or the kind of

work I would like."

"Doing the things one reeds to de to become a

valued employee who doesn't have to be afraid of

loldng his job or being laid off when times are

hard."

Throughout the early weeks of the program, the teachers

and counselors stress the Importance of creating Career

Development Plans. The emphasis placed by the CIP staff

upon such plans is at least partially responsible for

the increase in career planning ability. This seems

particularly likely in light of the fact that from the

outset of their involvement with the program, interns

are constantly confronted by both counselors and teachers

with questions and suggestions relating to individual

career choices.

IN SUMMARY

This section has presented several effects er "outcomes"

of the first ten weeks of the Career Intern Program. It

has made the following points:

o On the instrument used to measure internal/

external control, interns did not move toward

internal control over the ten-week period,

although it is probably too early to expect

such changes.

o Interns continue to feel very positive about

themselves in general, and about their relationships to their families; and the nature of family

relat4onships has improved.

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666
o The relationships interns have with their friends

continue to be viewed very positively, and for

many interns the nature of such relationships has

considerably broadened.

o Interns have higher opinions of themselves as

students than when they first applied to CIP.

o The types of career resources used by interns

broadened considerably, and the frequency with

which they used such resources remained quite

high.

o Interns did not demonstrate through testing any

gains in the amount of accurate career information

they possess.

o On measures other than the test for career information, such as intern interviews, classroom observations, and Career Development Plans, interns

showed understanding of specific careers of

interest, and a grasp of the steps necessary to

obtain these careers.

o Despite the fact that improvement in career

planning ability was not anticipated, interns

as a group did demonstrate, after the first ten,

a marked gain in planning ability over their

already high levels.

These data suggest that even early in the program, the

interns are on their way to the diploma so many want,

and to acquiring the preparation they'll need to succeed

later. Along the way, some will falter. Some will

surpass even their own hopes. Others will progress,

but not excell. The next chapters pick up the study

seven months later.

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667

lommumsmom lamm.
RETENTION, COMPLETION, AND DROPOUTS

Before entering CIP, as Table XII shows, about 5O of the

applicants had either left school (32%) or attended so

infrequently they were dropouts in all but the formal

record (17%). The controls wore more likely to have

dropped out (40%) or to be irregular attenders if enrolled

(35%).

TABLE XII: WHAT WERE YOU DOING BEFORE CIP? STATUS OF

INTERNS AND CONTROLS AT THE TIME OF APPLICATION

INTERNS* CONTROLS

N=286 N=145

Enrolled, sometimes attending 511 35%

Enrolled, not attending 17% 25%

Not in school 32% 40%

*Interns who enrolled; "decliners" excluded.

The difference seems due to the fact that one could

decline--if chosen--to enroll in CIP but could not "decline"

from the control group. Most of the 37 youth who were

selected in the lottery to attend CIP but declined to attend

were dropouts or irregular attenders. Had these 37 youth

been included, the groups would have been more similar in

proportion.

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688
In both groups, many applicants had been out of school

for more than six. months (18%); some had been out of

school for over a year. Both experimentals and control

groups were high risk: already losers, the likelihood

of their getting a diploma might seem small.

Completion

As Table XIII shows, in winter 1975-76, only 77 of the 145

youth who had completed the pre-enrollment procedures for

CIP but were, by lottery, not selected for enrollment, had

completed high school. Of the 286 youth who had been

selected at random from the same applicant pool, 44% had

received their high school diploma. This difference is

statistically reliable; it seems large enough to be

educationally significant.

TABLE XIII: RETENTION, COMPLETION, AND DROPOUTS AMONG

INTERNS AND CONTROLS AS OF DECEMBER 1975

INTERNS* CONTROLS

1,T286 N=145

Enrolled in CIP or School 13% 3%

Transferred, still in school 10% 3%

Were in School-Dropped out 33% 38%

Out of School-Did not re-enter - 497,

Graduated 44% 7%

*Interns who enrolled; "decliners" excluded

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"V":7- 669 s
Dropouts

As Table XIII indicates, in December 1975, 337. of the

interns who enrolled in CIP were no longer in school. They

had dropped out of the program before graduating. In

comparison, 867. of the controls were dropouts: 387. had

been in school, but left and 49%,were out of school and

.did not re-enter.

Perhaps more than any other figures, the difference between

337. (CIP) and 867. (controls) who were dropouts in winter

1975-76, versus 57% graduates or enrolled (CIP) and 137.

graduates or enrolled (controls) represents the impact of

CIP participation. Without CIP, only 1 out of 10 youth

chosen at random from applicants was likely to be in school

or to have graduated a year after application to the program. With CIP, 6 out of 10 youth were graduates or still

in school, working toward their high school diploma.

Retention

In December 1975, 67. of the controls and 237. of the interns

were still enrolled in school. Of these, 3% and 10%,

respectively, had transferred to schools other than the

one in which they were enrolled at time of application.

The retention rates in CIP - for the program or for another

school - are greater than for the comparison programs.

Too Good To Be True?

One explanation of this difference is that some of CIP's

"dropouts" had dropped before enrollment, leaving the least

dropout prone in the intern group and the most dropout

prone in the controls. There are two possibilities.

Suppose first that CIP had proportionately less "enrolled

but not attending youth" and CIP had proportionately few

"long term dropouts." Then suppose the

proportionately

but not

attending" youth and t .e "long term dropouts" were more

likely to be out -of- school at the time of post-testing,

regardless of entry or not into CIP. If this were so,

the lower CIP dropout rate might be little more than an

artifact of pre-selection of a lower risk group.

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A 6 7 0
Attendance Status and Retention

First, Table XIV shows that CIP did have proportionately

fewer youth who were nominally enrolled but not attending

school at time of application to CIP. About 40% of the

controls but only 25% of the interns who were even

nominally enrolled were "enrolled but not attending" at

time of application.

TABLE XIV: DROPOUT RATE FOR NOMINALLY ENROLLED ATTENDING

AND NON-ATTENDING CIP AND CONTROL STUDENTS

GROUP ATTENDANCE STATUS TOTAL NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE OF

AT APPLICATION NUMBER DROPOUTS DROPOUTS

CIP Enrolled/attending 151 38 25%

Enrolled/not attending 49 15 31%

Total 200 53 26%

Control Enrolled/attending 51 21 41%

Enrolled/not attending 36 25 69%

Total 87 56 64%

(overall)

Second, Table XIV shows that the dropout rate is related

to attendance status: youth "enrolled and attending" at

time of application in both intern and control groups are

somewhat less likely to drop out. NT retention rate

gain in CIP is, however, about the less for attendees than

for non-attendees. For attendees, the diffe-..ene in

dropoutism is 16% (4196, controls minus 25% interns). The

difference for non-attenders is 38% (697, controls versus

31% interns). Thus, "1-e absolute level of dropping out

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671
and size of difference between intern and control groups

is affected by the proportion of attenders and non- attenders in the two groups. The bias, in this case, works in

favor of finding that CIP is better. The total raw dropout reduction gain for CIP (647., controls minus 26% interns)

is 38%. A total giving equal weight to attenders and

non-attenders would be 27% (55% controls minus 287. interns.)

At least some of the much higher dropout rate for contrrls

is an artifact of having a disproportionately high number

of "enrolled but not attending' youth.

Time Out of School and Dropping Out Again: Among youth

who had dropped out at tiun of application, fewer controls

(487.) than interns (637.) had been out of school for

seven months or mare at time of application to CIP. Suppose

long-term dropouts were more serious about a second chance,

and with or without CIP would be likely to be in school a

year later?

Tables XV and XVI suggest that of anything, the reverse is

true.

TABLE XV: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LENGTH OF TIME OUT 0 SCHC

FOR DROPOUTS AND THE CIP DROPOUT RATE

MONTHS OUT OF

SCHOOL AT TIME OF

APPLICATION TO CIP

TOTAL

NUMBER

NUMBER OF

CIP

DROPOUTS

PERCENT

CIP

DROPOUTS

CIP (03 - 3) 21 7 33%

(4 - 6) 22 5 23%

(7 -12) 23 14 61%

(12 + ) 29 14 48%

Total 95 40 (overall) 42%

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TABLE XVI: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LENGTH OF TIME OUT OF

SCHOOL FOR DROPOUTS IN THE CONTROL POPULATION

AND THE RATE OP LATER RETURN TO SCHOOL

MONTHS OUT OF

SCHOOL AT TIME OF

APPLICATION TO CIP

TOTAL

NUMBER

NUMBER NOT

RETURNING

TO SCHOOL

PERCENT

NOT

RETURNING

CONTROL (0 - 3) 16 10 63%

(4 - 6) 14 13 93%

(7 -12) 9 7 78%

(12 + ) 19 19 100%

Total 58 49 (overall) 84%

The difference in dropouts between interns and controls is

50% (787, controls minus 28% interns) when the subgroups of

applicants out of school six months or less are weighted

equally. The difference betWeen interns and controls is

342 (89%, controls minus 55% interns) when subgroups of

applicants out of school for seven months or longer are

weighted equally. Youth out of school less than six months

if anything are more likely not to drop out of CIP.

There is still a third possibility of artifact. As Table

XVII shows, more of the total control group (40%) than of

the total intern of group (32%) had dropped out at time of

enrollment. Dropouts in both CIP and control groups were

less likely to be in school a year later than were yo` rwho

were enrolled. When subgroups are given equal weight, 65%

of the controls but only 33% of the interns were out of

school a year after application to CIP, a 32% difference

favoring CIP.

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673
TABLE XVII: DROPOUT RAM FOR ATTENDING, ENROLLED

BUT ROT ATTENDING AND NOT ENROLLED YOUTH

GROUP

STATUS'

AT TIME OF

APPLICATION

NUMBER

NUMBER

OF

DROPOUTS;

PERCENT

OF

DROPOUTS

CIP Enrolled/attending 151 38 25%

Enrolled/not attending 49 15 31%

Not enrolled (dropout) 95 40 42%

Total 295 93 31%

Control Enrolled/attending 51 21 41%

Enrolled/not attending 36 25 69%

Not enrolled (dropout) 58 49 84%

Total 145 95 65%

1Controls not enrolled in school as of winter 1975-76

Tables XII through XVII permit at least five

1. The longer a youth has been away from

more likely she or he is to drop out,

or not to return at all to school.

generalizations

school, the

if enrolled,

2. The weaker the tie to school at time of CIP application, whether from not attending when nominally

enrolled or from haying already dropped out, the

more likely the youth is to drop out, if nominally

enrolled, or not to return to school.

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674
3. The same relationships between risk of dropping out

or not returning is found for CIP students and controls. The relationships in both cases are linear.

4. However, in every instance, controls were much more

likely to dropout than were interns.

5. The greater the risk of dropping out the greater

the risk of CIP in increasing retention.

These data suggest that the much higher retention and completion rates, and lower dropout rates of CIP intcrns are

reliable findings. They are not simply artifacts of the

initial differences in status at time of application of

enrolled interns and controls.

DROPOUT PREVENTION

If the findings were reliable,---CIP prevents dropouts and

enables high risk youth to complete school---then several

other lessons may be learned.

1. Prevention is easier than cure: The CIP retention

rate of youth enrolled in school was about 73%

versus about 58% for youth who had dropped out

before entry. This difference---considering the

cost and effort of the CIP program---might argue

for a focus on high risk youths who have not

formally dropped out. An alternative would be

examining more closely the reasons why CIP interns

who were dropouts to begin with dropped out again.

Perhaps their problems are too severe for CIP,

however changed, to resolve. Perhaps, however,

the program could be better adapted to their needs.

2. Attendance, while still enrolled in regular high

school, doesn't make that much predictive difference.

The CIP dropout rate for youth who did not attend

classes in regular high school while noinially

enrolled was 31%, only slightly higher than for

youth who attended high school regularly. There

seems to be little need to either pre-select only

those with regular attendance or to modify the

program radically to better meet the needs of

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675
youth who were likely merely to be carried on

the regular school rolls: CIP is doing well

by both groups relative to control dropout rates,

and especially well for the nominally enrolled

category.

3. The sooner the better: After a youth has formally

left school, retention decreases as time out of

school increases. Helping dropout re-enroll

during the first six months of school will double

the "success rate" in contrast to waiting until

seven months or more have passed.

Rho Leaves?

Three hunches were examined:

- dropouts from CIP have severe financial problems

or extensive family responsibilities; they simply

can't afford to return to high school

- dropouts from CIP had such serious academic

deficits in basic skills they could just not keep

up.

- dropouts from CIP had personality or adjustment

problems beyond.the capacity of CIP to help.

Summarizing The Evidence Briefly, None Of The Above Was

Responsible

While dropouts, like many successful interns, did

have financial problems and family responsibilities,

this was not the primary reason for dropping out.

Indeed, CIP arranged for paid employment for which

Hands-On credit was given to help some interns stay

in school.

- Dropouts, like many successful interns, did have

serious deficiencies in basic skills. On the

average, however, their abilities and general

achievement levels were typical of those of

successful interns.

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C 7 6
In feelings and attitudes as measure' by the

tests, dropouts looked very much liko. successful

interns. There was nothing in the t.easures

suggesting severe personality dis.Tders.

Clues From Interviews And Observations

One characteristic of four interns' who later dropped out of

CIP is the lack of contact with their counselors. Successful

interns saw their counselors at least once a week. Many

made a point to stop by and say hello everyday. By contrast,

three of the intern dropouts, at the time of the initial

interview, had not met with their counselors and did not

know their names. Since each intern is regularly scheduled

to meet with the counselor, this means that they had either

been absent from school every single time their counseling

session was scheduled or had failed to keep the appointments.

The fourth intern had been sought out by her counselor so he

could talk with her about her poor attendance.

In contrast with the successful interns, these four also

showed less interest and personal interaction with their

instructors. One, for example, didn't know the name of

her typing teacher; another knew the name of one of her

teachers but not what subject he taught.

All four, as early as the first round of interviews, had

been flagged by teachers and counselors as poor attenders.

When asked about their attendance, two said they lived a

considerable distance from the school and had to take public

transportation. The other two disputed the attendance

figures of the counselors, insisting that they came regularly.

In the matter of career aspirations, all four exhibited a

surprising incongruity. All of them set their sights on

a prestigious career goal that required a college education:

two wanted to go into law and a third planned to be a

registered nurse because it would pay well.

"My aunt, she's not a nurse, she's a nurse's aide

and like I asked her what was the highest nurse.

She said registered nurse they pay the most money

and, like you know, since I was going to get into

nursing I might as well be a registered nurse and

go longer."

'Twelve CIP interns were randomly chosen at enrollment for

intensive study; four of these later dropped out.

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677
The fourth had no clear career plans beyond going into

communications .because he would like to make movies. In

fact, he claims that making future plans is futile, and

the only way to live is from day to day. However, he

insisted that he wanted to go to college and was worried

that he couldn't meet a foreign language requirement.

The incongruity lies between these aspirations and the fact

that none of them expressed much interest in the career

preparation focus of the program. They wanted to get into

prestigious, high paying careers. None had, or appeared

willing, to examine the congruity between their actions and

career choices.

Perhaps the most striking characteristic of these interns

who later dropped (or were dropped from the program) was

their concern that it was not "traditional" enough. Two

complained that there were not enough extracurricular

activities. One complained that the program was too small.

Another found the individual attention disconcerting. She

characterized herself as bashful and found it hard to recite

when called upon in class as she was virtually every day.

(Closer investigation revealed that she had a serious

reading problem and this probably contributed to her discomfort.) One of the male interns was very unhappy with his

history class because it dealt to much with contemporary

problems and with self exploration. He wanted to study

"traditional" history. (This, incidently, was the most

popular class in the program for successful interns.)

