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COMPREHENSIVE IMMIGRATION REFORM: THE FUTURE OF UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANT STUDENTS

HEARING

BEFORE THE

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION, 

CITIZENSHIP, REFUGEES, BORDER SECURITY, 

AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

MAY 18, 2007

Serial No. 110–36

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary

(

Available via the World Wide Web: http://judiciary.house.gov 

(II)

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JOHN CONYERS, JR., Michigan, Chairman 

HOWARD L. BERMAN, California 

RICK BOUCHER, Virginia 

JERROLD NADLER, New York 

ROBERT C. SCOTT, Virginia 

MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina 

ZOE LOFGREN, California 

SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas 

MAXINE WATERS, California 

MARTIN T. MEEHAN, Massachusetts 

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts 

ROBERT WEXLER, Florida 

LINDA T. SA ́ NCHEZ, California 

STEVE COHEN, Tennessee 

HANK JOHNSON, Georgia 

LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois 

BRAD SHERMAN, California 

TAMMY BALDWIN, Wisconsin 

ANTHONY D. WEINER, New York 

ADAM B. SCHIFF, California 

ARTUR DAVIS, Alabama 

DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ, Florida 

KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota 

LAMAR SMITH, Texas 

F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, JR., 

Wisconsin 

HOWARD COBLE, North Carolina 

ELTON GALLEGLY, California 

BOB GOODLATTE, Virginia 

STEVE CHABOT, Ohio 

DANIEL E. LUNGREN, California 

CHRIS CANNON, Utah 

RIC KELLER, Florida 

DARRELL ISSA, California 

MIKE PENCE, Indiana 

J. RANDY FORBES, Virginia 

STEVE KING, Iowa 

TOM FEENEY, Florida 

TRENT FRANKS, Arizona 

LOUIE GOHMERT, Texas 

JIM JORDAN, Ohio

PERRY APELBAUM, Staff Director and Chief Counsel 

JOSEPH GIBSON, Minority Chief Counsel 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, REFUGEES,

BORDER SECURITY, AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

ZOE LOFGREN, California, Chairwoman

LUIS V. GUTIERREZ, Illinois 

HOWARD L. BERMAN, California 

SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas 

MAXINE WATERS, California 

MARTIN T. MEEHAN, Massachusetts 

WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts 

LINDA T. SA ́ NCHEZ, California 

ARTUR DAVIS, Alabama 

KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota 

STEVE KING, Iowa 

ELTON GALLEGLY, California 

BOB GOODLATTE, Virginia 

DANIEL E. LUNGREN, California 

J. RANDY FORBES, Virginia 

LOUIE GOHMERT, Texas

UR MENDOZA JADDOU, Chief Counsel 

GEORGE FISHMAN, Minority Counsel 

(III)

C O N T E N T S 

MAY 18, 2007

OPENING STATEMENT 

Page 

The Honorable Zoe Lofgren, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of California, and Chairwoman, Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, 

Refugees, Border Security, and International Law ........................................... 1

The Honorable Steve King, a Representative in Congress from the State 

of Iowa, and Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, 

Refugees, Border Security, and International Law ........................................... 3

The Honorable John Conyers, Jr., a Representative in Congress from the 

State of Michigan, and Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary ..................... 5

WITNESSES 

Ms. Marie Nazareth Gonzalez, Westminster College, Class of 2009

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 8

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 9

Ms. Martine Mwanj Kalaw, Hamilton College, Class of 2003, The Maxwell 

School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Class of 

2004

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 11

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 13

Ms. Tam Tran, University of California, Los Angeles, Class of 2006

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 14

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 15

Ms. Diana Furchtgott-Roth, Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Employment Policy, Hudson Institute 

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 31

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 32

Mr. Allan Cameron, Ph.D., retired High School Computer Science Teacher, 

Carl Hayden High School, Phoenix, AZ 

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 36

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 37

Mr. Jamie P. Merisotis, President, Institute for Higher Education Policy 

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 38

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 40

Mr. Kris W. Kobach, Ph.D., Professor of Law, University of Missouri—Kansas 

City School of Law 

Oral Testimony ..................................................................................................... 42

Prepared Statement ............................................................................................. 44

LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING 

Prepared Statement of the Honorable Zoe Lofgren, a Representative in Congress from the State of California, and Chairwoman, Subcommittee on 

Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International 

Law ........................................................................................................................ 2

Prepared Statement of the Honorable John Conyers, Jr., a Representative 

in Congress from the State of Michigan, and Chairman, Committee on 

the Judiciary ......................................................................................................... 5

Prepared Statement of the Honorable Sheila Jackson Lee, a Representative 

in Congress from the State of Texas, and Member, Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law ....... 6

Page

IV

APPENDIX 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING RECORD

‘‘AP Impact: Immigration raids split families,’’ by Monica Rhor, Associated 

Press Writer, March 11, 2007, submitted by the Honorable Sheila Jackson 

Lee ......................................................................................................................... 60

Prepared Statement of Marie-Theresa Herna ́ndez, Ph.D., Associate Professor, 

Department of Modern and Classical Languages, World Cultures and Literatures, University of Houston .......................................................................... 63

‘‘New Estimates of Unauthorized Youth Eligible for Legal Status under the 

DREAM Act,’’ by the Migration Policy Institute ............................................... 72

(1)

COMPREHENSIVE IMMIGRATION REFORM: 

THE FUTURE OF UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANT STUDENTS 

FRIDAY, MAY 18, 2007

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, 

REFUGEES, BORDER SECURITY, AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, 

Washington, DC.

The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:10 a.m., in Room 

2141, Rayburn House Office Building, the Honorable Zoe Lofgren 

(Chairwoman of the Subcommittee) presiding. 

Present: Representatives Lofgren, Berman, Jackson Lee, 

Delahunt, Sa ́nchez, King, Lungren, and Gohmert. 

Also Present: Representative Conyers. 

Staff Present: Ur Mendoza Jaddou, Chief Counsel; J. Traci Hong, 

Minority Counsel; Benjamin Staub, Professional Staff Member; and 

George Fishman, Minority Counsel. 

Ms. LOFGREN. This hearing of the Subcommittee on Immigration, 

Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law will 

come to order. I would like to welcome the Immigration Subcommittee Members, our witnesses and members of the public who 

are here today for the Subcommittee’s eleventh hearing on comprehensive immigration reform. 

I would like to particularly welcome our first panel of witnesses—courageous young people, willing to be here today to talk 

about their own personal experiences and to help us learn about 

the problems faced by undocumented children. I commend you for 

your courage and willingness to be with us. 

Our series of hearings on comprehensive immigration reform 

began at Ellis Island where we examined the need for comprehensive immigration reform to secure our borders, address economic 

and demographic concerns, and there we reviewed our Nation’s rich 

immigrant history. We have studied immigration reform from 1986 

and 1996 in an effort to avoid the mistakes of the past. We have 

considered the problems with the proposed solutions for our current 

employment and worksite verification system. In light of recent 

proposals by the White House to eliminate family priorities in immigration and replace them with a new and untested point system, 

we studied the contributions of family immigrants to America and 

various immigration point systems used around the world. This 

week, we had an opportunity to explore the importance of immigrant integration and their children into the United States, and 

2

just yesterday, we explored the costs of immigration on our States 

and localities. 

Today’s topic on comprehensive immigration reform, the future of 

undocumented immigrant students, is one area the Democrats and 

Republicans agree must be fixed. As our witnesses on the first 

panel will personally describe, they had no choice in being brought 

to the United States at a young age. Now they are young adults 

who feel like young Americans but without the same doors and opportunities that most of us had at their age. While the future is 

bright for their peers graduating from high school and preparing 

for college across the country this month, for undocumented students, it is a future filled with uncertainty. 

They face colleges and universities requiring documentation of 

legal status, prohibitively high tuition rates, and no chance for Federal financial aid for higher education. Even if they work hard and 

finish college, they must confront a bleak future in which they are 

unlikely to be able to work in professions for which they have 

trained because of their immigration status. Worse yet, they cope 

with the spector of deportation at any moment. If these young people get deported, many end up in birth countries they have no 

memory of, a country they hardly remember, and speaking only 

English. These determined and dedicated young people need the 

chance to become productive members of our society. They never 

had a choice in their situation. Yet, our law blames them for it and 

makes them pay a heavy price. 

Fairness and justice have always been hallmarks of our great 

Nation. We should not penalize innocent children for the actions of 

their parents. Furthermore, our Nation is faced with ever increasing economic competition from developed and developing nations. 

To effectively compete in an ever expanding global market, we 

must ensure that we can continue to have the most educated workforce in the world. Whether in college or in the military, we must 

give all qualified young people the opportunity to contribute in 

ways that will keep America strong. 

It is time for this Congress to recognize the compelling economic, 

moral, and humanitarian concerns by providing these undocumented young people a way to a bright future. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Lofgren follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ZOE LOFGREN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN

CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA, AND CHAIRWOMAN, SUBCOMMITTEE ON

IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, REFUGEES, BORDER SECURITY, AND INTERNATIONAL

LAW

I would like to welcome the Immigration Subcommittee Members, our witnesses, 

and members of the public to the Subcommittee’s twelfth hearing on comprehensive 

immigration reform. I would like to particularly welcome our first panel of witnesses, courageous young people willing to be here today to talk about their own 

personal experiences and help us learn about the problems faced by undocumented 

children. I commend you for your courage and willingness to be with us. 

Our series of hearings on comprehensive immigration reform began at Ellis Island, where we examined the need for comprehensive immigration reform to secure 

our borders, to address economic and demographic concerns, and there we reviewed 

our nation’s rich immigrant history. We have studied immigration reform from 1986 

and 1996 in an effort to avoid the mistakes of the past. We’ve considered the problems with and proposed solutions for our current employment and worksite 

verification system. In light of recent proposals by the White House to eliminate 

family priorities in immigration and replace them with a completely new and untested point system, we studied the contributions of family immigrants to America 

3

and various immigration point systems used around the world. This week, we had 

a hearing to explore the importance of immigrant integration and their children into 

the United States. And just yesterday, we explored the costs of immigration on our 

states and localities. 

Today’s topic on comprehensive immigration reform—the future of undocumented 

immigrant students—is one area that Democrats and Republicans alike agree must 

be fixed. As our witnesses on the first panel will personally describe, they had no 

choice in being brought to the U.S. at a young age. Now they are young adults who 

feel like young Americans, but without the same open doors and opportunities that 

most of us had at their age. 

While the future is bright for their peers graduating from high school and preparing for college across the country this month, for undocumented students, it’s a 

future filled with uncertainty. They face colleges and universities requiring documentation of legal status, prohibitively high tuition rates, and no chance for federal 

financial aid for higher education. 

Even if they work hard and finish college, they confront a bleak future in which 

they are unlikely to be able to work in professions for which they have trained, because of their immigration status. 

Worse yet, they cope with the specter of deportation at any moment. If these 

young people get deported, many end up in birth countries they have no memory 

of, a country they hardly remember, and speaking only English. 

These determined and dedicated young people need the chance to become productive members of our society. They never had a choice in their situation. Yet, our 

law blames them for it and makes them pay a heavy price. Fairness and justice 

have always been hallmarks of our great nation. We should not penalize innocent 

children for the actions of their parents. 

Furthermore, our nation is faced with ever increasing economic competition from 

developed and developing nations. To effectively compete in an ever expanding global market, we must ensure that we continue to have the most educated workforce 

in the world. Whether in college or in the military, we must give all qualified young 

people the opportunity to contribute that will keep America strong. 

It is time for this Congress to recognize this compelling, economic, moral and humanitarian concern by providing these undocumented young people a way to a 

bright future.

Ms. LOFGREN. I will now recognize our distinguished Ranking 

minority Member, Steve King, for his opening statement. 

Mr. KING. Thank you, Madam Chair. I appreciate your holding 

this hearing, and I appreciate the witnesses who are here to testify 

today. I had an opportunity to at least meet our first panel, and 

I would reflect that, often, we legislate by anecdote here in this 

Congress as opposed to taking a look at the broader statistical data 

that tells us where society might go if we move forward on pieces 

of policy. 

I also reflect there is an existing law passed in 1996 that was 

authored by our Ranking Member of the Judiciary Committee, 

Lamar Smith of Texas, that requires that if a higher education institution grants an in-state tuition discount to someone who is unlawfully present in the United States, they shall grant that same 

in-state tuition discount to all citizens of the United States who 

otherwise qualify, wheresoever they might live. 

If we do not adhere to that law, then we are granting a status 

for those who are unlawfully present in the United States a tuition 

discount that is greater and disproportional to that of a citizen who 

might live in another State. For example, my daughter-in-law grew 

up in the Mississippi River bottom, farmed right up next to the 

river—her father did—within sight of Iowa, and went to school in 

Iowa at Iowa State, but those of her circumstances were not qualified for in-state tuition. They had to pay the higher rate. 

Yet, in some of those circumstances in States around the Union, 

in a number of States, the discount is provided to those who are 

4

unlawfully present, and those who wanted to go to that same institution who did not happen to live, perhaps, in that State paid a 

premium, and I will submit that that is an inequity. 

I am watching as piece after piece of legislation comes through 

this Judiciary Committee and through other Committees here on 

the Hill that set up a special protected status, different levels of 

citizenship, disadvantages for citizens who live in the United States 

who—they and their parents—presumably pay taxes and are engaged in the responsibilities of citizenship, and puts them at a disadvantage. All of our hearts go out to people who are not in control 

of their own destiny, and I recognize that the witnesses here before 

us on this panel represent that cross-section of those who are not 

in control of their own destiny. 

By the same token, the United States of America needs to be in 

control of its destiny as well. I look across the Hill to the Senate 

side, and as we are putting together the pieces of what they talked 

about yesterday—and we have very little text of any language, just 

concepts that were rolled out in the press conference yesterday—

it becomes clear that at least that coalition is determined to provide a broad amnesty plan. It cannot be called anything else, and 

anyone who can claim that they came into the United States prior 

to January 1st of 2007 would get a provisional legalization until 

such time as they could figure out how to make it a little bit more 

formal and a path to citizenship for almost everyone who can claim 

they were in the United States. 

So the questions that do not get answered here in this Committee but are out in the public debate sphere, and not by our 

President, I might add, are: 

What should the population of the United States be in 25 years 

or 50 years? Who should be allowed to come to the United States, 

and who should be sent back to the country of their origin? If the 

Nation is not willing to send someone home who is unlawfully here, 

how in the world can they claim they have a border or have an immigration policy whatsoever? Should that immigration policy be set 

by people who come here illegally and the mass of those numbers 

weighs on our consciences so much that we are willing to sacrifice 

the essential pillar of American civilization, American 

exceptionalism, called the ‘‘rule of law’’? Because that is what the 

Senate is poised to do. 

The Senate is poised to sacrifice the rule of law because they cannot find it in their hearts to look someone in the eye and say, ‘‘I 

am sorry. The rule of law is more important. Everybody has a certain cross to bear, but we have an obligation to the destiny of the 

United States of America, and we need to move it to a higher destiny, not a lower destiny.’’ That is not an indictment of the ladies 

who are here in front of us today. That is a statement of the essential pillar of American exceptionalism that I fear will collapse 

under the weight of the policy that was advocated in the Senate 

yesterday. 

So, with that and with that in mind, I am looking forward to 

hearing the testimony from the witnesses before us today. 

Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman yields back. 

5

I am pleased to recognize the Chairman of the full Committee, 

Chairman John Conyers, for his opening statement. 

Mr. CONYERS. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. 

I rise in defense of President George Bush’s position on immigration, which he will be shocked and hopefully pleased to know that 

we do have one point of agreement. 

I ask the question, though, back to our friend from Iowa. Well, 

what should we do with the children after we look them in the eye? 

Who makes the rule of law? I thought we were all weighing in on 

it and that it was not some permanent static set of rules. So I join 

in the notion that the DREAM Act concept of Howard Berman’s 

and this creating a pathway toward assimilation is a pretty good 

start for mutually putting together a reform package for youngsters 

where, if they prove themselves to be good students, who participate in some concept of national service, we could work our way 

through them because they are, in a way, the best citizens in a 

family in which they are helping their parents and the community 

get the idea of what this is all about. They learn English first. 

So I want to hear from them, and I think this is an excellent part 

of our series of hearings that Chairwoman Lofgren has constructed 

thus far. 

I thank you for the time. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you, Chairman Conyers. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Conyers follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOHN CONYERS, JR., A REPRESENTATIVE

IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON THE

JUDICIARY

Today we explore how we can transition undocumented children out of the shadows and into being full members of our society. 

The DREAM Act would give these young people an opportunity to become permanent residents if they graduate from high school and continue on to college or serve 

in the military. 

We should all be able to agree that children should not be punished ‘‘for the sins 

of the fathers.’’ Adult undocumented immigrants can be normalized through a system that includes financial penalties, but children are different. We should not punish them for their parents’ illegal entry, but should instead reward them when they 

succeed. 

All of us have already agreed in a previous hearing that we want to provide incentives for people to acquire American values and culture. And the pathway to assimilation for most immigrants is through their children. 

They are the ones who first learn English. They are the ones who learn American 

history and culture from school and their friends. It is our history and culture that 

they think of as theirs. And they are the ones who help their parents navigate bureaucracies, health care, and jobs. 

In other words, these children are—to use one of our earlier witness’ terms—

Americanized. The law should recognize and encourage this dynamic. 

Instead of deporting these Americanized children away to a ‘‘home’’ they know little about, a number of people, especially Mr. Berman, have made a modest proposal: 

incorporate these children into our national fabric; and reward education and national service. These concepts just make good common sense. 

I welcome the students who are here to testify before the Subcommittee and the 

experts who can give us some academic context. The students’ voices are critically 

important as we weigh our policy options and political realities.

Ms. LOFGREN. Without objection, all Members of the Subcommittee will be invited to place their opening statements in the 

record, and I especially appreciate the willingness of all Members 

to do that since we have the author of the DREAM Act here on our 

panel, Mr. Berman, who has helped us so much in putting our legVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00009 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
6

islative efforts together, and we have been following him on that. 

We have two distinguished panels of witnesses here today to help 

us consider the important issues before us. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Jackson Lee follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE SHEILA JACKSON LEE, A REPRESENTATIVE

IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF TEXAS, AND MEMBER, SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMI- GRATION, CITIZENSHIP, REFUGEES, BORDER SECURITY, AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

Today we continue these series of hearings dealing with comprehensive immigration reform. This subcommittee previously dealt with the shortfalls of the 1986 and 

1996 immigration reforms, the difficulties employers face with employment 

verification and ways to improve the employment verification system. On Tuesday 

May 1, 2007 we explored the point system that the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand utilize, and on May 3, 2007 the focus of the discussion was 

on the U.S. economy, U.S. workers and immigration reform. Last week we took a 

look at another controversial aspect of the immigration debate, family based immigration. Today we continue the vital task of eliminating the myths and seeking the 

truth. Wednesday’s hearing dealt with probably the most crucial aspect underlying 

the immigration debate, an immigrant’s ability to integrate, and assimilate into 

American society. Yesterday we tackled another pressing topic, the practical issue 

of the impact of immigration on States and Localities. Today we will discuss the 

issue of the ‘‘Future of Undocumented Immigrant Students.’’

I want to thank Chairwoman Lofgren for holding this very thoughtful hearing. 

The plight of undocumented immigrant students is an aspect of the immigration debate that seems to fly under the radar. Naturally the discussion is about adults, but 

again I remind my colleagues that this discussion is also about human beings first 

and foremost, humans with families and children. 

We have seen the impact that recent raids in New Bedford have had on their families. Despicable stories of toddlers being left behind at daycare centers, this is an 

absolute nightmare. In certain situations the lucky few may have an older teenage 

sibling who can look after them, and that is the best case scenario. 

We talk about 12 million undocumented workers, but they have kids approximately 1.8 million undocumented immigrant students. Allow me to digress for a moment and emphasize why I have strong reservations, and felt utter disappointment 

when I heard about the Senate comprehensive immigration reform agreement that 

came out yesterday. The fact that they propose a change from a family based system, to a point system contradicts the very values that formulate the bedrock of 

American culture. Have we let go of the values that make this country great? Have 

my colleagues on the other side of the aisle abandoned the mantra of family values? 

Madam Chairwoman again I am so appreciative of the fact that you had the foresight to hold this hearing because the children of these 12 million undocumented 

workers will remember the actions of this 110th Congress, and the tone of the entire 

debate. Were we compassionate, reasonable, and judicious? 

With regards to the plight of undocumented immigrant students I will make two 

points. First, as many witnesses at past hearings have repeatedly articulated, our 

nation can only benefit from a body of individuals who extend their education beyond high-school. Second I am reminded of a recent Houston chronicle article that 

highlighted the plight of students who live in Mexico, but attend school here in the 

United States. Do they not share our values of education? These kids yearn to learn 

English, if it is not their first language already, so they can be full participants in 

our society. I look forward to the testimony of our student witnesses, familiar faces 

that have diligently appeared at these hearings on comprehensive immigration reform over the last several weeks. 

