# Arms Control and International Security – United States Department of State

- The Gambia Endorses the Proliferation Security Initiative Office of the SpokespersonThe Republic of The Gambia has conveyed to Morocco its endorsement of the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) following its attendance at the PSI African Political Meeting and Outreach Event, co-hosted by Morocco and the United States on January 31-February 2, 2024, in Marrakesh, Morocco.  The United States welcomes The Gambia’s endorsement and participation in the Initiative and looks forward to working with the Government of The Gambia to advance the counterproliferation goals of the PSI and its Statement of Interdiction Principles.  The Gambia is the 113th state to endorse the PSI.A highlight of the PSI African Political Meeting and outreach event was the release of the Marrakesh Declaration by Morocco and the United States.  The Marrakesh Declaration underscored the importance of the Initiative in addressing the threats posed by trafficking in weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and related items within the African region and encouraged regional countries’ PSI endorsements.  The Gambia is the seventh country to endorse the PSI at or following the PSI African Political Meeting and Outreach Event, bringing the total number of African endorsers to 13.Launched in Krakow, Poland, in 2003, the PSI celebrated its 20th Anniversary in May 2023. States become part of the PSI by publicly endorsing the PSI Statement of Interdiction Principles, making voluntary political commitments to impede and stop shipments of illicit WMD, delivery systems, and related materials flowing to and from states and non-state actors of proliferation concern. PSI-endorsing States also adopt streamlined procedures for rapid information exchange and strengthen relevant national and international laws and frameworks.
- Assistant Secretary Stewart Travels to Singapore, Qatar Office of the SpokespersonAssistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Deterrence, and Stability Mallory Stewart will travel to Singapore and Doha, Qatar, May 29-June 5.In Singapore, Assistant Secretary Stewart will serve as a Delegate to the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ (IISS) Shangri-La Dialogue: 21st Asia Security Summit.  The conference is Asia’s premier defense meeting for officials to discuss the region’s most pressing security challenges.In Doha, Assistant Secretary Stewart will attend the Third Arab Forum on Arms Control, Disarmament, and Non-Proliferation, co-hosted by the League of Arab States and the Qatari National Committee for the Prohibition of Weapons.   She will speak on a panel focused on regional and global disarmament trends.
- Under Secretary Jenkins Travels to Austria, Sweden Office of the SpokespersonUnder Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Ambassador Bonnie D. Jenkins is traveling to Vienna and Stockholm May 18-24, 2024.In Vienna, Under Secretary Jenkins will attend the International Atomic Energy Agency&#8217;s International Conference on Nuclear Security.  She will accompany Deputy Secretary of Energy David Turk, head of the U.S. delegation; Dr. Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security Advisor; Christopher Hanson, Chair of the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission; and Corey Hinderstein, Acting Principal Deputy Administrator of the National Nuclear Security Administration.While in Vienna, the Under Secretary will also attend bilateral meetings, side events, and outreach engagements to emphasize the U.S. commitment to nuclear security  and countering weapons of mass destruction terrorism, promote the implementation of nuclear security legal instruments, reiterate  steadfast U.S. support for Ukraine, and emphasize the essential role of nuclear security in sustaining global use of peaceful nuclear energy.In Stockholm, Under Secretary Jenkins will participate in senior meetings on reducing the risk of nuclear conflict.  These meetings will be used to discuss ways risk reduction can decrease tensions, increase trust, and dispel misconceptions, thus improving the prospects for nuclear disarmament and complementing such efforts.For further information, please follow @UnderSecT on X.