With respect to demographic characteristics, these four

interns appeared to represent a fairly typical cross ssction.

There were two males and two females; two were high school

dropouts and two were enrolled non-attenders. While there

was nothing on their intake interview or in the results of

the intake test scores to set those interns apart, two were

characterized by teachers as being above average in intelligence--just not working up to their potential.

In contast, one intern who graduated from CIP, who had

tried other alternative schools in the city, describes how

the CIP strikes a balance between the "free' model and the

traditional high school and why she found that balance

appropriate for her needs:

teL . realized I should really go to school--at least

finish something, you know, so I had heard about a

couple of different alternative schools. One called,

like,--it's near (a university). Like a church. I

walked into that place and it was like these people

660

67
sitting around eating salad. You know, they were kind

of having a class. Sitting there eating salad. Just

kind of sitting there. They were playing guitars,

you know. I thought, "I've had enought of this k4nd

of stuff." Meanwhile, this truant officer was coming

to our house everyday. Then someone walks up on my

porch and I opened the door, and he says, "I'm from

UCEC." And I said "What?" So then I came and I

todkall these crazy tests, and this place had like,

the right amount of alternative and the right amount

of school in it for me."

Clues From Case Studies

Dropouts set extremely high initial career goals. These

goals were advanced because they offer high income or presege. These interns had no clear ideas as to how these

career goals could be realized. They failed to establish

close relationships with their instructors--in some cases

they didn't even know their v-mes after several weeks.

They didn't keep counseling Appointments and never sought

counselors out on their own. They chafed under the nontraditional nature of the program--wanting more extracurricular activities and more electives. They felt the

classes were too small and consequently drew too much attention to each intern. A few--although this as by no means

typical--had serious reading problems which they didn't

want to admit.

It is difficult to generalize about the kinds of students

for whom the CIP does not work. However, two conclusions

appear justified. First, students who are not as interested

in getting into practical careers and who want a diploma

quickly will have problems with the CIP. Second, students

who want a "school" in the traditional sense of the word,

that is a program that stresses traditional academic courses

and provides a full set of extra-curricular activites, may

find it difficult to fit into CIP.

These are in general, subtle mismatches of person and program. Perhaps if a general pattern of wanting a great

deal of quick, easy success were recognized early, more

intensive personal counseling could help these youth.

661.

679
To put this another way, a large number of minority students

"fall through the mesh' of the public schools. CIP provides

a program with a "finer meshn'that holds a significant number of these dropouts. A minority, however, still drop

through. Those who are held are the ones for whom the

individualized attention and practical focus on career

preparation meet needs not met by the traditional schools.

Those who are lost are the ones whose needs are neither

met by the public school system nor by the one-to-one,

occupationally oriented feature of the CIP.

In summary, then, nine months later almost two thirds of

ih-Fitp cants who chose to enroll were in sch..ol or had

graduated. In comparison, only about fifteen percent of

the controls--applicants who were not selected in the

lottery - were in school or had graduated.

Analyses of subgroups of interns and controls suggest this

striking difference is real. It's not an artifact of

initial enrollment differences; it iidue to something that

happens in CIP that is not happening to most youth.

The next sections report what else happened to CIP interns.

in contrast to the controls. If all that happened was that

interns received a diploma, this might better their life

chances--but not as much as if the diploma stood for other

changes, in their academic ability, their attitudes and their

career development.

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680
CHAPTER SEVEN

DOES IT WORK? ARE THE INTERNS BETTER STUDENTS?

Being a better student involves changing behavior and

improved achievement. Before CIP: sixty percent of the

interns were dropouts by withdrawal or fiat. Many of

the remaining forty percent attended irregularly at best.

With regard to basic skills, only one in ten could do

as well in mathematics and reading as an average tenth

grade student.

Two ways of answering the question, "are they better

students" are presented. The first way is unobtrusive

measures of behavior, particularly behaviors related to

the nature and quality of interns' participation in

school. The second way is analysis of changes in achievement test performance.

PARTICIPATING: SOME GOOD NEWS AND SOME BAD NEWS

Most of the data on participation come from the field

evaluation, observations and interviews.

The good news...

1. Attendance: Poor attendance had been a problem for

almost all of the applicants to the program. The CIP set

strict attendance requirements. In order to pass any

course an intern had to maintain a seventy percent attendance rate. Only a small minority failed to meet these

standards.

2. Keeping Appointments: Keeping appointments was another

problem for many interns. Often, when they finally could

get an appointment with their counselors or teachers in

the feeder schools, they would show up late, or not at all.

At the CIP, interns are expected to meet with their

counselors once a week and many drop in every day. The

small classes make it impossible for interns to avoid a

good deal of interaction with instructors. Most learned

to show up, and show up on time for their classes, their

scheduled meetings, or special appointments.

3. Rescheduling Appointments: Almost as important, they

learned to call ahead to cancel an appointment and reschedule if they knew this would be necessary. They

learned how to handle the unexpected responsibly rather

than just not showing up.

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681
4. Completing Assignments: Completing assignments was

a fourth area of behavioral change. On entering CIP,

many interns would turn in assignments late or poorly

done, if they turn them in at all. Assigning homework,

presentations, reports or papers was chancy. Perhaps one

of the more dramatic changes observed was the gradual

shift from chance to reliability. By graduation, most

.interns could be counted on to complete work assigned to

them, and to prepare responsibly for presentations,

group projectsor research reports where they themselves

had set the due dates.

5. Test-taking Skills: Interns have learned how to

take exams. Observations of applicant behavior during

testing before and after CIP were consistent with classroom observations and self-reports. In comparison to

control students who were not enrolled in CIF, interns

learned to listen to instructions, to ask for relevant

information, and to use the time available in a taskoriented way.

One interpretation might be that the interns knew how

to do this all along, and the controls were simply less

motivated to perform well during testing. Observations

suggest this is not the entire explanation. First, at

pre-testing, almost all of the applicants who took the

tests seemed highly motivated. They knew a very low score

on the achievement test would mean losing their chance

in the lottery. Yet, changes in test-taking behavior

pre and post for those selected as interns were clear.

Also, while some control group members may have been

going through the mntions at post-testing, most did not

seem to the observers unconcerned with their performance.

All control group members received individual feedback

and interpretation of their results. Curiosity abOut

how they themselves changed from pre to post testing

probably was motivating, although some lack of enthusiasm

may have accounted for the lack of improvement in controls.

6. Working Together: Working together and taking the

initiative in seeking out resources increased during CIP.

Interns learned to work cooperatively on assignments,

projects and special activities. The skills of using

each other as resources, learning to seek out the

academically relevant talents in friends, and organizing

fo: accomplishment are talents not every adult---even

adults from advantaged backgrounds---has. The skills

observed built on the friendships among interns, but

involved know-how rather than only a willingness to work

together.

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632
7. Initiative: With regard to taking initiative, on

entering at interns often would state that the reason

they did not complete assignments on time was that no one

gave them the materials or came to them. It was an attitude

of "bring it to me. Over the year, most interns grew

to see it as their responsibility to find the book, to

get the materials, to make the first telephone call.

Not every intern became a self- starter, or knew how to

locate resources beyond those readily available. Many,

however, showed that they knew where to go outside of

OIC and the neighborhood, and could draw their own road

maps of how to locate speakers, arrange for int'rviews,

and obtain brochures, catalogs, reports and forms.

8. Attention to Classwork: Participation. in cl,ls

changed in two ways. First, many students who were just

sitting there, often reclining or with their heads on the

desks, sat up and started talking. Instead of speaking

only when asked (and sometimes not even then) they would

initiate discussions. Second, some students who were

continually interrupting the class with often irrelevant

comments learned to channel their energies more constructively. They were far from squelched, but were less

likely to dominate the discussion and more likely to

contribute to it.

9. Willingness to Repeat Failed Courses: One of the

reasons why students contemplate dropping out of school

is the discouragement that comes from having to repeat

courses. With the perceived emphasis in most schools

on covering material rather than on increasing proficiency, students see little value in repeating courses

which they have already taken. Being forced to repeat

can be demoralizing.

Successful CIP interns are willing to repeat courses

they have failed or to review material they have already

studied. The reasons for this probably include the fact

that they are constantly reminded of the direct relevance

of academic achievement to the attainment of career goals,

the trusting relationships they have developed with

instructors, the attempts to make courses interesting and

the short CIP semesters.

o Diane's position

advantage of the

falling into the

according to her

further:

is that CIP is an opportunity to take

chance to learn. She is not afraid of

endless cycle of repetition. In fact.

English instructor, Diane goes even

"Even when assignments she has been given have been

done, she invariably comes to me to ask for more work.

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683
And of course her concern does not seem to be that

of just trying to be impressive. I think she seems

genuinely concerned about work...

o By contrast, a comparison student, Carol, is in her

fourth year ilk high school. She is in the 11th grade

for the third time. She admits to thinking about

dropping out.

"I'm tired of coming for nothin'. The same thing

over...my sister says I shouldn't stay. She says

the more I stay here the dumber I'm getting'...I

had this stuff before.. like my math and history

I had last year."

Furthermore, when asked about her career ambitions,

she bitterly replied that the way it looked .o her she'd

never get out of 11th grade.

10. Seriousness About School Work: Many interns said

they dropped out of school or stopped attending because

they were bored, and lacked interest. The reasons are

varied, including the discouragement over failure or the

perceived irrelevance of school to life goals. For a

large number, faced with the necessity of contributing

to their own support, sf!hool activities took second place

to working. One control group member contends she cut

classes right before she quit (..."I used to cut s I

can go to work, you know, try to get in there early...

I had lose: interest in going to school.") Whatever the

reasons for the loss of interest in school work, when

asked how they think their school experience would have

been different if they had been admitted to CIP, most

controls said that they felt they would have become more

interested in school and that they would have tried harder

to do the work.

CIP interns showed a marked increase in interest in school.

They began to look at the experience as a chance to

improve themselves or to prove to themse, ,es that they

could do well in school. This increased Lnterest manifests

itself in a willingness to work hard, do assignments and

to seek extra practice activities. Often, extra effort

led to an increase in basic skills. Tammy, who showed

much improvement in writing, talks about her school work.

"I don't mind the work, 'cause some of the words,

I mean, I never heard of them, and I get to know the

meaning, the spelling...everything. We don't have

that much homework, we do so much classwork and vests

and stuff."

These behaviors indicate acquisition of importa4t school

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skills that were largely lacking when the interns

entered CIP.

The bad news...

There is some bad news. Most CIP interns made great strides

in improving their academic behavior. Relative to control

and comparison youth, their participation in school showed

development of habits needed in both furthe: schooling

and in work.

In an absolute sense, however, many interns have a way to

go before their academic style would be self-sustaining.

1. Attendance: Although'almost all interns met the

standard, maintaining the 70% minimum attendance required

constant monitoring and encouragement for many interns.

Considerable staff effort--including driving to local

hangouts' to locate absent interns---went into keeping

attendance high. Some interns were neither absent nor -

late for a year or more. This tended to be, however,

more a carry-over from previous good habits than a turnaround. The pattern was progress toward self-generated

improvement in attendance, rather than its attainment.

2. Standards of Excellence: Less than best effort and

repeated extension of due dates were frequent. Interns

often did the minimum required to get by and often had

excuses for not turning in work exactly on time. Internal

pride and high internal standards of excellence were

developing, rather than being fully developed.

RBADING AND MATHEMATICS ACHIEVEMENT: SOME BAD NEWS AND

SCME GOOD NEWS

Reading and mathematics achievement scores are shown in

Tables XVIII and XIX. These are pre and post scores for

all interns and controls of whom pre and post scores are

available. Raw scores and scores corrected for guessing

both are given.(See also technical appendices in Vol. II)

Seven conclusions can be drawn from these data: some

are bad news and some, good news.

The bad news...

1. Brighter students dropped out or finished so early

their post-tests weren't available. The average pre

667

685
TABLE XVIII

READING ACHIEVEMENT OF INTERNS AND CONTROLS1

MEASURE N DISTRIBUTION

Pre Post3

Reading 88 Low 39% 27%

Achievement Middle 46% 43%

(Interns) High 15% 30%

Mean Score 34 37

Grade Equivalent 7.2 7.7

Reading 55 Low 44% 34%

Achievement Middle 38% 4rz

(Controls) High 78% 257.

Mean Score 33 33

Grade Equivalent 7.0 7.0

Reading (Corrected)2 88 Low 37% 32%

Achievement Middle 44% 40%

(Interns) High ln 28%

Mean Score 28 31

Grade Equivalent NA NA

Reading (Corrected) '55 Low 407 53%

Achievement Middle 45% 24%

(Controls) High 15% 24%

Mean Score 28 24

Grade Equivalent NA NA

'Stanford Reading and Mathematics Achievement Tests

2Corrected for guessing, (See Volume II)

3Average time between pre and post testing was eight months.

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686
TABLE XIX

MATHEMATICS ACHIEVEMENT OF INTERNS AND CONTROLS1

MEASURE N DISTRIBUTION

Pre Post3

Math 86 Low 19% 13%

Achievement Middle 67% 63%

(Interns) High 14% 247.

Mean Score 19 20

Grade Equivalent 7.3 7.7

Math 54 Low 22% 30%

Achievement Middle 58% 54%

(Controls) High 20% 16%

Mean Score 18 17

Grade Equivalent 7.0 6.9

Math (Corrected)2 $6 Low 24% 17%

Achievement Middle 58% 50%

(Interns) High 18% 33%

Mean Score 14 16

Grade Equivalent NA NA

Math (Corrected) 54 Low 26% 39%.

Achievement Middle 48% 357.

(Controls) High 26%' 267.

Mean Score 14 12

Grade Equivalent NA NA

'Stanford Reading and Mathematics Achievement Tests

2Corrected for guessing.(See Volume II)

3Average time between pre and post testing was eight months.,

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scores for the pre/post groups are lower than for the

group of all applicants.

2. The final levels achieved by both interns and controls

are still far below the national averages. The average

grade equivalent final scores on reading and mathematics

for the interns was 7.7 and 7.7, respectively; for the

controls, 7.0 and 6.9, respectively. Whatever the gains--

and their were some substantial improvements--there is no

blinking away the fact that many of the interns still have

a lot of work to do before their basic skills reach levels

offering much hope for postsecondary success in life,

education and work.

The good news...

1. The interns have begun improvements that are statistically and educationally significant.

2. In reading, interns gained five academic months

(7.2 average pre to 7.7 post) in an average of eight

months in CIP. In mathematics, their gain was from 7.3

to 7.7. In comparison, the average scores of the control

students did not change. Figures 1 and 2 show this effect.

.3. Eighth grade reading level is about the' minimum required for most skilled trades work. Before entering

CIP, about 70% of the applicants were performing below

this level. At post-testing, as Table XIX shows, about

70% of the control students were still performing below

this minimum. In contrast, in reading and mathematics,

the CIP percentage below the minimum had dropped to

about 584.

TABLE XX READING AND MATHEMATICS ACHIEVEMENT:

PERCENT OF INTERNS AND CONTROLS PERFORMING BELOW

THE EIGHTH GRADE LEVEL

MEASURE N Pre Post

Reading Intern 88 73% 58%

Control 55 69% 697

Math Intern 86 63% 57%

Control 55 69% 70%

670

6 )) 8
4. If the percent of students performing at less than the

6th grade level is.considered, about twice as many controls

as interns were performing at extremely low levels in mathematics at post-testing (3070 controls; 13% interns). In

reading, 347 of the controls and 27% of the interns were

below 6th grade levels at post-testing.