These students face a host of issues that are really no fault of their own. These 

kids are unable to work legally, to participate in any other activities that require 

a social security number, to travel abroad, to obtain a drivers license in most states, 

to obtain any federal financial assistance for post-secondary education, or even, in 

most states, to attend college or university at the in-state tuition rates that their 

U.S. citizen and legal immigrant classmates pay. If brought to the attention of U.S. 

Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), they can—and often are—deported to 

countries that they may barely remember. Our current immigration system does not 

have any mechanism for recognizing or taking into account these circumstances. 

Neither the Department of Homeland Security nor immigration judges have discretion to permit young people who were brought to the U.S. as children and who have 

grown up here and assimilated to our way of life to adjust to lawful permanent residence (LPR) status. Nor, under current law, are most of the young people themVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00010 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6621 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
7

selves able to apply for LPR status on their own behalf, regardless of the age they 

were brought here or the contribution they could make if permitted to remain legally. 

However, these children are as American as apple pie. My immigration legislation, the Save Act addresses the concerns of those who would think otherwise. The 

Save Act requires immigrant children to reside here for five years, show complete 

integration into the life and culture of the United Sates, learned the English language, pursue an appropriate age level education, and perform community service 

hours. Education, English language proficiency, and a commitment to community 

are probably qualities that many of these children already have, and naturally embrace as individuals who were raised here in the United States.

I would like to extend a warm welcome to Marie Gonzalez, a 

member of Westminster College’s Class of 2009. Ms. Gonzalez was 

born in Costa Rica and came to the United States when she was 

5 years old with her family. Raised in Jefferson City, Missouri, she 

graduated with honors from Helias High School, one of Missouri’s 

top secondary schools. She was a member of the National Honor 

Society, the Foreign Language Club, the tennis team, and the track 

team. She also volunteered extensively for the VITAE Society and 

the youth group at her church. She was recently chosen by Latina 

Magazine as one of their ‘‘Women of the Year.’’

I am also pleased to introduce Martine Kalaw, a graduate of 

Hamilton College and Syracuse University. Ms. Kalaw was born in 

Lusaka, Zambia. After relocating to the Democratic Republic of the 

Congo, Ms. Kalaw came to the United States with her mother. 

After the death of her stepfather and her mother when she was 15, 

Ms. Kalaw came to study at St. Anne’s Belfield School in Charlottesville, Virginia. She excelled at St. Anne’s, and she earned a 

scholarship to Hamilton College in New York. Graduating in 1993 

with a concentration in Political Science, Ms. Kalaw next received 

her master’s in Public Policy Administration from the Maxwell 

School for Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University. 

She now works as a financial analyst for the New York Public Library in New York City. 

Finally, I am pleased to welcome Tam Tran to our hearing, a 

graduate in the Class of 2006 at the University of California, Los 

Angeles. Born in Germany after she and her parents fled Vietnam, 

Ms. Tran’s family came to the United States to reunite with their 

family. In December, Ms. Tran graduated from UCLA with a degree in American Literature and Culture with college, departmental, and Latin honors. She now works as a full-time film editor 

and videographer. She has also been accepted to a Ph.D. program 

in Cultural Studies at UCLA. 

Each of you have a written statement which I have read and 

have found extremely powerful. Those statements in their entirety 

will be made part of the record of this hearing. We ask that you 

summarize your testimony in about 5 minutes, and when you have 

1 minute left, the little machine there on the table will switch to 

yellow. So we ask that you try and stay within the 5 minutes. We 

will not be throwing the gavel at you, however, if you need a few 

minutes to wrap up. Then after you have all testified, we will, each 

of us, have an opportunity to pose some questions to you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. So, if we could start, Ms. Gonzalez, with you. 

8

TESTIMONY OF MARIE NAZARETH GONZALEZ,

WESTMINSTER COLLEGE, CLASS OF 2009

Ms. GONZALEZ. Good morning and thank you. 

Like you said, my name is Marie Nazareth Gonzalez. I am 21 

years old, and I am a junior from Jefferson City, MO, currently attending Westminster College in Fulton, MO. I am majoring in Political Science and International Business with a focus on communication and leadership. My family is originally from Costa Rica. 

I was born in Alajuela, Costa Rica, but have been living in the U.S. 

since the age of 5. My parents, Marvin and Marina, brought me to 

the United States in November 1991. Having come over legally, 

their plan was to become U.S. citizens so we could one day all benefit from living in the land of the free. We sought to live the American dream—the promise of a better education, a better life and, altogether, a better future, what any parent would want for their 

child. 

Strong values and good morals have been instilled in me from a 

very young age. As long as I can remember, my parents have 

worked very hard for every dollar that they have earned and, in 

the process, have taught me that life is not easy, and I must work 

hard and honorably for what I want in life. 

In April of 2002, after an anonymous person called the Governor’s office, where my father was working, our immigration status came into question. Later on, it was confirmed that we were 

undocumented. From that day forward, my life became a haze of 

meetings with attorneys, hearings, and rallies. When they heard 

what we were facing, deportation, the community that knew us in 

Jefferson City rallied behind my family and me to an overwhelming 

degree. They knew that we were hardworking, honorable, taxpaying people, and they fought to allow us to stay in the United 

States. 

Members of our Catholic parish, where my mom worked as a volunteer Spanish teacher and after-school care director, joined with 

other community members to form the Gonzalez Group to rally 

support by collecting signatures, petitions and organizing phone 

calls. My classmates, teachers and others also got involved because 

they considered me to be an important part of their community. 

I became involved in advocacy for the DREAM Act right after my 

senior year of high school. Unlike thousands of others like me who 

would benefit from the DREAM Act, I had little to fear from speaking out since I was already facing deportation. When I was asked 

to give the valedictorian speech at the mock graduation in front of 

the Capitol, I became a national symbol for the DREAM Act. 

Eventually, all of the work of so many people on my behalf began 

to pay off. My representative—Ike Skelton—and both of my senators—Mr. Jim Talent and Mr. Kit Bond—responded to the support 

from the community. They got involved in the effort to keep me 

here. Eventually, though, all of our appeals were exhausted, and a 

final date was set for my family to leave the country, July the 5th 

of 2005. I appeared on national television—once with Senator Durbin at my side—and was contacted by the media so often that I got 

tired of it. I thought, even if it is too late for me, it might help 

someone else, and it might help the DREAM Act pass. 

9

On July the 1st of 2005, I got word that the Department of 

Homeland Security would allow me to stay and defer my departure 

for 1 year. 

My life since April of 2002 can be easily compared to a roller 

coaster. There have been times when I have felt like I was on top 

of the world, living out my and my parents’ dream of being a successful young woman in college, only to be brought down by the realization that it can be taken away at any moment. The deferral 

of my deportation has been renewed twice, each time for a year. 

Last month, when they gave me until June of 2008, they told me 

it would be my last renewal. If the DREAM Act does not pass by 

then, I will have to leave, and I will not be able to graduate from 

college. 

I am only one student and one story. In the course of fighting 

to remain here, I have been lucky to meet many other students 

who would also benefit from the DREAM Act. Unlike them, I can 

speak about this issue in public without risking deportation. I 

share with them in their fear and their pain and uncertainty. I can 

personally attest to how life in limbo is no way to live. I have been 

torn apart from my parents for almost 2 years and have been 

struggling to make it on my own. I know what it is like to face difficulty and how hard it is to fight for your dreams. No matter what, 

I will always consider the United States of America my home. I 

love this country. Only in America would a person like me have the 

opportunity to be standing in front of you. Many may argue that, 

because I have a Costa Rica birth certificate, I am Costa Rican and 

should be sent back, but I tell you I do not feel that way. I hope 

one day not only to be a U.S. citizen, but to go to law school and 

to live in D.C. and to continue advocating for others who cannot 

speak for themselves. Whether that will happen, though, is up to 

you, our Nation’s leaders, and to God. 

Thank you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Gonzalez follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARIE NAZARETH GONZALEZ

Good morning. My name is Marie Nazareth Gonzalez. I am a 21 year old junior 

from Jefferson City, Missouri currently attending Westminster College in Fulton, 

Missouri. I’m majoring in Political Science and International Business with a focus 

on communication and leadership. 

My family is originally from Costa Rica. I was born in Alajuela, Costa Rica but 

have been living in the United States since the age of five. My parents Marina and 

Marvin, brought me to the United States in November of 1991. Having come over 

legally, their plan was to become US citizens so we could one day all benefit from 

living in the land of the free. We sought to live the ‘‘American Dream’’—the promise 

of a better education, a better life, and all together a better future—what any parent would for their child. 

Strong values and good morals have been instilled in me from a very young age. 

As long as I can remember my parents have worked very hard for every dollar 

they’ve earned, and in the process have taught me that life is not easy and that 

I must work hard and honorably for what I want in life. That is exactly what they 

did. When they came to the US they had no intention of breaking the law, or of 

making an exception for themselves. Unfortunately, the law is very difficult and 

complex. I am not making excuses for what happened, just trying to clear my family’s name. Throughout all our years in the United States we worked very hard for 

what we had, thinking that one day soon we would be citizens. 

On April of 2002 our family’s dream of becoming citizens was halted by a phone 

call. My father had been working for the state as a courier for the Governor’s Office. 

The job was not prestigious in any way, but my father was very devoted to his job 

10

and was loved and respected by his co-workers. On one occasion the governor even 

publicly stated his appreciation for my dad while he was making opening remarks 

at an event for Missouri high school sophomores that I attended. 

All of that ended after an anonymous person called the governor’s office requesting that our immigration status be confirmed. From that day forward, my life became a haze of meetings with attorneys, hearings, and rallies. 

When they heard that we were facing deportation, the community that knew us 

in Jefferson City rallied behind my family and me to an overwhelming degree. They 

knew we were hardworking, honorable, taxpaying people, and they fought to allow 

us to stay in the US. Members of our Catholic Parish—where my mom worked as 

a volunteer Spanish teacher and after school care director—joined with other community members to form the ‘‘The Gonzalez Group’’ to rally support by collecting 

signatures for petitions and organizing phone calls. My classmates, teachers and 

others also got involved because they considered me an important part of their community. 

I was in high school at the time, with graduation quickly approaching. I was in 

my class’s homecoming court. When it came out in the newspaper that I was being 

deported to a country I had not known since the age of five, people all across the 

country responded. They started a ‘‘We Are Marie’’ campaign, and tens of thousands 

called and wrote letters on my behalf. When I was a high school senior and our family’s deportation date was looming very close, they brought me to Washington, DC. 

I got involved in advocacy for the DREAM Act. Unlike thousands of others like 

me who would benefit from the DREAM Act, I had little to fear from speaking out 

since I was already facing deportation. When I gave the ‘‘valedictorian’’ speech at 

a mock graduation in front of the Capitol, I became a national symbol of the 

DREAM Act. 

Eventually all of the work of so many people on my behalf began to pay off. My 

Representative, Ike Skelton, and both of my Senators, Jim Talent and Kit Bond, responded to the support from the community and got involved in the effort to keep 

me here. Eventually, though, all of our appeals were exhausted and a final date was 

set for our family to leave the US for good: July 5, 2005. 

I remember that the weeks before that date were surreal. I was overwhelmed by 

the support I received. I appeared on national television, once with Senator Richard 

Durbin at my side, and was contacted by the media so often that I got tired of it. 

I thought, ‘‘even if it is too late for me, at least it might help the DREAM Act to 

pass so that others like me won’t have to face this ordeal.’’ Then, on July 1, 2005, 

I got word that the Department of Homeland Security had relented and would allow 

me to defer my departure for one year. 

When I got that news I cried—simultaneously with happiness and grief. Even 

though I would be able to stay, my parents would have to leave in just three days. 

The Gonzalez Group had made shirts and organized a float for the Fourth of July 

parade. So, the day before their departure, my parents and I rode in the parade 

with other members of the group that had been such a huge part of our family. 

Hundreds cheered us on and voiced their support and sorrow. 

My life since April of 2002 can be easily compared to a roller coaster. There have 

been times when I have felt like I was on top of the world, living out mine and my 

parent’s dream of being a successful young woman in her college career, only to be 

brought down by the realization that at any moment it can be taken away. The deferral of my deportation has been renewed twice, each time for a year. Last month, 

when they gave me until June of 2008, they told me it would be the last renewal. 

If the DREAM Act does not pass by then, I will have to leave. 

I recognize that I am lucky to have been allowed to stay as long as I have. Others 

in my same situation have not had nearly the support that I have. Even so, it is 

hard not knowing if I will be able to remain in school at Westminster long enough 

to graduate. 

I am only one student and one story. In the course of fighting to remain here, 

I have been lucky to meet many other students who would benefit from the DREAM 

Act, and one of the reasons I wanted to come here and testify is to speak to you 

on their behalf. Unlike them, I can speak about this issue in public without risking 

deportation. I share with them in their pain, fear, and uncertainty. Their stories are 

heartbreaking and similar. In my experiences and my travels I have come to the 

realization that they would only be an asset to the country if only given the chance 

to prove themselves. The DREAM Act has the potential to not only impact the thousands of students who would qualify but also this great nation by allowing these 

students to pursue their education and their dreams of success. 

I can personally attest to how life in limbo is no way to live. Having been torn 

apart from my parents for almost two years and struggling to make it on my own, 

I know what it is like to face difficulty and how hard it is to fight for your dreams. 

11

No matter what, I will always consider the United States of America my home. I 

love this country. Only in America would a person like me have the opportunity to 

tell my story to people like you. 

Many may argue that because I have a Costa Rican birth certificate I am Costa 

Rican and should be sent back to that country. If I am sent back there, sure I’d 

be with my mom and dad, but I’d be torn away from loved ones that are my family 

here, and from everything I have known since I was a child. 

I hope one day not only to be a US citizen, but to go to law school at Mizzou, 

to live in DC, and to continue advocating for others who can’t speak for themselves. 

Whether that will happen, though, is up to you—our nations leaders—and to God.

Ms. LOFGREN. Next, we will hear from Ms. Kalaw. 

TESTIMONY OF MARLINE MWANJ KALAW, HAMILTON COLLEGE, CLASS OF 2003, THE MAXWELL SCHOOL OF CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS, SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY, CLASS 

OF 2004

Ms. KALAW. Good morning. 

My name is Martine Mwanj Kalaw. I am a proud New Yorker, 

employed as a financial analyst with the New York Public Library, 

and prior to that, I was a budget analyst at the New York City 

Mayor’s Office of Management and Budget. Although I have lived 

in the United States for 22 years, I have an immigration nightmare 

I would like to share with you. 

In August of 2004, I was ordered deported. My mother brought 

me to the United States on a tourist visa from the Democratic Republic of the Congo when I was 4 years old. She fell in love with 

and married my stepfather when I was 7 years old. When I was 

12, my stepfather died, and when I was 15, my mother died. My 

mother had been granted a green card, and was in the process of 

applying for permanent U.S. citizenship at the time of her death. 

However, neither she nor my stepfather filed papers on my behalf. 

Thus, when my mother and stepfather died 11 years ago, I was left 

not only without parents but without a path to citizenship. 

Although I had no home, I was able to excel through my academic performance and through self-parenting. I attended prep 

school in Charlottesville, Virginia with the assistance of a judge 

who acted as my benefactor. After graduating from St. Anne’s 

Belfield School, I attended Hamilton College, in upstate New York, 

on a scholarship and graduated in 2003 with a concentration in Political Science. All of this time, I knew that I had immigration 

problems, but it was not until I was in college that I came to fully 

understand the extent of those problems. I needed a new Social Security card in order to secure a part-time job on campus, but when 

I naively went to the Social Security Administration for the card, 

they referred me to INS. 

The next thing I knew, I was in deportation proceedings. That 

is when my nightmare began. I persevered while my case was 

pending despite the looming prospect—my removal to country in 

Africa where I would not be fully accepted and do not know the 

language. Soon after college graduation, I was a recipient of the 

Margaret Jane White full scholarship, which allowed me to graduate with a master’s in public administration from the Maxwell 

School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University in 

2004. Academia became my security blanket that allowed me to be 

something other than that scarlet letter ‘‘I’’ for illegal immigrant. 

12

Despite my academic record, I can not escape the stifling nature of 

my immigration status and have therefore been unable to fully explore my full potential. 

My experience foreshadows what happens to immigrant students 

if legislation is not adopted to squarely address our status. We will 

be left in limbo with a lot to give back to America but without provisions that would allow us to do so. While I have been uplifted by 

the U.S. educational system, I have also been marginalized by the 

U.S. immigration system. 

In 2006, I met other potential DREAM Act beneficiaries who, like 

me, were facing deportation. They included Dan-el Padilla, who 

graduated second in his class from Princeton University last year; 

and another young man who finished law school at Fordham University; a third boy—a sweet and bookish teenager and honor student—talked about how it felt when the Immigration and Customs 

Enforcement agents came to his home in a case of mistaken identity, but they ended up arresting him anyway. He said, and I 

quote, ‘‘they made me feel like a criminal, and I am not a criminal.’’

My particular story has a happy ending, I think. In the summer 

of 2005, I began to work closely with Susan Douglas Taylor, my 

current counsel, beacon of hope, and constant support. In the 

spring of 2006, the Board of Immigration accepted my application 

for adjustment of status and remanded my case back to the immigration judge for a background check. Unfortunately, the immigration judge put me through a series of hearings and sent my case 

back to the Board of Immigration Appeals to reconsider their decision. This nearly broke my faith. 

Just last week, my lawyer, Susan Taylor, informed me that the 

Board of Immigration Appeals granted me an adjustment of status, 

and my case is won. However, I am apprehensive, and I do not 

know how to process this information, because I have been let 

down so many times with immigration law, that my heart fears 

any more disappointment. Furthermore, the timing of the decision 

also means that I may not qualify for a work authorization, and I 

may lose my job after May 24th. 

Although my immigration nightmare may almost be over, it is 

just beginning for countless others. I was very apprehensive about 

coming here to speak with you today in this very public forum. I 

worry, perhaps irrationally, that it might in some way have a negative impact on my case. God knows that I have gone to the depths 

of human frailty in trying to deal with my immigration situation, 

but it is my obligation to do what I can to prevent this anguish for 

other students, so I am here today on behalf of many talented and 

hardworking individuals who, like me, have grown up in the 

United States and who cannot tell their own stories because, if 

they did so, they would face deportation. 

I hope that hearing my testimony today will help them by making it more likely that the DREAM Act will become law this year. 

Thank you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Kalaw follows:]

13

PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARTINE MWANJ KALAW

My name is Martine Mwanj Kalaw. I am a proud New Yorker employed as a financial analyst with the New York Public Library and prior to that I was a budget 

analyst at the New York City Mayor’s Office of Management and Budget. 

Although I have lived in the United States for 22 years, I have an immigration 

nightmare I’d like to share with you. In August 2004, I was ordered deported. 

My mother brought me to the United States on a tourist visa from the Democratic 

Republic of the Congo when I was 4 years old. She fell in love with and married 

my stepfather when I was 7 years old. When I was 12 my stepfather died and three 

years later when I was 15, my mother died. 

My mother had been granted a green card, and was in the process of applying 

for permanent U.S. citizenship at the time of her death. However, neither she nor 

my stepfather ever filed papers for me. Thus, when my mother and stepfather died 

eleven years ago, I was left not only without parents, but also without a path to 

citizenship. 

Although I had no home, I was able to excel through my academic performance 

and through self-parenting. I attended prep school in Charlottesville, Virginia, with 

the assistance of a Judge, who acted as my benefactor. After graduating from St. 

Anne’s Belfield School, I attended Hamilton College, in upstate New York, on a 

scholarship and graduated in 2003 with a concentration in political science. 

All of this time, I knew that I had immigration problems, but it wasn’t until I 

was in college that I came to fully understand the extent of those problems. I needed 

a new social security card in order to secure a part-time job on campus. But when 

I naively went to the Social Security Administration for the card, they referred me 

to INS. The next thing I knew, I was in deportation proceedings. 

I persevered while my case was pending, despite the looming prospect of removal 

to a country in Africa where I would not be fully accepted and do not know the language. Soon after college graduation, I was a recipient of the Margaret Jane White 

full scholarship, which allowed me to graduate with a Masters in Public Administration from the Maxwell School at Syracuse University in 2004. Academia became my 

security blanket that allowed me to be something other than that scarlet letter ‘‘I’’ 

for ‘‘illegal immigrant.’’

Despite my academic record, I cannot escape the stifling nature of my immigration status, and have therefore been unable to fully explore my full potential. My 

experience foreshadows what happens to immigrant students if legislation is not 

adopted to squarely address our status—we will be left in limbo, with a lot to give 

back to America but without provisions that will allow us to effectively do so. While 

I have been uplifted by the U.S. education system, I have also been marginalized 

by the U.S. immigration system. 

In 2006, I met other potential DREAM Act beneficiaries who, like me, were facing 

deportation. They included: Dan-el Padilla, who graduated 2nd in his class from 

Princeton University last year, and another young man who finished law school last 

year at Fordham. A third boy, a sweet and bookish teen-ager and honors student, 

talked about how it felt when the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents 

came to his home in a case of mistaken identity, but ended up arresting him anyway. He said, ‘‘they made me feel like a criminal . . . and I am not a criminal.’’

