Figure 1.

Fathers Caring for Their Preschoolers: 1988 to 1993

(As a percent of married fathers whose wives 

are employed)

23

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program

Participation (SIPP).

30

25

17

22

19

All Care Providers Primary Care Providers

1988

1991

1993

U.S. Department of Commerce Economics and Statistics Administration

Current My Daddy Takes Care of Me!

Fathers as Care Providers

By Lynne M. Casper

C E N S U S B U R E A U

Population Reports

 P70-59

Issued September 1997

Household Economic Studies

Over the past 5 years, there

has been increasing interest in the

roles fathers play in shaping their

children’s lives. With renewed

emphasis on family values in the

public policy debate about the

well-being of families, fathers’

roles in child-rearing have been

launched into the spotlight. It is

undisputed among researchers

and policy pundits alike that 

fathers’ involvement is extremely

important for children’s proper 

social and emotional development.

Furthermore, fathers interact 

differently with their children 

than do mothers, and it is fathers’

unique interaction that is said to

help promote specifically children’s

emotional development.1

The increasing interest in 

fathers’ involvement has been 

mirrored in the media, with reporters covering stories on a wide

array of father-related topics.

Articles have been written on

diverse topics ranging from stayat-home dads to fathers as child

care providers, to fathers seeking

custody of their children. In addition, several fathers’ organizations

have been formed to provide support to fathers as they take on an

increasing number of the challenges associated with child-rearing. But what do we mean by

fathers’ involvement? Researchers distinguished several types of

fathers’ involvement at the 1996

National Institutes of Health’s

Family and Child Well-Being Network’s Conference on Father Involvement. One of the most

influential series of 

1 Parke, R.D. 1990. “In Search of Fathers: A Narrative of an Empirical Journey.” In Methods of Family Research, Volume 1. I. Sigel and G. Brody, eds. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

studies which was frequently

referred to at this conference

suggested three types of involvement: interaction, availability, and

responsibility.2 In this report, we

look at one aspect of fathers’ involvement — fathers caring for

their children during mothers’

working hours — and examine

which types of fathers are the

most likely to take care of their

children.3 It should be noted that

care by fathers, as examined in

this report, taps, to some extent,

all three of the components of

fathers’ involvement.

2 Lamb, M.E., J.H. Pleck, E.L. Charnov, and 

J.A. Levine. 1987. “A Biosocial Perspective on Paternal Behavior and Involvement. In Parenting

Across the Lifespan: Biosocial Dimensions. J.B. Lancaster, J. Altman, A.S. Rossi, and 

L.R. Sherrod, eds. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

3 In this report, we use the term “working” to refer to mothers who are working for pay, whether at home or away from home; we do not mean to infer that homemaking activities do not 

constitute work.

One in four fathers take 

care of their preschoolers

during the time mothers 

are working

According to the Survey of 

Income and Program Participation

(SIPP), in the fall of 1993, 14.8

million fathers were in marriedcouple families with children 

aged 0 to 14 whose mothers 

were employed (table 1). Of

these fathers, 2.9 million, or 1 in 5,

provided care for at least one child

under age 15 while the child’s

mother was working. In this same

year, about 1.9 million or 13 percent of fathers were the primary

care provider — they provided

care for their children during 

more of the mother’s working

hours than did any other single

care provider.

Fathers are more likely to care

for their preschool-age children

than for their gradeschool-age
Table 1.

Fathers Providing Care for Children While Mothers Are 

Working: 1988 to 1993

(Numbers in thousands)

Fathers providing care Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

1993 1991 1988

1The number of fathers of children under 5 combined with the number of fathers of children 5-14 does not sum to the total number of fathers of children 0-14 because some fathers have children in both age groups.

Note: Limited to married fathers whose wives are employed.