5. Controls were more likely to guess than interns. The

raw scores do not contain a correction for guessing. If

the correction is applied, the performance of interns on

reading and mathematics again shows a reliable increase

while the performance of controls decreases, a pattern

consistent with the progressive decline in achievement

reported for many low income children who do not attend

special programs. The correction for guessing has decreased

control scores much more markedly for reading than for

mathematics.

The conclusion: not attending a program such as CIP is

bad news, if one Topes that youth with basic skills far

below levels needed for further education or work will

improve even without CIP. Attending CIP leads to improvement in both mathematics and reading: a five months'gain in

eight months'in reading and a four months' gain in mathematics compared to no gain in this time for controls.

If the students can build on this start and continue to

develop their skills, their post-CIP chances will be

fairly bright. For about 407, of the interns, however,

further remedial work will be necessary even to enter

vocational/technical occupations. For about 857, of the

interns, remedial work would be needed to reach 12th

grade levels needed for regular work.

GENERAL REASONING ABILITY

As a group, CIP applicants were within the average range

in their ability to solve non-verbal reasoning problems.

It was not a deliberate goal of the program to increase

this ability. Thus, changes in general reasoning were

not expected. It was hoped that both interns and

controls would do as well on the post-test as at the

time of application. Table XXI shows a surprise.

The performance of.control students stayed about the

same; performance of interns increased (See Volume II

for distributions). The increase is statistically

reliable, although educationally marginal in absolute

size. Interestingly. the greatest gain did not come from

large reductions in the percent of interns wtiMe performance

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689
38

36

34

32

30

28

0

s 32

8

28

26

24

22

Figure 5

AVERAGE READING ACHIEVEMENT OF INTERNS

AND CONTROLS: RAW SCORES AND SCORES

CORRECTED FOR GUESSING

o___--o Intern Mean (34 to 37)

Control Mean (33 to 33)

Pre Post

(Month 1) (Month 8)

0

Intern Mean (28 to 31)

Control Mean (28 to 24)

Pre Post

(Month 1) (Month 8)

672

C90
20

19

18

17

16

0

Figure 6

AVERAGE MATEMATICS ACHIEVEMENT OF INTERNS AND CONTROLS

AND CONTROLS: MW SCORES AND SCORES

CORRECTED FOR GUESSING

o

.MINIMM.M0 4

o____p Intern Mean

(19 to 20)

Control Mean

(18 to 17)

Pre

(Month 1)

0

Post

(Month 8)

o _c Intern Mean

(14 to 16)

Control Mean

(14 to 12).

Pre

(Month 1)

Post

(Month 8)

673

691
was relatively low, but in the shift from the percent

in "average" group to the percent with above average performance.

TABLE XXI NON-VERBAL REASONING

TEST SCORES OF INTERNS AND CONTROLS

Group N Distributions

Pre Post

Interns

Controls

82

52

Below Avge.

Average

Above Avge.

Mean Score

Below Avge.

Average

Above Avge.

Mean Score

13%

71%

16%

37

6%

67%

27%

39

7%

59%

22%

40

8%

70%

21%

39

Thus, interns do give evidence of having improved in

general reasoning ability test performance. Although

the change is slight--the average score stays within

the average range, given the normal growth expected

during the time spent in the program---by comparison

with .the lack of change in the control group, this

unexpected difference adds some strength to cumulating

evidence of CIF's impact.

Two questions might be raised. First, perhaps some control students may not have tried as hard to do well on

the post tests and the apparent lack of gain for controls

reflects only motivation. This question is difficult to

answer. Since the test is untimed, if interns work more

slowly and carefully while controls were more likely to

guess, this would not affect scores in the same way it

does the timed achievement tests. Thus,a correction for

guessing is not used. Looking instead at very low scores,

-two controls did have post scores far lower than the pretest range whin two had scores above the pre-test range.

The interns' distribution in comparison only moved up,

rather than fanning out. This suggests that some, but not

all of the difference could be due to motivational change.

Second, is a gain of four raw score points educationally

worth mentioning, even if it is statistically reliable?

It is not possible to assess the impact of four points on

the interns' future careers. In general, improvement,

however modest, in either basic reasoning ability or

motivation to use abilities could be expected to be of

674

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some help to young people.

WHAT HAS BEEN LEARNED SO FAR?

From a strictly statistical viewpoint, there might be

cause to say "it works." The gains in reading and

mathematics were significantly larger for the interns

than for the control groups. Application of a correction

for guessing did not affect the gains for interns but

revealed decreases in control group performance with a

net result of increasing still further the statistical

certainty of gains favoring the interns. An unexpected

but reliable gain in reasoning ability test performance

favoring the controls was found. Lastly, these effects

were replicated across all three groups of applicants

versus controls.

From the viewpoint of educational significance, two notes

of caution.. are sounded. First, the average absolute

levels of reading and mathematics achievement are still

below the eighth grade, so the deficiencies in basic

skills have been reduced, but not overcome. Second, the

pattern of progress toward,but not achievement of, high

final levels applies to academic achievement as well as

academic behavior.

For reasons detailed in the technical appendices4 the data

probably tend to underestimate the true impact of CIP.

Taking this into account, the evidence so far suggests

CIP is effective in improving the academic behaviors,

academic achievement, test performance, and perhaps

even abilities of participating youth.

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693
CHAPTER EIGHT

DOES IT WORK?: INTERN ATTITUDES AND CAREER MATURITY

Neither CIP nor, probably, any other program can guarantee

students success inlite. The school of the interns' choice

may not admit them. Scholarship funds and earnings may not

stretch far enough. Labor market conditions may mean unemployment, long periods of employment in youth jobs, a

slower rise to more rewarding positions, and being unable

to move from job to 16---or from occupation to occupation.

More broadly, success in life may be limited by personal

losses and disappointments. Accepting the limitations as

well as the, joys of family responsibilities may require

adjustments. Broader socio - political conditions affecting

recreation, housing, health, transportaiton and educational

opportunities may limit success in life.

What, then, can MP responsibly promise in preparing a young

person for success in life? Perhaps most central are the

characteristics---both attitudinal and cognitive---that help

people to plan ahead,- to be ready to act on opportunities

when they arise, to create their own opportunities, and to

have the ability co keep trying rather than wilt at an early

disappointment.

A Sense of Self Worth:

According to the data shown in Table XXII, both interns end

controls began with a strong sense of self worth in general

(707., average or higher), as a friend (75% positive or very

positive) and toward their families (60% positive or very

positive). Pow, however, had much hope for themselves as

students (only 20% positive feelings).

A year later,

O interns continued to have a strong sense of

self worth in general (90 %), as a friend (91%),

and toward their families (6t%).

o Most interns, in addition, now saw themselves as

good students (52%),

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o The direction of change for the control students

is the same as for the interns. Clearly, their

experiences during the intervening year---or

"maturation " -- -were helping these young people too.

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695
TABLE XXII A SENSE OF SELF WORTH: DISTRIBUTIONS AND SCORES

PRE AND POST, FOR INTERNS AND CONTROLS

MEASURE

General Self Esteem VL

Interns

(Nfte6)

General Self Esteem

Controls

(N=46)

DISTRIBUTION MEAN SCORES

Pre Post Pre Post

6Z 2% 19 21

28% 8%

42% 30%

21% 54%

4% 6%

11% 3% 19 21

18% 11%

44% 44%

28% 39%

-- 3%

0% 0% 7 7

15% 9%

43%

34% 48%

1% 0% 7 7

11% 5%

65% 62%

23% 33%

8% 5% 5 5

29% 31%

32% 26%

30% 38%

5% 5% 5 5

35% 26%

39% 29%

21% 41%

35% 21% 4 5

42% 27%

22% 35%

1% 17%

51% 21% 4 5

35% 34%

15% 38%

0% 8%

Feelings Towards VN

Friends N Mfis 51%

(N=36)

Feelings Toward VN

Friends N Viols P

(N=66) VP

Feelings Toward VN

Femi1 I rfiterns P

(N=86) VP

Feelings Toward VN

Fam3l N

--03itrols P

(N-66) VP

Feelings About

Themselves

As Students

Interns

(I4W36)

Feelings About

Themselves VN

As Students N

Control P

(N66) VP

VN

N

P

VP

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696
o The rate of change favors the interns. For example

with regard to general self worth, 60% of the

interns but only 4270 of the controls indicate highly

positive or very highly positive feelings about

themselves.

o The differences are not statistically reliable when

means are compared. This may be due to the fact

that most interns were so generally positive there

was little room for growth, possible response biases

favoring controls, or simply that the groups are

not that different.

o On the other hand, the distributional differences

are consistent with observations and interview

reports.

For example, interns changed the way they felt

about their friends. While most of the applicants

to the program felt good about the way they saw

themselves in relation to their friends---they

weren't the most popular students, but they weren't

left out, either---friends were often blamed for

interns' failure in school.

CIP experiences changed the "run with the group"

sense. Interns were less likely to see themselves

as followers, less in need of hunkering down together

to beat the system. They began to see themselves

as needing each other's support to cope, to meet

their responsibilities, to achieve their goals.

This attitude about the role of peers is one of the

most striking characteristics of CIP interns.

"The students here talk to other students

about going to class, getting an education and

all that. It's the first time I heard that

and it really shocked me. Like, if I said I

was cutting class, they'd probably look at me

and encourage me to go to class and ask why

I'm leavintschool or something, and I'd

probably end up going to class. In my old

high school, they have gone with me."

679

69 7
As another example, interns came to see themselves as good

students. Most applicants to the program were school

failures. Not surprisingly, they didn't see themselves as

very good students, at the time of application. These

perceptions changed for the majority of interns:

"I changed my whole idea. Like, I though I wasn't

going to never get out of school. I was going to

drop. I just knew I wanted to get or l---and I just

couldn't make it over there...On my midterms this

semester I got four B's and one C. I feel good. I

want that C to be a B. though. Yeah, I'm hoping to

get all Bes and maybe an A in Miss T's class."

This change in attitude wasn't universal. About a third

of the interns who started dropped out. For those who

stayed, the change in their feelings about their role as

students had three facets. They decided that school had

real value, beyond a diploma, after all. They decided that

they could make it, and they decided that making it was

up to them.

"I was in the eleventh grade. School just 4idn't

interest me. Going to Math and English and History.

I just wasn't into that. Here I discovered we don't

hav to be miserable to learn. Learning can be fun."

Career PlanningWanting To and Knowing How To

With regard to career planning, the data in Table XXIII

have a clear message. In both attitudes and knowledge

thought essential for career planning interns' scores

increased substantially more than did controls. Six

findings stand out:

1. Many interns entered CIP with average or better

willingness to plan (67%) and use resources for planning

(76%).

2. Despite relatively little room to grow (and thus an

expectation that major changes would not be found), they

showed positive changes. After eight months in CIP, few

interns were below average or worse on willingness to plan

(9%) or use of resources (9%). Mbs* were average or well

above average(91% and 91%,respectively).

680

698
3: The direction of change was the same for controls.

Their rate of change was substantially lower.

4. On "know-how", many interns began CIP with little

evidence of much career information or ability to use

information wisely in making decisions 04 were below

average or worse).

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I, S 699
TABLE XXIII:. CAREER PLANNING ATTITUDES AND KNOW -HOW

PRE AND POST FOR INTERNS AND CONTROLS

MEASURE N DISTRIBUTION MEAN SCORE

Plannin

Pre Post Pre Post

Interns 84 L 3% 97' 123

BA 19% 6%

A. 33% 13%

AA 19% 20%

H 15% 58%

PliAllin:

controis 64 L 8% 5% 97 108

BA 24% 14%

A 36% 25%

AA 25% 28%

H 8% 28%

Use of Resources 84 L 5% 2% 257 299

Interns BA 18% 7%

A 32% 15%

AA 24% 27%

H 20% 48%

Use of Resources 64 L 0% 6% 252 261

Controls BA 25% 9%

A 34% 34%

AA 27% 30%

H 14% 30%

Information &

Decision-Making 88 L 27% 14% 13 16

Interns BA 37% 23%

A 22% 28%

AA 13% 13%

H I% 12%

Information & 66 L 30% 29% 13 14

Decision-Making BA 35% 26%

Controls A 26% 30%

AA 7% 14%

H 2% 2%

682
5. The know-how improved substantially. At graduation only

37% still had problems, while 63% were average or better.

6. This was not true for the controls. Their performance

improved somewhat, but the improvement was smaller than

of the interns.

Performance on the measures is consistent with observations

and interviews.

Interns Improved Their Career Planning Skills. Upon entering

the program interns could plan for careers about as well as

anybody else. By the time they left, they had sharply

honed their skills in this area. They not only'had become

much better at it than their counterparts who had applied

but were not admitted, but they were far better at it

than their peers throughout the country.

They had defined career goals. They had checked out

first-hand the technical demands of these careers and

what it would take to get into them. They had learned to

refine their plans in the light of reality--what are the

chances of getting there, will I advance, will I be happy,

do I have the required talents? They had devised strategies

for attaining these goals. They had learned the importance

of commitment to goals.

"I'm going to college, but I'm going for nursing,

and I feel that's what I want.to do now. I always

wanted to be a nurse, but I wasn't really sure that

I was going to ever go to college. It was just the

thought, but now I've made up my mind. I decided in

May, when I was going here in career counseling.

I'll be studying alot of Biology, and some Math,

English--probably more, too. I can do it if I put

my mind to it. If I met a guy, I wouldn't let that

interfere. I have thought, too, about the things

nurses have to do, but it doesn't change my mind,

'cause I like helping people."

Internsearned to Make Better Use of Resources Available in

Exploring Career Possibilities. They learned to ask questions and to seek expert advice about job requirements. They

learned that it was all right to have weaknesses, to lack

certain skills, to admit this and to ask others 'for help.

They learned to evaluate sources of information and to be

skeptical of promises made by people they don't know.

683
Graduates Increased their Knowledge about Careers. This

new knowledge emphasized diversity and relations. In the

career of nursing, for example, interns learned that nurses

aren't simply nurses. There are RN's and LPN's, nurses who

work in hospitals, others who come to people's homes, some

who work for individual doctors and still others who work

in factories or business. Some have their own private

practices. Interns learned that there are several ways to

become a nurse and that one doesn't have to be a woman to

pursue this career. They learned that nursing isn't a

single job to be trained in, but something a person can

get hold of, shape the way she/he wants it and end up with

a creation of one's own.

Furthermore, they learned that there is a connection between

doing research for History II and the kinds of things one

will be asked to do in the doctor's' office in which one will

be working, or between discussions in English class and the

problems one will have to deal with when Mr. Brown's little

boy refuses to take his post-operative medicine.

Interns set career goals. During their first few weeks in

the Career Intern Program, interns make first and second

occupational choices. They do this with their counselors

as the Career Development Plan is completed, and in the

Career Counseling Seminar (CCS) as they select a topic for

their career reports. Often, these.initial choices are

careers they have been interested in for some time. Sometimes, these early choices involve careers first encountered

in their classes at the CIP.

The choices interns make can be distinguished from those of

control or comparison subjects, in that they represent a

formal and conscious decision. Most control or comparison

subjects have also made choices, but these tend to be

privately held and tentative. Interns make career choices

through discussion with teachers, counselors, and other

interns. Control and comparison subjects rarely discuss

their choices with anyone outside their own family.

One member of the comparison group, when asked about the

choice of a career said:

"I've thought a lot about careers, but I always

change it. Psychiatry -- well, like, on my application I wrote down accounting -- but all I really

want to do is just get in the door. Because, you

know -- I don't know. I don't know what I'm good

at or what.I really want to do. I've been like this

all -- ever since I can remember. Teachers ask you

what you want to be when you grow up. It's always

something different."