I sensed the desire that many of these students share—to absorb all that there 

is to offer from the U.S. academic system and then to give it back to their communities tenfold. Unfortunately, instead of support they face a constant struggle to 

fight for legal representation, for a work permit, and for a future. 

My particular story has a happy ending, I think. In Summer 2005 I began to work 

closely with Susan Douglas Taylor, my current counsel, beacon of hope and constant 

support. In the spring of 2006, the board of immigration accepted my application 

for adjustment of status and remanded my case back to the immigration judge for 

a background check. Unfortunately, the immigration judge put me through a series 

of hearings and sent my case back to the Board of Immigration Appeals to reconsider their decision—this nearly broke my faith. Just last week my lawyer, Susan 

Taylor, informed me that the Board of Immigration granted me an adjustment of 

status and my case is won. However, I am apprehensive and I do not know how 

to process this information because I have been let down so many times with immigration law that my heart fears any more disappointment. Furthermore, the timing 

of the decision also means that I may not qualify for work authorization after May 

24 and I may lose my job. 

Although my immigration nightmare may almost be over, it is just beginning for 

countless others. I was very apprehensive about coming to speak with you today in 

this very public forum. I worry, perhaps irrationally, that it might, in some way, 

have a negative impact on my case. Lord knows that I have gone to the depths of 

14

human frailty in trying to deal with my immigration struggle. But it is my obligation to do what I can to prevent this anguish for other students. So, I am here today 

on behalf of many talented and hardworking students who, like me, have grown up 

in the United States, but who cannot tell their own stories because if they did so 

they would risk deportation. I hope that hearing my testimony will help them by 

making it more likely that the DREAM Act will become law this year.

Ms. LOFGREN. Ms. Tran. I think we have an audio-visual aid 

here because Ms. Tran is from California. 

You may begin. 

[movie plays.] 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you, Ms. Tran, for sharing that work, and 

now we would like to hear from you. 

TESTIMONY OF TAM TRAN, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA,

LOS ANGELES, CLASS OF 2006

Ms. TRAN. Okay. My parents escaped the Vietnam War as boat 

people and were rescued by the German Navy. They lived in Germany as refugees, and during that time, I was born. My family immigrated to the United States, when I was 6, to reunite with relatives who had fled to California. 

In the U.S., my parents applied for political asylum because they 

no longer considered Communist Vietnam as their home. Despite 

this, they lost the case. The immigration court ordered us deported 

to Germany. However, when we met with the German consulate, 

they would not accept us because we were not German. Germany 

does not grant birthright citizenship. So I may have been born in 

Germany, but I am not German, and my parents are Vietnamese, 

but I have never been to Vietnam. 

The truth is I consider myself, culturally, an American as I have 

been American-raised and educated for the past 18 years. Recently, 

I graduated with honors in American Literature, was immediately 

hired full-time as a filmmaker by UCLA and was accepted to a 

Ph.D. program in Cultural Studies. However, the issues I faced as 

an undergraduate are coming up again. The difference this time is 

I am 24 years old. I suppose this means I am finally grown up. I 

am an adult with a college degree. It is has been my dream to be 

an academic researcher and a socially conscious filmmaker, but it 

will have to wait. 

The Ph.D. program awarded me two large fellowships, but it is still not enough to cover the $50,000 per year tuition. I recently declined the offer to the Ph.D. program, and I thought that, with my 

new job, I can save up for graduate school next year, but 3 days 

ago, the day before I boarded my flight to D.C., I was informed that 

it would be my last day of work. My work permit has expired, and 

I will not be able to continue working until I receive a new one. 

Every year, I apply for a renewal, but never have I received the 

permit on time. This means that, every year around this month, I 

lose the job that I have. 

I am lucky to be here today to share my story and to give voice 

to thousands of other undocumented students who cannot, but I 

know that, when I return home tonight, I will become marginalized 

once again. Since I cannot legally work now, I know the job that 

I am going to look for when I get back is not the one I will want 

to have. The job I will want because it makes use of my college degree, will legally be out of my hands. Without the DREAM Act, I 

15

have no prospects of overcoming my state of immigration limbo. I 

will forever be a perpetual foreigner in a country where I have always considered myself an American. 

But for some of my friends who could only be here today through 

a blurred face on video, they have other fears, too. It may not seem 

like a graduation can be a scary thing, but for us, there is the huge 

fear of the unknown after graduation. Graduation for many of my 

friends is not a right of passage to becoming a responsible adult. 

Rather, it is the last phase in which we feel like we belong to this 

country. It is the last phase in which they feel a sense of belonging 

as an American. As students, my friends feel part of an American 

community, that they are living out the American dream among 

their peers, but after graduation, if the DREAM Act does not pass, 

they will be left behind as they cannot obtain jobs that will utilize 

the degrees they have earned. My friends will continue to be faceless, undocumented immigrants. Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Tran follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF TAM TRAN

I hate filling out forms, especially the ones that limit me to checking off boxes 

for categories I don’t even identity with. Place of birth? Germany. But I’m not German. Ethnicity? I’m Vietnamese, but I’ve never been to Vietnam. However, these 

forms never ask me where I was raised or educated. I was born in Germany, my 

parents are Vietnamese, but I have been American raised and educated for the past 

18 years. 

My parents escaped the Vietnam War as boat people and were rescued by the 

German Navy. In Vietnam, my mother had to drop out of middle school to help support her family as a street vendor. My father was a bit luckier; he was college educated, but the value of his education has diminished in this country due to his inability to speak English fluently. 

They lived in Germany as refugees and during that time, I was born. My family 

came to the United States when I was six to reunite with relatives who fled to California, because, after all, this was America. It is extremely difficult to win a political 

asylum case, but my parents took that chance because they truly believed they were 

asylees of a country they no longer considered home and which also posed a threat 

to their livelihood. Despite this, they lost the case. The immigration court ordered 

us deported to Germany. However, when we spoke to the German consulate, they 

told us, ‘‘We don’t want you. You’re not German.’’ Germany does not grant birthright citizenship, so on application forms when I come across the question that asks 

for my citizenship, I rebelliously mark ‘‘other’’ and write in ‘‘the world.’’ But the 

truth is, I am culturally an American, and more specifically, I consider myself a 

Southern Californian. I grew up watching Speed Racer and Mighty Mouse every 

Saturday morning. But as of right now, my national identity is not American and 

even though I can’t be removed from American soil, I cannot become an American 

unless legislation changes. 

In December, I graduated with a bachelor’s degree in American Literature and 

Culture with Latin, Departmental and College honors from UCLA. I thought, finally, after all these years of working multiple jobs and applying to countless scholarships all while taking more than 15 units every quarter, were going to pay off. 

And it did seem to be paying off. I found a job right away in my field as a fulltime film editor and videographer with a documentary project at UCLA. I also applied to graduate school and was accepted to a Ph.D. program in Cultural Studies. 

I was awarded a department fellowship and the minority fellowship, but the challenges I faced as an undocumented college student began to surface once again. 

Except the difference this time is I am 24 years old. I suppose this means I’m 

an adult. I also have a college degree. I guess this also means I’m an educated adult. 

But for a fact, I know that this means I do have responsibilities to the society I 

live in. I have the desire and also the ability and skills to help my community by 

being an academic researcher and socially conscious video documentarian, but I’ll 

have to wait before I can become an accountable member of society. I recently declined the offer to the Ph.D. program because even with these two fellowships, I 

don’t have the money to cover the $50,000 tuition and living expenses. I’ll have to 

16

wait before I can really grow up. But that’s okay, because when you’re in my situation you have to, or learn to, or are forced to make compromises. 

With my adult job, I can save up for graduate school next year. Or at least that’s 

what I thought. Three days ago, the day before I boarded my flight to DC, I was 

informed that it would be my last day at work. My work permit has expired and 

I won’t be able to continue working until I receive a new one. Every year, I must 

apply for a renewal but never have I received it on time. This means every year 

around this month, I lose the job that I have. But that’s okay. Because I’ve been 

used to this—to losing things I have worked hard for. Not just this job but also the 

value of my college degree and the American identity I once possessed as a child. 

This is my first time in Washington DC, and the privilege of being able to speak 

today truly exemplifies the liminal state I always feel like I’m in. I am lucky because I do have a government ID that allowed me to board the plane here to share 

my story and give voice to thousands of other undocumented students who cannot. 

But I know that when I return home tonight, I’ll become marginalized once again. 

At the moment, I can’t work legally even though I do have some legal status. I also 

know that the job I’m going to look for when I get back isn’t the one I’ll want to 

have. The job I’ll want because it makes use of my college degree will be out of my 

hands. Without the D.R.E.A.M. Act, I have no prospect of overcoming my state of 

immigration limbo; I’ll forever be a perpetual foreigner in a country where I’ve always considered myself an American. 

But for some of my friends who could only be here today through a blurred face 

in a video, they have other fears too. They can’t be here because they are afraid 

of being deported from the country they grew up in and call home. There is also 

the fear of the unknown after graduation that is uniquely different from other students. Graduation for many of my friends isn’t a rite of passage to becoming a responsible adult. Rather, it is the last phase in which they can feel a sense of belonging as an American. As an American university student, my friends feel a part of 

an American community—that they are living out the American dream among their 

peers. But after graduation, they will be left behind by their American friends as 

my friends are without the prospect of obtaining a job that will utilize the degree 

they’ve earned; my friends will become just another undocumented immigrant.

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you very much. 

Thanks to all three of you for being here today and for sharing 

your personal stories with us. 

I will note that there are many undocumented students in America trying to grab the American dream, but we were only prepared 

to hear from students who had already been out in the tension because we did not want to put a young person at risk, and so we 

saw those blurred faces, and you are speaking for all of them today. 

I would just like to say, before asking questions, how proud I am 

of each one of you. I mean, your personal stories are tremendous, 

and the achievements that you have made academically and personally can only give me hope for our country with young people 

like you to forge us ahead. I think any one of us would be delighted 

and proud to have someone like you as a daughter, and I just am 

overwhelmed that you have been willing to come here today. 

You know, it is hard to know what to ask, but I am wondering 

if you each could tell me in what ways you think and plan that you 

can contribute to the United States if we are able to remove this 

immigration cloud from you and you just have a free path to contribute to America. 

Each one of you, what is your dream of your contribution to our 

country? Starting with Ms. Gonzalez. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I would like to become an attorney one day, and 

I would like to work for advocacy, like I stated in my testimony, 

as far as for people who are underrepresented, whether that will 

still be immigration or other issues. I would like to be involved 

with that, and I would like to pursue more community service and 

be, you know, on a board of something, so . . . 

17

Ms. LOFGREN. Ms. Kalaw. 

Ms. KALAW. Yes. I would like to just explore all of the different 

opportunities in terms of my career, something that I have not 

been able to do fully, and I would like to also give a voice to other 

individuals in my situation in terms of getting involved in nonprofit 

organization work, speaking at other forums such as this, and 

being able to not just have the three of us here but to have a group 

of individuals speaking on behalf of this legislation without fear of 

the backlash. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Ms. Tran. 

Ms. TRAN. Like I mentioned, I would really like to get into academia, so I would like to get my Ph.D. in American studies, and 

I want to be a part-time lecturer, and I also want to get involved 

in documentary work. I would really like to start a production company that translates academic work into the film media, and I 

would also like to get involved with a nonprofit organization. I am 

really interested in creating an oral history for individuals of 

marginalized communities. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Well, each one of you has stated your interest in 

making a commitment, not to go make a ton of money, but to make 

the country itself richer through your efforts. This may not be a 

question that you can answer, but let me ask you because I am 

sure you have thought of it: 

What do you think your future will be like if you were deported 

to the country of your birth? 

Ms. Gonzalez. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. That is kind of an interesting subject for me as 

I just recently received my extension. The extension was granted 

to me about a month ago with the remaining 60 days. I was originally scheduled to depart June the 22nd. So around this time for 

the past couple of years, I have always mentally prepared myself 

for knowing that, you know, I have tried everything, knowing that 

I have given my all, and you know, if I have to leave, I have always 

said I would leave, but I would always consider the U.S. my home. 

It would be very hard for me to go back. Of course, I would love 

to see my parents. I miss them so much. It is not even—I cannot 

even put it into words, but I also know that my dreams would 

change. As far as knowing Spanish, I can speak it very well, but 

at a writing level and to be in college there, it would be difficult. 

I could do it. 

I am a good student. I know I could, but I mean I do not know 

if my family could afford it. It would be a whole mess of things 

that, I mean, of course, I hope that that is not the case, and I hope 

that I do get to stay, but I have to realistically think about it. So 

thank you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Ms. Kalaw. 

Ms. KALAW. Well, for a while, that had been my greatest nightmare because it is debatable as to which country I would be deported to, whether it would be Zambia or the Congo, but neither 

would be a relief to me as the Congo has been a war-torn country 

for several years, more than a decade, and there is dire poverty; 

there is no strong economic structure there, and Zambia, being a 

country right near the Congo, is no better off. Both countries are—

18

they are ridden with HIV/AIDS and a lot of circumstances in which 

I fear that I would not be able to survive. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Do you speak the language of either of those countries? 

Ms. KALAW. In Zambia, English is the first language. However, 

in the Congo, French is the official language, which I do not speak 

very well. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Ms. Tran, my time is almost up. 

Ms. TRAN. I mean you are right. I am not really sure how to answer that question. I have been asked that before, and it is kind 

of like I do not know, but I mean I do not have any connection to 

Germany. I lived there. I went to part of kindergarten there. I do 

not speak German. All I know of its history is what I have learned 

in American history about, you know, World War I and World War 

II. I have never been to Vietnam. I speak it at about a kindergarten level. I do not know. I cannot even imagine being in Vietnam. I have never even been in like the eastern hemisphere. I have 

no idea. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you, all of you, very much. 

I will now turn to the Ranking Member for his questions. 

Mr. KING. Thank you, Madam Chair. 

I do want to thank you for your testimony, and I reflect as I listen to each of you speak and speculate that, no matter where you 

might have been or might be born, no matter what your circumstances in life, you are the raw material that would be successful in any environment, and I think you have proven that, and that 

is one of the reasons that you are here today. 

Ms. Kalaw, you know, there is a piece in your testimony, and I 

do not see it right in front of me, where you say that you went to 

the depths of human despair, and I see you here before us now, 

and I am wondering what that did for you. How did you respond 

when you were to the depths of human despair? How did you overcome that to be here today? 

Ms. KALAW. Well, it has been an interesting journey because——

Mr. KING. Excuse me. The depths of human frailty. 

Ms. KALAW. Yes, absolutely. 

At the same time—I think my counterparts can attest to this. At 

the same time, you are falling apart; you are in deportation proceedings and you do not know from day-to-day whether the immigration services will come to your home or not. 

Mr. KING. Did it make you stronger? 

Ms. KALAW. It did make me stronger. 

What I was basically trying to say was it is almost like living a 

double life essentially. You still have to try to survive. You still 

have to go on. There are no other choices. Your only choice is to, 

essentially, give up and be deported to a country you do not know. 

Mr. KING. What language did your mother speak? 

Ms. KALAW. She spoke several. She spoke French, Lingala, 

Kikongo, a number of languages. 

Mr. KING. English? 

Ms. KALAW. She spoke English okay. She was not fluent. 

Mr. KING. Better than you speak French? 

Ms. KALAW. Yes. Yes. I took French in high school and a little 

in college, and that is the extent of my French. 

19

Mr. KING. Well, I thank you. 

Ms. Gonzalez, as for the advocacy here for the DREAM Act, what 

would you have to say to those young people who are paying—or 

whose parents are paying—or whose parents are signing student 

loans for expensive tuition that they are paying because they are 

out-of-state students who do not qualify for that tuition that you 

are asking for as a symbol of the DREAM Act? How would you reconcile that position? What would you say to them? What would you 

say to my daughter-in-law who is still paying student loans? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I think as far as in-state tuition—I, personally, 

go to a private college, so this does not affect me, but I think, as 

far as I understand it, it leaves it up to the State to choose whether 

or not they want to do in-state tuition. 

Mr. KING. Actually, the law says that they have to offer that 

same discount to everyone, and they are in violation of a Federal 

law that can only be resolved if there is a lawsuit filed in civil 

court. So I will ask you to reconcile this from a moral perspective. 

You know, if you sat down at the student union and you were 

looking those students in the eye who are going to carry a debt, 

some of them for many, many years and they are paying a higher 

tuition rate—not in your particular case, but what you are advocating for—how do you reconcile that? What is fair? What is moral? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I think as far—obviously, I have not really prepared for this, but I would say—I mean, it is a tough call no matter 

what I say, and I know that we side differently, but I would go 

ahead and say, for a student like me who has gone to school in 

Missouri for as long as I have, I would feel that I would qualify 

for in-state tuition as opposed to a student who would come over 

from Arkansas who would only be moving in. 

Mr. KING. Because, in your view, you would be a resident of that 

State? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. Yes, exactly, and I have contributed to the State. 

Mr. KING. Okay. We will disagree there. 

So then the following question would be this, that the Senate has 

announced that they want to grant ‘‘lawful present status,’’ and I 

will put that in quotes, to everyone, except those who are obviously 

felons, who arrived here in the United States by January 1st of 

2007. Anyone who arrives after that, apparently, is not included in 

that. 

Do you think that is appropriate, and what would you say to that 

person who arrived here January 2nd, 2007? Could you look them 

in the eye and say, ‘‘I think you should be sent back home to your 

home country’’? If we cannot do that, how could we then enforce 

any immigration law whatsoever? How could we actually have a 

border here in America? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I think the main problem, though, is that we 

need to start somewhere, and I think that that is what they are 

trying to do. I think that has been our toughest——

Mr. KING. Could you look them in the eye? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. Oh, I would never be able to look anyone in the 

eye and tell them that. 

Mr. KING. But doesn’t somebody have to do that? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. But, I mean, people have looked me in the eye 

and told me that, so——

20

Mr. KING. It is easier being here for me to take your position 

than it is for you to take mine, but I revere this rule of law, and 

I think one of the reasons that you are all here is to escape that 

lack of rule of law in the countries that you left, and so I do not 

want to recreate that circumstance here in the United States where 

slowly we erode this rule of law that is the attraction that brings 

such talented people here to the United States. 

I thank you very much for your testimony. 

I yield back the balance of my time. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

I would call now on the Chairman of the full Committee, Mr. 

Conyers, for his questions. 

Mr. CONYERS. This has been one of the most moving hearings on 

immigration that I have attended, and I am trying to figure out 

why, because there are innumerable cases of personal hardship, 

immediate fears, continuing harassment, a nonresolution of a problem that follows you around, and here are 535 men and women lifted out of 300 million in America to decide this question, and of all 

things, you are here to help us decide this question. So we have 

enormous responsibilities because a lot of people are making up 

their minds as to what to do. I am trying to decide about that January 1, 2007 deadline. I do not have any better answer than anybody in this hearing room, but that is our job, and here you are—

three young, brilliant, attractive, talented people from Costa Rica, 

Zambia, Congo in your background, Vietnam, Germany. Here is 

what occurred to me, and you can tell me what my discussion engenders in your thinking this morning. 

Here are 6.3 billion people on the planet earth and growing, and 

almost everybody seems to want the same thing. We want to succeed in life. We want to try to follow our dreams. It does not seem 

to be any different. Maybe you are typical of the way most people 

in 192 other countries feel about this. So tell me how you think 

what we are doing here is going to maybe help or change the circumstances. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I definitely am a believer in just, you know, getting both sides. And I think the more that we discuss the more that 

we learn, and I think that is the best thing that we can do, is inform ourselves to the very—or to the maximum capacity. But these 

talks in the last few months especially I think have been very productive and will continue to be productive, and I hope that we do 

reach a good solution. 

Mr. CONYERS. You reminded me that also the American people 

weigh in on these decisions. It isn’t really just us Senators and us 

Congresspersons. The American people are influencing us as well. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. M-hm. 

Mr. CONYERS. So they are looking and listening trying to get this 

straight. Should we keep all these people? Everybody wants to 

come to America. You know, that is a line. We got to draw the line 

somewhere. 

Ms. Kalaw. I think that it is important to, in addition to exploring comprehensive immigration reform, we should also explore the 

DREAM Act, because it speaks to individuals such as us, while the 

other legislation may not fully address our particular individual 

situations. And the American people, they know individuals such 

21

as us. We all like to think we are like the girls next door. So it 

is important to have individuals such as us speak. And I think that 

would help the legislation. 

Ms. TRAN. I just wanted to add on to that. I mean, you know, 

when somebody is deported or is affected by immigration it just 

doesn’t affect that one person. For example, I also tutor at UCLA. 

And when I lost my job on Tuesday, I had to e-mail all my tutees 

and tell them you know what, sorry, but I can’t help you with your 

finals anymore, I can’t help you do any of those things. And so I 

mean if something were to happen to any of us it affects not just 

our families, but maybe, you know, U.S. citizens who—it will affect 

our friends; it will affect the schools we go to, the places that we 

work. These are just not like individual cases. It affects everything 

that we are involved in. 