- Testimony Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: The Future of Arms Control and Deterrence Ambassador Bonnie Denise Jenkins, Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security													HomeUnder Secretary for Arms Control and International Security Remarks &amp; Releases&#8230;Testimony Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: The Future of Arms Control and Deterrence				hide		if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}																										Testimony Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: The Future of Arms Control and Deterrence																																		Testimony																														May 15, 2024																																							Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished Members of the Committee: thank you for the opportunity to testify about the future of arms control and deterrence.We at the State Department, together with our interagency colleagues, work to mitigate international security risks and advance U.S. and allied interests. As the Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, I want to emphasize that the global security architecture is under strain. In response to these pressures, the three bureaus that I oversee are applying a mix of tools in clear-sighted and innovative ways to uphold strategic stability.One tool is deterrence, including building U.S. capabilities and that of our allies and partners. In Europe, we are working to get Ukraine the support it needs today with an eye toward its future in the Euro-Atlantic Region, as well as working to reinforce NATO’s Eastern Flank and welcoming our new Allies in Finland and Sweden. In the Indo-Pacific, we are building on long-standing alliances, redoubling our support for Taiwan’s defense in the face of an increasingly aggressive People’s Republic of China (PRC), and developing new partnerships, like Australia-United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS), to strengthen regional security. In the Middle East, we are working aggressively to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza that secures the release of Israeli hostages and allows for a surge in humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. We are also deepening robust partnerships in the Gulf region to counter threats from Iran. In Africa as well as in the Americas, we face new security challenges from Russia and the PRC but benefit from decades-long security cooperation partnerships that for many countries still makes the United States their partner of choice. The tools of the bureaus that I lead help to support this Administration’s deterrence policies in this changing security environment, and I am proud of the innovative approaches my bureaus have taken to meeting this moment.A key component of deterrence is our nuclear posture. The 2022 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) reaffirms our continuing commitment to a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent for the United States, as well as our NATO Allies and Indo-Pacific allies and partners.But reliance on deterrence alone will not solve the various security challenges we face. As the NPR lays out, arms control complements deterrence, and both are essential to strategic stability. Arms control and risk reduction can avoid wasteful arms races, establish guardrails for strategic competition, mitigate crisis instability, and – should deterrence fail – help control escalation and mutually limit the destructive potential of conflict.Thank you for the invitation to address these topics here today. My opening testimony will address how the State Department, particularly the bureaus under my responsibility, is using tools like arms control and risk reduction to preserve strategic stability and secure U.S. and allied interests. These bureaus do far more than this, with responsibilities ranging from promoting the peaceful uses of nuclear energy to peace operations capacity building. I will focus on arms control and deterrence in my opening remarks, and am happy to discuss other issues in response to your questions.I want to begin by providing some context. We are witnessing a Russia that continues its war against Ukraine, routinely employs irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, and has violated many of its treaty obligations. At the same time, the PRC is undertaking a rapid and opaque nuclear weapons buildup and is pursuing a larger and more diverse nuclear arsenal that calls into question its stated intentions and strategy. Meanwhile, the emergence of new technologies such as artificial intelligence simultaneously offers benefits while introducing potential threats. All these developments increase risks of arms racing and conflict stemming from miscalculation or misperception.While challenging, this dynamic security environment also presents opportunities to demonstrate U.S. leadership in promoting stability. For decades, through hard work with allies, partners, and adversaries alike, we have developed tools to limit these dangers. We have used arms control measures and agreements to impose constraints on States, prevent dangerous arms races, and reduce the risk of nuclear conflict. We have developed a range of multilateral agreements enshrining legally binding restrictions pertaining to many types of weapons of mass destruction – not just nuclear arms, but also chemical, biological, and soon, we hope, radiological weapons. Arms control instruments and institutions have provided transparency, accountability, and predictability within the international security environment and the vast majority of countries abide by their obligations.The State Department also recognizes that arms control is more than just legally binding agreements. It also includes