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7V2
Another comparison student, telling how she became interested

in courtroom stenography, illustrates how early career choices

are more often a result of incidentally available rather

than deliberately sought information:

"Well, when I used to watch T.V., I always watched

what that person was doing, just sitting there

and doing it. My cousin is a courtroom stenographer

and she was telling me how much you get paid and that

it's a good job. My cousin never told me what a

courtroom stenographer exactly does. She has one

(a machine) at her house, but she doesn't ever tell

me."

In her junior year of high school,, another comparison

student wanted to be a stewardess. Asked who she had talked

to about her career.plans, she replied, "Only my mother."

Early in her aerie. year, while she had not rejected the

airline stewardess idea, she revealed more about her

thinking:

"I'm still thinking about that being an airline

stewardess, but I heard you have to go to college

for two years for that. I don't know -- I like to

work with children, but I don't know. If I don't

go to college, I just want to find a job. But I

was thinking about going to a training school for

something,you know, to take up. I like bookkeeping--"

Being required frequently to explain their occupational choice,

interns develop a close "identification" with that career.

Teachers, counselors, and other interns see an intern in

terms of his/her occupational choice, referring to him/her

as "Jackie, who wants to be a nurse," or "Joseph, who is

interested in accounting." Interns have the opportunity

to preview how others will see them in the occupational

roles associated with their occupational choice. They find

themselves in the position of defending or explaining their

choices to others, and in doing so, they experience what

commitment to a particular occupation is like. Furthermore, identification with an occupation gives interns the

inpetus to find out as much as possible about the work

they chose, as if they were definitely going into that

field. However, this identification with an occupation

does not imply that interns must hold to their original

choices. The process of commitment is more important with

regard to program objectives than the particular career

itself.

685

703
Regardless of whether or not interns stick with their initial choices, they gain experience by seeing themselves

in a particular social role and interacting with others who

also see them in this role. There is no pressure applied

to keep them from changing their minds, but at least they

have had the experience of "try.ng on" an occupational

identity.

Interns learn to find and use resources. Most applicants,

in stating initial choices, cite relatives or friends or,

infrequently, television, as the basis for their knowledge

about a particular career. Almost every individual knew

someone who was doing what they said they wanted to do.

After a few weeks at the CIF, however, interns began citing

reference materials, professional opinions, and their own

first-hand experiences with the occupation as the baris

for their career decision, while control and comparison

youth continued to use relatives and friends as their

primary source of information.

Control subjects have limited access, o information from

any sources other than relatives and friends. Comparison

group students, even though they have access to counseling

and career reference materials, have only limited knowledge

of such resources and rarely use them. They tend not to

seek career information, and they do not expect their

counselors to help them. They do sometimes get on mailing

lists of recruiting business, and these constitute virtually

their only other source of career information.

Interns begin to seek out information on specific topics,

such as career content, career preparation, financial considerations for post-high school training, and job application procedures. They learn that there are some sources

of information which are more reliable than others. They

learn where they can go to find answers to the questions

they have and what kind of questions they should be asking.

Interns refine their goals. As interns learn to use

resources and thus gain career-related information, they

find it necessary to refine their original career goals.

This refinement may range from a confirmation of tue initial

commitment to choosing a different career goal altogether.

Often an initial choice turns out to be the choice of a

general field. For instance, interns may say they want to

go into computer technology or into the health professions.

686

704
They usually have some knowledge of the general field, but

lack information about specific occupations. The field may

appeal to them because of material or social advantages they

feel people in the field enjoy, such as shorter work days,

good salaries, or prestige. Specific knowledge of the

field itself need not be a major determinant of their

choice. As their knowledge increases through preparing

career reports, talking to their counselors and teachers,

and through their hands-on exposures, interns begin to home

in on specific occupations within the field.

Doris told her counselor'she was interested in

computer technology. It paid well and involved doing

mathematics, which she enjoyed. Although not incorrect,

these initial impressions were incomplete. After

her career report and Hands-On, she realized that

there was range of jobs available within the field

of computer technology. She also realized that

different jobs required different kinds and amounts

of training, involved one in different kinds of

activities, And paid at different rates. She decided

that she.wanted to study computer operating, which

includes keyptinching, tape mounting, and feeding

cards. The amount of education required for this

subfield of computer technology was acceptable to

her, and the salary, although not as high as that

of programmers, was considered adequate.

Other interns start out with a specific career. they want

to pursue. Their conceptions of what someone in that

career actually does on the job may be Vague, or they may

have a misperception as to what the job entails, either in

respect to the education required or the actual tasks that

must be performed. As they gain information and interact

with people engaged in that career, they may remain

interested in the general field but discover an alternate

occupation within it that appears preferable to the original choice.

One intern originally thought she would like to

be a dental assistant. At her Hands-On, where she

worked part of the time with a dental receptionist,

she realized that she would prefer the duties of

the receptionist to those of the domtal assistant.

As interns discover more about what it takes to enter a

career and more'about their own talents, they often adjust

their aspirations.

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An intern who had said he wanted to become a veterinarian changed his choice to veterinarian's assistant

when he found out how many years of school it required

to become a veterinarian, how difficult it was to get

into veterinarian school, and how he was doing at CIP.

He still wanted to work with animals and, as a result

of his Hands-On. exposure, recognized the need for

paraprofessionals in the field of veterinary, medicine.

He feels confident that he can get a job working for

a veterinarian or in a clinic by calling on the

experience he will have gained from his Hands-On

placement and his on-the-job training with the Society

for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.

Another intern wanted to become a practical nurse,

like her aunt. Sheknew that less education was

required tobecome a practical nurse than to become

a registered nurse. In her career report, she

discovered that a registered nurse has more varied

duties and greater opportunities for advancement

than the practical nurse. Since :e was doing

quite well in her courses at CIP, she decided that

she could go to college and become a registered nurse.

She had gained confidence in her ability to do well

in school, and she had been encouraged by her teachers and counselors to go to college.

Frequently, interns' initial choices can be characterized

as "ideal," while the second is more practical. As interns

discover more about themselves and their choices, their

"first" choice may be discarded in favor of the "second."

Interns in the program are not discouraged from setting

their sight on their first choice, but they are encouraged

to come to grips with the realities of pursuing and reaching

career goals.

Mike typifies interns whose career goal refinement follows this pattern. In this first semester

in the program, Mike told everytody that he wanted

to become a journalist. As he did research for his

career reportthe toyed with the ideas of being a

television newsman, a newspaperman, or a magazine

writer. He read avidly about current events and,

being extremely verbal, liked to talk about politics

and social problems with his teachers and other

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interns. He believed he was a good writer and that

he had the personality to become a television news

anchorman, like one he particularly admired on a

local station. His second choice was welding.

His brother was a welder and he made good money at

it. Mike never said much about his second choice

to anyone, because he liked the reaction he got

when he talked about being a journalist. He

realized, in doing his career report, that he would

have to go to college to become a journalist and 4 that breaking into the field was extremely difficult.

By his second semester in the program, after his

first Hands-On experience in welding, he. began to

talk more about the advantages of being a welder.

He finally admitted that he expected all along

that he probably would becomea welder, since he

didn't really know ifhe wanted go to college at all.

"I wouldn't mind being a welder, 'cause I know a

lot of people that's into that profession and they

tell me that it's pretty nice. Welding isn't much

like journalism, but I feel like this--if a man

can use his hands along with his bead, he's got

something. But if a man uses his head too much

and can't use his hands, he's lost. If he knows

how to do something with his hands, if he knows how

to weld or do construction or bricklaying, his

chances are better of succeeding."

In summary, interns refine career goals as they learn about

careers and about themselves. This refinement may involve

confirming their initial choice, choosing a different but

related career goal, adjusting aspirations, or adopting a

second choice

Interns make plans for achieving their goals. Because

interns have specific goals in mind, they have something

concrete for which to plan. This planning typically

exhibits the following four features.

First, interns participate in planning their, own CIP

program with occupational goals in mind. In formulating

the Career Development Plan with their counselors, interns

begin to explore the post-secondary school requirements of

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4

their occupational choices. In doing this, they make

their own decisions about the necessary courses they will

need, which allnv them to pace themselves through the

program.

Secondly, interns base their planning on information gleaned

from a variety of sources. They Jearn not to depend

solely on what their relatives tell them or on what they

hear from friends or on television, but on recognized and

informed sources. In addition, they use the feedback they

get about themselves -- their own needs, academic abilities,

preferences, and aptitudes.

Third, interns seek out and use professional help in making

their plans. They are not left to sort out willy-nilly

the complex procedures for getting into post-secondary

institutions and/or the job market. Once interns have

made decisions and plans to carry them out, they are encouraged to use the staff at CIP and elsewhere in sorting out

the tasks necessary for realizing their plans.

Finally, successful interns learn to exploit leads they

get from "Hands-On" placement, career counselors, or

counselors. These connections enable interns to look

beyond their own communities and personal networks of information and opportunities.

Interns commit themselves to achieving their goals. Commitment to the goals they are setting starts when interns

first indicate their career choices and accelerates as they

refine these choices. By the time interns have begun to

finalize their plans, most are strongly, committed to seeing

them through. The intern who wanted to be a veterinarian

is an example. Although he eventually adjusted his

occupational goal to one which was more reasonable for him,

he had expressed a strong commitment to becoming a Veterinarian. In doing this, he was assuming a posture that forced

him to come to grips with the barriers to cross to reach

his goal. When he was faced with facts of his poor academic

performance and the difficulty of getting into veterinarian

school, rather than give up the ideas in frustrations,

he chose to pursue a related but easier goal.

Interns learn the behavioral protocols of the work context.

One of the Career Counseling Seminar's goals is to develop

the "social adjustment" of the interns. This is seen by

the program to be a necessary condition for success in a

career. Social adjustment, as defined by the CIP, means

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adopting a disciplined approach to work and basic social

amenities. In the school context, it is taught by insist -

ing on such behaviors as taking off one's hat inside the

classroom building, saying "please" and "thank you," being

on time for appointments or living up to commitments and

responsibilities. Interns understand that observing these

social amenities within the school carries over into the

outside. Comparison students, although aware that similar

rules exist in the public high school, fail to understand

either the rationale or the transferability of such rules

to outside contexts.

This difference is reflected in the way comparison ...tudents

and interns talk about rules. First, a comparison student

discusses his reactions to the rules imposed on him at the

public high school.

"Some things that you aren't suppose to do in

this school are pot smoking, smoking, period,

and cutting classes. I don't think they ought to

be strict on people who cut. I got caught cutting

17 times last year. Nothing happened to me because

I beat on that."

To this comparison student, cutting classes is a school

matter, the consequences of which extend no farther than

the school. In contest with this is the following observation an intern makes at CIP:

"You don't see any graffiti on the wall here; now

why is this? Well the population here is almost

9070 black. In any other high school you can walk

around and somebody is writing on the walls. Why

don't you see this here? Cause people change when

they sign up for this program. They had a realistic

issue in their minds. They evaluated themselves

and said, "I'm coming here for a purpose, not for

writing on the walls," you know. "I'm coming here

to write on some paper, do something constructive

instead of destructive." That's the only way you

can get somewhere. I think I'm right; I hope I'm

right.

SUMMARY

The process of career decision-making and career planning

which characterizes many interns who complete CIP has

been outlined above. Many of these young men and women

can now set occupational goals, use sources, refine goals,

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make plans, develop commitment to goals, and learn the

behavioral protocols of the work/school context, skills

and attitudes that can help them adapt to the future,

and which are perhaps among the best' assurances a program

can offer for success in life.

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CHAPTER. NINE

AFTER GRADUATION: AT WORK, IN SCHOOL OR AT ROME

Six months or more after graduating frin CIP, as Table

XXIV shows, interns were substantiall: more likely than

controls to be in school, slightly more likely to be

employed, and less likely to be involuntarily "at home" --

looking for something to do, but unable to find it.

TABLE XXIV

SIX MONTHS OR MORE AFTER:GRADUATIONINTERNS

AND CONTROLS*

ACTIVITY Interns

Men Women

Controls

Men Women

N in 31 46 28 26

Employed 42% 26% 39% 27%

In College 23% 33% OZ 87.. In technical school 6% 17% 0% 23%

In high school -- ... 4% 12%

Neither working nor

in school 29% 24% 57% 31%

*Controls were followed up at the same time as the interns.

Continuing Their Education:

As Table XXIV shows, the biggest difference CIP made was in

enabling youth to continue their education. Almost three

out of ten of the men and five out of ten women graduates

were in technical school or college. In contrast, none

of the men in the control group and only 31% of the-Offen

were continuing their education. (An additional 4% and

12%, respectively of the control group men and women were

in high school.)

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o The impact of CIP on continuing education of any

kind was greatest for the men. CIP seems to make

it possible for men to get into post-secondary

educational programs.

o For the women; the impact of CIP was greatest on

where they were in school (college versus technical

school versus high school) rather than being in

sesool per se.

Neither Working Nor In School:

Table XXIV indicates that above 27% of the interns (24%

of the worsen and 29% of the men) were at home. Slightly

more (31%) women in the control grail) were also at hone.

The most striking finding is that 57% of the control

group men are neither working nor in school. Without CIP,

young black men in Philadelphia apparently have little

opportunity: continuing education is closed to them without

the high school diploma many lack. Returning to high school

is apparently more difficult for men than for women, and

only about 30% of the youth--graduates or not--are able

to find full-time jobs.

To find out more about the at-home group of CIP graduates,

12 were followed-up with telephone interviews:

George, age 18, worked in a car wash for two months

after graduation. Interested in music education, he

plans to attend college in the next semester. George

said he was held up by all the paperwork required

for college admission. Poor timing made him miss

one chance for financial aid. When asked if he

really thought he could get this aid, George replied,

"Sure. You only have to be poor to get it, and

I'm sure as hell poor,"

Mary_, age 20, was out when we called, cid the following

information was provided by her mother: "Mary has

been looking for a job since graduation. She couldn't

find one and got disgusted. I have to take care of

her, since her father died. He worked for the city;

so I get social security. I don't want her to go on

public assistance, 'cause once they get on that they

don't want to work anymore. Everything got mixed up

it seemed. No job after looking and looking, and

she even had bad luck with the Community College grant.

She got a $1,000 grant from the city, but it cane

toolate (in September) to help her. Mary's been

at home since graduation. She quit looking for a

job about a month ago. The college thing really

did it. I think she'll go there, but right now

she's disgusted."

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The mother has diabetes and cannot work. She also

reports that she has seven other people to take care

of. The mother stated she through OICs/A, was a

very good organization because it helped Mary.

Joe, age 19, started work after graduation at a

Machine Shop. He quit after several months because

he did not like factory work: He found another

job as a clerk in a menls clothing store which he

liked better, but he lost this job when the store

went out of business. He has since applied at a

national department store chain for sales work but

has so far heard nothing.

Joe Is torn between getting a job (for the money and

the experience) and going to Community College to

study business administration. Joe says, If I

don't land a job)/111 apply for a grant at Community

College. I want to go--probably will. But I would

like to work a while first."

Harry, agg 17, is not living in Philadelphia. His

father reported that the last he beard, Harry was

staying with an uncle and working in another city.

No job details were given. Other information indicates

that Harry is indeed in another city, but is in

police custody with a serious charge against him

growing out of an attempted robbery.

Robert, age 21, is studying business administration at

a well-known, Eastern state university. His father

reports that Robert started school this September and

seems to be doing well. According to his letters

and a phone conversation his father had with him last

week, he seems to be enjoying the university.

Sarahi_age 19, is married and expecting a baby. Her

husband has a good job with the electric company.

Sarah has no immediate plans for more education or

a job. She feels she needs neither because she is very

involved with "fixing up" her new house and making

plans for the baby.