Caring for Children 0-14 

Total number of fathers 1 14,849 100.0 14,620 100.0 14,278 100.0

Providing some care 2,914 19.6 3,331 22.8 2,698 18.9

Primary provider of care 1,915 12.9 2,032 13.9 1,688 11.8

Caring for Children Under 5

Total number of fathers 6,274 100.0 6,274 100.0 6,536 100.0

Providing some care 1,554 24.8 1,901 30.3 1,523 23.3

Primary provider of care 1,164 18.5 1,407 22.4 1,107 16.9

Caring for Children 5-14

Total number of fathers 11,412 100.0 11,256 100.0 10,720 100.0

Providing some care 1,780 15.6 1,975 17.5 1,660 15.5

Primary provider of care 1,034 9.1 1,015 9.0 941 8.8

2 P70-59

children. In the fall of 1993, there

were 6.3 million married fathers of

preschoolers whose mothers were

employed. Of these fathers, 1.6

million or 1 in 4 were taking care

of their preschoolers while the

mothers were at work. In contrast, while there were 11.4 million

fathers of gradeschool-age children, only 16 percent (1.8 million)

were taking care of their gradeschoolers.4 Fathers of preschoolers were also more likely to be

primary care providers. Almost 

1 in 5 fathers were primary care

providers for preschoolers compared with fewer than 1 in 10 

for gradeschoolers.

Because young children require

constant attention and care, the

fact that more fathers care for their

preschoolers than for their gradeschoolers may at first appear 

surprising. However, there are

many reasons why one might 

expect fathers to be more likely 

to take care of younger children.

First, preschool-aged children are

much more likely than older children to require supervision while

their mothers are away at work

simply because during the school

year, older children are more likely

to be in school all day. In addition,

because the early years in a

child’s life are generally regarded

as the most formative, parents

may be more willing to juggle their

work schedules to arrange for 

parental care, resulting in more 

fathers caring for younger children. Another reason may be that

fathers who have older children

are more likely to be older and to

have higher earnings with which to

purchase alternative care services.

In addition, parents may be more

willing to allow older children to

care for themselves because they

are more mature and better

4 Part of the apparent drop for school-age children compared with preschoolers results from the way the data are collected. Currently 

in the SIPP, we ask parents to list up to two arrangements they use to care for their children while the mother is working. School is included 

as one possible response. Since many gradeschoolers are in school while their mothers are working, the majority of parents report school as their primary care arrangement. Therefore, the probability that the father will be mentioned as a primary care provider declines substantially 

simply because of the way the child care ques- tions are asked.

equipped to handle the situations

that may arise.

Because fathers are so much

more likely to care for their preschoolers and because our data

are better suited to analyzing care

for preschoolers, in the remainder

of this report, we focus on married

fathers with children under 5

whose mothers are employed.

The proportion of fathers

caring for their preschoolers

has shifted dramatically over

the past few years

Noteworthy changes have recently occurred in the proportions

of married fathers who care for

their preschoolers while their

mothers are at work.5 Among

married-couple families with preschool-age children, the proportion

of fathers who acted as child care

providers during their wives’ working hours sharply increased from

23 percent in 1988 to 30 percent

in 1991 (figure 1). However, 

by 1993, the proportion of fathers

providing care fell back down to

25 percent. In terms of numbers,

there were 1.5 million fathers caring for their preschoolers in 1988,

rising to 1.9 million in 1991, but

5 Data are shown for 1988 and 1991 because of the desire to depict child care arrangements used by families in a recent recession (1991) as opposed to adjacent nonrecession years (1988 and 1991). Data for 1989, 1990, and 1992 are not available for analysis.

falling back down to 1.6 million by

1993 (table 1).

The proportions of fathers providing primary care changed in a

similar fashion over this same time

period. The proportion of fathers

who were primary care providers

increased from 17 percent in 1988

to 22 percent in 1991, representing a 30 percent increase over

the 3 year period. By 1993, 

however, this proportion had fallen

back down to 19 percent. In 

1988 and 1993, this translates into

about 1.1 million fathers providing

primary care for their preschoolers, compared with 1.4 million 

in 1991.