risk reduction tools, such as facilitating crisis communications, providing missile launch notifications, and building norms of responsible behavior. All these tools make the international community more stable and more secure. They give us a foundation for our criticism of the PRC’s refusal to engage on substantive nuclear risk reduction measures amid its rapid and opaque nuclear weapons build up and strengthen our case to the international community that Beijing is not acting as a responsible nuclear power. Their existence and widespread support also strengthen our ability to rally the international community when countries like Russia violate obligations or disregard commitments.In the face of this increasingly complex security environment, we are pragmatic about what we can achieve – and remain confident that arms control is a critical means to reduce risk and enhance stability.RussiaFirst, as it relates to Russia, the United States is working to preserve strategic stability while holding Russia accountable for its irresponsible behavior and malign influence. This includes Russia’s violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention, where we assess Russia has used the choking agent chloropicrin and riot control agents as a method of warfare against Ukrainian forces. The United States is working to strengthen the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, build national response capacity, and pursue accountability for such violations. On the conventional weapons side, the United States and our NATO Allies condemned Russia’s withdrawal from the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) and the United States and NATO Allied CFE States Parties (22 in total) suspended all of our CFE Treaty obligations, consistent with our rights under international law.We are also holding Moscow responsible for its legally invalid purported suspension of the New START Treaty. In the annual treaty implementation report that we provided to this committee in January, the United States found Russia in non-compliance with several of its Treaty obligations, some for a second year in a row. In 2023, in response to Russian violations, we adopted proportionate and reversible countermeasures which are fully consistent with international law, aimed to induce Russia’s return to full compliance with the treaty, and ensured that Russia derives no advantages from its violations.In less than two years, New START, our last remaining bilateral nuclear arms control agreement with Russia, will expire under its terms. We have expressed our readiness to work with Moscow on managing nuclear risk and developing a mutually acceptable future arms control framework that advances U.S. and allied interests. After all, no one – including Russia &#8212; benefits from an unconstrained security environment. Russia, however, has shown no interest in good faith engagement on these issues. This irresponsible approach risks jeopardizing a key pillar of global nuclear stability. We are calling on all States to join us in urging Russia to return to full implementation of its existing obligations and engage in discussions on managing nuclear risk and a treaty to follow New START.Russia continues to condition engagement on arms control on the United States ending its support for Ukraine against Russia’s invasion. Let me be clear: Russia’s reckless attempts to hold bilateral nuclear arms control hostage will not diminish our steadfast support for Ukraine and European security. We will continue to work with our Allies and partners to support Ukraine’s self-defense against Russian aggression. In close partnership with DoD, we have provided more than $50 billion in support for Ukraine’s defense since February 2022, and thanks to strong bipartisan support in the passage of the National Security Supplemental, we will continue to stand with more than 50 countries, united with Ukraine.We are under no illusion that the road ahead will be straightforward. After all, managing our nuclear competition with Russia has never been an easy task, and today may be the most challenging it has ever been. But rest assured, we will continue our close coordination with allies and partners to ensure Russia gains no advantage from its irresponsible actions. While we remain committed to pursuing responsible nuclear arms control measures, we must prepare for all eventualities, including ways to address a potential world without strategic nuclear arms control.The PRCLet me now to turn to the issue of the PRC. The 2023 China Military Power report estimates that the PRC possesses more than 500 operational nuclear warheads and will probably have more than 1,000 operational nuclear warheads by 2030. Beijing’s development of a larger, more diverse nuclear arsenal is deeply concerning, and raises questions about the trajectory of the PRC’s nuclear weapons program, its evolving nuclear posture, and its strategic goals. This opacity reduces predictability, increasing the risk of unintended escalation as well as undesirable, costly arms races.In addition to these risks, the PRC’s nuclear weapons expansion raises the specter that the United States may soon face two expansionary and significantly nuclear-armed peers. As this dynamic evolves, the United States must continue to ensure a safe, secure, and effective nuclear deterrent, as well as a strong and credible extended deterrence, to safeguard U.S. and allied interests. At the same time, we must manage those deterrence relationships responsibly by pursuing risk reduction and arms control measures. This helps our security, our allies’ security, and can help make the world a safer place.Last November, a Department of State-led interagency delegation met with the PRC on issues related to arms control and nonproliferation, including