Richard, age 20, has been out of work for thepast 15

months since graduation. He has tried to find work with

the city as a laborer but feels his lack of political

connection has been part of the reason he has not been

hired. "I'm waiting for something to come up. Everyone says jobs are tight. I go for a job and the man

says, 'Hire you? We're laying people off.' It's rough."

Richard lives at home with his mother.

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Four of the seven "at home" students either are

taking post-high school education or 'are planning to

pursue it two graduates have not tied up with a job

or taken additional education; one is married and

expecting a child.

How Do The Graduates Feel About CIP?

If one believes continuing education, more than entry into

full-time employment, is most essential for success when

youth hope to enter teennical or professional occupations,

the high rate--relative to control interns--of youth who

are continuing their education is perhaps the most striking

testimony of CIP's success.

These youth have a long, steep road ahead: their levels

of basic skills, while improved, are still very low.

They face .labor market competition for scarce professional

jobs. And their newly learned academic habits will have

to improve to sustain them without CIP's special support.

Because attitudes may be critical in helping them along

the way, the next sections' examine how interns and

controls feel, six months later.

As seen in the sample of graduates and controls selected

for intensive study, CIP graduates differ from controls

not only in what they are do ng, but also in the way in

which they approach their lives.

Graduates Have Clear Career Goals. Perhaps as a carryover from their experience in the Career Intern Program,

graduates continue to set career goals and express a strong

commitment to carrying out their goals. Control subjects

have either set no career goals or have only vague notions

of what careers they are interested in and have the ability

to pursue.

Graduates, without exception, had either retained the

career goal they had set for themselves while in the

program, or they had selected another career goal to

which they were committed. As interns, they had learned

the importance of defining clear goals and of committing

themselves to their attainment. As graduates this

commitment often took on a new significance as they faced

the obstacles to getting and keeping jobs.

Valerie, a graduate, had been working as a clerk for an

insurance company. She moved into a house with several

friends just down the street from her parents' home.

She was learning to make it on her own and was doing

well at her job. However, she still wanted to work

toward the career she had chosen when she was in the

program over a year before.

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I'm still thinking of being a dental assistant.

I'm at the point now where I'm saying, I'm gonna

make something out of life or do nothing, and

this is the point I'm at now where I'm saying

I'm gonna make something out of my life. I don't

want to rush irto anything, but I don't want to

take too long rtther. So I have a time limit within

myself, you know. I know within myself, I am very

confident of myself: so therefore what I set out

to do, I can do it. You know, all it takes is me

wanting to do it.

Clark, a control subject, typifies the confusion and lack

wir commitment generally exhibited by controls. He indicated

that he wanted to be a lawyer when he applied to the

CIP. A year later he could not remember what he had

written down on the application form. He had no career

goal in mind, and when asked if he would have a better

idea had he a high school diploma, he replied,

Not right at the time--not off hand. I haven't

really given it much thought.

Another control, Lee, was in the twelfth grade at the

high school he harEeen attending when he applied to CIP.

He had made a complete turn-about in his school performance,

as he had been flunking when he applied to the program.

When he did not get into CIP, he decided he was going to

graduate no matter what. "I just made up my mind to

do it," he said. Although he had focused squarely on

getting out of high school, he was vogue about his posthigh school plans.

I think what I'll do next should be a job. I heard about

it 'cause I have another friend that works, you know, at

a hospital, and the hours he works and you know, the cars

he drives, I think he's making good money. I haven't looked

into any other school for studyitg, just that one that sent

me a card. Maybe in five years or so, I'll be driving

a truck, like a tractor and trailer. I could do that you

know. But like, you know, I would still like to have the

other background because I might have spare time where I

could get two jobs--one working at night and one working

at day. I'll probably end up driving trucks, 'cause I love

to drive. Maybe a second job would be a mechanic. The

third is the medical laboratory technician. I feel as

though. like, if I could get into training for that a

couple of months, then I'll already know their scale, so,

you know, if I'm driving a truck and like I said I have

extra time I still can get a job doing that. Like a easy

job and a hard job. But driving trucks is the easier job.

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Lee has three career/jobs that he has been thinking about.

Most of his information is from friends or relatives. He

has not spoken with his counselor at school about any of

his ideas. He is attracted to the various jobs because

of the amount of money he imagines he would earn, based

on the kinds of cars people in those jobs drive.

A CIP graduate's experience contrasts with the uncertainty

reflected in Lee's comments:

When1 first came in here I was thinking about

teaching. I really wasn't too sure. But then

I was selected for that Congressional Seminar,

you know, when we went to Washington. And then

I decided I wanted to become a lawyer, 'cause

want to go into politics. We went to Georgetown

and different places in Washington, and we met

so many people. Sentcor Schweiker, Senator Humphrey,

and we went to see Congressman Nix. And I said,

"Well, why can't I do it too," and Shirley Chisholm

she got so close, she's number one. Now if she can

get that close, in 1972 - -if she can get close, why

can't I? They say I have a lot of disadvantages

because I'm a woman and 'cause I'm black, but like,

I don't believe it.

This graduate began attending West Chester State College

in the summer semester, a few months after her graduation

from CIF . Graduates Work Systematically Toward Achieving Their Goals.

Members of both groups, graduates and controls, define a

career and a job in similar ways. Both see a career as

something they would want to do for the rest of their

lives, while a job is temporary. In real life, however,

controls tend to take a series of unrelated, available

jobs, while graduates are able to work systematically

toward careers. Since control subjects tend not to have

defined their career goals clearly, such a approach is

Impossible. Graduates, on the other hand, not only have

firm goals in mind, but the skills and commitment to take

the initiative in working toward them.

Graduates continue to use resources in the way they did

while they were in the program, seeking out information

sources which are going to yield them the most accurate and

useful knowledge. Furthermore, they tend to persevere

through obstacles toward their goals, accepting the responsibility for overcoming difficulties.

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Perry, an intern who graduated in February of 1975, experienced a number of immediate setbacks. He wanted to go to

college to study psychology, a field he became interested

in while working at a recreation center for handicapped

children. He signed up for Project Ahead, a special Army

program which pays college tuition. After entering the

Army, he discovered he had asthma and was given a medical

discharge. At the same time of the interview, he was in

the process of trying to secure financial assistance to

pay his own tuition, since his elderly grandparents with

when he lived could not help him. Not surprisingly, his

comments reflect the frustrations he has experienced, but

they also demonstrate an underlying determination to work

out his situation:

Right how, I just kind of wonder about the future.

I'm not too sure. I'm just--I'll just keep at it

and wait and see if everything works out. If

something don't work out, just try to find another

way, that's all. I'll just keep trying.

When he returned from the Army, he went back to the

recreation center where he had previsouly worked to see

if he could get his job back and earn some extra money

during the summer before going away to school. Because

he had not planned on returning for at least two years'

when he quit, his job had been filled, and there was no

money to pay him. He felt, however, that it would be

more beneficial to him in the long run to work at the center

as a voltnteer than to try to get a job just to earn money.

"I can't get money, but I can still get a lot out of

working with it,""he said.

Control group members, by contrast, if they had worked

at all, usually listed a series of jobs they had held.

They saw these jobs as being temporary, useful as a source

of income and little more, and their future plans included

more of the same. The following two control members' plans

for getting jobs are typical.

I'm looking, but, you know, not tough, like really,

I just been waiting here for somebody, a friend.

If you hear of a job, just let me know, I will work

anywhere up until school.

I applied for a packing company job, and they

keep saying they don't have openings there. But

I just filled out an application over there--a job

for a department store. That didn't come through

yet either. lm still waiting, if they call me.

That's all I can do.

Graduates Are Able to Adjust to the Social Demands of

their Working Context. The socialization which interns

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undergo while they are in the Career Intern Program stands

them in good stead after they leave the program. Graduates

tended to differ from controls in their understanding of

appropriate work habits and in their attitudes toward the

demands of others. They have gained social skills necessary

in getting and keeping jobs, and in relating to others

either on the job or in school contexts. In contrast,

controls expressed frustration over their dealings with

authorities and over whatever rules and regulations they

had to follow. Some examples from interviews illustrate

these findings. A CIP graduate, Valeria, who has been

working in one department of a large insurance company,

talks about her job and her relationship to her boss:

I'm a general clerk, so I work .on the policies and

whatever it calls for in the office--index them,

file them--they have a month's evaluation of your

work, and like, my old supervisor, she told me I

was doing very good, you know, they seem to--I

just really get along with them...You have to dress

presentably, you know--you're going to a job. I'm

one of those people--well, I don't.care too much

for clothes. I like to be comfortable, but I don't

mind putting on a nice pair of pants or dress.

A control, in discussing the several jobs he has had,

expresses his frustration and self-doubt about his ability

to bet and keep the kind of job he wants.

I was working at Bookbinders. I was working as a

dishwasher. And then I got fired from there for

something simple. I took off the Fourth of July.

After three months of working there without being

absent or nothing, I took of the Fourth of July

and they fired me..because it was only dudes on

the machine or something and they said it wasn't

fair to them and all that. It was kind of hard

to get in touch with somebody that I really needed

to get in touch with. They told me that the one

I wanted wasn't there, and he was probably standing

right next to him or something. And when I came

back they said, "Yeah, I remember he called. But

that don't make no difference." Must have been

really another reason shy he wanted me out and

just used that as an excuse. It's hard to stay

cause usually, like, somebody is over me and

they're looking over me, I can't work. It's

just a fact. I'd like to find something in

between, you know, instead of--it seems I don't

function right.

In general, CIP graduates carry the characteristics they

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have developed in the program over into their career

pursuits. They use their new skills to work systematically

towards achieving career goals, and they are.better able

to adjust to the social demands of the work context.

The Program Emphasis on Offering a Chance to Make It.

114best expression of !ow the CIP affects graduates' lives

is through their own words. Many graduates in the followup sample indicated that they probably would not have

earned a high school diploma had they not been admitted to

CIP. Others feel that CIP got them interested in learning

again and contributed to their decisions to pursue postsecondary education. A few indicate that CIP had given

them the push they needed to change their direction and

work positively toward making something out of.their lives.

The following comments of graduates reveal how they feel

the program affected their lives:

I Was going to High School and I had got

kicked out over tom. And my mother had brought

me over here, and we talked to a counselor, and

he really talked to me, and made me want to come

to the school. Got me interested in school again,

cause I, like, gave up on school before I came

over here. If I wouldn't have come to this school,

I would have been out of school, out of an education,

out of a diploma.

Another graduate remarked,

Well, if I hadn't come to this school I might

have lost my job at (a recreation center) 'cause

I wasn't really doing that much then. I would

have finished school, I would have played sports

and slacked up on my work--keep cheating. I would

have passed, but I really wouldn't have got nothing

out of it.

Valerie talks about one way in which the CIP affected her

attitude toward learning when she says,

I came over here and it just awakened me. It

seemed like I was to learn because the teachers- -

that was the big thing--the teachers--make you want

to learn.

Graduates often attributed their ability to set career

goals to their experiences at CIP.

My counselor helped me decide what I wanted to do.

I mean, when I first came here, I didn't have any

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idea what I wanted to do. We went into the Resource

Center, and whatever idea you had, you think you

wanted to be, you could go there and look it up.

So I went in there, I looked at a lot of things I

thought I might want to be, and I talked with my

counselor about it. That's how I decided what

I really want to do.

Most graduates' recall their CIP experience warmly and

often proselytize others on its behalf. One graduate

had convinced his brother and two cousins to attend CIP

and felt strongly that he would like to be able to do

something about its continued existence. At the end of

the interview, he volunteered this statement:

I want to say one last thing. If everybody - -if

they had schools like this in the city, you'd

have everybody more interested in learning than

you would dropping out--it would be more people

graduating than people dropping out. What I have

seen now, that's graduating, I feel sorry for

them 'cause I was fortunate enough to come here.

In summary, CIP graduates contend that the program made

"the difference" in their lives, giving them another chance

to succeed where they had failed. The evidence from the

interviews is consistent in showing that something

different is happening in CIP graduates' lives, and seems

to be happening as a result of the overall career emphasis

of the program and the continuing support the'program

offers its graduates, support they do not hesitate to use.

The "real" effects of CIP may not be evident until five

of ten years from now. If CIP graduates complete the

post-secondary education they have begun, the trends

noticed six months or more after graduation may be even

more pronounced. The impact of CIP on the young men

in particular could have benefits that extend beyond

their own lives, in strengthening their ability to care

for their families and to help improve the quality of

life for their own children. For women interns, too,

almost all of whom are likely to become heads of households or to work full-time during their adult lives, the

doors CIP has opened to higher education may make the

difference between a comfortable or an economically

marginal life.

Perhaps most important is the sense of directions, inner

stability, and Self assurance the graduates communicate

six months' later. If these remain with them, CIP may

indeed be more valuable to the interns and society than

even present data show.

On the other hand, perhaps CIP has only given an initial

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push, and brief time in the program will not have been

enough to sustain the trends. Graduates may dropout

of college, and, in a feli years, be indistinguishable

from control youth except for a high school diploma on

the wall.

All that can be said now is that the trend, six months or

more after graduation, shows the control youth---particularly

the young men---are mostly drifting, neither employed nor

in school, while the graduates are more often on their way,

following the inner compass developing their experiences

in GIP.

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CHAPTER TEN

"IT WORKS: HOW?"

Why Ask How?

The Career Intern Program's development has been sketched

from a dream to a plan, from a bold start through a difficult shakedown year to a school with graduates. Its

rationale has been presented and its curriculum laid out.

Its applicants have been scrutinized, its expectations

have been evaluated, and its students have talked about

their experiences.

The CIP seems worth asking about because the people involved

in it are excited about it and because it worked. It was

able to take over 300 high school "failures" and see two

out of three of them through to a diploma, and because

over three quarters of these graduates are presently either

employed or in postsecondary schools.

Does this mean that the CIP has found the solution to the

urban dropout problem? Probably no. It does mean that

CIP has found some answers that worked for some students

in one city---Philadelphia.

This in itself seems reason enough to ask "How?" Philadelphia isn't alone in facing a serious problem of dropoutiem

among black high school students. Any help that can be

offered to other schools in other cities may be welcomed.

Philadelphia isn't exactly like any other city. It

shares urban problems, but much about it-may be unioue.--

the commitment of the 'ity education administration, the

resources (including organizations like OIC) that are

available, the community organizations and the willingness

of local businesses to cooperate---just to mention a few'

variables. How much of the program's success is attributable

to the program itself and can be adopted elsewhere? How

much comes from circumstances .unlikely to be duplicated

again? Or, can an "essence" be distilled that can be

adapted to differing contexts?

One researcher, looking at the data from the Career Intern

Program, summarized it in two words: "It works!" In this

and the following chapters, some of the reasons why CIP

works are examined. There are at least two possibilities:

o CIP works because any special program serving less

than 200 youth in one building, with seven counselors

and eight teachers, would just about have to work.

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o CIP works because of these plus something else-- -

a special, curriculum, a special, way in which the

pieces are put together---something more than a

1:15 ratio of adults and interns in a small school.

In addition, two other possibilities are examined:

o CIP is reproducible but only by CIP, and in a

template fashion, particularly in small schools

with high autonomy.

o At least some aspects of CIP can be adapted to

help other high risk youth.

"With That Kind of Money, I cr Id Do it Too."

CIP does have several features going for it, features that

other studies have been shown to be effective and that

many already feel could work for them. One of the things

a reader might be thinking is, "If I had that kind of money

and time, I could do it too."

1. It is a small school, serving a maximum of 200 youth

at one time. Other studies, particularly from Great

Britain, have reported better results from smaller schools

rather than schools serving thousands of youth.

One example of the impact of size is the counseling program.