Mr. CONYERS. Thank you all so much. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired. The gentleman 

from Texas, Mr. Gohmert. 

Mr. GOHMERT. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. And I have 

really appreciated your testimony and am sympathetic for your circumstances. I was in the back room watching by the television, but 

I was also on the phone, ironically as things go, talking to my oldest daughter. I have three daughters, so I am kind of—got a soft 

spot for the three females sitting here. But anyway, it was rather 

ironic, I thought. Concluding our conversation, she is in a country 

several time zones away, and was telling me about how strict the 

immigration law is and problems she is having, and she concluded 

the conversation by saying she had heard that Congress may have 

a resolution on the immigration issue. And I said, well, the Senate 

may have. We are still dealing with that. She said, well, I love you, 

and good luck on your immigration issue. And I said, I love you, 

and good luck on your immigration issue. 

But anyway, I appreciate hearing the stories you each have. And 

obviously everything we do here affects real lives and makes it difficult. But thank you. I really don’t have any questions, but appreciate the testimony. Thank you very much. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you. Mr. Gohmert yields back his time. Mr. 

Howard Berman, the author of the DREAM Act, is recognized for 

5 minutes. 

Mr. BERMAN. Thank you, Madam Chairman. I want to echo the 

words of our full Committee Chairman, both about this panel and 

about your decision to hold this hearing. Like so many of your decisions in this area, it was I think an inspired one, and I thank you 

for doing it, if for no other—there are many reasons, but from a 

personal level, hearing the three of you talk, it sort of—it reinspires me about what some have referred to as legislating by 

anecdote, the stories of real people and what’s happening to them. 

And one particular story that got me into this 6 or 7 years ago regarding what was happening to people. 

And the thing I respect about the Ranking Member of the Subcommittee is it is clear his perspective on these issues is not coming from some obsession or calculation of how it is going to impact 

his political situation in his district. He clearly—he both—he clearly feels and articulates the fears and concerns that he has about 

the approach that many of us are taking on these issues. And that 

22

allows one to sort of understand and try to deal with and respond 

to people who don’t see it the same way that we do, and I respect 

him for doing that. But I do want to just, rather than ask questions, just try to join issue on a couple of the points that he has 

made in his comments. 

First, this notion of sort of in a somewhat, perhaps even in a little bit of a dismissive way, legislating by anecdote. The day that 

the 535 Members here divorce themselves from the stories of what 

is happening to people as a result of our laws and our policies is 

the day we really ought to close the institution down. Because yes, 

there is a tremendous place for witnesses with expertise and statistical information and an ability to extrapolate the consequences of 

changes of the law and science and informed opinion, but somewhere it has to start with how real people are impacted by the existing state of the law and whether or not that is a cause for changing the law. So I don’t take the notion of being motivated to try 

and change something because of an anecdote, a story, a true story 

about an individual, a family, a group of people and what is happening to them as a result of that law as bad. I take it as the best 

way to get us engaged outside of this Washington culture, context, 

the thing that tends to happen to us when you run around from 

day to day voting yes, voting no, introducing bills and deciding 

what is our priority and what do we really want to accomplish. 

The second thing is a point was made by the Ranking Member 

that I think has to be clarified. You are not here in this country 

because you made a decision to leave a country that didn’t have the 

rule of law. You didn’t make the decision to be in this country. You 

had essentially no role in that decision. It was a series of circumstances—we can have different feelings about the decisions 

that your parents and others made that brought you here, but the 

one thing no one can argue is that you are here because you made 

some decision that this is where you wanted to be. This is where 

you found yourself. And you are three stories of people who took 

the cards you were dealt and have done a remarkable job with 

them. 

And the third point is the randomness and the craziness of the 

present situation. Why the three of you face certain consequences, 

while hundreds of thousands, millions of others, because an anonymous caller hasn’t yet called about them, because the faces on your 

film are still blurred, haven’t yet faced that consequence. They just 

live in constant fear that they might face those consequences. And 

a situation—and that is what the status quo is. Because if we don’t 

do something, the one thing I know is we are not going to have a 

systematic policy of finding everyone who is in your situation and 

removing them from here. It is going to continue to be a whimsical, 

random, unfair, very selective process of—and arbitrary process of 

who gets out and who stays in. And that is not good either. So the 

absence of an alternative effective strategy by the people who rail 

against what we propose I think should be noted. 

So my time expired I don’t know how long ago. But I yield back, 

and thank you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you. The gentleman from California, Mr. 

Lungren, is recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. LUNGREN. I didn’t even notice his time had expired. 

23

Ms. LOFGREN. It was compelling. We can’t hear you, Dan. 

Mr. LUNGREN. It is not working. I will try this one. I may come 

at this from a little different perspective, because I was here, along 

with Mr. Berman back in 1986, and I was the Republican floor 

manager for Simpson-Mazzoli, so you either get the credit or the 

blame for gathering sufficient Republican votes for that bill that legalized several millions of people. At the time, we said it was going 

to be a one time only legalization. We said that because we were 

concerned that we had to deal with the problem of a large number 

of people who were here illegally under our laws, and we wanted 

to resolve that situation and do what the gentleman from California has just mentioned that we want to do now, settle the situation with those who had roots in the community for a sufficient period of time, but have employer sanctions and enforcement so that 

we wouldn’t reach this situation in the future. Well, the legalization program worked fairly well. We didn’t do any enforcement. 

The concern I have, as we come to this legislation, is what we 

do now? Does it create a repetition of what we did in ’86, with the 

idea that instead of settling things, it acts as an encouragement for 

more people to come into this country illegally? And so you each 

have very compelling individual testimonies. And they may be so 

compelling that they would merit private legislation. But that is 

different than making a determination with respect to the general 

law. 

And so what I would ask you is this, because this is a question 

I am going to have to answer to my constituents. If we were to pass 

the DREAM Act and settle all of the notions resolving doubt in 

favor of those individuals who came here—let us say who came 

here illegally, let us talk about that group as a result of their parents’ decision, out of fairness to those in situations such as yours 

and others, would that and could that, and should we as legislators 

be concerned about it happening, encourage others to continue to 

break the law even after we set a new bill into law because the 

payoff is even though they break the law and come here they are 

giving their children the best gift they can possibly give them, the 

potential to live in the United States full-time and to at some point 

in time make a very compelling testimony that out of fairness they 

ought to remain here? Should we be concerned about that or is that 

one of the things that although it is of some concern it is so insubstantial compared to the merits of the situation supporting 

DREAM Act that we ought not to consider it? I just wonder what 

you might think on that. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. That is a tough question. But I would say I mean, 

you know, stepping aside from my own personal story, I would say 

that it is—I mean obviously, unfortunately, it is a key issue in all 

this. You know, if we were to do this how we enforce it so what 

happened in ’86 wouldn’t happen again. But I think that—I mean 

these stories, these kids, I mean so many of them are Americans. 

Like not talking from my own personal, you know, but I mean—

it would seem so unfair. And logically I don’t see how we would be 

able to, you know, be able to remove every single person. I know 

that a lot of people would end up being removed if we could, but 

even budgetwise and stuff like that, I don’t know how that would 

24

happen. So I think this would more likely be more of a benefit to 

the country than, you know, difficulty. I don’t know. 

Mr. LUNGREN. See, that is the kind of thing we have to wrestle 

with. We had a commission established by President Carter right 

around the time I was here the first time. And one of the co-chairs 

was Father Hesberg, the president of the university I graduated 

from. And he made a statement in which he said we must close the 

back door of illegal immigration so that we can open the front door 

of legal immigration. And Ms. Tran, I would refer to some of the 

testimony you gave earlier about how what happens to you or 

someone else similarly situated not only impacts you, but other 

people, family members, folks you come into contact with. 

Let me look at it from a slightly different perspective, which is 

if we don’t control illegal immigration, the sentiment in the country 

may very well be to slam the door on legal immigration. And what 

do you say to someone who, let us say, was from Vietnam or the 

Congo or somewhere else who didn’t come here illegally, but stayed 

in their country and waited for the number to come up to allow 

them to come here? Or let’s take the Philippines, where they have 

a huge, huge list. It affects them as well, their family members, 

their brothers, their sisters, their parents. What would you have 

me say to them? 

And I don’t want to unfairly put you on the spot. So if you think 

it is an unfair question, don’t answer. But that is one of the questions I have to answer as well when a family member comes to me 

and says I have had somebody I know in the Philippines who has 

waited 15 years. They can’t get their number because of the quotas 

are all fixed up, yet people who didn’t follow the law have the benefits. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman is given 30 seconds by unanimous 

consent so Ms. Tran can answer. 

Ms. TRAN. Well, I don’t know the direct answer. I don’t know 

what you would say to your constituents. But I can say that I think 

the reason some people do things in a way that is not in line with 

the law is because they don’t have a path to do it legally. And if 

the people who came to this country, you know, by crossing the border without the right paperwork—you know, nobody really would 

prefer to do that over doing it the right way. My parents wanted 

to do everything the right way. I know a lot of people would prefer 

to do everything the right way. They would have preferred to pay 

the money that they would have had to do for that security of being 

in this country legally. But because some people don’t have the avenue to do that and some people don’t have the legal means to do 

that, this is the only choice that they have. And this is what some 

people have chosen to do is to take that risk to come to this country. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired. We will recognize now the gentlelady from Texas, Ms. Sheila Jackson Lee, for 5 

minutes. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Allow me to echo the overwhelming joy that 

we sense by the testimony that you have given. I don’t believe that 

you really should be burdened by 1986, what happened in 1986. I 

imagine, looking at you, you were not born in 1986. And so you 

25

probably will study that by way of history. But you certainly won’t 

do it going forward. 

I heard one of my colleagues indicate that your adversity has 

strengthened you. And I would argue that probably all of your life 

experiences have done so. But I would just indicate that the horrors of segregation and racism in America probably strengthened 

many who were African American. But would we choose to go 

through it again or continue to go through it? I think not. So when 

we think of adversity, it may strengthen persons, but if we can find 

a way to enhance their lives and our lives without the oppression 

of those kinds of horrible experiences, why shouldn’t we do that? 

And I think it is apropos to the conditions of individuals who have 

come to this country not of their own initial will, as my colleagues 

have said, and therefore how we treat them clearly should be from 

a different context. And so I want to raise these questions. 

This is a very important hearing, because it is in the backdrop 

of a hearing we had yesterday or the day before that spoke about 

uneducated, undocumented immigrants, a burden to society economically and socially. 

This is a wonderful example of the emerging undocumented students from pre-K to where you are who are striving to be contributing citizens, and have a presence here, and can contribute. From 

your background and your array of activities there is no doubt. Let 

me pose these questions. And might I just for the record have you 

note that many of us who are here in Congress are first, second, 

or third generation immigrants. I happen to be one. So I think it 

is important to know where you can go in your life. You might not 

want to be here, but it does speak to what education can do. 

Could you just tell me what do you find good about America? 

And if you can go quickly. I have three questions, and I want to 

get all of them in. So we know who we are dealing with when we 

talk about all the students that may be impacted by the DREAM 

Act. 

Ms. GONZALEZ. For me it is the opportunity and just the education I would say. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Thank you. 

Ms. KALAW. I would have to echo that and say it is the education. It has been my way of surviving. It has given me open doors 

and given me a family also. 

Ms. TRAN. I think I am going to third that and say the education. 

I mean among me and all of my friends, it is the way that we 

have—it is the path that we have used to self-empower ourselves. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. My next question, do you feel a sense of loyalty and patriotism and pride about America? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. Oh, my goodness, yes, every 4th of July I stand 

up there, and cannot wait until the day that I am a citizen and can 

proudly say that I am. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I have been to those ceremonies. They are 

emotional. The tears come to your eyes. Are you a teary person 

about patriotism and loyalty? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I am very much. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. You feel it in your heart? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. Oh, I do. Hard core. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Ms. Kalaw? 

26

MS. KALAW. Yes, absolutely, and I can’t wait until the day that 

I can vote in the United States. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Ms. Tran? 

Ms. TRAN. I mean, same here. I mean, it is something that my 

friends and I always talk about. We always feel like we are the ultimate Americans, because it is something that we don’t have access to. We always say like, oh, my gosh, we would totally go vote 

if we could. We would totally go do all these things if we could. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I know the percentages of undocumented, 

many of them are children, do you think in your generation anyone 

is against being Americanized and learning English? Many of us 

have bills that have all these components. Is anyone against that? 

Even if you are proud of your original heritage, are you against becoming an American and proud of being a part of that mosaic? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I would say no, because most of the kids I mean 

have been born—or have been raised, so I mean pretty much we 

kind of just automatically acquire it. I don’t know. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Happily so. And some of you are bilingual? 

Yes. 

Ms. KALAW. When coming to America, or living here, there is a 

strong desire to be a part of the American culture and the American dream so, no, there is. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. We don’t have to be frightened of a divided 

America of immigrants wanting to be over in the corner over here, 

as opposed to being part of the wholeness of this country? 

Ms. KALAW. No. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. From your perspective? 

Ms. KALAW. Not at all. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Ms. Tran? 

Ms. TRAN. All of us are just trying to fit in. I mean we are still 

here, right? I mean all of us have the choice to leave, but——

Ms. JACKSON LEE. You are ready to stay? 

Ms. TRAN. Yes. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I thank you, Madam Chair. I just want to note 

the horrors of deportation that these people have faced, and I think 

it is important that we listen to their stories. I yield back. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentlelady’s time has expired. The gentleman 

from Massachusetts, Mr. Delahunt, has 5 minutes. 

Mr. Delahunt. Thank you very much for your poignant and powerful stories. You really give a human face to this issue. 

Ms. Tran, my younger daughter is from Vietnam. So your presence here provokes reflection on my part. She is adopted, obviously, 

and she could be sitting there. Maybe we should adopt the three 

of you here in this family. But I have already paid for that education. I don’t know if I want—you know, I think that the DREAM 

Act that has been crafted by Mr. Berman is really a part of a jurisprudence in the United States that recognizes that children should 

be treated differently. 

In a previous life I was a prosecutor. And for years in this country there was just a criminal justice system, until it was recognized 

that children needed protection. We have child abuse laws. But 

back decades ago people like those of us on this panel in States 

throughout the United States decided we needed a juvenile justice 

system. We have the age of majority because we recognize that 

27

with children, particularly those who are incapable of forming an 

intent, deserve to be treated differently. They are children no matter where they come from. And I think that really is something 

that those of us that will be making these decisions have to think 

very carefully about. And your stories reinforce that. 

You came here at very tender ages. You don’t know—you indicated, Ms. Tran, you have never been to Vietnam. We hear about 

the rule of law. One of my colleagues indicated, I think it was 

Chairman Conyers, that it is not static. Law is a process of change 

and a reflection of hopefully moral principles. Just imagine in these 

cases, would it be moral to send these three young women to a 

place that they have never been, where they don’t speak the language, where they don’t understand the culture? You know, America, above all, is a moral country. We fail sometimes. But there is 

a Frenchman who came here in the 1800’s that had this to say 

about America. And I firmly believe it. America is great because 

America is good. 

I yield back. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman yields back. The gentlelady from 

California, our colleague, Ms. Linda Sa ́nchez. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Thank you, Madam Chairman. And I want to 

thank our three witnesses on the first panel for having the courage 

to come here and share your stories with us today. I know that it 

probably takes a great amount of strength to come forward, and it 

can be a scary process. And so I want to thank you for having the 

courage to come. And just listening to your testimony, each of your 

stories is heartbreaking in a different way. 

While I was listening to your testimony, I realized that you are 

not much different than I am, actually. Because your parents came 

here from other countries with the hopes of giving you the kind of 

opportunities and better life just like my parents did. My parents 

came from Mexico. You have all struggled hard. And you have succeeded academically and in many other ways as well, just like I 

did. And you all identify with the American culture, speak English 

fluently, and you are patriotic and love this country, just like I do. 

But the little difference that remains between you and me is that 

I have a piece of paper that tells me that I am a citizen. And so 

I was able to pursue my dreams, to pursue my education, and do 

things like practice law and eventually run for Congress. And as 

I sit and look at you three, I think about the infinite number of 

possibilities of things that you could contribute to this country if 

you were just given the chance. So your testimony today, I think 

Mr. Delahunt said very eloquently, puts a human face on what the 

policy decisions are that we as Members of Congress have to make. 

I want to ask the three of you, did any of you three have a say 

in deciding where you wanted to live or in deciding to come to this 

country? Did any of you decide one day that you were going to 

come here? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I was five, so my parents told me we were taking 

a trip, and if we liked it we were going to try and stay. And that 

is what happened. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Anybody else have that? 

Ms. KALAW. No, I didn’t have a say. I remember being a child, 

practically a toddler coming to the United States. 

28

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Ms. Tran? 

Ms. TRAN. Same as Marie, I knew we were going on a plane 

somewhere on vacation. And I remember pointing out a calendar 

once we got here, like when are we going back? Like on this day? 

And I didn’t really know what a calendar was. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Okay. Clearly, you didn’t wake up one day with a 

decision you were going to come to this country. Do any of you feel 

like lawbreakers, that you personally are a lawbreaker for having 

come to this country since you didn’t really have a say? 

Ms. KALAW. I have never felt like a lawbreaker, but I have carried a burden of shame with me for many years. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. That is not a shame that you chose yourself. 

Ms. KALAW. No, it is a shame that others——

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ [continuing]. Imposed on you. 

Ms. KALAW. Yes. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Thank you. I am just interested in knowing, you 

just mentioned loving this country and feeling like you are American through and through and wanting to stay and be a part of this 

country. And you mentioned a couple of examples of things you 

really can’t wait to do, like become a citizen or vote. How would 

your lives change if you were able to become legal permanent residents or citizens? What other things are you waiting to do or would 

you love to do if you could be told, yes, you have the certainty that 

you will be able to stay in this country and pursue your dreams? 

Ms. Gonzalez? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. Wow. That would be such an amazing feeling. 

That would be such a weight that would be lifted off of my shoulders. I think I would go back to being a little kid and just run 

around like crazy and be so happy. But I think I would definitely 

take full advantage of that and try and contribute as much as possible again and give back to the community that has given so much 

to me. And that is what I would be really fighting for, because I 

have had that support from my community. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Ms. Kalaw? 

Ms. KALAW. I would be—well, I can’t wait to further develop relationships with individuals in my life. Up until this point, it has 

been quite stifling, because I have always had that burden of immigration status weighing on me. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Ms. Tran? 

Ms. TRAN. I would further pursue my education. For example, I 

really wanted to apply to UT-Austin for graduate school, but I 

couldn’t because I couldn’t afford the out-of-state tuition and things 

like that. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. One last question. Do you think, ultimately, that 

if you were not allowed to remain in the United States that the 

countries to which our country would send you back would accept 

you even? 

Ms. GONZALEZ. I can actually attest to that, because throughout 

all the media that I have done in the past there have been times 

where I have been—I mean there has been a backlash against, you 

know, how much I have tried to fight, you know, and they would 

know that I have been trying to fight to remain in this country and 

they are like, well, you know, are you coming back then? And it 

would be difficult. I think the biggest issue would be if I were ever 

29

allowed to come back to the U.S. That would be something very difficult for me to, you know, if I was told I can’t come back for 8 

years like my parents, that would be very hard for me to deal with. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Ms. Kalaw? 

Ms. KALAW. Because I was born in Zambia, but I relocated to the 

Congo right after my birth, the Zambian country does not technically recognize me as a citizen. It is still questionable. And the 

Congo does not recognize me either because I don’t have a Congolese birth certificate. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. There is a lot of uncertainty as to where they 

would send you? 

Ms. KALAW. Absolutely. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Ms. Tran? 

Ms. TRAN. I already mentioned it in my testimony, but I mean, 

Vietnam doesn’t even know I exist, and Germany’s already said 

that they wouldn’t accept me. 

Ms. SA ́ NCHEZ. Thank you, and I yield back. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you very much. And thank you very much 

to this panel. Your testimony has been compelling. This is the 12th 

hearing we have had. I will just tell you that much of the testimony we have received has been, you know, what do we want for 

immigrants in this country? We want people who speak wonderful 

English. We want people who have great educations. We want people who are assimilated and who love America. You are the answer 

to our dreams. And hence the DREAM Act, which we are grateful 

to Mr. Berman for introducing. 

I will say that the DREAM Act actually doesn’t even mention 

some of the issues that have been raised, but merely allows young 

people in your situation who didn’t make the decision to come to 

earn legal status through getting your education or serving in the 

U.S. military. So we will—we may have additional questions. If we 

do, we will forward them to you. And we do appreciate your willingness to be here. I think that your testimony certainly touched 

my heart, and I think will make a difference in this debate as we 

move forward. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair? 

Ms. LOFGREN. Yes. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. May I ask if you would yield after you finish? 

Ms. LOFGREN. I will yield at this point. 

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Let me just double echo your emotion and 

your comments. But I would like unanimous consent to submit an 

article, ‘‘AP Impact: Immigration Raids Split Families.’’

Ms. LOFGREN. Without objection, the article is entered into the 

record. 