The increase in care by fathers

between 1988 and 1991 may

have been a response to the 

economic recession which 

occurred during the same period

(the recession began in July 1990

and reached its lowest point in

March 1991). Increases in the

proportions of people who were

not employed and working at parttime jobs may have meant that

more fathers were available to

serve as child care providers.6

The increase in care by fathers

may have also reflected the desire

of parents to cut down on child

6 For more information about employment 

patterns during the recession see U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1995. Income and 

Job Mobility in the Early 1990’s, SB/95-1. U.S. Bureau of the Census:Washington, DC.
P70-59 3

care costs by switching to more

parental supervision of their children whenever possible. That the

decline in care by fathers between

1991 and 1993 occurred at the

same time as the economy was

expanding also supports this 

notion.

To further investigate the possibility that the proportion of fathers

providing care for their children

may have been driven largely by

the economy and the attendant

economic circumstances of families with young children, we turn

now to examining how a married

father’s employment status and

work schedule are related to

whether or not he cares for his

children. We also look at whether

there were changes in the levels

of fathers’ employment from 1988

to 1993 which could account for

the change in care by fathers over

the same period.

Fathers who don’t work 

and those whose jobs are 

at night or part time are

more likely to care for their 

preschoolers

A married father’s employment

status makes a big difference in

whether or not he provides care

for his preschool-age children —

those who are not employed are

much more likely to be providing

care. For example, in 1993, 58

percent of fathers who were not

employed provided care for their

preschoolers during their wives’

working hours compared with 

only 23 percent of fathers who

were employed (table 2). Nonemployed fathers — those who

were either unemployed or not in

the labor force — were also much

more likely to be primary care 

providers than employed fathers

(50 percent compared with 16 

percent).7

The amount of time a father

works determines in part his availability to take care of his preschoolers while their mother is 

at work. Married fathers who work

part time are much more likely 

to take care of their preschoolers

than are fathers who work full 

time — 32 percent of fathers

compared with only 22 percent in

1993. In addition, married fathers

working part time in 1993 were

twice as likely to be primary

7 There is no significant difference between the 58 percent of nonemployed fathers providing 

any care and the 50 percent providing primary care.

providers for their preschoolers 

as fathers working full time.

The type of shift a father works

is also an important factor. In

1993, married fathers who worked

evening or night shifts were twice

as likely to take care of the preschoolers during their mothers

working hours as fathers who

worked day shifts (34 percent

compared with 18 percent).8 Nonday shift fathers were also twice

as likely to be primary care providers as day shift fathers (26 percent compared with 13 percent).

The economy can have a

large impact on the availability of fathers for care as well

as on the likelihood of 

fathers providing care

We have seen that in 1993,

married fathers who were not

employed and those who worked

part time or nonday shifts were

more likely to take care of their

preschoolers. But are these 

patterns the same over time, and

have fathers in the same employment status been equally as likely

8 Day shift in this report is defined as a work 

schedule where at least one-half of the hours worked daily were between 8:00 a.m. and 

4:00 p.m. All other schedules in which the majority of hours are worked outside of this period or which have irregular or rotating hours 

are classified as nonday work shifts.

All Providers 6,274 1,554 24.8 6,274 1,901 30.3 6,536 1,523 23.3

 Employment Status

 Not employed 1 412 238 57.6 487 312 64.1 293 167 56.9

 Employed 2 5,862 1,316 22.5 5,788 1,589 27.5 6,242 1,356 21.7

 Full time 5,428 1,176 21.7 5,217 1,378 26.4 5,887 1,260 21.4

 Part time 434 141 32.3 571 211 37.0 355 96 26.9

 Type of Work Shift 3

 Day shift 4,275 784 18.3 3,981 932 23.4 4,492 842 18.7

 Nonday shift 1,586 533 33.6 1,807 657 36.4 1,751 514 29.4

Primary Care Providers 6,274 1,164 18.5 6,274 1,407 22.4 6,536 1,107 16.9

 Employment Status

 Not employed 1 412 207 50.2 487 257 52.8 293 136 46.5

 Employed 2 5,862 957 16.3 5,788 1,150 19.9 6,242 971 15.6

 Full time 5,428 838 15.4 5,217 995 19.1 5,887 898 15.3

 Part time 434 119 27.4 571 155 27.1 355 72 20.4

 Type of Work Shift 3

 Day shift 4,275 549 12.8 3,981 644 16.2 4,492 580 12.9

 Nonday shift 1,586 408 25.7 1,807 505 28.0 1,751 391 22.3

Number Number Number

of Percent of Percent of Percent

Total providers providing Total providers providing Total providers providing

Table 2.