Because of the size of their caseloads, counselors in

comparison schools cannot hope to keep up with the

individual_ problems students have. Dropouts and nonattenders frequently spoke of going to see their counselors

about their credit status and getting the "run around."

One comparison group student, who was thinking of dropping

out, illustrates the counseling problems in high schools.

She wanted to speed up graduation by going to night school.

She added up her credits herself, and found she had the

minimum necessary to qualify for night school. Her counselor

insisted that she was one credit shy. As it turned out she

had taken Spanish I in tenth grade and passed it, but

never went on to Spanish II. In the Pennsylvania system of

awarding credits, a student must have at least two years

of a language to get credit for any one year taken.

Therefore, her counselor did not count Spanish I as a credit,

a rule the student was not aware of. Her counselor never

explained to her why whe had one less credit than the

number of courses she had taken and passed. This left the

student confused. She could not sign up for night school

without the recommendation of her counselor and she could

not possibly graduate that year w4thout going to night

school. This all too typical example demonstrates the

importance of careful counseling and indicates why so mar'

students doubt that school counselors really care abr.-

them.

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At CIF, by contrast, there are four counselors for about 200 students,

or about 50 students in each counselor's caseload.

2. The principal is an instructional leader. The director of UCEC

is responsible for three programs: the public school program (CCP),

parent program (COP) and the intern program (CIF). While his/her

time is shared, much of the portion devOted to CIF is given to

instructional leadership. As a master teacher, counselor and

educational leader, the director spends a great deal of time in the

classroom and with the staff on instructional matters. In other

schools, the principal may wish to serve as such a leader but may

often find her/himself absorbed in administration. Other studies,

again from Great Britain* suggest that schools are happier* safer

and more effective, when the principal is first and foremost a

master teacher.

Time and Mon

3. CIF has had considerable time and money to develop its curriculum. Between March 1973 and June 1976, CIP received a total of

$2,990,901 from the National Institute of Education. The COP and

CCP components, funded by the U. S. Office of Education, received

$1000000 during this period. Of funds for CIF, about $585,000,

or 20% went to Gibboney Associates for the formative and summative

evaluations. About $2,331,000, or 78% was spent on instructional

and counseling services for approximately 900 youth.

About $75,000, or 3%, went for curriculum development. During the

developmental period (September 1972 through February 1965), fulltime

staff* equivalent to about $25,000, were working on curriculum re.

finement. In addition, a group of consultants, led by Dr. Allan

Glatthorn, developed individualized learning packages under a $50,000

subcontract. This is probably more money and time than the average

principal has at his/her disposal.

On the other hand, the time and funds are not out-of-line I:1th those

available to at least some school districts for experimentation and

development. Almost every school system has several offices reporting

to the superintendent with responsibilities including research,

evaluation, experimentation, innovation and development. While funds

for these offices often are soft money---Federal special purpose

grants -- -some hard money from LEA. and SEA tax funds are usually

involved.

Thus, the average principal might state with some justification, "I

could do it, too, with four years and $75,000 for curriculum development." The state and local superintendents of schools, however, may

already have comparable time and resources invested for not dissimilar

experimental. programs.

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4. lAbor Whionm Some but not all of the staff of the Career

Intern Program sleet certification requirements for Pennsylvania.

The general philosophy of OICsiA, is to hire instructors who

understand the problems of interns. While few of the instructors

have had significant experience teaching in public schools, virtually all have worked with you, have been in other OIC training

programs or in some way have had first-hand experience with disad.-

vantaged minorities. As part of an experimental program, many

worked at variance with teacher union negotiated rules in several

respects. These included flexibility on the part of the director

to hire and fire without regard to seniority and, if necessary,

in the middle of the school year. The separation of functions

was deliberately blurred as part of the CIP approach. All staff

members- - -building custodians to the director.mere encouraged to

see themselves as part of one team working on behalf of the interns.

While staff acomplishments were respected, all staff were expected

to do what needed doing, when it needed doing. In particular,

counselors and teachers were required to work together and drop

their professionat mystiques. The working day lasted as long as

it needed to. Tht. director was careful not to exploit staff, but

expected, routinely, staff to work irregular hours if this was

needed.

The extent to which these variations from teacher union-negotiated

'agreements by themselves accounted for CIP success is difficult to

assess. Many oxperimental schools could give similar instances of

staff expectations and relationships. Some innovative programs,

such as the Job Corps, serving youth similar to those reached by

CIP, may point to even more heroic, dedicated efforts on the part

of staff. Some have worked; others have not. One would hope that

rE these CIP variations were demonstrably responsible for program

success, both labor and management in education would work to in

corporate them in new contracts, insofar as this would be possible

and desirable in the long term.

5. Coat per student, March 1975 through February 1976. During

this period of stabilized program operation, the cost per student

was about $2,732 based on an 11 -month school year for the program,

or $248 per student month. If "special costsa such as rentoodhichu_ .

are often spread over many students in a school district rather

than those in one program, are included, the cost per student

approaches $3,521 or $320 per student month.

In comparison, Price Waterhouse Co., working with Gibboney Associates

on the cost data, has estimated that a general or academic student in

the 1974-75 school year at Philadelphia's Germantown High School cost

about $170 per student month. Our own estimates are that in Philadelphia as a whole, the academic or general student cost is about $155

per student month and for a vocational student it is $233 per student

month. In two private Philadelphia senior high schools the costs per

student month are $277 and $293.

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The institutions and district accounting systems were not

designed to separate cams such as rent in a way that would

allow a strict comparison with CIP. We believe, however,

that the most accurate comparison is without the "special"

CIP costs, i.e. $248 per student month.

The Career Intern Program, by these comparisons, is competitive with outstanding private schools and vocational/technical

programs in Philadelphia, and cost more than a Philadelphia

general or academic program, figured on a p..sr student basis.

While more money may be needed for prograis such as CIP,

these figures suggest that CIP's success may be explained

in part, but not entirely, by having more money per student.

6. The challenge of an experimentalfprogram. The challenge

of being an experimental program may have contributed to

extra effort on the part of interns and staff. This cannot

be discounted or adjusted for in the statistics. On the

one hand, CIP was operating for four years before the final

summative data were collected. Other studies of alternative

schools suggest the honeymooh often is over in about two

or three years, and the third and fourth years are ones of

some disillusion or crisis. The honeymoon might well be

expected to be over by these data. On the other hand,

the fourth year was the Big Year for the evaluation, and it

was hoped that a favorable evaluation would help ensure

CIP continuation, if not expansion. Also, CIP faced its

internal crisis in the second year a crisis resolved by

reorganization and new leadership. So 1975-76 would probably

have been an up-beat year, even without the stimulus of

the evaluation.

Perhaps the strongest argument against explaining all of

CIP's effect as "Hawthorne" is that the findings from all

four cohorts are similar in pattern. Whatever is happening

in CIP has been happening fairly consistently since the

first of four experimental groups entered program in

January 1974. If the results are nothing more than a

Hawthorne effect, they are remarkably curable and substantial. If the effect of being an experimental school is so

powerful in itself, perhaps more could be done to apply

this effect to more of our schools.

1The Western Electric Company plan in Hawthorne, N.J., was the

site of a famous experiment which showed that production of

electric light bulbs kept climbing whatever was done to a

special group of workers and their room. Production increased

as new features (better lighting, new paint, music, etc.)

were added, one-by-one---and it increased as all of Lhese

were taken way, one-by-one. The stimulating effect of

attention has since been found in other situations.

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7. Intern selection: Applicants to OIC had to be motivated

enough to complete intake interviews and the fairly extensive testing. They had to be willing after all this, to

be selected by lottery.

Their parents had to care enough to participate in a family

interview. With a group of applicants this motivated, one

might say almost any school could succeed.

While student selection may well be a critical factor in OIC

retention, two facts suggest this explanation may not be the

whole story. Control youth did not do as well as interns,

although they also went through FEi full selection process.

And retention of special administrative-admit students who

do not receive such extensive pre-admissions testing, seems

high.

Nonetheless, some kind of screening to select highly motivated students who want OIC may be necessary, though not

sufficient for success.

8. Charisma: The Director of CIP is a dynamic, extraordiEUTITompetent, dedicated, untiring, seasoned, and

charismatic leader. He would probably be the first to say

there are others like him who could be recruited to continue

or expand CIP. He would not say, however, that CIP is

"leader-proof".

Field evaluator data verify this. The first Director of UCEC,

while an extraordinary person, did not have the combination

of the right skills and charisma apparently required by CIP.

Replacement of the earlier Director coincided with other

radical changes intended to "save" CIP. The skills of the

new Director could be observed, nonetheless, to be critical

in ensuring that the new policies were promptly carried out

at a higher level of excellence than previously seen.

Good, perahps even great, leadership may be as ess . ial to

CIP as it is to other educational innovations. According

to the Ford Foundation report, A Foundation Goes to School,

leadership was sine aa non of successful educational.

projects.

9. Attention, suspension of monitoring: In addition to the

attention of the-Director, CIP has received almost more

person years of review than it has staff years of direct

service. Beside extensive formative and summative evaluation,

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CIP has received almost full-time attention from the top

level, extremely competent troubleshooters from OIC/A

headquarters plus a full-time monitor from NIE. There have

been times when so much attention may have been seen as

(and perhaps was) a liability rather than an asset, but

one could argue that any school receiving this much feedback with continued support directly tied to accomplishments would accomplish as much as CIP.

While this probably accounts for much of CIP's development,

it does not seem to be a full explanation for at least two

reasons. First, the summative year was the final year for

NIE funding, removing this contingency.

Second, during the summative year, there was little formative evaluation, greatly reduced NIE program monitoring

(NIE attention was rather given to assisting CIC to find

ways to continue and expand CIP) and reduced CIC /A program

monitoring. The program was intentionally operating in as

much of a "hands off" mode as possible.

A small school, a principal who is a charismatic educational

leader. time and money to develop the curriculum, flexibility in staff working hours and relationships, more

money per student than the general and academic curricula,

student selection and the challenge of being an experimental school; these all probably explain in some degree

why CIP worked. None seem sufficiently powerful or unique

in themselves, however, to explain all the difference.

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

WHAT MAKES IT WORK? THE CIP PHILOSOPHY

The CIP seems able to attract, hold, motivate and change

students because it makes sense to them and they feel

comfortable in it. To many interns, their high school

experiences were frustrating because they were alien.

The attitude of teachers was often incomprehensible

and is characterized by the students as "I got mine, now

you get yours". The work was perceived by students as

irrelevant to their expectations. The expected standards

of conduct were seen as arbitrary; the goals of education

as elusive, ambiguous and seldom personal. The CIP they

feel, provides a welcome contrast.

As the program developed, five basic principles emerged.

They comprise the often implicit goals of program administration. While each principle was sometimes honored in

the breech, CIP's effectiveness seems proportional to its

success in finding ways to translate these principles

into action.

1. Provide A Supportive Context

Many reasons given by interns for their happiness with the

program reflect their feeling that the CIP atmosphere is

supportive. To them this is the most important characteristic of the entire program. They have found teachers

and counselors who care about them. They are heard when

they speak, looked for when they stay away and at the

same time corrected when they

they

up,v

From the viewpoint of the program, commitment to this

principle implies several corollaries. It means that staff

(including administrators) should be always available for

interns. It means that interns have certain basic rights

that must be guranteed---the right to be heard, to be told

where they stand in their program and to defend themselves

when accused.

Finally, commitment to a supportive atmosphere for interns

embodies a tacit recognition that although they have all

been judged "failures" in their previous schooling, this

does not mean they are to be penalized for it. Their

711
"failure" is seen by program staff as a function of social

and economic factors. While the blame is not theirs, the

responsibility for success is. Providing students with the

motivation and the skills to make this possible is seen as

a major goal of schooling.

2. See The Program As An Instrument Rather Than As A Basis

For Social Identity: A Tool, Not A Place To Hide

This is one of the ways in which the CIP differs from both

traditional high schools and many alternative programs. It

means that the program plays a different role in the lives

of interns than do traditional high schools for most American students.1 "High school student" is a label of social

identity in our society. Many students are not enrolled in

high school because they want to get something specific

out of it, having freely made this decision. High school

enrollment often is not a means to a desired end, but what

is expected of people at a certain age.

The CIP nurtures a different model. CIP recruits are there

because to some extent they did not measure up to the

behaviors implied in the label "high school student" --they

were dropouts., or potential dropouts. Many of them have

jobs and families of their own. A number have been out of

school for years. They are by no means "typical" high

school students.

The program recognizes the different role school can play

in the lives of these students in at least two ways. The

first is by insisting that the enrollees be called interns

and not students. The second is by making no effort to

provide the extra-curricula offerings common in high schools.

There are no organized sports, none of the usual student

clubs, not even physical education. In short, no effort

is made to persuade interns to accept a predetermined social

role or to tie their identities to the CIP. They can be

first and foremost, mother; father; Mr. Jones; gas station

attendant; secretary or whatever role, external to the

school, is suitable.

From the intern's perspective, the effect of creating this

kind of a program has had some surprising results. Interns

have created a student community with few cliques, little

intragroup competition, and strong feelings of mutual

support for peers. This latter contrasts with the situation that obtains in many high schools. A sizable number

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of CIP applicants had. listed influence from other students

as one of the reasons for their problems in school. In

CIP, the tendency is for friends to help each other to

"hang in."

As must be expected, this kind of model doesn't appeal

to everyone; some trade-off is inevitable. Despite their

problems with the traditional schools, a number of interns

who left were looking for a program that was more than a

means to "getting into"- a career.

Some students are looking for the kind of total support at

least nominally provided by the public schools. They're

turned-off by the CIP because it doesn't answer this need.

They would like more extra-curricular activities and a more

traditional approach to schooling. These interns, however,

seem to be the minority. For the rest, one of the apparent

reasons the program has worked is that it hasn't attempted

to be everything the public schools are to students who are

not typical in age or needs of most high school youth.

3. Deal With Interns As Whole People

"One of the things I like about this place is that

it doesn't matter what my problem is, I can find

someone to talk about it. It doens't matter if

its a teacher or a counselor, they're all willing

to listen."

Most educators recognize that splitting students needs into

academic and social, or school skills into cognitive and

affective, or student problems into school and personal,

is anartificialconvention. The CIP leadership is no

exception. While no attempt is made to cater to all the

traditional expectations of students, the program is careful to minister to the whole individual. Academic progress

is seen as being related to personal well-being. The

counseling staff is nearly as large as the instructional

staff. Both contribute to shaping intern programs and

to program decisions affecting interns.. Developing the

interns' awareness of the need to follow, expected social

codes in postsecondary education and in work is viewed

as important as cognitive growth. Skills in self presentation are stressed as well as the acquisition of technical

job skills. In the same vein, community and parents are

tied into the program through formal structures.

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4. Provide A School Experience Congruent With Realistic

LifeCali

One reason given for urban high school dropoutism is the

perceived irrelevance of school demands to post-high school

life for students. To remedy this, the CIP, as is true of

many career education programs, wishes students to view

the program as making sense in li ht of life expectations.

In the CIP, this philosophic co, tment has been translated

in three ways. Interns are helped to formulate realistic

life goals, attempts are made to change their negative

expectations, and the curriculum fuses academics and

career-related skills)

The CIP efforts to put the principle into action have been

partially successful. Many of the innovations tried are

traceable to the program's commitment to acting upon the

ideal.

5. Don't Buffer Interns. Make Their Experiencing_ Real.

In talking with interns about their experiences in the CIP

as compared with their previous school experiences, one

contrast is heard over and over again. Interns are quick

to blame outside influences for their earlier failures---"I

got in with a bad bunch and began cutting." "I was having

problems at home." "My counselor wouldn't ever help me."