[The information referred to is inserted in the Appendix.] 

Ms. LOFGREN. And I would just like to conclude. Thank you very, 

very much. We are going to have the staff get in touch with you 

and get all of your contact information so that we can keep in touch 

with you. It has been an honor to meet you and to see the success 

that you three have achieved in our country. And we hope that 

through our efforts here in the Congress that we will create a new 

rule of law that will allow you to fully participate in this country 

where you have been raised. So thank you very much. 

Now call the second panel, if we could. 

30

Thank you all, second panel, for taking the time to speak with 

us today. First on the panel, I am pleased to introduce Diana 

Furchtgott-Roth—I hope I have not destroyed the pronunciation of 

your name, but you will correct me if I have—a Senior Fellow and 

Director of the Center for Employment Policy at the Hudson Institute. Prior to her arrival at the Hudson Institute, she served as a 

Chief Economist at the U.S. Department of Labor. Between 2001 

and 2003, she worked as a Chief of Staff of President George W. 

Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers. Under President George 

H.W. Bush, she was the Deputy Executive Director of the Domestic 

Policy Council, and Associate Director at the Office of Policy Planning. She received her bachelor’s degree from Swarthmore, and her 

master’s from Oxford University. 

Next I would like to extend a warm welcome to Dr. Allan Cameron, a retired high school computer science teacher from Phoenix. 

After receiving his bachelor’s and doctoral degrees in Elementary 

Education from Arizona State University, Dr. Cameron taught for 

nearly 30 years in Arizona’s public schools. Drawing from his work 

as an electronics technician in the United States Navy, Dr. Cameron co-founded the Falcon Robotics Team at Carl Hayden High 

School in Phoenix. The team has competed at three national robotics championships, winning second place in 2005. In a 2004 university underwater robotics competition, the high school robotics 

team—comprised four Mexican immigrants—gained nationwide attention when they trounced the Nation’s top engineering programs, 

including that of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, at the 

competition. And I am a big fan of the FIRST competition. 

Congrats on that. 

We are also pleased to have Jamie Merisotis with us, the President and founder of the Institute for Higher Education Policy, one 

of the world’s premiere higher education research groups. Mr. 

Merisotis played a leading role in founding the Alliance for Equity 

in Higher Education in 1999. And in September of last year, he 

helped establish the Global Center on the Private Financing of 

Higher Education. Prior to his work at the Institute for Higher 

Education Policy, Mr. Merisotis directed the bipartisan National 

Commission on Responsibilities for Financing Post-Secondary Education, and assisted in the creation of the Corporation For National 

and Community Service, or AmeriCorps. 

Finally, I am pleased to welcome the minority’s witness, Dr. Kris 

Kobach, a professor of law at the University of Missouri - Kansas 

City. Professor Kobach joined the faculty at the University of Missouri in 1996, and he was awarded a White House fellowship in 

2001 to work for then-Attorney General John Ashcroft. Professor 

Kobach continued on after his fellowship as Counsel to the Attorney General. He earned his bachelor’s degree from Harvard University, his law degree from Yale University, and his doctorate 

from Oxford University as a Marshall Scholar. 

Each of you will have your entire written statements made a 

part of this record, but we do ask that you summarize your statements in about 5 minutes. When you have 1 minute to go, those 

little machines on your table will flash yellow. And that is really 

the time to know that you need to start winding up. And when 

your time is up it flashes red. And I will say most witnesses are 

31

always surprised, because the time goes very quickly. But we do 

hope to keep you within the time frame, because we have many 

Members here who would like to ask questions. 

So Ms. Furchtgott-Roth, am I too far off on the pronunciation? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. No, that is great. 

Ms. LOFGREN. You are recognized for 5 minutes. 

TESTIMONY OF DIANA FURCHTGOTT-ROTH, SENIOR FELLOW 

AND DIRECTOR, CENTER FOR EMPLOYMENT POLICY, HUDSON INSTITUTE 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. Thank you very much for giving me the 

opportunity to testify today. I would like to say that 25 years ago 

I was in a similar situation to these young people. I was here in 

the United States legally, but I did not have a work permit. I was 

fortunate to be able to marry an American citizen. And 24 years 

of happy married life and six children later, I hope that the United 

States is not sorry that I was able to gain my citizenship. 

Many undocumented students such as the ones we have heard 

from today don’t have the papers due to various personal circumstances. Nevertheless, I would like to say that their presence 

in America would benefit us, because they are hardworking and 

talented, and produce streams of income taxes and Social Security 

payments that bolster our fiscal position. 

One indication of the potential benefits of undocumented immigrant children is to look at how well their peers, the legal immigrant children, do as they grow up. Many of these young immigrants become high-achieving students and then outstanding workers and entrepreneurs. Many of the top students in merit-based 

high schools, such as Stuyvesant High School in New York, are 

children of immigrants. The undocumented immigrant children 

might do just as well, if not better, especially given the difficult circumstances they have to go through. 

What the DREAM Act seeks to do is, through the rule of law, fix 

the problems of these undocumented students. According to the Migration Policy Institute, 360,000 young people fit these criteria, and 

about 715,000 other young people age 15 to 17 could become eligible in the future. This total of about 1 million potential workers 

represents 0.7 percent, less than 1 percent of our labor force. Even 

if this number were to double or triple because of the incentives 

that some of the Members mentioned this morning, it would still 

be only a tiny fraction of our work force. 

Even though these undocumented young people are a small 

group, they have the potential to make an important contribution 

to our economy. If their status is regularized and they are placed 

on a path to becoming U.S. citizens, they would be able to get a 

college education and a well-paying job. The DREAM Act would 

vastly increase educational attainment, regardless of in-state tuition provisions. It would cause a much higher percentage of undocumented immigrant children to finish high school. Further, it 

would cause a much higher percentage of undocumented high 

school graduates to go to college. 

The DREAM Act would allow students who graduate from college 

to use their degrees in the fields that education prepares them for. 

This makes the educational investment worth it both for the stuVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00035 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
32

dents, but more importantly for the rest of us. It will help us as 

well as them because we have more productive citizens who fill 

needed job openings and who can pay taxes. And the United States 

needs these young workers, who are presently prevented from 

working through no fault of their own. 

Our global competitiveness is enhanced by attracting bright 

young people such as the ones we have heard from today. We live 

in an open global economy, and we are continually competing 

against other countries. We want firms to locate and expand in the 

United States, creating jobs here rather than going offshore. In 

order to do that, we want to keep the smartest entrepreneurs and 

workers here. 

Sometimes we hear that our economy cannot handle more immigrants, but economic facts do not support this. In 2007, the United 

States leads the industrialized world in job creation, and our unemployment rate is among the lowest. Because our job creation is so 

strong, employers are complaining about a shortage of jobs. Steve 

Berchem, of the American Staffing Association, which represents 

staffing firms such as Manpower, Inc., reports that his companies 

are having difficulty in attracting enough skilled workers. 

Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates also reported a shortage of workers. Testifying on February 7th, 2007, before the Senate Committee 

on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions, he said, and I quote, 

‘‘America’s need for highly skilled workers has never been greater,’’ 

and he called for an increase in the number of permanent residents, skipping the bureaucratic H1-B visa process altogether. He 

said, ‘‘Barring high-skilled immigrants from entry into the U.S., 

and forcing the ones that are here to leave because they cannot obtain a visa, ultimately forces U.S. employers to shift development 

work and other critical projects offshore. If we can retain these research projects in the United States, by contrast, we can stimulate 

domestic job and economic growth.’’

In conclusion, passing the DREAM Act and granting young people the right to stay in the United States is a win-win situation. 

There are no reasonable arguments against it. In fact, America 

would benefit if every foreigner who graduated from college had a 

green card stapled to his diploma. As all of you wind down your 

lengthy negotiations and start the process of making a law on immigration reform, you should keep one question in mind. Why send 

the Martine Kalaws, the Tam Trans and the Maria Gonzalezes of 

the world back to their countries to compete against us here? 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Ms. Furchtgott-Roth follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DIANA FURCHTGOTT-ROTH

Madam Chairman, members of the Committee, I am honored to be invited to testify before your Subcommittee today on the subject of the future of undocumented 

immigrant students. 

Currently I am a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. From February 2003 until 

April 2005 I was chief economist at the U.S. Department of Labor. From 2001 until 

2003 I served at the Council of Economic Advisers as chief of staff and special adviser. Previously, I was a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. I 

have served as Deputy Executive Secretary of the Domestic Policy Council under 

President George H.W. Bush. 

33

1 Jeanne Batalova and Michael Fix, ‘‘New Estimates of Unauthorized Youth Eligible for Legal 

Status under the DREAM Act,’’ Immigration Backgrounder (October 2006, No. 1), Migration Policy Institute. 

THE PROBLEMS WITH OUR CURRENT IMMIGRATION SYSTEM

We often hear that our immigration system is broken, and I’d like to illustrate 

this with an example. Harlem resident Dan-el Padilla is a brilliant classicist who 

came from the Dominican Republic at the age of 4 and who was second in his class 

at Princeton in 2006. Mr. Padilla could not get legal status. His mother, a 

housecleaner, filed immigration papers with a lawyer, according to newspaper reports, but never heard anything. His brother is a U.S. citizen by birth. 

One would think that Mr. Padilla is the kind of person who America would welcome with open arms. He speaks perfect English, is completely assimilated, has a 

degree from one of our top universities, and loves America. He broke no laws by 

here. 

Mr. Padilla was awarded a two-year scholarship to Oxford University and left the 

country last fall knowing that he might not be able to return and see his family. 

Last month he received an H-1B visa, good for a year, from Princeton University 

to work part-time with Professor Harriet Flower, allowing him to travel to America. 

No doubt Mr. Padilla is glad to have his one-year visa. But why cannot such talent be rewarded with a green card? Do we really want him to pursue his career 

in the U.K. rather than at an American institution? 

Similarly, many undocumented children such as Mr. Padilla do not have the right 

papers due to missed deadlines and bureaucratic error. Nevertheless, their presence 

in America would benefit us because they are hard-working and talented, and 

produce streams of income taxes and Social Security payments to bolster our fiscal 

position. 

One indication of the potential benefits of undocumented immigrant children is 

to look at how well their peers—the legal immigrant children—do as they grow up. 

Many of these young immigrants become high-achieving students, then outstanding 

workers and entrepreneurs. Many of the top students at merit-based highs schools 

such as Stuyvesant High School in New York are children of immigrants. The undocumented immigrant children might do just as well, if not better, given the especially difficult circumstances that they had to overcome. 

ADVANTAGES OF THE DREAM ACT

The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act, known as the 

DREAM Act, seeks to solve the problem of undocumented children. It passed the 

Senate as part of comprehensive immigration reform in 2006, sponsored by Richard 

Durbin (D-IL), Chuck Hagel (R-NE), and Richard Lugar (R-IN), and will shortly be 

reintroduced. Its companion House bill is sponsored by Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R-FL), 

Howard Berman (D-CA), and Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-CA). 

The bill seeks to regularize the status of young people ages 18 to 24 who came 

to the United States before the age of 16; who have been in the country for 5 years 

or longer; and who have a high school diploma or GED. According to the Migration 

Policy Institute,1 360,000 young people fit these criteria, and about 715,000 other 

young people ages 5 to 17 could become eligible in the future. The total of 1,075,000 

potential workers represents 0.7%, less than 1 percent, of our labor force. Even if 

this number were to double or triple it would only be a small fraction of our workforce. 

Even though these undocumented young people are a small group, they have the 

potential to make an important contribution to our economy. If their status is regularized, and they are placed on a path to becoming U.S. citizens, they will be able 

to get a college education and a well-paying job. 

The DREAM Act would vastly increase educational attainment regardless of the 

in-state tuition provisions. It would cause a much higher percentage of undocumented immigrant children to finish high school. Right now, according to the Migration Policy Institute piece, only 40 percent of undocumented Hispanic males do so. 

But if finishing high school is a ticket to legal status and increased earnings, presumably that number would rise. 

Further, the DREAM Act would cause a much higher percentage of undocumented 

immigrant high school graduates to go to college. Currently, fewer than 15 percent 

of undocumented high school graduates between 18 and 24 are in college. Since the 

DREAM Act conditions legal status on community college graduation, completion of 

2 years towards a 4-year degree, or 2 years service in the military, the number and 

percentage of college attendees would likely increase. 

34

2 John L. Palmer and Thomas R. Saving, ‘‘A Summary of the 2007 Annual Reports: A Message 

to the Public,’’ Social Security and Medicare Boards of Trustees, Social Security Online, http:/

/www.ssa.gov/OACT/TRSUM/trsummary.html, Accessed May 16, 2007.

The DREAM Act would allow students who graduate from college to use their degrees in the fields that their education prepares them for. This makes the educational investment worth it both for the students and for the rest of us. It will help 

us as well as them, because we can have more productive citizens who will fill needed job openings and who will pay taxes. And the more young educated workers in 

our economy, the better would be the outlook for our Medicare and Social Security 

programs. 

The United States needs these young workers who are presently prevented from 

working through no fault of their own. Immigration increases wages of native-born 

Americans. Our global competitiveness is enhanced by attracting bright young people such Mr. Padilla, as well as the ones we have heard from today. 

We live in an open, global economy, and we continually compete against other 

countries. We want firms to locate and expand in the United States, creating jobs 

here rather than going offshore. In order to do that, we want to keep the smartest 

entrepreneurs and workers here. 

THE UNITED STATES NEEDS MORE WORKERS

Sometimes we hear that our economy cannot handle more immigrants. But economic facts do not support this. In 2007, the United States leads the industrialized 

world in job creation, and our unemployment rate is among the lowest in the industrialized world. In contrast, unemployment rates in most other countries are far 

higher. In March 2007, the latest month for which comparable data are available, 

Americans had an unemployment rate of 4.4 percent, while unemployment rates in 

the Eurozone were 7.2 percent; in France, 8.7 percent; in Germany, 7.0 percent; in 

Spain, 8.3 percent; and in Canada, 6.1 percent. Only Japan had a lower rate than 

the United States, and its economy is characterized by a slower rate of GDP growth. 

Because our job creation is so strong, employers are complaining about a shortage 

of jobs. Steve Berchem of the American Staffing Association, which represents staffing firms such as Manpower, Inc, reports that his companies are having difficulty 

recruiting enough skilled workers. According to Mr. Berchem, ‘‘Our members are 

saying that they have more job orders than qualified candidates to fill them, especially for skilled and professional positions. Demand has increased for recruiting and 

permanent placement services because our members’ clients are having difficulty 

filling positions due to lack of available talent. The U.S. staffing industry needs a 

larger labor supply to meet growing demand.’’

Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates also reported a shortage of workers. Testifying on 

February 7, 2007 before the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and 

Pensions, he said that ‘‘America’s need for highly skilled workers has never been 

greater,’’ and called for an increase in the number of permanent residents, skipping 

the bureaucratic H1-B visa process altogether. 

Mr. Gates stated that ‘‘Barring high skilled immigrants from entry to the U.S., 

and forcing the ones that are here to leave because they cannot obtain a visa, ultimately forces U.S. employers to shift development work and other critical projects 

offshore. . . . If we can retain these research projects in the United States, by contrast, we can stimulate domestic job and economic growth.’’

The students we heard from this morning, Martine Mwanj Kalaw and Marie 

Nazareth Gonzales, are the types of students to whom Mr. Gates is referring. 

As well as needing workers now, we need future workers to keep our Social Security and Medicare funds in balance. According to the Summary of the 2007 Annual 

Social Security and Medicare Trust Fund Reports: 2

‘‘The financial condition of the Social Security and Medicare programs remains 

problematic; we believe their currently projected long run growth rates are not 

sustainable under current financing arrangements. Social Security’s current annual surpluses of tax income over expenditures will soon begin to decline and 

then turn into rapidly growing deficits as the baby boom generation retires. 

Medicare’s financial status is even worse.’’

The more young talented workers in our economy, the better will be the outlook for 

our Medicare and Social Security programs. 

Many scholars, such as Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute 

and Nobel Prize-winning economist Gary Becker of the University of Chicago, have 

documented the detrimental effect on developed economies of the decline in birth 

rates. Fewer workers are forced to look after more retired workers, leading to tax 

35

3 Council on Competitiveness, ‘‘Innovate America: Thriving in a World of Challenge and 

Change,’’ 2005. 4 Council on Competitiveness, ‘‘Competitiveness Index: Where America Stands,’’ November 

2006. 5Gianmarco I.P. Ottaviano and Giovanni Peri, ‘‘Rethinking the Effects of Immigration on 

Wages,’’ National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12497, August 2006. 6Giovanni Peri, ‘‘Immigrants’ Complementarities and Native Wages: Evidence from California,’’ National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12956, March 2007. 7Pia M. Orrenius and Madeline Zavodny, ‘‘Does Immigration Affect Wages? A Look at Occupation-Level Evidence,’’ IZA Discussion Papers 2481 (December 2006), Institute for Study of Labor 

(IZA). 8David Card, ‘‘Immigrant Inflows, Native Outflows, and the Local Market Impacts of Higher 

immigration,’’ Journal of Labor Economics 19 (January 2001, No. 1), pp. 22–64. 9George J. Borjas and Lawrence F. Katz, ‘‘The Evolution of the Mexican-Born Workforce in 

the United States,’’ National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 11281, April 

2005. 

increases and economic stagnation. Immigration presents a tremendous potential 

benefit to increase the number of future taxpayers. 

The widely-respected Council on Competitiveness has called on the United States 

to increase its supply of skilled workers. The Council’s National Innovation Initiative identified talent as the nation’s key innovation asset and specifically highlighted the need to continue to attract the best and brightest from around the 

world.3 The Council’s recent Competitiveness Index describes a broad range of 

trends that are intensifying our need for high skilled immigrants-from the aging of 

the American population, to the declining number of Americans receiving advanced 

degrees in science and engineering, to the incredible contributions of immigrant entrepreneurs to our economy.4

POSITIVE EFFECTS OF IMMIGRANTS ON WAGES OF NATIVE-BORN WORKERS

Some, such as Harvard’s George Borjas, think that we should keep skilled immigrants out because they lower wages of native-born workers. But economic research 

shows the opposite. Immigration has widespread helpful effects on the economy and 

may cause wages to rise, because immigrant labor does not substitute for native 

labor, but complements it. Immigrants buy goods and services, increasing aggregate 

demand in the economy and creating jobs. 

Professors Gianmarco Ottaviano of the University of Bologna and Giovanni Peri 

of the University of California, Davis,5 showed that immigration causes native-born 

American wages to increase. According to a new study 6 released in March 2007, immigrants raised the wages of most native-born workers in California, a high-immigrant state, by 4% over 14 years, with no change for low-skill workers and a 7% 

change for high skill workers. 

Other economists have also found little negative effect on wages. Senior Economist Pia Orrenius of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas 7 finds a slight increase 

in wages for professionals and a slight decline for manual workers from immigration 

of less than 1%. Professor David Card of the University of California, Berkeley,8

finds a decrease in wages of no more than 3% among low-skill workers in high immigrant cities such as Miami and Los Angeles, and smaller effects in other cities 

and occupational groups. 

Professor George Borjas of Harvard University 9 finds the most significant effect 

of immigration on wages. Yet even he concluded in a 2005 study that immigrants 

actually raised average wages of Americans by 0.1% and only lowered the wages of 

the low-skilled, those without a high school diploma, by 5%. This means that America has a net gain from immigrants, although smaller than other studies. Mr. Borjas 

gets his results by assuming that immigrants and native-born Americans are perfect 

substitutes, and that physical capital is fixed and doesn’t vary with additional immigration. Mr. Borjas measures immigration’s effect on wages assuming that no other 

changes take place in the economy, while Mr. Ottaviano and Mr. Peri measure 

wages after labor and capital respond. 

However, Mr. Borjas’s assumptions obviously don’t match what goes on in the 

United States. A casual look at Silicon Valley, where immigrants head up a disproportionate number of high-tech startups, shows that immigrants fill specific 

niches. Not only do immigrants pursue certain fields and occupations, but capital 

flows into Silicon Valley to support their efforts. 

In conclusion, passing the DREAM Act and granting young people the right to 

stay in the United States is a win-win situation. There are no reasonable arguments 

against it. In fact, America would benefit if every foreigner who graduated from college had a green card stapled to his diploma. 

36

As Congress winds down its lengthy negotiations over immigration reform, it 

should keep one question in mind: why send the Martine Kalaws and the Tam 

Trans and the Marie Gonzalezes of the world back to their home countries to compete against us? 

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you today. I would be 

glad to answer any questions.

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you very much. Dr. Cameron. 

TESTIMONY OF ALLAN CAMERON, Ph.D., RETIRED HIGH 

SCHOOL COMPUTER SCIENCE TEACHER, CARL HAYDEN 

HIGH SCHOOL, PHOENIX, AZ 

Mr. CAMERON. Good morning, and thank you, Chairwoman 

Lofgren, Ranking Member King, and Members of the Subcommittee. I am a recently retired teacher from Carl Hayden High 

School in Phoenix, Arizona. Although I was employed as a computer science teacher, I spent much of my last 6 years with fellow 

teacher Fredi Lajvardi and the Carl Hayden Robotics Team. We 

participated in the FIRST, For Inspiration and Recognition of 

Science and Technology, Robotics Competition, which combines the 

excitement of sport with science and technology. It has changed the 

culture of our school and the dreams of our students. 