risk reduction. The meeting enabled a preliminary discussion on potential measures for managing and reducing risks with the PRC across multiple domains, including nuclear and outer space. Unfortunately, the PRC has declined a follow-on meeting and has not provided a substantive response to the risk reduction suggestions we put forward. We will continue to increase diplomatic pressure on the PRC to increase transparency of its nuclear arsenal and to constructively work with the United States to advance concrete measures that reduce the risk of unintended escalation or conflict and help manage competition responsibly, as the world expects us to do. We are focused on achieving results, but we should all understand, that progress will not come easily or immediately.In the face of the PRC’s nuclear weapons build-up, as well as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) expanding nuclear and missile forces, the State Department is working to strengthen the United States’ extended deterrence relationships with key allies in the Indo-Pacific. The U.S. commitment to strengthening extended deterrence with the Republic of Korea, Japan, and Australia is steadfast and enduring. Together with the DoD, the State Department leads frequent consultations with these allies, through which we sharpen and coordinate our full suite of tools – diplomatic, informational, military, and economic – to promote stability in the Indo-Pacific. In addition to these extended deterrence dialogues, we support our allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond by bolstering their conventional capabilities via our long-standing security assistance programs. Be it the Republic of Korea, Japan, Taiwan, or the Philippines, we continue to ensure stability in the region by investing in our allies and partners’ capabilities to defend themselves.Multilateral Nuclear IssuesThe United States is promoting strategic stability in multilateral fora, as well. The United States continues to advocate for concrete risk reduction measures to enhance transparency and stability among the P5 countries, the five recognized nuclear-weapon states under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). These measures include establishing crisis communications channels; sharing ballistic missile launch notifications; and committing to maintain a “human in the loop” for command, control, and employment of nuclear weapons. The P3 already support maintaining human control and involvement for all actions critical to informing and executing sovereign decisions concerning nuclear weapons employment and we strongly believe that Russia and the PRC should join us in this commitment. We are also working with partners in the NPT review process to reinforce the NPT as the foundation of efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation and nuclear war, as well as to explain our responsible nuclear posture and increase pressure on Russia and the PRC to be more transparent and to engage in strategic dialogue, risk reduction, and arms control. The United States has also long supported nuclear-weapon-free zone (NWFZ) treaties as a complement to the global Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and a means for extending certain legally-binding assurances against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. We would urge the Senate to ratify those protocols previously signed and submitted for advice and consent.Meanwhile, the United States continues to demonstrate leadership in the multilateral international security arena. We urge States to join us in building off the momentum generated last year in the UN General Assembly, which overwhelmingly adopted a U.S.-sponsored resolution calling for negotiation of a ban on State use of radiological weapons. We will pursue those negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament. We will continue to pursue the negotiation of a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) on the basis of the Shannon Mandate (CD/1299), which is more important than ever with the PRC’s buildup of nuclear weapon and fissile material production capabilities. Until an FMCT enters into force, we will coordinate with international partners to continue to press for the PRC, as the only Nuclear Weapon State that has not yet done so, to declare a moratorium on the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.Outer SpaceIn the outer space domain, the United States is upholding existing obligations and developing and advancing proposals for responsible international behavior, in contrast to hypocritical proposals and dangerous behavior from Russia and the PRC. For almost 60 years, the Outer Space Treaty and its prohibition on the placement of nuclear weapons in outer space have been the foundational element of the international legal framework. Today, that regime is under threat. As we have noted previously, the Administration assesses that Russia is developing a new satellite carrying a nuclear device. Placement by a State Party to the Outer Space Treaty of a nuclear weapon in orbit would not only violate the treaty, but also threaten the satellites operated by countries and companies around the globe, as well as to the vital communications, scientific, meteorological, agricultural, commercial, and national security services we all depend upon.In response to this threat, President Biden has directed a series of actions, including direct engagement with Russia and with several other key countries around the world. Additionally, the United States and Japan, with more than 60 co-sponsors, proposed a UN Security Council resolution that would have reaffirmed the fundamental obligation of States Parties to the Outer Space Treaty not to place nuclear weapons or other kinds of weapons of mass destruction