Now however, they insist that any problem they encounter

is their own. If they want to make it it's up to them.

This change is a reflection of the program's success in

implementing the notion that, insofar as possible, an

intern's educational' experience should parallel a real world

experience.

1"Realistic Expectations" have been read by some as a career

education code word for reducing educational aspirations and

tracking youth into low-level, dead-end jobs. The fact that

a very high proportion of CIP interns relative to controls

have entered postsecondary education suggests that CIP is

not turning interns away from college. "Realistic" means at

least two things to CIP: (1) do not expect to leap tall

buildings in one bound: whatever your goal, you'll need

a roadmap on how to get there and will need to persevere

and (2) if along the way, you'll need to work---and almost

all CIP students do---here's what the job market is like

in Philadelphia and we'll help you get the social and technical skills to compete successfully in this job market.

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This involves more than simply providing hands -on adventures.

It means holding one responsible for his/her actions. It

means forcing one to formulate educational and career goals,

and then treating her/him as though the commitment to these

goals was real. It means letting one know where one stands

even though that might be painful. It means keeping students abreast of social, economic and employment changes so

that graduates don't find themselves admirably prepared for

an obsolete world. It does not mean that dreams be deflated,

that aspirations be lowered to rock bottom or that fledglings

are left to their own devices. It does mean that costs be

counted and that roadblocks be foreseen.

Again, the program's success in implementing this principle

has not always been perfect. Furthermore, this success has

meant that some interns fall through the mesh. There are

some who can't survive without the buffers.

To interns, then, the CIP worked because it met their needs.

They felt important, cared for, like "people"---not students.

To the staff, the CIP worked because it offered an educationally sound program: classes were small, they had time

to work with interns, the curriculum was flexible.

Both viewpoints reflect the underlying concerns of the CIP

to:

1. provide a supportive context for interns

2. provide an instrument, not a retreat

3. deal with whole people

4. make school congruent with life

5. not buffer interns, to make their experiencing real.

The philosophy perhaps is not unique. Some elements, such

as attention to the whole child, are found in many goal

statements of large and small public school systems. Some

elements, such as merging academic and career learning, also

are found in the objectives of many public and alternative

schools. Some elements, such as downplaying identification

with the school and not buffering interns, are seen less

frequently.

From one perspective, this may be encouraging. If these

guiding principles of CIP are the "something different"

that may account in part for its success, they may also be

more widely adaptable. In addition, some of the ways in

which the principles were translated into action may

suggest how to adapt what works in CIP to other settings.

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CBAPTER TWELVE

FRCM PRINCIPLES INTO PRACTICE: CHANGING ATTITUDES

The CIP approach to the question of negative attitudes

toward school is "make the intern seethat school can be

an important instrument to getting what one Wants out of

life; make him/her see that succeeding is possible and,

equally important, make him/her realize that the respond.

sibility is his/hers."

Every school would like to see its students adopt these

attitudes. Most design their curriculum to accoplish it.

Apparently, few succeed. CIP followed five general procedures.

1. Interns Set Specific Goals:

One of the first things a CIP intern is called upon to do

is to begin formulating a Career Development Plan (usually

referred to as the CDP) . Together, after assessing intern

interests and aptitudes, counselors and interns chose two

specific careers to be investigated. This then becomes

the goal of the intern's entire program. The goal is not

strictly academic, and it may well be changed before graduation. The act of setting a goal and having to consider

it when any major school decision is made has a strong

effect on the academic program.

Elective courses are chosen tti-promote this goal. Required

courses are "made to contribute' to it. They begin to

take on a different hue. Interns generally tend to describe

classroom activities and course content in terms of how

the latter can be applied to their lives outside of school.

The notion that school is a bounded phenomenon, something

to be kept within the walls of the classroom and attended

to from eight to two-thirty, is largely missing.

2. Don't Treat Them Like Students

A basic goal of the CIP is to present the prograd as an instrumentality, not as the thing that defines one's social

identity. As emphasized earlier, to this end, youth who

are enrolled are not referred to as students, but as interns.

Thzre is another effect of this practice, that of expanding

on the notion of role definitions. Social labels limit

expectations. Janitors are expected to act differently from

professors and children from adults. Furthermore, social

pressures tend to force individuals to live down to the

limited expectations. This process tends to be accentuated

if the individual has had difficulty with the role associated

with the label.

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The CIP's insistence that the term "intern" be used rather

than student, thus has several effects. It underscores the

notion that CIP is something different, that interns are

getting a new chance to do something with school. It makes

it easier for staff to treat youth as something other than

just "students" with all of the limitations this connotes.

In addition, the label "intern" focuses attention on school

experiences as preparation for something other than simply

getting a diploma.

Changing labels isn't the whole story. Its possible to

call someone by a different name and still treat her/him

as before. The CIP staff avoids treating interns as

traditionally defined students. They are always greeted

by name when encountered casually, for example, and

are shown many other courtesies not usually offered by

teachers to students.

This is not to say that the CIP staff views interns as equals.

Possibly their subordinate status is stressed more explicitly

here than in the public schools. They are looked at as

needing help, as youngsters in the process of being

shaped or apprentices with a lot to learn.

This approach doesn't work for everyone. Some interns

want to be treated like students. Some teachers don't see

the difference between interns and students or don't feel

that the distinction is important. However, enough of, the

staff treat interns differently and enough interns respond

to this difference that participation in CIP is seen as

different from parallel experiences in the public schools.

3. See Interns as Individuals

"Well, like for one thing, most high schools try

to keep you as a kid. They look at you as a kid.

When you come over here they don't ride your back.

They say like, 'if you really want to do something

everybody is here to help you. But if we see you

looking we're going to say something.' Then I saw

them with other people and that made me, you know,

get my thing together."

This means more than keeping the staff to student ratio

as high as possible or getting to know the intern's history. It also means more than remembering that each intern

has a name. The CIP is careful about all of these things.

It goes further, however.

In classroom recitations, instructors are not satisfied

to have the correct answer given or to have a lively discussion emerge. It is equally important that each intern

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trarmar---

recite every day and that everyone participate in the

discussions. This isn't always easy for either teachers

or interns. There are those who find it painful to be

put on the spot. Most, however, soon find that even

being "put to the test," if it is done in a supportive

context can lead to the conclusion that he or she is,

at least a little bit special.

Disposition. conferences are held whenever an intern has

serious academic, attendance or disciplinary problems.

Everyone who is involved with the intern meets together- -

counselors, teacheis and sometimes the director of the

program. The intern's record is reviewed, personal views

are solicited from everyone present, the problem is

carefully considered and a disposition made. The guiding

principle is, "what is best for this intern," not, "what

did we do in the last case" or "what's best for the program?"

The same concern is reflected in the plans that are formalized as the CM): in frequent conferences between

interns and counselors; in the care with which Hands-On

sites are chosen; and in the self-paced learning packets

that are used in the curriculum. Each became a way to

demonstrate that interns are individuals and are in fact

seen as such.

4. Provide Interns With Plenty of Honest,. Fast Feedback.

Let Them Know Where They Stand

"All semester I tried to see my counselor. I

couldn't get an appointment so I tried to figure

out my credits myself. Then just three weeks before

the end they told me I Lacked three credits to

graduate. I decided I'd just leave."

This is an extreme case, yet it echos a repeated concern.

Students need to know where they stand. They need to know

what they must do to finish and why. Failure to provide

for these needs leads to confusion and discouragement.

It also is read as lack of respect.

The CIP is careful to provide ample opportunity for interns

to know where they are and how they are doing. The process

starts on entry and continues in the classroom. When

students enter CIP, they need to find out how many high

school credits they have earned up to that point. For

many this is the first time they are aware of their

credit status. From then on, they are encouraged to keep

informed of their academic progress. This means keeping

track of credits they have, how many are needed for graduation and how to get them. They develop more concerned

about the quality of their course work. They develop an

interest in their progress as learners, not just in

the number of credits they have earned. They tend to

describe the difference between their former school experiences and their CIP experiences by saying that they are

718

7's
learning more at ;LP. And, they seek ways in which they

can measure their learning--what do they know now that

they didn't know before--and express pride in their progress. In the classroom the learning packets used are

self-correcting. The mandatory frequent recitations are

evaluated on the spot by teachers and fellow interns alike.

Outside of the classroom, counseling sessions are required

and regular. Counselors are required to keep up-to-date

records of each intern's progress and share it with him/her

in these sessions. Results of disposition conferences are

communicated immediately to the intern through her/his

counselor. Interns are required to update their CDP at

least once each semester. In addition, interns are

encouraged to ask teachers where they stand whenever they

have any doubts.

These procedures for feedback are only part of the story.

The CIP also attempts to make sure interns know what to

do about their standings. They are not told they have

problems without at the same time being given some directions

for their resolution. The semesters are short. Provision

is made for "recycling" if a course if failed. Since the

program is non-graded, there is no opprobrium attached

to repeating. All of these factors, together with the

self-paced nature of the learning packet (which lets interns

catch up, as well as go slower) contributes to the assurance

that one is never hopelessly behind.

5. Trust Interns With a Major Role in Planning Their Own

Program

In the CIP this means more than letting the intern choose

a program from among a set of alternatives. Interns are

required (with the help of their counselors) to take the

major role in developing their own program. They decide

what careers to investigate. They choose their own elective

courses and decide what hands-on experiences they wish to

pursue.

This approach takes time and patience and demands that

interns be trusted. The returns, however, seem to be

significant. Interns learn the importance of setting vials

and how to do it. They are forced to accept the consequences

of their own actions and have no one but themselves to

blame when things go wrong. There is no good reason for

their not knowing where they stand at any point in the

program.

By the same token, self-planning can be a meaningful exercise

only if a number of conditions are met. Staff must actually

take the time to work patiently with interns. Information

must be made available to interns so that their decisions

are not made in a vacuum or based on misconceptions.

719

737
Counselors must keep abreast of the economic and employment

picture. Intern progress must be carefully monitored and

they must be informed if they fall back. Counselors must

take the time to read student records and to listen to

interns.

This may sound like just the approach used in almost every

high school. Observations and interviews show a possibly

critical difference in role. The counselors and teachers

in high school often are seen as telling students what

courses to take. The CIP counselors and teachers often

are seen as sources of information about the consequences

of different choices interns are considering.

"What good is history to a night guard?" Is the kind of

question urban high school students frequently want answered

if school is to make sense to them. Their experiences

suggest that "night guard" may be a realistic job expectation.

History, again from their experience, has little to do

with their lives, or for that matter, much of anything

outside of school. Yet to get through school they have

to take it---with a good chance of failing.

There often appears to be no acceptable answer to this

question for these students. School doesn't "make sense"

and they dropout. This is the attitude CIP applicants

bring with them. If they are going to stay, a soluta.on

to the dilemma must be provided. The CIP attacks the

problem at several different points.

First CIP insists that, "history isn't what you always

thought it was. In large measure, it is what you make it."

Secondly, CIP holds some hope that, "you won't have to be

a night guard--unless, of course, you want to." Finally,

to make these changes come true it provides a new set of

experiences, within the program, that makes them believable.

The essential features of how CIP seems to change attitudes

have been sketched: Insist that specific goals which can

be perceived as non-school-bound, be set and pursued.

Don t treat interns likd "students." See them as individuals

and be sure to give them adequate feedback on their progress. Finally, prove concern by trusting them to plan

their own program.

720

733
CHAPTER THIRTEEN

A SENSIBLE CURRICULUM, A STAFF THAT IS RESPECTED

A look at the CIP course offerings doesn't show much

difference from a similar list in one of the public

schools. There are the required courses -- mathematics,

Samna science, English I, English II, history--a

career counseling seminar and a few electives. A

visitor to the school for a day might not see a great

deal of difference either: the usual lectures, discussions, and individual. or group projects would be

going on. Looking more closely, however the visitor

would notice some differences which might account for

CIP's success, and be reproducible elsewhere.

1. Processes

The classes are smaller and more open-ended. Instructors

go over individual lesson packets with various students

early and late. The discussions revolve around things that

have happened last night on the job, or this morning on

the way to school. One probably would rarely hear the

instructor say, "well, that's interesting but we have a

lesson to go over this morning."

The instructor keeps everyone active, seldom letting a

turned head, a shielding elbow, a far-away look or being

hunkered-down in the corner permit an intern to avoid

reciting in class.

Looking over the shoulders of interns as they worked through

their lessons, few of them are working on the same thing.

If they are, they are probably working with someone else.

Another aspect of process is the length and non-graded

nature of the program. In the feeder high schools a

student who fails a course is required to take a year's

work over again. A student who has been "left back"

stands out because grade levels are clearly marked.

This is discouraging for students who are already having

problems.

CIP semesters are only 22 weeks long and virtually no

grade distinctions are made. Because grade levels are

not distinguished, no opprobrium is attached to staying

an extra semester.

Successful interns refer to this situation as important.

Doing badly in a class is not as likely to lead to panic,

to the feeling that one is falling helplessly behind and

that since there is no way of catching up one might as

.well give up on the whole program. Interns tend to know

721

739
where they are, that they will be able to deal with

problems they are having and how to go about doing this

2. Content

Lessons are not bound in a book under the copyright of a

publisher. They were prepared for the CIP by curriculum

writers working with CIP staff. The lessons are short,

clear, and easy to read. The activities included in them

can be done without outside assistance. Lesson packets

are written so anyor.le at the junior high reading level

can understand them. They are designed to take about

thirty minutes each to finish so they can be done whenever one has a few minutes, and so they won't get boring.

They also are self-contained so they can be done at home,

on the job or in study hall.

The content might also seem as somewhat unusual, particularly if one attended high school a few years ago or

went to a suburban school. Even'though the packets may

be designed to teach English or math skills, they talk

about things like "How to get good deals when you buy,"

The Blues," and the "black literature of protest."

"The last thing we did was interesting. Mr. R. had

a sheet about the 18 year age for voting; and this

here was fun cause the question was, 'Who made 21

the age to vote?' And we thought it was when our

constitution was authorized, it was the age people

considered best, right? But it was this answer,

'It was the age when a man could he a knight during

the age of...* And now in different countries, they

consider being a man at 18...the age supposed to be

18, you can do anything you want to do but people

don't want to pass it...you could fight for this

country or die for this country (at 18), you should

be able to do anything."

The packets and classroom approach are intended to teach

more than history or math: one of the more controversial

issues in 1976 is. whether classroom instructors can, or

should, correct youth in non-academic areas. CIP's

teachers correct bad grammar and faulty reasoning. They

also draw attention to the clothes being worn, posture,

hair styles and even tardiness as part of the curriculum.

Praise for good performance in every aspect is liberal

and immediate, but there is no question that CIP counselors

and instructors try not to let opportunity for teaching

and guidance pass.

722
3. The Career Counseling Seminar

This course is required of all new interns. On most days

there are at least two instructors and possibly three.

A counselor, a teacher and a career advisor all are responsible for the class. On any given day, one might hear two

interns give a detailed report on a career he or she had

investigated. This is often followed by a lively discussion---including'a good bit of criticism--on the report

by the instructors and the fellow interns, particularly in

light of individual career development plans. These sessions

become peer group counseling. This is deliberate, both to

develop a habit of relying on the contructive advice of

friends and to bring a variety of perspectives to the

discussion. In some of the more advanced courses, the

extent to which this habit is developed is often shown by

interns referring to their hinds -on experiences, what they

enjoyed about them, what they didn't and what they are

. doing in class or didn't work.

4. The Hands-On Experience

Interns learn how and why employers select, supervise,

fire or promote employees. They learn what interpersonal

skills and work habits are essential. They experience-- -

often for the first time---what it's like in the big offices

downtown or in the suburban fringes. The value of this

kind of information should not be underestimated, given

the histories of the interns.