The Carl Hayden Falcon Robotics Team made news a few years 

ago when their underwater robot competed in the university category and won. It demonstrated what our kids, actually what all 

kids, were capable of achieving. Beating MIT that year was big 

news. We consistently rank among the top three schools in the university division, still beating MIT and other universities. Canada 

is hosting this year’s underwater competition. We will not be attending because we probably have undocumented students on our 

team. Besides, MIT deserves a chance. 

Carl Hayden High School has over 2,000 students; 92 percent are 

Latino. It is estimated that 60 to 80 percent of our student body 

are undocumented, brought into this country by their parents as 

children. There are 1.7 million other undocumented minors transplanted into our society. While living in the U.S. and being educated in our school system, these children become Americanized. 

They repeat the Pledge of Allegiance, liberty and justice for all. 

They root for their favorite baseball and football teams, and they 

ponder their future. 

Cindy’s parents brought her here to the United States from Mexico at the age of 12. When she was a high school sophomore on the 

robotics team, she asked Mr. Lajvardi and me if we would help her 

prepare for college. We had her taken out of the ESL classes and 

enrolled in honors classes, eventually earning college credits while 

in high school. Graduating with top marks, she entered the local 

community college to become a nurse. She is finishing—this 

month—her second year this month, and when she receives her RN 

certificate she will continue her education in a pre-medical program. She wants to become a pediatrician. 

Of the 12 graduating seniors this year on our robotics club, 11 

have been admitted to Arizona State University, nine with ASU 

scholarships. Six will be in engineering, which is phenomenal for 

a high school. It is over the top for Latinos. And half of them are 

women, which is another whole scale that we are—one in science 

37

and one in pre-medicine, like Cindy. This has been the way it has 

been going in our club for the last 5 years. 

65,000 undocumented students graduate from U.S. high schools 

each year. The men, by law, must register for Selective Service, yet 

they cannot volunteer to serve our country in the military. Valedictorians and straight A students can go to college and receive degrees, yet cannot be employed, even in fields where we have critical 

shortages of skilled workers. A routine traffic stop can result in immediate deportation, a loss of our intellectual capital that will take 

years to replace. While American-educated Cindy is unemployed, 

we try to recruit 10,000 South Korean nurses to immigrate into the 

U.S. to ease the projected shortage of nurses. 

The story of the kids in the Falcon Robotics Team has been published in magazines like Wired, Reader’s Digest, and high school 

textbooks. Warner Brothers has bought the movie rights to the 

young engineers’ story. Hardworking kids who can overcome all obstacles and compete with the best is an American tale. The gritty 

students of the Falcon Robotics Team have become role models to 

young people nationwide, positive examples of the American cando spirit. Yesterday at the FDR Memorial I read the inscription, 

‘‘No country, however rich, can afford the waste of its human resources.’’ Our bright, moral, hardworking students need the opportunities to serve our country. 

If two public school teachers in downtown Phoenix can cultivate 

talented students into champions of the community, assets, not liabilities, imagine what we can accomplish with the help of the 

United States’ legislature. Imagine what can happen if we don’t. 

Thank you. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Cameron follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ALLAN CAMERON

Good morning and thank you, Chairwoman Lofgren, Ranking Member King, and 

members of the Subcommittee. 

I am a recently retired teacher from Carl Hayden High School in Phoenix, Arizona. Although I was employed as a computer science teacher, I spent much of the 

last six years with fellow teacher, Fredi Lajvardi, and the Carl Hayden robotics 

team. We participated in the FIRST (For Inspiration and Recognition of Science and 

Technology), Robotics Competition, which combines the excitement of sport with 

science and technology. It has changed the culture of our school and the dreams of 

our students. 

The Carl Hayden Falcon Robotics team made news a few years ago when their 

underwater robot competed in the university category and won! It demonstrated 

what our kids (actually, all kids) were capable of achieving. Beating MIT that year 

was big news. We consistently rank among the top three schools, still beating MIT 

and other universities! Canada is hosting this year’s competition. We will not be attending because we probably have undocumented students on our team. Besides, 

MIT deserves a chance! 

Carl Hayden High School has over 2,000 students; 92% are Latino. It is estimated 

that 60% to 80% of our students are undocumented, brought into this country by 

their parents as children. There are 1.7 million other undocumented minors transplanted into our society. While living in the U.S. and being educated in our school 

system, these children become ‘‘Americanized.’’ They repeat the Pledge of Allegiance 

(‘‘. . . liberty and justice for all’’), root for their favorite baseball and football teams, 

and ponder their future. 

Cindy’s parents brought her into the United States from Mexico at the age of 12. 

When she was a high school sophomore on the robotics team, she asked Mr. 

Lajvardi and me if we would help her prepare for college. We had her taken out 

of ESL classes and enrolled in honors courses, eventually earning college credits 

while in high school. Graduating with top marks, she entered the local community 

college to become a nurse. She is finishing her second year this month, and when 

38

1The US to recruit 10,000 South Korean nurses, 18 April 2006, http://www.workpermit.com/

news/2006l04l18/us/thelusltolrecruitl10000lnurses.htm 

she receives her RN certificate, she will continue her education in a pre-medical program. She wants to become a pediatrician. 

Of the 12 graduating seniors in the Robotics club this year, 11 have been admitted to Arizona State University, nine with ASU scholarships, six will be in engineering, one in science and one in pre-medicine, like Cindy. That has been our trend 

for the last five years. 

Sixty-five thousand undocumented students graduate from U.S. high schools each 

year. The men, by law, must register for Selective Service, yet cannot volunteer to 

serve our country in the military. Valedictorians and straight A students can go to 

college and receive degrees, yet cannot be employed, even in fields where we have 

a critical shortage of skilled workers. A routine traffic stop can result in immediate 

deportation, a loss of our intellectual capitol that will take years to replace. While 

American-educated Cindy is unemployed, we try to recruit 10,000 South Korean 

nurses to immigrate into the U.S. to ease the projected shortage of nurses.1

The story of the kids on the Falcon robotics team has been published in magazines like Wired and Reader’s Digest and in high school textbooks. Warner Brothers 

has bought the movie rights to the young engineers’ story. Hard-working kids who 

can overcome all obstacles and compete with the best is an American tale. The gritty students of the Falcon Robotics team have become role models to young people 

nation wide—positive examples of the American can-do spirit. 

Yesterday at the FDR Memorial, I read the inscription, ‘‘No country, however rich, 

can afford the waste of its human resources.’’ Our bright, moral, hard-working students need the opportunities to serve our country. 

If two teachers in downtown Phoenix can cultivate talented students into champions of the community, imagine what we can accomplish with the help of United 

States legislators. Imagine what can happen if we don’t. 

Thank you.

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you very much, Dr. Cameron. Mr. 

Merisotis. 

TESTIMONY OF JAMIE P. MERISOTIS, PRESIDENT,

INSTITUTE FOR HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY 

Mr. MERISOTIS. Thank you very much for this opportunity to be 

here. Improving access to higher education continues to be one of 

the most important investments that we can make in our collective 

well-being. The simple fact remains that increasing educational opportunities results in tremendous public, private, social, and economic benefits. We know that workers who have gone to college 

tend to have higher salaries, higher savings, more overall productivity, better health, and increased life expectancy. Higher earnings 

for college graduates result in more revenue for government expenditures through increased tax collections and through budget 

savings from avoided social expenditures. The social benefits of 

higher education range from higher voting rates to more charitable 

giving and volunteerism. In short, by investing in those who might 

not otherwise go to college, we are investing in our united future 

and well-being. It is not simply that it is the right thing to do, but 

that it is in our collective economic and social self-interest to do so. 

In today’s America, realizing the American dream is almost impossible without some post-secondary education. Unfortunately, not 

everyone who graduates from high school and is qualified to go to 

college is able to equally and adequately benefit from post-secondary education. Many immigrants face significant barriers in 

gaining access to, and succeeding in, higher education. These prospective college students must struggle with inadequate finances, 

heavy work and family responsibilities, varied academic backVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00042 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6601 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
39

grounds, limited English proficiency, and a lack of knowledge about 

the American system of higher education. Even for immigrants who 

arrive in the United States as children, as we saw from the prior 

panel, navigating the American educational system may not be 

easy. Many young immigrants struggle to learn English and keep 

up with their classes in elementary and secondary school. Foreignborn teenagers age 15 to 17 make up about 8 percent of that age 

group overall in the total population, but represent almost 25 percent of high school dropouts. Undocumented students may be less 

motivated to complete high school if they believe that higher education and the better paying jobs available to someone with a college degree to be an unattainable goal. Undocumented immigrant 

students face an array of barriers to college access and success. In 

a time of rising college costs, when the average tuition and fees for 

a public university have increased by 96 percent over the last decade, many of these students must pay out-of-state tuition, and in 

some cases are even charged international student rates. 

Even in the 10 States that currently offer in-state tuition to undocumented students who have graduated from State high schools, 

undocumented students are not eligible for the Federal and State 

financial aid that assists their low-income classmates. They also 

cannot legally work to support themselves while in college. They 

cannot even legally drive themselves to their college classes, a burden for those who must live with their parents in order to be able 

to afford to attend college. Faced with these obstacles, students 

who have lived in the United States for much of their lives may 

well watch their high school classmates go to a college that they 

cannot afford, and then take jobs for which they will not be able 

to be legally eligible, even if they can manage to complete a college 

degree. 

As a result, the investment already made in these students’ primary and secondary education has no chance of paying off for the 

Nation. If you consider what our national workforce needs are in 

the specific sense of human capital, it is clear we are looking at an 

enormous shortage of educated workers in the not-too-distant future. Already we are seeing corporations recruiting overseas in critical workforce sectors like technology, and by 2020 we will be looking at an employment gap of about 14 million people needed to fill 

jobs that require a college education, according to Census Bureau 

projections. Investing in those who are already here is our best 

hope for remaining competitive on a global scale. 

Congress can address these deficiencies in educational and economic competitiveness by making comprehensive immigration reform a reality and by passing the DREAM Act. The DREAM Act 

is a common-sense piece of bipartisan legislation that provides 

these talented and industrious future workers a pathway to citizenship so that they can support themselves while attending college, 

and eventually use their college education to pursue their professional goals and aspirations as American citizens. Immigrant students have the capacity, the motivation, and in many cases the 

academic preparation needed to complete a college education, but 

too many of these students are forced to grapple with a system that 

was not designed to address the modern day barriers to their success. 

40

1The Institute for Higher Education Policy (IHEP) is an independent, nonprofit organization 

that is dedicated to access and success in postsecondary education around the world. Established 

in 1993, IHEP uses unique research and innovative programs to inform key decision makers 

who shape public policy and support economic and social development. The Institute’s work addresses an array of issues in higher education, ranging from higher education financing to technology-based learning to quality assurance to minority-serving institutions. 

I urge you to implement the simple, rational policy adjustments 

contained in the DREAM Act that recognize America’s changing 

population and the important role immigrants play in our future 

global economic leadership. 

Thank you very much. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Merisotis follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JAMIE P. MERISOTIS

Madam Chairwoman and Members of the Subcommittee: 

Thank you for this opportunity to appear before the Subcommittee on the matter 

of undocumented immigrant students and comprehensive immigration reform. 

Improving access to higher education continues to be one of the most important 

investments that we can make in our collective well-being. The simple fact remains 

that increasing educational opportunities results in tremendous public, private, social, and economic benefits. We know that workers who have gone to college tend 

to have higher salaries, higher savings, more overall productivity both professionally 

and personally, better health, and increased life expectancy. For example, national 

data show that U.S. workers over the age of 18 with a high school diploma earn 

an average of about $27,000 annually, while those with a bachelor’s degree earn an 

average of more than $51,000, or nearly double that amount. Higher earnings for 

college graduates result in more revenue for government expenditures through increased tax collections and through budget savings from avoided social service expenditures. Increasing the number of college graduates saves millions of dollars in 

avoided social costs every year, as a result of improved health, lower crime, and reduced welfare and unemployment. The social benefits of higher education range 

from higher voting rates to more charitable giving and volunteerism. In short, by 

investing in those who might not otherwise go to college, we are investing in our 

united future and well-being. It’s not simply that it’s the right thing to do, but that 

it is in our collective economic and social self-interest to do so. 

For many immigrants, the United States is a place where, through hard work and 

perseverance, they hope to achieve better lives for themselves and their families. 

But in today’s America, realizing the American Dream is almost impossible without 

some postsecondary education. Unfortunately, not everyone who graduates from 

high school and is qualified to go to college is able to equally and adequately benefit 

from postsecondary education. Many immigrants face significant barriers in gaining 

access to and succeeding in higher education. As a recent report published by the 

Institute for Higher Education Policy 1 demonstrates, these prospective college students must struggle with inadequate finances, heavy work and family responsibilities, varied academic backgrounds, limited English proficiency, and a lack of knowledge about the American system of higher education—all of which can affect their 

ability to navigate the complex postsecondary admissions and financial aid processes, and the equally challenging process of earning a postsecondary credential. 

Even for immigrants who arrive in the United States as children, navigating the 

American educational system may not be easy. Many young immigrants struggle to 

learn English and keep up with their classes in elementary and secondary school. 

A recent study of educational barriers for Latino immigrants in Georgia, many of 

whom were undocumented, found that these children and their parents had a limited understanding of how American schools work. Some parents didn’t understand 

that they needed certain documents to enroll their children in school or believed 

that they would have to pay tuition or buy books. While they were interested in 

helping their children succeed in school, these parents also found it difficult to communicate with teachers and administrators when their children were having problems. 

High school drop-out rates are high among young immigrants. In 2000, foreignborn teenagers ages 15 to 17 made up about 8 percent of that age group in the total 

U.S. population but represented almost 25 percent of high school drop-outs. Undocumented students, in particular, may be less motivated to complete high school if 

they believe higher education, and the better-paying jobs available to someone with 

a college degree, to be an unattainable goal. For many young adults from low-inVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00044 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6621 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
41

come immigrant families, simply graduating from high school prepared for college 

means having already overcome considerable obstacles. 

Immigrants who actually enroll in higher education make up 12 percent of undergraduate college students—a percentage that makes this group comparable in numbers to Hispanic and Black students as well as students with disabilities. However, 

unlike these other groups, immigrant college students have received relatively little 

attention in the public policy arena. Immigrants who do enroll in college also face 

additional barriers to persistence and degree completion. Immigrant students have 

higher unmet financial need than the average undergraduate, are more likely to enroll in community colleges or private for-profit institutions, and more often earn certificates or associate’s degrees rather than bachelor’s degrees. 

The Hispanic immigrant population as a whole is particularly disadvantaged 

when it comes to gaining access to higher education. Latino immigrants—especially 

those from Mexico and Central America—are more likely than other immigrants to 

drop out before completing high school, even if they immigrated to the United States 

during childhood. Latino immigrants are underrepresented in the undergraduate 

student population, have low rates of bachelor’s degree completion, and are more 

likely than immigrants from other regions to leave school without completing any 

credential. These facts, taken in combination, paint a picture of an immigrant group 

for whom college access and success remain significant challenges. 

Undocumented immigrant students, the majority of whom are Latino, face all the 

barriers described above and more. In a time of rising college costs, when the average tuition and fees for a public university have increased by 96 percent over the 

last decade, many of these students must pay out-of-state tuition, or in some cases, 

even the rate charged to international students. Even in the ten states that currently offer in-state tuition to undocumented students who have graduated from 

state high schools, undocumented college students face significant barriers to college 

enrollment and completion. They are not eligible for the federal and state financial 

aid that assists their low-income classmates. They also cannot legally work to support themselves while in college. They cannot even legally drive themselves to their 

college classes, a burden for those who must live with their parents in order to afford to attend college. Faced with these obstacles, students who have lived in the 

United States for much of their lives may well watch their high school classmates 

go on to a college education they cannot afford and then take jobs for which they 

will not be legally eligible, even if they can manage to complete a college degree. 

As a result, the investment already made in these students’ primary and secondary 

education has no chance of paying off for the nation. 

If you consider what our national needs are in the specific sense of human capital, 

it’s clear that we are looking at an enormous shortage of educated workers in the 

not-too-distant future. Already, we are seeing corporations recruiting overseas in 

critical workforce sectors like technology, and by 2020, we will be looking at an employment gap of about 14 million people needed to fill jobs that require a college 

education, according to Census Bureau projections. Investing in those who are already here—including both legal and undocumented immigrants—is our best hope 

for remaining competitive on a global scale. 

Recent international data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and 

Development indicate that the United States now stands in eighth place in the proportion of 25 to 34 year olds who have a college degree. Far ahead of the U.S. are 

Canada, Japan, Korea, and several other nations, including many of the Scandinavian countries. Other European nations and Australia are close on our heels. We 

expect that as a result of what is known as the Bologna Process, which is a European-wide agreement to invest in higher education on a large scale, the U.S. will 

fall further behind more of the European nations in just the next few years. This 

precipitous decline in such a relatively short time frame tells an important story 

about our inability to sustain the investments we have already made in our domestic higher education. Leaving behind undocumented immigrants who are committed 

to earning a college degree and making a contribution to their adopted country simply makes no sense given the nation’s future economic and workforce needs. 

Congress can address these deficiencies in educational and economic competitiveness by making comprehensive immigration reform a reality and by passing the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. The DREAM Act 

is a common sense piece of bipartisan legislation that provides these talented and 

industrious future workers with a pathway to citizenship so that they can support 

themselves while attending college and eventually use their college education to 

pursue their professional goals and aspirations as American citizens. It also makes 

it easier for states to offer in-state tuition and financial aid to students, regardless 

of their immigration status. Put simply, these two changes would make college a 

more realistic option for deserving students who have met the same rigorous acaVerDate 0ct 09 2002 15:55 Sep 13, 2007 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00045 Fmt 6633 Sfmt 6621 H:\WORK\IMMIG\051807\35453.000 HJUD1 PsN: 35453
42

demic requirements as their college-bound peers, but who now lack access to the 

range of financial assistance provided to other students in their states. In addition, 

it would allow them to work legally in the jobs for which a college education prepares them. 

Without legislation like the DREAM Act to increase access to higher education for 

the students most in need of assistance, the United States risks falling behind in 

the global economy of the 21st century. The potential consequences of inaction are 

serious: a workforce without the skills needed to fill essential jobs, reduced economic 

productivity, increased social welfare costs, an electorate less able to contribute to 

an effective democracy. Increased access to higher education benefits individual students, to be sure, but its most important benefits are to the nation. 

Immigrant students have the capacity, motivation, and in many cases, the academic preparation needed to complete a college education, but too many of these 

students are forced to grapple with a system that was not designed to address the 

modern day barriers to their success. I urge the 110th Congress to implement the 

simple, rational policy adjustments contained in the DREAM Act that recognize 

America’s changing population, and the important role immigrants play in our future global economic leadership. 

Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before the Subcommittee on this 

important issue.

Ms. LOFGREN. Dr. Kobach. 

TESTIMONY OF KRIS W. KOBACH, Ph.D., PROFESSOR OF LAW, 

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI—KANSAS CITY SCHOOL OF LAW 

Mr. KOBACH. Thank you, Madam Chairman. Madam Chairman, 

Members of the Committee, it is an honor to be before you today. 

In addition to being a law professor who teaches constitutional law 

and immigration law, I am also a litigator who litigates on behalf 

of the Immigration Reform Law Institute, which represents U.S. 

citizens, and supports the interests of immigration enforcement. Of 

particular relevance in that regard is the fact that I am representing U.S. citizens in the case of Day v. Bond, which is an instance where U.S. citizens are being discriminated against by a 

university, in this case the Kansas university system, that provides 

the benefits of in-state tuition rates at roughly one-third the cost 

that the U.S. citizen plaintiffs are paying in that case. 

When I did serve in the Justice Department, I was Attorney General Ashcroft’s chief adviser on immigration law. As you are well 

aware, and as Representative King mentioned, in September, 1996, 

Congress passed its Immigration Reform Act of that year, and a 

central provision of that act, now codified at title 8, section 1623 

of the U.S. Code, is the provision that says in so many words an 

alien who is not lawfully present in the United States shall not be 

eligible for any post-secondary education benefit unless every citizen in the United States is also eligible for that benefit; in other 

words, no in-state tuition or grants unless U.S. citizens from out 

of State also get those grants. It was a simple non-discrimination 

provision that said illegal aliens should not be discriminated in 

favor of and against U.S. citizens. 

Congress in 1996 I think did not anticipate that some States 

might simply disregard Federal law, but that is precisely what happened. In 1999, the California legislature passed a bill that gave 

in-state tuition to illegal aliens. Governor Gray Davis, many of you 

may not know, vetoed that bill in 2000. In his veto message, he 

said Federal law prevents us from doing this. He also said in his 

veto message it would cost the State $63.7 million to subsidize this 

education. Undeterred, the California legislature came right back 

43

and passed the bill again. In 2001, in a slightly different political 

climate, Governor Davis signed the bill, ignoring his previous veto 

message. 