in orbit around the Earth. Unfortunately, Russia vetoed this resolution, which should have been uncontroversial. We have heard President Putin say publicly that Russia has no intention of deploying nuclear weapons in space. If that were the case, Russia would not have vetoed this resolution. Doing so raises serious questions as to its commitment to complying with its legally binding obligations under the Outer Space Treaty.Because this issue is critical to U.S. national security, and the security of all states, we will continue using our diplomatic tools to raise this issue bilaterally, in the UN, and in other appropriate multilateral fora until Russia provides credible assurances that they have ceased these efforts. The United States has already begun considering approaches to help ensure that countries cannot deploy nuclear weapons in orbit undetected, and we intend to engage with other States Parties as our ideas evolve.We also intend to continue our important work on norms of responsible behavior in outer space, which the United States has been a leader in developing. We have proposed concrete measures in this arena, including our commitment not to conduct destructive, direct-ascent anti-satellite missile tests, as first stated by Vice President Harris in 2022, and to which 37 other countries have now made national commitments. We have also worked within the UN to successfully adopt a resolution calling on states to make the same pledge, with the overwhelming support of 155 countries for this resolution, and will continue to support such efforts that enhance space stability and security.Emerging TechnologyWe are applying a similar approach to promoting norms of responsible behavior for the use of artificial intelligence in military applications. In February, in close coordination with the Defense Department, we successfully launched the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy – a major step toward furtheringinternational norms around the responsible, stabilizing, and beneficial use of these technologies. Fifty-five States have already endorsed the Declaration, which articulates ten foundational responsible practices for military development and deployment of AI and autonomy. Building a consensus around these norms and practices to manage the potential risks of AI while harnessing the technology’s benefits will improve predictability and stability in the international security environment.Meanwhile, the United States continues to advance efforts to enhance collaboration with partners and allies around the world while upholding high security standards, including through efforts to increase efficiencies in our systems. Thanks to action by the U.S. Congress, we are implementing authorities related to export control exemptions with Australia and the UK as part of AUKUS.ConclusionIn conclusion, diplomacy lies at the core of all these efforts – deterring our adversaries, ensuring they understand our resolve to defend our country and our allies, curbing the risk of miscalculation and misunderstanding, contributing to shared goals of nonproliferation, assuring allies that U.S. extended deterrence is strong and credible, and deepening international norms around the responsible use of emerging technologies.The State Department remains staunchly committed to upholding strategic stability and using the mutually reinforcing tools of arms control and deterrence to safeguard U.S. and allied security. We recognize this is a challenging international security environment &#8211; which is precisely why we need these tools. Few objectives are as critical as reducing the risk of nuclear war and preventing costly arms races, and few objectives demand more bipartisan action. I look forward to continuing to work closely with this Committee and with your colleagues across Capitol Hill to advance these objectives.Thank you.						Tags																																											Arms Control and Nonproliferation																																							Artificial Intelligence																															China																																New START Treaty																																							North Atlantic Treaty Organization																																							Nuclear Weapons																															Office of Senate Affairs																								Russia																																Space																																																					Treaties and International Agreements																															Ukraine																								Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security
- Assistant Secretary Stewart Travels to Germany, Belgium Office of the SpokespersonAssistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Deterrence, and Stability Mallory Stewart will travel to Garmisch, Germany, and Brussels, Belgium, May 13-18.In Garmisch, Assistant Secretary Stewart will provide keynote remarks at the Senior Executive Seminar at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies.  She will also participate in roundtable discussions and sessions with fellows and faculty.In Brussels, Assistant Secretary Stewart will meet with NATO and EU officials on a range of issues, including on arms control and outer space security.  Additionally, she will lead discussions about key arms control and emerging technology issues to advance Allied security and deterrence.
- Under Secretary Jenkins Travels to New York Office of the SpokespersonUnder Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Ambassador Bonnie D. Jenkins will travel to Syracuse, New York on April 29 to May 1, 2024.In Syracuse, Under Secretary Jenkins will meet with students at Syracuse University about current U.S. foreign policy priorities on NATO and nonproliferation and disarmament.For further information, please follow @UnderSecT  on X.