Fathers Providing Care for Preschoolers While Mothers 

Are Working, by Employment Status of Fathers: 1988 to 1993

(Numbers in thousands)

Employment status

of father

1993 1991 1988

1Includes persons who were unemployed, enrolled in school, or not in the labor force the month prior to the survey. 2In the month prior to the survey. 3For fathers who were employed in the month prior to the survey.

Note: Limited to married fathers whose wives are employed.
4 P70-59

to care for their preschool-aged

children over time? The answer

to the first question is “yes: fathers

who are not employed, those

working part time, and those 

working nonday shifts were consistently more likely to be caring

for their children in 1988, 1991,

and 1993 (figure 2).9 In other

words, regardless of the prevailing

economic conditions of the time,

fathers who are in what might be

considered the more “nontraditional” employment statuses are 

more likely to take care of their

preschoolers when compared to

those in the more “traditional” 

employment statuses.10

The answer to the second

question is not so clear-cut. Within

the same traditional employment

status the answer is “no”: the proportion of married fathers providing care for their preschoolers was

higher in the recession year of

1991 than in either of the nonrecession years — 1988 or 1993.

However, within the same nontraditional status the answer 

is “yes”: in general, fathers were

no more likely to take care of 

their preschoolers in 1991 than 

in 1988 or 1993.

Changes in the economy can

affect whether or not a father will

take care of his children in several

ways. If a father is unemployed or

underemployed, he will have more

“free” time available to care for 

his children. Also, an economic

downturn can mean that even if 

a father is employed full time, the

family may have fewer economic

resources with which to purchase

alternative child care services.

When money is scarce, families

are less likely to pay for child care

9 The one exception is that in 1988 fathers who were employed part time were no more likely 

than those employed full time to care for their children.

10 People working nontraditional employment 

statuses in this report are defined as those who work part time or nonday shifts, while people working traditional employment statuses are those working full time or in day shifts.

and more likely to rely on relatives

including fathers to take care of

their children.

During the recession year of

1991, fully 17 percent of married

fathers were not employed or

were working part time (figure 3).

In contrast, only 10 percent and

14 percent of fathers were in

these circumstances in 1988 

and 1993 respectively. Moreover,

the more time a father has available — the greater the number of

hours the father is not working

while the mother is — the more

likely he is to be taking care of his

preschoolers.11 For example, in

1993, only 13 percent of fathers

who have less than 5 available

hours per week take care of their

children, compared with 50 percent of fathers who have 20 or

more available hours per week

(figure 4). This pattern is basically

11 This measure includes fathers who are nonemployed and assumes that they are available to care for their children for the entire time the mothers are working. The

number of hours a nonemployed father is available to care for his children then, 

is equal to the number of hours the mother works.

the same for all 3 years, but within

each availability category, in general, fathers were more likely to

care for their children in 1991 than

in 1988 or 1993.12 This trend

could reflect the desire for families

to reduce child care expenditures

during poorer economic times.

Thus, these comparisons across

years show that not only were

more fathers available for care in

the recession (figure 3), but they

were also more likely to provide

care (figure 4).

The fact that care by fathers

declined between 1991 and 1993

indicates that the large increase

which occurred between 1988 and

1991 may not have been part of

changing social trends, but rather

was probably motivated by the

shifting economy. This fact does

not imply that fathers became less

interested in their children’s

12 Exceptions are the 5 to 9 hour category 

where fathers are no more likely to care for their preschoolers in 1991 than in 1988 or 1993, and the 20+ category where fathers are no more likely to care for their pre- schoolers in 1993 than in 1991.

Figure 2.

Fathers Providing Care for Their Preschoolers, 

by Father’s Employment Status: 1988 to 1993

(As a percent of married fathers within the same 

employment status whose wives are employed)

22

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program

Participation (SIPP).