Most States that have considered such bills giving in-state tuition to illegal aliens have rejected the idea; however, nine States 

did follow California’s example. Now, in relatively small States, 

like Kansas, it is about 300 students who are taking advantage of 

this benefit. In big States, like Texas, it is about 6,000 students. 

And in California, it is estimated that over 16,000 students are 

taking advantage of this in-state tuition. 

I would argue that this is a bad idea for three basic reasons, and 

that the DREAM Act, which essentially retroactively legalizes this 

giving of in-state tuition to out-of-state—to undocumented aliens, is 

also a bad idea for three reasons. The first is that it discriminates 

against U.S. citizens. For example, in Kansas, take the case of a 

Missouri student who has played by the rules all his life. He then 

goes to Kansas University and pays roughly three times the 

amount of tuition that an undocumented student would pay. This 

is particularly harmful at a time when the cost of education is 

going rapidly beyond the reach of many Americans. College costs 

rose 35 percent between 2005 and 2007. That is after adjusting for 

inflation. Two-thirds of college students now graduate with debt, 

with an average of just under $20,000 worth of debt. And in an era 

of limited resources, I would argue that U.S. Citizens should be 

first to get those resources. 

Second, it places a heavy burden on taxpayers. In Texas, it is estimated that the in-state tuition for illegal aliens costs taxpayers 

$40 to $50 million a year. In California, it is over $100 million a 

year. But perhaps most importantly, it discriminates against those 

students who are here lawfully. Indeed, under the terms of some 

of the State statutes and under the terms of the DREAM Act, in 

order to qualify for the benefits you have to be illegally present in 

the country. 

So we heard from the first panel from three individuals who were 

here under different circumstances. Ms. Kalaw and Ms. Tran would 

actually not be helped. And if the three of them were to attend a 

university, only Ms. Gonzalez would get the benefit of in-state tuition, and would get the benefit of the Z visa, which is an extremely 

easy way of remaining in the United States, whereas Ms. Kalaw 

and Ms. Tran would pay three to four times as much. Now where 

is the rationality in that? It does not make sense that those lawfully present, like the latter two of those witnesses, should be treated differently because they have tried and struggled to follow the 

law. 

Furthermore, aliens inside and outside the United States are 

sent this message. If you go through the hoops and you go through 

the bureaucratic hassle of trying to follow the law, which is admittedly difficult, then we will punish you in the United States by 

making you have a standard student visa, an F, M or J visa, which 

will not automatically renew like the Z visa will, and will be a 

tough road for you as you attempt to adjust your status. But if you 

are illegally here, you get in-state tuition and you get a much easier path to citizenship. I would submit that that is patently unfair. 

[The prepared statement of Mr. Kobach follows:]

44

PREPARED STATEMENT OF KRIS W. KOBACH

INTRODUCTION

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, it is an honor to appear before 

you today to discuss the issue of states offering in-state tuition rates to illegal aliens 

in violation of federal law, and the impact that Senate Bill 2611 would have in this 

area. 

I come before you today in my capacity as a Professor of Constitutional Law and 

Immigration Law at the University of Missouri (Kansas City). My testimony should 

not be taken as the official position of my institution, which does not take positions 

on pending legislation. 

I am also a practicing attorney who litigates regularly in the area of immigration 

and federal preemption on behalf of the Immigration and Reform Law Institute 

(IRLI). IRLI is a public interest litigation institute that represents the interests of 

U.S. citizens and supports the enforcement of immigration law in civil suits around 

the country. Often, IRLI is the only litigating entity with the resources and experience to explain the legal basis for the enforcement of this country’s immigration 

laws. 

Of particular relevance to this hearing is the fact IRLI is representing the plaintiff U.S. citizens in the case of Day v. Bond, a challenge to Kansas’s provision of 

in-state tuition rates to illegal aliens. I am lead counsel in that case. IRLI is also 

representing the plaintiffs in the case of Martinez v. Board of Regents, a similar case 

in California. 

Between 2001 and 2003, I served as White House Fellow and Counsel to the U.S. 

Attorney General at the Department of Justice. In that capacity, I was the Attorney 

General’s chief adviser on immigration law. 

THE HISTORY OF IN-STATE TUITION RATES FOR ILLEGAL ALIENS

In September 1996, Congress passed the landmark Illegal Immigration Reform 

and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA). Legislators in some states—most notably California—had already raised the possibility of making in-state tuition rates 

available to illegal aliens who attend public universities. To prevent such a development, IIRIRA’s drafters inserted a provision that prohibited any state from doing 

so, unless the state also provided the same discounted tuition to all U.S. citizens. 

It was written in plain language that any layman could understand:

‘‘Notwithstanding any other provision of law, an alien who is not lawfully 

present in the United States shall not be eligible on the basis of residence within a State (or a political subdivision) for any postsecondary education benefit 

unless a citizen or national of the United States is eligible for such a benefit 

(in no less an amount, duration, and scope) without regard to whether the citizen or national is such a resident.’’ 8 U.S.C. § 1623

Obviously, no state in the union would be interested in giving up the extra revenue derived from out-of-state students, Members of Congress reasoned, so this provision would ensure that illegal aliens would never be rewarded with a taxpayersubsidized college education. What Congress did not foresee in 1996 was the willingness of some states to simply disobey federal law. 

However, that is precisely what happened. In 1999, Members of the California legislature pushed ahead with their plan to have taxpayers subsidize the college education of illegal aliens. Assemblyman Marco Firebaugh sponsored a bill that would 

make illegal aliens who had resided in California for three years during high school 

eligible for in-state tuition at California community colleges and universities. The 

bill passed both houses of the California Legislature. 

California Governor Gray Davis vetoed the bill in January 2000, stating clearly 

in his veto message that it would violate federal law: ‘‘Undocumented aliens are ineligible to receive postsecondary education benefits based on state residence. . . . 

IIRIRA would require that all out-of-state legal residents be eligible for this same 

benefit. Based on Fall 1998 enrollment figures . . . this legislation could result in 

a revenue loss of over $63.7 million to the state.’’

Undeterred, Representative Firebaugh introduced his bill again; and the California Legislature passed it again. In 2002, Governor Davis ignored his own veto 

message of 2000 and signed Firebaugh’s bill offering in-state tuition rates to illegal 

aliens. 

Meanwhile, legislators in Texas had succeeded in passing their own version of the 

same bill. Over the next four years, interest groups lobbying for illegal aliens introduced the same legislation in most of the other states. The majority of state legislatures rejected the idea. 

45

However, eight more states followed the examples of California and Texas. Today, 

the ten states that offer in-state tuition to illegal aliens are: California, Illinois, 

Kansas, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, Texas, Utah, and Washington. 

In relatively small states like Kansas, the number of illegal aliens receiving this 

taxpayer-subsidized tuition is in the hundreds. However, in larger states where the 

benefit has been available for four years or more, the number is in the thousands. 

In Texas, approximately 5,935 illegal aliens were receiving in-state tuition benefits 

in 2005. And in California, with its massive system of universities and community 

colleges, more than 16,000 illegal aliens are now receiving a taxpayer-subsidized 

higher education. 

WHY PROVIDING ACCESS TO IN-STATE TUITION FOR ILLEGAL ALIENS IS BAD POLICY

In all of the ten states that are violating federal law in this manner, the in-state 

tuition laws make for shockingly bad policy. There are many reasons that this is 

true, but three are particularly salient. 

First, these laws discriminate against U.S. citizens. Neither an illegal alien nor 

a nonresident U.S. citizen is normally entitled to in-state tuition rates at a state’s 

institutions of higher education. This is understandable, because in-state tuition eligibility is a valuable public benefit. It is a taxpayer-provided education subsidy that 

is worth well over $10,000 a year at most public universities. States accordingly reserve in-state tuition benefits for their own residents. However, if a state makes this 

benefit available to illegal aliens (whose legal residence is in another country), the 

state is discriminating against U.S. citizens (whose legal residence is in another 

state). 

This is a slap in the face to the law-abiding American citizen from out of state. 

For example, consider a student from Missouri who attends Kansas University. 

That Missouri resident has always played by the rules and obeyed the law. Yet Kansas University charges him triple what it charges an alien whose very presence in 

the country is a violation of federal law. This discriminatory treatment is particularly harmful in a time when the price of a four-year college education is beyond 

the reach of many U.S. citizens. College costs rose 35% during 2002–2007, after adjusting for inflation. And this upward trend is nothing new; the cost of college tuition and fees has been rising faster than consumer prices and personal income for 

the past twenty-five years. Two-thirds of college students now graduate with debt, 

and the amount of debt has risen dramatically in recent years, to an average of 

$19,200. In such an environment, taxpayer-subsidized tuition is extremely valuable, 

reducing what could otherwise constitute crippling financial burdens. In an era of 

severely limited resources, U.S. citizens should be first in line to receive those resources; they should not stand behind aliens who are openly violating federal law. 

Second, providing this subsidy for illegal aliens places a heavy burden on taxpayers. In contrast to out-of-state students who pay the full cost of their education, 

students eligible for in-state tuition receive a significant financial boost at taxpayer 

expense. When the number of illegal aliens taking advantage of this subsidy is significant, the costs become staggering. In Texas, for example, taxpayers pay an estimated 40 to 50 million dollars every year to subsidize the college education of illegal 

aliens. In California, the cost to taxpayers is much higher—well over $100 million 

a year. 

Third, these ten states are now encouraging aliens to violate federal immigration 

law. Indeed, under the terms of each of the state statutes, breaking federal law is 

a prerequisite that must be satisfied before the illegal aliens can receive the benefit. 

Each of the ten state statutes includes a provision that expressly denies in-state tuition to aliens lawfully attending college in the United States on an appropriate student visa (typically, an F, J, or M visa). An alien is eligible for in-state tuition only 

if he is breaking federal law by remaining in the United States. 

Aliens are sent this message: ‘‘We encourage you to violate the law. If you actually 

obtain a valid visa to study here, we will penalize you by making you pay out-ofstate tuition.’’ This creates a perverse incentive structure in which the states directly reward illegal behavior and significantly undermine federal law. 

Imagine if a state enacted a law that rewarded state residents for cheating on 

their federal income taxes—by giving state tax credits to those who break federal 

tax laws. That is the equivalent of what these ten states have done. It is a direct 

financial subsidy to those who violate federal law. 

THE LEGAL RIGHTS OF U.S. CITIZENS

In July 2004, a group of U.S. citizen students from out-of-state filed suit in federal 

district court in Kansas to enjoin the state from providing in-state tuition rates to 

46

illegal aliens, on the grounds that Kansas is clearly violating federal law. Not only 

that, Kansas is violating the Equal Protection Clause of the U.S. Constitution by 

discriminating against them and in favor of illegal aliens. I am the lead attorney 

representing those U.S. citizens. 

The district judge did not render any decision on the central questions of the Kansas case. Instead, he avoided the merits of the issue entirely by ruling that the U.S. 

citizen plaintiffs lacked a private right of action to bring their statutory challenge 

and lacked standing to bring their Equal Protection challenge. That decision is currently being appealed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. 

Meanwhile, in December 2005, another group of U.S. citizen students filed a classaction suit in California state court. They too maintain that the state is violating 

federal law and the U.S. Constitution. Pursuant to a California civil rights statute, 

they are also seeking damages to compensate them for the extra tuition they have 

paid, over and above that charged to illegal aliens. A Yolo County Court found that 

the U.S. citizen plaintiffs did have standing and a private right of action, but ruled 

against them with little explanation. That decision is currently before the California 

Court of Appeals. 

These U.S. citizens are simply suing to enforce their statutory right not to be 

treated less favorably than illegal aliens when it comes to tuition rates. Congress 

gave them this statutory right eleven years ago. However, just when it looks like 

U.S. citizens might vindicate their rights under federal law and hold the wayward 

states accountable, the DREAM offers the offending states a pardon. As I will explain, the DREAM Act would not only take away the U.S. citizens’ right to equal 

treatment, it would effectively close the courthouse door and deny them the ability 

to vindicate their rights in court. 

THE DREAM ACT

One of the proposals included in comprehensive immigration legislation in both 

Houses of Congress this session is the Development, Relief and Education for Alien 

Minors Act (DREAM Act). The DREAM Act repeals 8 U.S.C. § 1623—the 1996 federal law that prohibits any state from offering in-state tuition rates to illegal aliens, 

unless the state also offers in-state tuition rates to all U.S. citizens. On top of that, 

the DREAM Act offers a separate amnesty to illegal alien students. The DREAM 

Act provisions are not only bad policy, they are also profoundly unfair to U.S. citizens and lawful alien visitors who are being discriminated against by a handful of 

states that provide preferential treatment to illegal aliens. 

In addition to offering amnesty to aliens who have violated federal law, the 

DREAM act offers an amnesty to the state legislatures that have openly violated 

federal law. The DREAM act states, ‘‘The repeal . . . shall take effect as if included 

in the enactment of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility 

Act of 1996.’’ In other words, it is a retroactive repeal—as if the 1996 law never 

happened. In this way, the Senate bill expressly shields those states from liability 

for their past violations of federal law. 

This is no accidental turn of phrase. This retroactive repeal was inserted as a direct response to the lawsuits challenging the states that violated the 1996 federal 

law. In the California case, the legal challenge is a class action lawsuit on behalf 

of all U.S. citizens whose federal statutory rights have been violated. Those U.S. 

citizens are suing to recover the extra tuition that they paid, over and above the 

tuition charged to illegal aliens. The DREAM Act provisions of the Senate Bill are 

specifically designed to take away this federal statutory right from U.S. citizens. 

On top of this insult to the rule of law, the DREAM Act creates a massive independent amnesty in addition to the even larger amnesty that S.B. 2611 would confer. The amnesty presents a wide open path to citizenship for any alien who entered 

the country before the age of 16 and who has been in the country for at least five 

years. The guiding notion is: the longer you have violated federal law, the better. 

Beyond that, all the alien needs is a high school diploma or a GED earned in the 

United States. Alternatively, he need only persuade an institution of higher education in the United States—any community college, technical school, or college—

to admit him. 

The DREAM Act abandons any pretense of ‘‘temporary status’’ for the illegal 

aliens who apply. Instead, all amnesty recipients are awarded lawful permanent 

resident (green card) status. The only caveat is that alien’s status is considered 

‘‘conditional’’ for the first six years. In order to move on to the normal green card, 

the alien need only obtain any degree from an institution of higher education, complete two years toward a bachelor’s degree, or show that doing so would present a 

hardship to himself or his family members. And of course, the alien may thereafter 

47

use his lawful permanent resident status to bring in family members and may seek 

citizenship. 

Furthermore, the DREAM Act makes it absurdly easy for just about any illegal—

even one who does not qualify for the amnesty—to evade the law. Once an illegal 

alien files an application—any application, no matter how implausible—the federal 

government is prohibited from deporting him Moreover, with few exceptions, federal 

officers are prohibited from either using information from the application to deport 

the alien or sharing that information with another federal agency, under the threat 

of a fine of up to $10,000. 

Thus, an alien’s admission that he has violated federal immigration law cannot 

be used against him—even if he never had any chance of qualifying for the DREAM 

Act amnesty in the first place. The DREAM Act also makes illegal aliens eligible 

for various federal student loans and work-study programs. 

The DREAM Act is a remarkably bad piece of legislation on many levels. But the 

most fundamental issue that it raises is the relation of the states to the federal government. Ten states have created a twenty-first century version of the nullification 

movement—defying federal law simply because they don’t like what the majority in 

Congress decided. In so doing, they have challenged the basic structure of our Republic. The DREAM Act would pardon this offense and, in so doing, would encourage states to defy federal law in the future. 

One thing that we have learned in the struggle to enforce our nation’s immigration laws is that states cannot be allowed to undermine the efforts of the federal 

government to enforce the law. The rule of law can be restored only if all levels of 

government are working in concert to uphold it.

Ms. LOFGREN. Thanks to all the panelists for your testimony. We 

will now begin our questions, and I am going to turn first to the 

Chairman of the full Committee, Mr. John Conyers, to begin the 

questioning. Mr. Conyers. 

Mr. CONYERS. I thank the witnesses for being here. Are we operating here? Testing. This should be better. 

I wasn’t intending on discussing this question, but Attorney General Ashcroft’s former adviser has raised a point that I don’t remember any of the three previous witnesses making in terms of the 

differentiation in tuition payments. Now under the DREAM Act we 

would fix this by creating the legal status that would make moot 

the issue of in-state tuition. 

Now, can any of you three help us lift this question up to balance 

the other side of this argument and put it in the kind of perspective that a hearing of this kind would require? 

Mr. MERISOTIS. I would briefly comment. My understanding of 

the DREAM Act is that it is a pretty common-sense, rational approach. What it does is repeal section 505 of the 1996 law, which 

effectively discouraged States from providing in-state tuition or 

other higher education benefits. Under that section 505, States 

that provide a higher education benefit based on the residency of 

undocumented immigrants have to provide the same benefit to U.S. 

citizens in the same circumstances. What this simply does is not 

require States to provide the in-state tuition to undocumented students. It restores the decision to the States and leaves it up to 

those States rather than the Federal Government making a requirement. 

So I think that is the fundamental issue here, is that it is left 

to the States to make their own decision. That is my understanding 

of the most recent version of the law. 

Mr. CONYERS. Well, I know the author is going to weigh in on 

this part of the discussion anyway. Let me just compliment Dr. 

Cameron, who lends a new perspective to the notion that somehow 

minority students don’t have the desire or capacity for math and 

48

engineering subjects. That is one that is slow to die, and I sometimes think that it is a sort of a self-perpetuating inhibition, don’t 

you, Dr. Cameron? 

Mr. CAMERON. It is interesting you bring that point up. In our 

robotics competition we really compete in what is called the Chairman’s Award, and it is, ‘‘what have you done for our community?’’ 

And the kids, quote, have to brag about themselves and how they 

are better really than a thousand other high schools in science and 

engineering. And understand our community, the average per capita income is about $9,000. By the time the kids hit the eleventh 

grade, for most of the kids they have exceeded the education of 

their parents. And yet when they wrote their document to demonstrate what has happened in their school, they said statistically 

we look like a poor school, he said, but we are probably one of the 

richest schools around because we are helping the junior highs, we 

are helping the elementary schools. They are helping other high 

schools and other universities form teams. And they said when we 

look back at the advantages we have had over the last few years, 

we are one of the richest kids in the country. So—and they finished 

it by—it is not that we can beat MIT. That is not what we learned. 

We learned not to listen to people and not to beat ourselves. And 

you are exactly right. It is a self-perception. 

Mr. CONYERS. What else can we do since we don’t have the benefit of your presence across the country or the institution? How do 

we begin to develop this overcoming of this reluctance? And of 

course, it is a national phenomenon, too, when we measure engineers and scientists at the national level. I think China is producing 8 or 10 times as many engineers as we are. At Wayne State 

University in Detroit, this comes up all the time. 

Mr. CAMERON. I think it is a cultural phenomena. In the United 

States, over the last 40 or 50 years, we have become obsessed with 

entertainment and sports, and that is what our kids see. I honestly 

talked to a kid a week ago who spends 20 hours a week bouncing 

that basketball and honestly believes he will have a career in the 

NBA. If he spent a fraction of that time on his math and science. 

When we do high schools, we ask kids name an inventor, and they 

start raising their hands, who is alive, and the hands go down. And 

if you asked for a woman or a minority, nobody knows any of them. 

We hold up to our kids by our culture, what is important to us. 

We celebrate what is important. And you don’t see math and 

science. That is why the first robotics program and this hearing 

and our kids need to hear that, and it is not an immigration issue. 

That is a desperate issue for our country right now. 

Mr. CONYERS. I didn’t know—I have got two young boys. I didn’t 

know you were going to get this personal in my family, Dr. Cameron, but you did. 

Thank you. 

Ms. LOFGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I turn to the gentleman from California, Mr. Lungren, for 5 minutes. 

Mr. LUNGREN. Is this working? Hello? All right. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes. 

Mr. LUNGREN. Mr. Green, I paid for this microphone. 

A lot of us aren’t old enough to recognize that. 

49

Ms. Furchtgott-Roth, I would just have to tell you I am one of 

those ones who wants to go to comprehensive legislation, but sometimes the witnesses are making it tough for me to stay there. In 

your comments, you mentioned the difference between you and others as merely being the difference between a piece of paper. Isn’t 

citizenship more than just a piece of paper? I mean, I have heard 

some of this testimony that just the difference is that somebody 

has a piece of paper and somebody doesn’t. 

Should we concerned about the depreciation of the value of citizenship in our country when we talk about immigration policy? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. Actually, that wasn’t me that mentioned 

the difference was only a piece of paper. 

Mr. LUNGREN. Well, I heard you say—well, I let the record stand 

for itself, but you were referring to the fact that you had a piece 

of paper and others didn’t and that was different. 

I think we ought to be very careful about depreciating the value 

of citizenship here. 