For most middle-class Americans there may be nothing

mysterious or surprising about the way employers view

employees. While the two roles are not interchangeable,

movement from one to the other can be a matter of linear

progression. Being a "good" employee qualifies one,

ideally, to become an employer. More importantly, there

is no great difference between the "acceptable" behavior

expected of employees and that considered "good" in general

life contexts. That is, for middle class Americans, the

things that define one as a "good" citizen, student, parent,

teenager, etc., often are the things that define him/her

as a "good" employee.

This means that there is a general agreement as to how one

should dress, how people in authority should be addressed,

what are appropriate reasons for being late, how direct or

indirect questions should be, when it is best to pretend

one knows and when to confess ignorance, when to ask for

help and when to stubbornly go it alone, when working

with someone is cooperation and when it is cheating- -

to mention just some of the behaviors by which we judge

each other as responsible and competent. The CIP recognizes

that black youth coming from poor homes don't necessarily

723

741
share these understandings. Almost no amount of factual

knowledge about where to get job information or about

careers ,themselves will compensate for this lack. A

career program will only succeed in providing entry into

"full, productive lives" as it provides this information.

Another important spin-off of providing this kind of

information is that students know more about real chances,

the personal risks and costs involved in any career pursuit.

Again, this becomes crucial to long term program success

for black school dropouts.

Careful grooming and creative job development by career

advisors may serve to make entry into hitherto closed

occupations possible for graduates. Ensuring that on-thejob problems will not re-open the cycle of failure demands

graduates who know about work from the perspective employers

and more mature 'employees.

It's apparently difficult to get this perspective in lowpaid, high turn-over, entry-level work, the kind of jobs

almost all interns have held prior to and during CIP.

A youth visiting a workplace to learn seems to be treated

very differently than a youth in the workplace as a paid

employee to earn. This difference appears to be beneficial.

This is a controversial area in career education. One could

argue, a priori, that youth probably can not learn anything

worthwhile in two one-week placements. Perhaps there are

better ways, but our observations suggest that these handson experiences as learners are new, and critical for these

youth.

5. A Staff That Is Respected

"Respect" may not be a common high school student word.

Students use other terms to describe what they look for in

teachers, counselors or principals. They say things like:

"Over there (in my other school) teachers wouldn't

explain or nothing, but over here, you know, they

take time to explain."

"In the other school I could only see my counselor

when he wanted to tell me about my program for next

year. Here I can drop in anytime I want. I don't

even need to get a pass."

"It's like the high school teachers are saying,

got mine, now you get yours.' My teachers now, they

really seem to care."

724

7 4 2
"Understand", "listen to me", "explain things", "fair"--these

are the terms interns use in telling why they like their

counselors and teachers.

CIP interns rarely talk about how much they know, where

they've gone to school,whether their lectures are interesting or even if CIP gives too many tests. These apparently

aren't the things that command respect of students. In

fact, they don't seem to be important to learning at CIP.

This probably is a good thing for the program, because the

staff at the CIP are pretty much like the teachers and

counselors in the public school system concerning these

qualities. Some are good lecturers, some are dull. Some

have formal State teaching certification, others don't.

Some have gone to Ivy League schools, others to teacher

colleges. They do have some traits in common.

6. Staff Believe In What They Are Doing

Most believe inwhat they are doing---although they differ

iu their ideas as to how it should be done. Some, for

example, feel that basics should be stressed. Others

emphasize technical skills. Still others would opt for

more vocational training. Most of them are black and know

first-hand what this means. They are all over worked and

frequently complain about the paperwork and the meetings.

Several of them have had experience in manpower training

or other adult education programs. All share a belief

that the CIP students can, will and must succeed, and that

what they personally are doing can, will and must make

a difference in these students' lives.

7. Flexible Time

The staff doesn't hurry through the last period class in

order to leave by a certain time. Their working day

usually ends at 4:00 p.m.---two houis after the end of the

last class. There is no off-limits staff lounge to which

they can retreat. They do their preparations in their

classrooms or offices and the doors are usually open to

interns.

8. Settin An E3cal

They seem to be remarkably conscious of their responsibilities toward interns. They don't come to school dressed

in jeans and sweatshirts, because they feel interns should be

alert that appropriate dress is important. They aren't

."easy", but tend to be strict. They make interns take off

their hats and expect to be called by title and last name.

Few interns attempt to get away with breaking the rules.

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743
9. Taking Time Voluntarily

Teachers take time to go over tests or reports, to check

answers in the lesson packets, to sit and rap in the lunchroom and will plead an intern's cause in a disposition

conference if they think she/he has been unfairly judged.

Counselors and interns are required to meet at least once a

week. Counselors are expected to keep abreast of their

interns' academic progress as well as their personal situations and are encouraged to keep in touch with parents.

Teachers and counselors are forced, through the seminars,

the updating of Career Developing Plans and through conferences, to work closely with interns. The small class

sizes and the individualized lesson packets which are

reviewed daily by teachers enable the staff to keep informed

of the skill level of interns, and foster the kind of personal relat.onship that permits problems be dealt with in

a non-threatening manner.

These qualities appear to make the CIP staff respected by

interns. They may not be available, or even desirable in

another program or in another context. By whatever methods

work, creating a staff that commands respect, however, seems

essential to replicating CIP success, and seems relative

to the comparison schools, to be a unique feature of the

program.

10. Structures Giving Interns The Chance To Work Together

The students over here talk to their students about

going to class, getting an education and all that.

Its the first time I ever heard that. It really shocked

me. Everybody that's come here is here for one thing.

That's to learn.

Talking about education, encouraging each other not to cut

class and helping with coursework, are three of the ways

interns support each other in the CIP. They also "get-on"

each other when they cut-up, or fail to cooperate on projects:

As an example, about a year ago the overcoat of a visitor

to CIP was stolen. Even before the staff could act, the

inerns had mobilized, recovered the overcoat, returned it

726
to the visitor, and dealt with those involved. Such

incidents as stealing personal possessions or school

equipment is rare in CIP. The school, while not immune

from problems, is "protected" in the neighborhood and,

from within, by the interns' codes.

As another example, the CIP complex usually looks as if it

had just been re-decorated. It hasn't. Interns and staff

alike simply to not tolerate graffiti, destruction of

property, or vandalism. The classrooms and halls are

bright with posters and student art; they are not dingy or

littered. The washrooms are clean at the beginning, middle

and end of each day. This is not achieved by flying

squads of custodians or hall patrols, although the custodian,certainly works hard. It's achieved by the interns

themselves.

Interns who insist that their friends help them.now, have

said that friends were one of the reasons for failing in

school. These friends would be always willing to cut

class, to smoke dope or to drink wine. They would support

and egg each other on in disrupting classes. They exerted

pressure, called names and made fun of each other if they

tried to cooperate with teachers and do their work. They

created a negative value for seriousness and provided a

convenient excuse for one's shortcomings. The two

situations---CIP and comparison schools---could hardly be

more different, at least in appearance.

Why? In principle, the role played by friends in the CIP

and peers in the high schools is not that different.

Students usually establish an informal social system in any

school. This system. based on their values, consists of

rules of conduct and appropriate supporting sanctions. All

too frequently, however, the students' values and the school

values, as well as the student roles of conduct and the

school-enforced rules, are at cross-purposes with each other.

This tendency for students to band together becomes

deterrent to learning rather than an asset. Students who

are serious about their studies risk losing their peer

support.J1For discussions of this phenomenon see Ray Rist, "Student

Social Class and Teacher Expectations: The Self-fulfilling

Prophecy in Ghetto Education." Harvard Educational Review.

Vol. 40, No. 3, August 1970, and McDemott, R. P. "Athieving

School Failure: An Anthropological Approach to Illiteracy

and Social Stratification." In Spindler, Georce, (ed).

Education and Cultural Processes. New York: Harcourt,

Brace and World. 1974.

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74 5
In the CIP, the goals of interns are generally congruent

with those of the program. There are several reasons for

this, including the fact that the interns are self- selected --

they come because they want to, the curriculum makes sense

to them, staff are seen caring, they are taken seriously

and not treated simply as "students" and almost everyone

feels that this is a second and last chance that must be

made the most of.

In summary, CIP seems to work for at least three reasons.

First the curriculum is designed to be sensible for these

students. This means the lessons are written at an eighth

grade reading level, are short, private, with immediate

feedback, and close relation between content and individual

career plans. Second, the staff requires and gives respect

Third, the structure and purpose of CIP encourage interns

to work together constructively.

As discussed in the next chapter, if these "key features"

have been accurately identified, they may offer considerable

promise for adapting CIP. At least some features may be

fairly easy to adhere to in most learning situations.

Others, however, may require self-selection in the special,

goal-oriented program.

728
CHAPTER FOURTEEN

WHAT'S TRANSFERABLE?

The Career Intern Program has been tried only in

Philadelphia, in the home neighborhood of Dr. Leon Sullivan,

founder of OIC. While it has not been spared the hazards

of development, the seed was,deliberately planted in

an environment where it was likely to flourish. In

addition, it has received more attention from more gardners at OIC/Philadelphia, OIC /As, and NIE than most seeds

get, perhaps at times to the point of over-attention.

At this time, assessment of what is necessary for CIP's

success, what might be sufficient, and what is reproducible in other sites is speculative. Tables 14 and 15

summarize judgments based on experience with comparison

schools, other experimental progro,s, the research

literature and a complex interplay of data from three years

of daily immersion in CIP.

In general:

(1) Almost all the factors examined probably are necessasy

in some degree if a similar program is to be as successful

as CIF. The degree can't be specified. It canrfUiifiFid

tat if the principal spends 51% of his or her time as an

educational leader this will be enough while 49% will be

too little. A school system wishing to adopt much of CIP

or to adapt it should probably try to provide as many of

the general and specific factors listed as possible.

There is one exception: extensive start up and development costs probably are not necessary since the bulk of

the developmental work on procedures and materials is

completed. Guidelines, handbooks and technical assistance

for installing CIP are available through OICiA.L

1To arrange a site visit, order the materials or arrange

for technical assistance, please contact: C. Benjamin

Lattimore, Program Manager, c/o OIC/A, Inc., 100 W. Coulter

Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19144; Telephone: (215)

849-3010

729
TABLE XXV WHICH GENERAL FACTORS PROBABLY CONTRIBUTING

TO CIP'S SUCCESS SEEM NECESSARY, WHICH ARE

SUFFICIENT, AND WHICH SEEM REPRODUCIBLE?

FACTOR NECESSARY SUFFICIENT REPRODUCIBLE

1. The OIC ethos and

Dr. Leon Sullivan's

in other sites

by OIC, yes; by

leadership probably no ,others, unknown

2. Small school size yes probably

yes

yes

3. Principal as instructional probably possibly

leader yes yes yes

4. As much money per pupil

as vocational education yes no yes

5. Extensive start-up and

development costs no no not needed

6. Some start-up and

adaptation costs yes no unknown

7. greater flexibility than possibly

usual under union contracts yes yes unknown

8. Hawthorne effect probably

no

probably

no

yes

9. Student selection probably

yes

probably

yes

yes

10, Extraordinary leadership yes possibly

yes

probably

yes

11. Extensive monitoring probably

no

no no

730
TABLE XXVI WHICH SPECIFIC FACTORS PROBABLY CONTRIBUTING

TO CIP'S SUCCESS SEEM NECESSARY, WHICH ARE

SUFFICIENT, AND WHICH SEEM REPRODUCIBLE?

FACTOR NECESSARY SUFFICIENT REPRODUCIBLE

1. Supportive context for

interns yes no yes

2. CIP as an instrument, not probably

as a basis for social yes no yes

identity

3. Deal with the whole intern yes probably probably

yes yes

4. School experience congruent yes probably probably

with realistic life goals yes yes

5. Don't buffer interns yes yes yes

6. Interns must set specific yes probably

goals yes yes

7. don't treat interns probably

like studencs yea no yes

8. see interns as possibly probably

individuals yes yes yes

9. proviGe interns with probably probably

a major role in yes yes yes

planning their own

program

10. trust interns with a

major role in planning probably probably

their own program yes no yes

11. learning packages infusing

academic and career information at 10th, 11th & 12th probably

grade levels yes no yes

'31

749
FACTOR NECESSARY SUFFICIENT REPRODUCIBLE

12. Career counseling seminar probably

(procedures) yes no yes

-13. Hands-on experience probably

(procedures yes yes yes

14. Staff attitudes yes probably

yes

probably

yes

15. structures encouraging probably probably

interns to work together yes yes yes

732

75o
(2) At presents no single factor or group of factors can

be confidently identified as sufficient. Leadership,

dealing with the whole intern, the consequence of school

experience with realistic life goals, the individual

attention to interns, prompt feedback with alternatives,

the hands-on experience, staff belief in CIP, and the

structures encouraging students to work together probably

form a "necessary and sufficient" CORE, defining the program. Selection of these factors as the CORE has three

bases: comparison of CIP and the feeder schools, what

seemed to be.present in the cases of successful interns

but not as effectively provided to CIP dropouts, and

changes over development of the program that seemed to

make the most difference in operations and outcomes.

This is, again, speculative and not based on independent

measures of the factors as related to outcomes for the

individual interns. . (3) In terms of reproducibility, there are some features

of CIP that ma be essential and ma not be transferrable.

Centra to thsste Cet os: CPsparto an

organization enjoying a history of successful service to

the poor and the oppressed of every color in every state.

Without the support of OIC---emotional and spiritual

as well as the transfer of trained OIC staff and know- how - --

CIP may not be reproducible. An additional feature may be

the use of personnel who can do the job but who have not

necessarily obtained formal certification. This also may

not be reproducible in most school systems, although they

are not unusual in alternative schools or educational programs not covered by negotiated contracts.

It therefore seems that fully reproducing C/P's effects

will be most likely when OIC itself either operates the

program or provides extensive technical assistance to

adopting schools.

(4) Other factors seems reproducible in principle but a

challenge in practice. Almost ail of these require a

diagnosticfprescriptive approach to career development.

Those who have implemented a diagnostic/prescriptive

approach to a relatively discrete skill such as reading

can appreciate the staff training and materials needed.

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Not all teachers seem able (or willing) to adopt an

individualized approach; not all schools have the resources

necessary to carry it out. Where the community is in part

the school, and 6p-to-date career information has to

infuse the curriculum, the demands for almost constant

adaptation are intensified. Added to this is the fact

that there is no single standard diagnostic "test" of

career development linked to prescriptive exercises or

texts in quite the way that is now possible for reading.

The processes of CIP are well-spelled out; their exercise

requires skill, judgment, and extensive world-of work

experience.

Thus CIP seems reproducible in principle, but in practice, there are relatively few people now trained to

operate such a program. As experience-based alternative

programs for youth spread, however, the number of people

oriented to their philosophy and skilled in their implementation will expand. Successful implementation of a

variety of approaches should become easier. The how-to

materials to operate what seems to be the core of CIP

are available. If volunteer staff with skills in individualization are selected, CIP should be reproducible

in practice.

(5) adopted

improve t e qua ity of present practices.

---Provide all students prompt, accurate, frequent

information on their distance from graduation

and alternative ways to receive their diploma.

---Expand the career counseling resources, parti.

cularly for non-college bound students, by all

means possible, including use of community

learning experiences, helping teachers provide

career advice, and otherwise increasing access

to career guidance for all youth.

---Emphasize road-p.Ts. A large number of youth

entered CIP with a career goal and almost no

sense of how to get there beyond the most

superficial level ("go to college" without

knowing the entry requirements for any college

or even how to find these out).

ritirtio orric : asn-4,1,

734