Employed

1988

1991

1993

Not

Employed

Full

time

Part

time

Day

shift

Nonday

shift

28

23

57

64

58

21

26

22

27

37

32

19

23

18

29

36 34
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Figure 4.

Fathers Caring for Their Preschoolers, by Hours

Available for Care: 1988 to 1993

(As a percent of married fathers within the same availability

status whose wives are employed)

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program

Participation (SIPP).

<5

Figure 3.

Fathers Who Worked Part Time or 

Were Not Employed: 1988 to 1993

(As a percent of married fathers with 

preschoolers whose mothers are employed)

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program

Participation (SIPP).

1988 1991 1993

5

Part time

Not employed

5

8

9

7

7

5-9 10-14 15-19 20+

1988

1993

1991

Number of Hours Available for Care1

1The number of hours fathers were not at work during the time their wives were at work.

10

17

14

P70-59 5

well-being between 1991 and

1993; some families may believe

that the most valuable and productive role a father can play is to

provide food and shelter. As the

economy improved and more fathers became fully employed, their

availability for care decreased,

while their incomes and ability 

to pay for child care increased.

Care by fathers is most 

common in poor families

Child care costs constitute an

especially large proportion of a

poor family’s budget, so it comes

as no surprise that fathers in poor

families are more likely to take

care of their children than fathers

in nonpoor families — 43 percent

compared with 24 percent in

1993, for example (figure 5).13

This pattern also occurred in 

1988 and 1991.14 Moreover, in all

3 years, poor fathers were twice

as likely as nonpoor fathers to 

be primary care providers during 

the time the mothers were at

work. Note, however, that the 

percentage of nonpoor fathers

who were primary providers was

much higher in 1991 than in either

1988 or 1993.

Examining care by fathers as it

relates to family income yields a

similar picture: fathers in families

with lower incomes are more likely

to care for their children than 

fathers in families with higher 

incomes. In 1993 for example, 

45 percent of fathers with monthly

family incomes of less than $1,500

were caring for their preschoolers,

compared with only 30 percent 

for those with incomes between

$1,500 and $2,999 and 26 

percent for those with incomes 

between $3,000 and $4,499.15

Fathers with monthly family incomes of $4,500 or more were the

13 For more information about child care costs see Casper, Lynne M. 1995. What Does It Cost 

to Mind Our Preschoolers? P70-52. U.S. Bureau of the Census: Washington, DC. 14 Poverty and income figures are in current 

dollars; data are not directly comparable across years.

15 Note that there is no significant difference between the 30 percent and 26 percent of 

fathers in the middle income categories who care for their children.
6 P70-59

least likely to provide care, with

only 16 percent doing so. In both

1988 and 1991 fathers with the

highest family incomes were also

the least likely to be caring for

their preschoolers while the mothers were working. In addition, 

fathers with the highest incomes

were the least likely to be primary

care providers; 10 percent of

these fathers were primary care

providers in all three years.

Like fathers in poor families,

those in families receiving AFDC,

WIC, food stamps, or general 

assistance were more likely to 

be caring for their preschoolers

while the mothers were at work.

In 1993, 1 in 3 fathers whose 

families received benefits were

taking care of their preschoolers

compared with only 1 in 4 fathers

whose families were nonrecipients. Fathers in recipient families

were also much more likely to be

primary care providers for their

children while their mothers were

working (26 percent compared

with 18 percent).

Fathers in service occupations are more likely than 

fathers in other occupations

to provide care for their 

preschoolers while their

mothers are at work

Fathers who work in service

occupations such as maintenance,

police, fire fighting, and security

positions are about twice as likely

as fathers in any other occupation

to be taking care of the preschoolers while the mothers are working.

For example, in 1993, 42 percent

of fathers in service occupations

cared for their preschool-age 

children compared with about 

20 percent of fathers who were in

managerial/professional or technical/sales occupations (table 3).

Data for 1991 also support this

same pattern. Note that fathers in

service occupations were also

more likely than fathers in other

occupations to be primary care

providers for the preschoolers

while the mothers were working 

in both 1991 and 1993.