Dr. Cameron, you mentioned at Carl Hayden High School, 60 to 

80 percent of the students are undocumented, at least that is in 

your written testimony. That is not a situation that we could allow 

in this country throughout the country; is it? 

Mr. CAMERON. Are you asking if at Carl Hayden perhaps the percentages are higher than they are in the rest of the——

Mr. LUNGREN. No. I am just asking you. You stated that as a fact 

as you were talking about how well the students are doing, but 

isn’t that part of the concern of what we should do here that we 

couldn’t possibly have a country in which 60 to 80 percent of the 

students at every high school are not documented. We do need to 

have some law which will prevent that from occurring, don’t you 

agree? 

Mr. CAMERON. Oh, absolutely. And I believe we have those laws 

currently. 

Mr. LUNGREN. Well, they obviously aren’t working, are they? 

Mr. CAMERON. They are not working in a large portion of the 

United States especially in the Southwest. 

In Arizona, there are about 500,000 undocumented people in Arizona, and the State’s population is 6 million. So that means almost 

10 percent of Arizona is undocumented. 

Mr. LUNGREN. So you would suggest that we do have to do something about controlling our borders. 

Mr. CAMERON. We obviously have to get a handle on our immigration. Absolutely. 

Mr. LUNGREN. So it is more than just a question of the people 

who are here illegally being educated and we do a good job of educating them and, therefore, we should give them a benefit that is 

denied students who are citizens but are out-of-state, wouldn’t you 

agree? 

Mr. CAMERON. In the public school system, any child that lives 

in the public school neighborhood is——

Mr. LUNGREN. Aren’t we talking about public education here? 

Mr. CAMERON. At the university level, I think by merit—well, let 

me put it this way: In the graduate levels of engineering across the 

United States, 50 percent of the people in the masters and the 

Ph.D. Programs are international students. 

50

Mr. LUNGREN. Let us talk about undergraduates. 

We have a Member of Congress, Mr. Bilbray, who left his place 

for a while, had his family here while he was a Member of Congress, one of his children attended high school here, attempted to 

go to a California State college or university and was charged outof-state tuition. 

You wouldn’t think that is fair, would you? 

Mr. CAMERON. You are really talking to the wrong person because I haven’t changed States, but in Arizona, if you graduated 

from a high school in Arizona and you could show residency in the 

State for the last year or two, you would have in-state tuition. 

Mr. LUNGREN. I am trying to show you why we have a real difficulty in putting the bill together because there are people who do 

think that is unfair. Congressman Bilbray being charged for outof-state tuition for his child and yet children in California who are 

here illegally having in-state. 

This is a very difficult issue that we have to deal with, and I appreciate your comments and I appreciate the tremendous academic 

achievement of the young people you are talking about. 

But again, I go back to the question of what we pass, at least 

I think we have an obligation of thinking about the consequences 

of what we pass, whether or not it leads to a situation in which 

we have more schools that have 60 to 80 percent of undocumented 

aliens versus less. 

When I was here back in the 1970’s and 1980’s, I said if we don’t 

get this right, if we don’t solve the illegal immigration problem 

now, it won’t just be a regional problem. It will be a national problem. And now it is, and that is one of the concerns that I have. 

And Mr. Merisotis, I appreciate your comments on how difficult 

it is for a lot of students. I would just say my wife is the first person to graduate from 8th grade in her family. 

Mr. MERISOTIS. Me as well. 

Mr. LUNGREN. No one had even thought about going to college 

in her family. Her dad died when she was young, her mother was 

on Social Security. My wife went to college because Social Security 

gave an additional grant to the family if she stayed in college. 

There are a lot of people in difficult situations in this country 

who are here legally, and so I am not sure that that is the 

dispersity we ought to be looking at. We ought to be evaluating this 

‘‘yes’’ on ultimate fairness. It seems to me what is best for the 

United States, but also the long-term consequences of what we do. 

Thank you, Madam Chair. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

I turn now to the gentleman from California, Mr. Berman. 

Mr. BERMAN. Assume nothing happens, Dr. Cameron, in Congress. Tell me the—describe the future for the 60 to 80 percent of 

the schools, students who are undocumented. 

Mr. CAMERON. Predicting the future, of course, is a little difficult. 

First of all, understand if you are 16-years old, I try to put myself in the minds of some of these kids. If I were 16 years old and 

I was a sophomore and I realized I don’t get a driver’s license, 

which is the badge of adulthood, I am not going to get a Social Security number and, frankly, I am not really going to get a job. I 

am not going to go to college. Why am I in high school? I can get 

51

a job now at 16, and a lot of 16-year-olds do. I think I would be 

very tempted to drop out of school because what is the point of getting a high school education? And yet most of them do graduate. 

They do get a high school diploma. 

So if the DREAM Act is not passed, will we see an increase in 

the drop-out rate? I would think we would. But they are not going 

to leave. They may drop out of school, but they are not going to 

drop out of Phoenix or Arizona or the United States. They are 

going to get married. They are going to have children who will be 

citizens. They are going to live here until they are old and can’t 

work anymore. They will the not be part of the safety net. They 

won’t be getting Medicare. They won’t be getting the social services 

except for medical help in an emergency. And these people are 

going to live here for the rest of their lives. 

So what will happen to them? I don’t know. But look at what will 

happen to us. We will have lost one of the important assets of our 

country: Young, intelligent people who get educated, join the military, they contribute to our society and as they grow older, they 

produce more and pass that on to their children. 

Mr. BERMAN. Great. Thank you. 

Mr. Kobach. Here I become a witness. 

You write in your prepared testimony in effect the DREAM Act, 

which I got the sense of from the, quote, anecdotal story in and 

around 1999, and introduced for the first time in 2001, repeal—you 

correctly described that it repeals that provision of the 1996 law, 

that I might point out for the record I didn’t vote for. 

You said this is no accidental turn of phrase. This retroactive repeal was inserted as a direct response to the lawsuits, in parenthesis, brought by you. Challenging the States that violated the 

1996 Federal law. 

Wrong. I didn’t know about those lawsuits because they weren’t 

brought until 2004 and 2005. I did it because the stories I heard 

laid out a future that these witnesses have described, what are we 

losing by this situation, what is the country losing, what is happening to them, what is their motivation to continue to excel in facing the brick wall that they would face under the current situation. 

So I just want to correct for the record. It was—it wasn’t done 

because of your lawsuits. It was done before your lawsuits. And 

what happened to your lawsuit in Kansas? 

Mr. KOBACH. Back to what you said first about——

Mr. BERMAN. First of all, let us answer the question. 

Mr. KOBACH. I would also like to respond to the language of the 

statute, if I might. The lawsuit in Kansas was—the plaintiffs 

were—it was dismissed on the basis of standing and private right 

of action. The judge never got to the merits. 

Mr. BERMAN. And it is on appeal. 

Mr. KOBACH. And the question of standing is on appeal before 

the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals. 

Mr. BERMAN. What happened to the lawsuit in California? 

Mr. KOBACH. The judge in Kansasnever got to the question of 

whether the States were violating Federal law. The lawsuit in California was brought in a State county court. The judge there had 

basically the mirror image opinion. He said that the students do 

have standing and do not need a private right of action, but then, 

52

1 As submitted for clarification by Dr. Kobach, the retroactive repeal was not in the original 

2001 version of the DREAM Act. It was added to the 2003 version and subsequent versions of 

the DREAM Act. 

in sort of a three-sentence summary, he said but we don’t think the 

States are violating the law, and basically kicked it on to the appeals court. 

Mr. BERMAN. The States aren’t saying we are going to give undocumented students in-state tuition. The States are saying we are 

giving people who live in our State and graduate from high school 

in-state tuition. 

Mr. KOBACH. But only if you are unlawfully present. 

Mr. BERMAN. No. Because I know of some lawfully present instate residents who are getting in-state tuition. 

Mr. KOBACH. And those are the issues on dispute in the court. 

But I might add the labeling about the DREAM Act. As you 

know, it has gone through several versions now. We are on probably version 4.0 at this point. So if I was incorrect in stating that 

the retroactive repeal came in the original version, I apologize.1 I 

thought it came in the 2006 version. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired, and the correction is noted for the record. The Ranking Member has returned. 

Would you like to take—go to Mr. Gohmert. 

Mr. GOHMERT. Thank you, Madam Chairman. 

Madam Chairman, this has been an interesting hearing. You 

have called a number of very helpful and informative hearings, and 

we appreciate that. 

And I, for whoever is allowing some microphones to work and 

others not to, I appreciate the fact that mine apparently is. 

But I was reading in a hearing Professor Kobach’s statement, 

and my friend, Mr. Berman, was getting into this. But it is interesting, the paradox here. Apparently, and I hadn’t thought of it in 

these terms until your comments, but this provides an amnesty bill 

for States, I guess is one way of looking at it. 

Mr. BERMAN. Would the gentleman yield? 

Mr. GOHMERT. Certainly. 

Mr. BERMAN. Or you could view it as repealing a bad law. 

Mr. GOHMERT. Which provides amnesty for those who were violating the bad law from that perspective. 

But in any event, thank you. 

One of the things that drove me off the bench and to run for Congress was something that broke my heart, and that was I was seeing people who were spurred into activity that lead them into a rut 

they couldn’t seem to get out of. I know back in the 1960’s, Congress had the best of intentions. They saw single women who had 

children with no help financially from deadbeat dad’s. So the answer they felt like let us help them. These people need help. They 

deserve help. Let us give them a check for every child they have 

out of wedlock. 40 years later, we have gotten what we paid for. 

The old adage ‘‘the power to tax is the power to destroy’’ I think 

is true. The power to reward is also power to create or increase. 

In terms of what we do as a Congress, we really have to look at 

the long-term effects. If we make something financially advantageous than normally that is going to create more of the condition 

that is made more financially advantageous. No matter how well 

53

meaning, how well intentioned. If one makes an activity, financially more rewarding, you are going to get more of that activity. 

That is the nature of the human. 

So I am struggling with this, and it looks like, you know, when 

we hear the circumstances of these three wonderful young people 

who do touch my heart, I keep coming back, though, let us keep 

things in perspective. 

What are we going to reward, what are we going to encourage 

by legislation, what are we going to create for the future by rewarding things today? 

So those are the things that perplex me. Each of your testimony, 

both written and oral, has been helpful. 

And I thank you and yield back, Madam Chairwoman. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman yields back. 

I will recognize the Ranking Member. 

Mr. KING. Thank you, Madam Chair. I am glad to see that——

Mr. GOHMERT. Steve King, come on down. 

Ms. LOFGREN. We will restart your 5 minutes when you find your 

microphone. 

Mr. Ranking Member. 

Isn’t anyone on House Administration here, Dan? 

Mr. KING. Okay. Madam Chair, I think you can activate that 

clock. 

I thank the witnesses for your testimony. 

I read through most of it, heard some of it, had to come in and 

out so there are some gaps in my uptake here, too. 

But it occurs to me this: On directing, you know, in a way, Ms. 

Roth’s testimony, and you talked about the shortage of labor that 

we have, and certainly I agree that our highly skilled labor, there 

is something we can do there to enhance our economy. 

But let me propose this analogy to you and to the rest of the witnesses there. And that is just say imagine, here we are, the United 

State of America, 300 million people, imagine this, we are all in 

this together, aren’t we? So we have to work together like a family 

in a way. And we have some people taking care of the children, 

some people taking care of the health care, some people going off 

to work, others taking care of things at home, some are educated, 

some retired. Kind of like a multi-general family, the United State 

of America. 

Now, imagine all 300 million of us in this huge family being in 

a giant clipper ship. Some riding in steerage, some up in their state 

rooms, depending upon their means, some down there pulling on 

the oars, some trimming the sails, some taking care of charting our 

course, which I think Congress is doing. And an argument going 

up on the bridge that we need more labor, we need more people to 

trim the sails and pull on the oars, where are we going to get 

them? 

The President and Senator Kennedy and those on that side argue 

that we ought to pull off over on to this continent called Amnesty 

Land and load up as many as we can, because seven out of every 

12 will work, and the other five go down in the steerage to take 

place with the 156 million that are passengers right now, in this 

giant clipper ship, America. 

54

The other side of the argument is why don’t we go down to steerage where there are those people that are riding along that are 

passengers, the 156 million and just recruit just one out of 10 of 

them, and have them come up and help us up here on deck so we 

can sail this ship efficiently. 

Now if we take on too many passengers, this ships sinks. If we 

take on too many that are riding down in steerage, there are too 

many up in the state room for that matter, we can’t navigate because we sink lower and lower in the water. 

So if we are going to chart this course down the rule of law, and 

if we are going to be a prosperous Nation, and the statement I will 

say is that the success of a Nation is directly proportional to the 

average individual productivity of each of its people, citizens or not, 

inside the border of the United State. 

So wouldn’t we want to enhance that productivity of the average 

citizen, wouldn’t we want to go down there into steerage and recruit one out of 10 of those people? One out of 10 of those 69 million that are of working age and just simply not in the workforce 

rather than pull off over to Amnesty Land and load up a bunch of 

people, many of whom are illiterate in their own language and unskilled, and we know they can’t contribute to this economy, not in 

this next generation or the next. 

Now God love them all. But this ships sinks. We can’t take on 

6.3 billion, so how would you resolve that if you on the bridge and 

were involved in that debate? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. This is a case where anecdote and economic data come together. We have 66 percent labor force participation rate. We have a 4.5 percent unemployment rate. There are 

jobs for everybody who wants. 

In your ship example, the people who aren’t rowing, the people 

who aren’t working, aren’t doing so because they want to. They 

have chosen to do other things. 

On the other hand, we have people coming from other things 

countries who want to do a lot of these jobs. There are a lot of jobs 

that are built into the high skill area and very low-skill areas that 

Americans don’t want to do. 

Mr. KING. Do you acknowledge that everyone who comes here 

doesn’t go to work? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. I trust everyone who comes here wants 

to work. Immigrants who come here want to work. 

Mr. KING. 5 out of 12 are not working who come here. Do you 

acknowledge that? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. The unemployment rates of immigrants 

is lower than that than native-born American workers. 

Mr. KING. Do you agree with that statistic that five out of 12 are 

not working, that seven out of 12 are of the immigrants that come 

here? You don’t get 100 percent participation rate. I think you said 

they all want to work. I don’t think we can actually say that and 

be objective about the facts. 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. We can objectively say the unemployment rate that our foreign-born workers is lower than the unemployment rate for native-born workers. 

Mr. KING. What is the difference in that percentage, can you tell 

me? 

55

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. It is probably about half a percentage 

point right now. 

Mr. KING. You can say that, but when you look at that objectively, it is very similar. 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. It has varied over time, but when you 

have a 4.5 percent unemployment rate, half a percentage point is 

very significant. 

Mr. KING. Would you take the position that you are only limited 

when it comes to expanding our unemployment base in this country 

to hire in from the unemployed, or would you agree that there are, 

as I said, 69 million people who are simply not in the workforce, 

a small percentage of them are part of the unemployment, around 

6 million or so. The balance of that are people who are not working 

because they haven’t been offered something that causes them to 

go to work. They haven’t been bid for their services. 

Would you agree to that? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. No, I wouldn’t. 

I would say people who are not participating in the labor force 

right now in the United State are not participating because they 

choose not to participate. 

Mr. KING. Would you disagree with my statistics? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. You would have to cite the precise statistics. 

Mr. KING. U.S. Department of Labor. 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. I would say that your interpretation that 

the people who are not participating in the workforce, we only 

have, as I said, 66 percent participation right now. The people who 

are not participating are doing so out of choice, not because they 

are discouraged workers. The Bureau of Labor Statistics also produces data on discouraged workers. 

Mr. KING. So that is also true if they are illegal immigrants? 

I am sorry. We have run out of time. 

And I yield my time back. 

Ms. LOFGREN. The gentleman’s time has expired. 

And I will take my brief time for questions at this point. 

I think this has been a very interesting panel, and I know I won’t 

have a chance to ask all my questions, but Ms. Furchtgott-Roth, 

would you say, I mean, let us just take a look at the three young 

woman here who have gotten their education as an example. Is 

there an economic downside to America to allowing them to fully 

participate with their education that you identify for us? 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. On the contrary. 

There is an economic upside. We need more workers. And we 

need more skilled workers, and we also, by the way, need more unskilled workers. Immigrants, in general, tend to be very highly 

skilled, such as the ones who are behind me here and also lowskilled. 

Ms. LOFGREN. We don’t want the Ph.Ds picking the strawberries. 

Ms. FURCHTGOTT-ROTH. And Americans tend to have a bellshaped curve of skills where we do not have a lot of low-skilled 

adult workers, and we don’t have a lot of Americans who want to 

be Ph.Ds in science. 

56

Ms. LOFGREN. I would note the figure we have is that 96 percent 

of undocumented men in America are in the labor force because 

they have come to work. 

Thinking about you, too, Dr. Cameron, I went back to check my 

introduction. It says you are retired. That is so disappointing to 

me. I hope that is not true because what a phenomenal teacher you 

obviously are. 

Are you still participating in the robotics program? 

Mr. CAMERON. Absolutely. I just don’t get paid. I am one of the 

unemployed. 

Ms. LOFGREN. I am a frequent observer of the first robotics competition in California, and one of the things that I have seen just 

transform schools, and especially including schools where, you 

know, the parents haven’t gone to college, it is a working-class environment. I am the first in my family to go to college, for example. 

And I know that when one’s parents have not gone to college, it 

is not that they don’t want you to do well, it is just that sometimes 

they don’t know all of the tricks of the trade. They don’t know how 

to apply for things so you are trying to figure that out on your own. 

And robotics does something that is phenomenal in these schools. 

It gets young people focused on science and education and increases their self-confidence. And then at your school of students 

from families where the parents didn’t go to college to beat MIT is 

really—I am sure they were very proud. 

How did it feel for those students that they—having beaten MIT, 

they weren’t allowed to go beat them again in the competition in 

Canada? 

Mr. CAMERON. Understand, it is a high school so you graduate 

seniors each year and they are replaced by freshman. So you don’t 

have the same kids over 4 years. 

A lot of the kids kind of feel bad because they don’t get their 

chance to compete. 

However, this year we are going—since it is ironic that the national underwater robotics competition, funded partially by the National Science Foundation, has been outsourced to Canada. So we 

figured there is not one in the United States. 

So we are holding the national underwater robotics championship in Chandler, Arizona, and there will be about a dozen schools 

there. So the kids might be a little bit disappointed that they are 

not playing in the game they played, but now they are holding 

their games. They are not just the engineers. They are the audiovisuals, the organizers——. 

Ms. LOFGREN. We could use those audio-visual people here today. 

Mr. CAMERON. So it escalates. So instead of being the players, 

now they are the participants and the organizers. 

Ms. LOFGREN. I would like to say, and I know this has gone on 

for a long time, I am not going to go over my time. 

But that this has been an education for me here today to hear 

the testimony of professional people on the statistics and the experiences is important. And we have done a considerable amount of 

that in the last month. This is the 12th hearing that we have had. 

But in back of you—you can’t see this because you are looking 

at the Committee—in back of you are sitting these phenomenal 

three young women who I am inspired by. And as we think 

57

through, Mr. Berman is right. We sort through policy, but policy 

must be informed by humanity. And I actually voted against the 

1996 Act as well. I didn’t think it was right for Congress to preempt the decision making of the States at that time. I still don’t. 

But I also, just for the life of me, cannot see how America benefits if three women like these young women who have gotten their 

degrees, who love the United States, who said the Pledge of Allegiance over and over and again, who are ready to just take off, are 

not permitted to do so. I just don’t see how our country is strengthened if we permit—if we don’t permit that. 

And my time is expired. 

So I will, unless it is compelling, I will bring this hearing to a 

close noting that the record will be open for 5 days, and Members 

may submit the questions for the record. If questions are forwarded 

to the witnesses, we would ask that you respond, if you can, as 

promptly as possible. 

I would like also to extend an invitation to everyone here today 

to attend our next hearing on comprehensive immigration reform. 

We will have one next Tuesday afternoon at 2 o’clock when we will 

hear perspectives on immigration reform from faith-based and immigrant communities. 

On Thursday at 9 in the morning next week, we will hear perspectives on immigration reform from members of the labor movement. 

And with that and with thanks, this hearing is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 11:35 a.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.] 

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A P P E N D I X 

MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING RECORD

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‘‘AP IMPACT: IMMIGRATION RAIDS SPLIT FAMILIES,’’ BY MONICA RHOR, ASSOCIATED

PRESS WRITER, MARCH 11, 2007, SUBMITTED BY THE HONORABLE SHEILA JACKSON

LEE


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PREPARED STATEMENT OF MARIE-THERESA HERNA ́ NDEZ, PH.D., ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF MODERN AND CLASSICAL LANGUAGES, WORLD CULTURES

AND LITERATURES, UNIVERSITY OF HOUSTON


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ATTACHMENT


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‘‘NEW ESTIMATES OF UNAUTHORIZED YOUTH ELIGIBLE FOR LEGAL STATUS UNDER THE

DREAM ACT,’’ BY THE MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE


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