- Statement by the United States on the Twentieth Anniversary of UNSCR 1540 Office of the SpokespersonUnited Nations Security Council Resolution 1540 obliges all states to prevent transfers of WMD-related goods and know-how to and by non-state actors. It remains one of the most important tools available to the international community to confront the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, their means of delivery, and their financing, all of which continue to pose a serious threat to international peace and security.We call on all nations to be especially diligent in their implementation of 1540’s obligation to ensure that transfers of sensitive goods and know-how with both WMD and legitimate commercial applications not be allowed to fall outside of regulatory control and into the hands of proliferators.The United States remains highly concerned by the threat of terrorism and the risks posed by other non-state actors seeking to acquire, develop, traffic or use nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and their means of delivery.  We urge all nations to work together to fulfill our respective UNSCR 1540 commitments and to keep pushing us and all Security Council members to implement new provisions in UNSCR 2663, which extended the 1540 Committee’s mandate to 2032.						Tags																																											Arms Control and Nonproliferation																															Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation																								Office of the Spokesperson																																United Nations																																							Weapons of Mass Destruction
- Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Steve Inskeep of NPR Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of StateBeijing, People's Republic of ChinaQUESTION:&nbsp;&nbsp;We are inside the U.S. embassy compound.&nbsp; Secretary of State Antony Blinken is with us after meeting China’s President Xi Jinping and other top Chinese officials.&nbsp; They’ve been trying to keep relations between two great powers from spiraling downward.&nbsp;Mr. Secretary, welcome back to the program.SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Steve, great to be with you.QUESTION:&nbsp; Thanks for joining us here on the road.&nbsp; I have followed China’s public statements during this day of meetings that you’ve had, and the public statements are pretty pointed.&nbsp; China alleged the U.S. has suppressed their economic development and said the U.S. attacked China’s core interests, which is pretty harsh as diplomatic language goes.&nbsp; Was President Xi any different in private?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Look, I don’t want to characterize him or what he said.&nbsp; What I can tell you is this:&nbsp; We had very direct, very candid, but also in many ways constructive conversations about two things.&nbsp; If you go back to the meeting between President Biden and President Xi at the end of last year in San Francisco, in Woodside, they agreed that it was very important, first of all, that we have these regular lines of communication, that we had an obligation to manage this relationship responsibly, including dealing very directly with our differences, and also seeing if we could build areas of cooperation where it was in our mutual interest.&nbsp; And that’s exactly what we’ve done and what I was focused on here in Beijing.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; One thing you were focused on was trying to get China to stop giving aid to Russia’s military as it invades Ukraine.&nbsp; And we can talk about China’s attitude here because they’ve made a public statement.&nbsp; Their foreign ministry spokesman was asked today about ending aid to Russia, and he said, look, we trade with Russia, and you guys aid Ukraine; you’re hypocrites.&nbsp; That sounds like a no, we’re not stopping – seemed to be what they were saying.&nbsp;SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Well, here’s the problem.&nbsp; What China is doing now is it’s not providing weapons to Russia for use in Ukraine as &#8212;&nbsp;&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; Right.SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; &#8212; for example, North Korea and Iran are, but it is the number one supplier of the critical components for Russia to rebuild its defense industrial base: machine tools, microelectronics, optics, and other things that are going right into a massive production of munitions, of weaponry, of tanks, of armored vehicles – which in turn are going into Ukraine.&nbsp; This is not only a problem for us, it’s not only a problem for Ukraine; it’s a problem for virtually everyone in Europe, because they see this as helping to perpetuate the Russian aggression in Ukraine.&nbsp; They also see it as creating a growing threat to Europe’s security.&nbsp;So one of the things that I shared with our Chinese colleagues is that at the very same time that they’re trying to develop better relations with Europe, they can’t be doing that while at the same time helping to fuel what is the biggest threat to Europe’s security since the end of the Cold War.&nbsp; Now, we’ve already taken steps ourselves.