Both patterns may be due to

the fact that fathers in service occupations are more likely to work

nontraditional schedules than other fathers and therefore, may be

more likely to be available for

care. In 1993, for example, 13

percent of fathers in service occupations worked part time

compared with about 7 percent 

of fathers in other occupations.

Fathers in service occupations

were also at least twice as likely

as other fathers to work nonday

shifts.

Veteran status makes a 

difference in whether or 

not a father cares for his 

preschoolers

Fathers who had served in the

armed forces were more likely to

care for their children and to be

primary care providers than fathers who did not serve. In 1993,

for example, 30 percent of fathers

who were veterans took care of

the children while their mothers

were working compared with only

24 percent of fathers who were

not veterans.16 But, why are nonvets less likely to care for their

preschoolers? Fathers who are

nonveterans are more likely to 

be in managerial or professional

occupations and to have higher

family incomes; fathers with these

characteristics are less likely to 

be caring for their preschoolers.

Care by fathers is the most

common in the Northeast

and least common in the

South

Care by fathers is more common in some areas of the country

than in others. In 1993, fathers in

the Northeast were the most likely

to be taking care of their children

and to be providing primary care,

while those in the South were the

least likely to be doing so. About

33 percent of fathers in the Northeast provided care for their preschoolers during their mothers

working hours, compared with 27

percent of fathers in the Midwest

and West and only 18 percent 

in the South. Care by fathers 

was especially prevalent in New

England where 4 out of 10 fathers

cared for their children in 1993

(figure 6).17 Note that fathers

16 Veteran status data were not tabulated for 1988. 17 There is no significant difference between the proportions of preschoolers cared for by their fathers in New England compared with the Mountain states.

Figure 5.

Fathers Caring for Their Preschoolers 

by Poverty Status: 1988 to 1993

(As a percent of married fathers within the same 

poverty status whose wives are employed)

37

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and Program

Participation (SIPP).

23

50

30

43

24

1988

Poor

Nonpoor

1991 1993
All fathers 6,274 24.8 18.5 6,274 30.3 22.4 6,536 23.3 16.9

Race and Hispanic origin:

White, not Hispanic 4,908 24.9 18.6 4,948 31.0 22.6 5,184 24.3 18.3

Black, not Hispanic 475 23.4 16.1 491 24.9 22.1 630 19.2 13.1

Hispanic origin 610 27.2 21.2 521 38.8 28.0 501 21.2 10.7

Other 281 19.8 16.3 314 13.4 11.5 221 15.3 9.9

Father’s occupation

Manager/professional 1,619 18.1 12.9 1,595 23.4 16.4 NA NA NA

Technical/sales 1,189 20.1 15.0 1,214 26.9 19.0 NA NA NA

Service 508 42.1 29.0 438 47.3 35.5 NA NA NA

Other 2,547 22.4 16.6 2,542 26.8 19.7 NA NA NA

Not employed last month 412 57.6 50.2 487 64.1 52.8 NA NA NA

Father’s veteran status

Veteran 1,044 29.7 22.4 1,092 35.1 27.1 NA NA NA

Not a veteran 5,230 23.8 17.8 5,183 29.3 21.4 NA NA NA

Region:

Northeast 1,129 32.5 27.3 1,316 36.5 28.1 1,117 33.9 27.1

Midwest 1,778 26.7 18.6 1,692 30.9 23.5 1,813 25.1 17.5

South 2,094 17.8 13.1 1,883 21.3 17.6 2,322 19.0 13.7

West 1,274 26.7 19.8 1,384 35.9 22.3 1,284 19.3 13.1

Division:

New England 363 38.5 31.5 440 47.3 36.8 366 41.3 32.1

Middle Atlantic 766 29.6 25.3 876 31.1 23.7 751 30.3 24.7

East North Central 1,210 27.7 19.2 1,004 30.7 23.7 1,042 27.3 19.9

West North Central 568 24.5 17.3 687 31.3 23.3 771 22.1 14.2

South Atlantic 1,130 17.4 11.9 977 23.6 19.9 1,165 18.7 13.6

East South Central 369 18.5 12.4 303 15.2 12.6 390 18.4 11.7

West South Central 594 18.2 15.7 604 20.6 16.3 768 19.8 15.0

Mountain 308 36.0 20.7 310 40.9 18.0 326 22.7 16.0

Pacific 966 23.7 19.5 1,074 34.4 23.5 958 18.1 12.1

Metropolitan residence:

Central city 1,599 28.2 23.1 1,596 35.3 27.6 1,781 23.1 18.0

Suburb 3,286 22.2 16.4 3,192 27.8 20.4 3,060 23.7 16.8

Nonmetropolitan 1,390 26.9 18.3 1,487 30.4 21.3 1,695 22.8 16.1

Number of children under 5:

One 4,929 22.5 16.3 4,868 27.7 20.4 5,124 21.8 15.7

Two or more 1,346 33.1 26.7 1,407 39.2 29.6 1,411 28.6 21.3

Age of father:

Less than 25 years 402 32.9 25.6 426 31.8 20.7 447 23.2 17.3

25 to 34 years 3,347 24.2 18.2 3,433 30.1 21.4 3,941 24.6 17.4

35 years and over 2,526 24.2 17.9 2,416 30.4 24.2 2,147 20.9 15.9

Poverty status1:

Below poverty 286 43.0 36.6 273 49.5 42.1 314 36.9 30.4

Above poverty 5,975 23.9 17.7 5,965 29.5 21.5 6,220 22.6 16.3

Family’s monthly income 1:

Less than $1,500 407 45.3 40.3 470 39.1 30.6 622 35.6 30.6

$1,500 to $2,999 1,760 30.0 24.9 2,082 37.4 29.4 2,565 26.8 19.3

$3,000 to $4,499 1,856 26.0 18.3 1,910 30.1 22.0 1,985 21.3 14.7

$4,500 and over 2,238 16.1 9.9 1,776 20.0 12.6 1,363 14.0 9.7

Husband’s monthly income 2:

Less than $1,500 1,619 30.1 25.1 1,930 37.0 29.4 2,060 26.3 19.9

$1,500 to $2,999 2,706 24.6 17.5 2,665 30.9 21.7 3,061 22.6 15.6

$3,000 to $4,499 1,182 19.7 13.1 985 24.8 17.9 883 20.4 13.4

$4,500 and over 651 15.7 10.3 559 12.4 7.5 434 12.6 11.0

Program participation:

Recipient 3 432 32.0 26.1 NA NA NA NA NA NA

Nonrecipient 5,842 24.2 18.0 NA NA NA NA NA NA

Table 3.

Fathers Providing Care for Preschoolers While Mothers 

Are Working, by Various Characteristics: 1988 to 1993

(Numbers in thousands)

Number Number Number

of All Primary of All Primary of All Primary

fathers providers providers fathers providers providers fathers providers providers

1993 1988

Characteristics

1991

Percent providing care Percent providing care Percent providing care

NA Data not tabulated for this year. 1Omits fathers with no family income. Income in current dollars. 2Omits fathers with no income. Income in current dollars. 3Receives AFDC, WIC, food stamps, or general assistance.

Note: Limited to married fathers whose wives are employed.

P70-59 7
8 P70-59

residing in the Northeast were the

most likely to be primary providers

in 1988 as well.

Geographical differences in 

the frequency of fathers caring for

their children may relate to regional variations in employment rates,

and in costs of child care and

amounts of family income available to purchase alternative child

care services. In fact, we have

found that child care costs are 

indeed more expensive in the

Northeast than in either the Midwest or the South.18 Similarly, 

in 1993 for example, fathers were

more likely to be nonemployed in

the Northeast than in the Midwest

or the South. It could also be that

child care facilities may be farther

away in some areas than in others; this might cause more people

to choose neighbors and relatives

(including fathers) over child 

care facilities that may be less 

accessible.

Care by fathers is the least

common in the suburbs

In 1993, fathers in the suburbs

were the least likely to care for

their preschoolers when compared

with fathers residing in the central

cities and those in nonmetropolitan areas — 22 percent of suburban fathers compared with 27

percent of the other two groups.

One reason for this pattern is that

fathers living in suburban areas

are more likely to have higher 

incomes and be better able to purchase alternative care services.

Fathers with two or more

preschoolers are especially

likely to take care of their

preschoolers while their

mothers are working

The number of preschoolers 

a father has helps to determine

whether or not he takes care of

them, perhaps because of the

greater expense of hiring care 

for more than one preschooler.

18 L. M. Casper, 1995, op. cit.

In 1993, 1 in 3 fathers cared for

their preschoolers if they had two

or more of them, compared with 

only about 1 in 5 fathers if they

only had one preschooler at

home. This pattern is similar for

1988 and 1991. Moreover, fathers

with more than one preschooler

were also more likely to be primary care providers for their children

while the mother was at work, for

all 3 years.

Source of the Data

The estimates in this report

come from the Survey of Income

and Program Participation (SIPP).

The SIPP is a longitudinal survey

conducted at 4 month intervals by

the Census Bureau. Although the

main focus of SIPP is information

on labor force participation, jobs,

income, and participation in federal assistance programs, information on other topics is also 

collected in topical modules on 

a rotating basis. Data shown in

this report refer to the fall of 1988,

1991, and 1993.

Accuracy of the Estimates

All statistics are subject to 

sampling error, as well as nonsampling error such as survey 

design flaws, respondent classification and reporting errors, data

processing mistakes, and undercoverage. The Census Bureau

has taken steps to minimize errors

in the form of quality control and

edit procedures to reduce errors

made by respondents, coders,

and interviewers. Ratio estimation

to independent age-race-sex population controls partially corrects

for bias because of survey undercoverage. However, biases exist

in the estimates when missed persons have characteristics different

from those of interviewed persons

in the same age-race-sex group.

Analytical statements in this 

report have been tested and meet

statistical standards. However,

because of methodological 

differences, use caution when

comparing these data with data

from other sources. Contact 

Lieu Galvin, Demographic

Statistical Methods Division, at

301-457-4209 or on the Internet 

at lgalvin@census.gov for information on the source of data, the

accuracy of estimates, the use 

of standard errors, and the computation of standard errors for 

estimates in this publication.

More Information

A detailed table package showing the characteristics of fathers

taking care of their preschool-age

Figure 6.

Fathers Providing Care for Their Preschoolers, 

in Different Divisions of the Country: 1993

(As a percent of married fathers whose wives are employed)

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Survey of Income and

Program Participation (SIPP).





Under 20

20 to 29

Over 30















   



  



































































Pacific  Mountain

West

North Central East

North

Central

Middle 

Atlantic

New England

West

South Central

East

South

Central

South

Atlantic 











 

 














P70-59 9

and gradeschool-age children in

1988, 1991, and 1993 is available

on floppy disk for $20 (PE-51) or

on paper for $24 (PPL-53) from

the Population Division’s Statistical

Information Office (301-457-2422).

The table package is also 

available on the Internet

(http://www.census.gov); search

for child care data by clicking on

the “Subjects A-Z” button and 

selecting “child care” under “C”.

Information about child care costs

is available in the report What

Does It Cost to Mind Our Preschoolers? (P70-52). In addition,

information about child care 

arrangements is available in

Who’s Minding Our Preschoolers?

(P70-53). To order copies of 

either of these reports, contact 

the Statistical Information Office.

Upcoming Reports

An updated version of the 

report Who’s Minding Our 

Preschoolers? (P70-53) using

1994 SIPP data will be available

in the near future.

Contacts

Statistical Information Staff—

pop@census.gov

301-457-2422

Child care issues—

Lynne Casper, Ph.D.

lcasper@census.gov

301-457-2416

User Comments

The Census Bureau welcomes

the comments and advice of users

of its data and reports. If you

have any suggestions or 

comments, please write to:

Chief, Population Division

U.S. Bureau of the Census

Washington, DC 20233

or send email to:

pop@census.gov

ashington, DC 20233 W

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