&nbsp; We’re prepared to do more if China is not prepared to act to curb this activity.QUESTION:&nbsp; So you’re trying to tell them it’s in their interest to stop aiding Russia, but you also told reporters just a short time ago, if China does not address this problem, we will.&nbsp; What power do you have?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Well, as I’ve said, you’ve already seen us take action against more than a hundred Chinese entities with sanctions, applying export controls.&nbsp; There are other measures that we’re fully prepared to take.&nbsp; And as I said before, if China won’t act, we will.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; In October, the United States issued new regulations that denied Chinese firms access to the most advanced semiconductors, the most advanced chips.&nbsp; How much has that one step altered the competition between these two countries?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; One of the things that we’re very focused on is making sure that when it comes to the highest end technology, we’re not in the business of providing or selling things that could be turned against us to undermine our own security.&nbsp; And so what we’ve done, as we’ve said, is to work to build a very high fence around a very small yard.&nbsp; Because this is not about decoupling our economies, it’s not about cutting off trade and investment with China – things that are beneficial to us and beneficial to them as long as it’s done fairly.&nbsp;And as I mentioned a little while ago, we remain the number-one market for Chinese products around the world, and there remains significant American investment in China.&nbsp; But when it comes to sensitive technology, we’re going to be very, very sure that the most sensitive technology does not wind up where it could turn around and hurt us.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; Although some of the most sensitive technology is, of course, also central to economic growth, high-tech growth.&nbsp; The&nbsp;New York Times&nbsp;recently quoted multiple American experts who say this step cuts off areas that will power future economic growth and development.&nbsp; I know your purpose is to prevent military development, but are you inevitably also choking off China?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Look, the vast, vast majority of chips – legacy chips and others – are still available.&nbsp; I saw that Huawei just put out a new laptop that it boasted was AI capable, that uses an Intel chip.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; And this is a company that’s been targeted by the United States.&nbsp; Sure.SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; And so, again, I think it demonstrates that what we’re focused on is only the most sensitive technology that could pose a threat to our security.&nbsp; We’re not focused on cutting off trade, or for that matter containing or holding back China.&nbsp; It’s actually in our interest for China to have a growing and strong economy, but we also want to make sure that on the economic side of the ledger, there’s a level playing field for our companies and our workers.QUESTION:&nbsp; Elbridge Colby, who’s a former Republican defense official – you’re nodding, you know him – was on the program this week and said he is concerned that these U.S. efforts could provoke a war that the United States is not ready for.&nbsp; What is the risk here?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; We’re all about preventing wars, preventing conflict.&nbsp; And again, one of the things that was so important in trying to re-establish regular contact with China, regular engagement, was the restoration of our military-to-military communications – something that came out of the President’s meeting with President Xi last year.&nbsp; And we’ve seen that &#8212;QUESTION:&nbsp; That prevents an accidental war &#8212;SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; That’s right.QUESTION:&nbsp; &#8212; but what if China decides they must act because they’re running out of time?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Well, I’m not going to get into their own decision space, but we’ve been very clear that when it comes to South China Sea, when it comes to the Taiwan Strait, our purpose, our focus is on maintaining peace and stability, maintaining the status quo, and not seeing any actions taken that could disrupt it.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; So while we’re here in Beijing, we’ve been talking with a lot of people, and we met a university professor who said America’s reputation has declined here in part because of U.S. support for Israel and its war against Hamas.&nbsp; Then there was a headline in a Chinese paper today:&nbsp; “Chinese satellites detail... destruction to Gaza from the war.”&nbsp; And it’s been widely reported that China is playing up this conflict in the Global South in many nations to undermine the United States.&nbsp; How can you respond to that?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Look, I can’t focus on what they may be saying or doing inside of China, but what I can focus on is two things: one, of course, is what we’re doing in the Middle East both to try to bring this conflict to an end as quickly as possible in a way that allows Israel to ensure that October 7th never happens again, but also to do everything we can to protect the men, women, and children who are caught in this crossfire of Hamas’s making.&nbsp;And at the same time when it comes to China, one of the things we actually discussed was the Middle East.&nbsp; And I’ve had, I think, six conversations with my Chinese counterparts since October 7th.&nbsp; I actually believe that China could play a constructive role in trying to make sure that conflict doesn’t spread, that we don’t see escalation because it has relationships, it has influence with critical countries in the region, including, for example, Iran.&nbsp; So what I’m focused on is trying to encourage China to use that influence in a productive way.&nbsp;QUESTION:&nbsp; Is it your impression that China is ready to act in the way that you want them to on that issue?SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Well, we’ve seen some evidence that they have engaged because it’s also in their interest to make sure that conflict doesn’t spread.&nbsp; For example, China is deeply reliant on energy coming from the Middle East.&nbsp; It has no interest in a Middle East that’s in flames, full of conflict, and just out of its own self-interest, I think, is looking to take appropriate action.QUESTION:&nbsp; Secretary Antony Blinken, thanks very much for taking the time today.&nbsp; I really appreciate it.&nbsp;SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Steve, thank you.QUESTION:&nbsp; Enjoy the rest of your travels.SECRETARY BLINKEN:&nbsp; Thanks.						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- Assistant Secretary Stewart Travels to New York Office of the SpokespersonAssistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Arms Control, Deterrence, and Stability, Mallory Stewart, will travel to New York, New York, April 22-23.She will participate in the Western Hemisphere Nuclear Risk Reduction Workshop, co-hosted by the United States and Mexico. The workshop will focus on regional perspectives on nuclear risk reduction and its role in nuclear arms control.Assistant Secretary Stewart will also participate in the North American Trilateral Risk Reduction and Disarmament Dialogue, alongside counterparts from the governments of Canada and Mexico. The discussion will focus on nuclear arms control, responsible military use of artificial intelligence and autonomy, space security, and other security-related issues.
- United States Imposes Sanctions on Suppliers Contributing to Ballistic Missile Proliferation HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases&#8230;United States Imposes Sanctions on Suppliers Contributing to Ballistic Missile Proliferation				hide		if(window.jQuery) {		jQuery( document ).ready(function() {			if (jQuery(".bc_middle").hasClass("collapse")) {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});				jQuery(".bc_hide").click(function(){					jQuery(".bc_hide").toggleClass("visible");					jQuery(".bc_middle").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_ellipse").toggle();					jQuery(".bc_content").toggleClass("noflex");					jQuery(".block_breadcrumbs_content").toggleClass("noflex");				});			} else {				jQuery(".bc_ellipse").hide();			}		});	}																										United States Imposes Sanctions on Suppliers Contributing to Ballistic Missile Proliferation																																		Press Statement																														April 19, 2024																																							The United States is committed to strengthening the global nonproliferation regime by taking action to disrupt procurement networks supporting proliferation activities of concern. Today, we are designating four entities pursuant to Executive Order 13382, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. These entities – three based in the People’s Republic of China and one in Belarus – have supplied missile‐applicable items to Pakistan’s ballistic missile programs, including its long-range missile program.The entities we are designating today, Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant; Xi’an Longde Technology Development Company Limited; Tianjin Creative Source International Trade Co Ltd; and Granpect Co. Ltd., have engaged in activities or transactions that have materially contributed to, or pose a risk of materially contributing to, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or their means of delivery, including any efforts to manufacture, acquire, possess, develop, transport, transfer or use such items, by Pakistan.The United States, in close cooperation with other partners, is committed to strengthening the global nonproliferation regime by deterring and disrupting proliferation networks of WMD wherever they occur. For more information, see the Department of State factsheet here.						Tags																					Belarus																								Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation																								Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs																								China																								Office of the Spokesperson																								Pakistan																																Sanctions																																							Weapons of Mass Destruction