286234

JPRS 83969

25 July 1983

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

No. 2824

DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A

Approved for public r-sk.ise;

Distribution ITidli/iiUd

'i.'WHwmiu 1.1<.<rp*rtt*w*HvMt<wf.-.

WT;H QtfA 'L££'t ÜMö.

19980603 140

FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

REPRODUCED BY ! NATIONAL TECHNICAL |

INFORMATION SERVICE |

US. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE

SPRINGFIELD, VA. 22161 |

Ml
NOTE

JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign

newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency

transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language

sources are translated; those from English-language sources

are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and

other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets

[] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]

or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the

last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was

processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the information was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are

enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a question mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the

original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.

Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an

item originate with the source. Times within items are as

given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the policies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

PROCUREMENT OF PUBLICATIONS

JPRS publications may be ordered from the National Technical

Information Service, Springfield, Virginia 22161. In ordering, it is recommended that the JPRS number, title, date and

author, if applicable, of publication be cited.

Current JPRS publications are announced in Government Reports

Announcements issued semi-monthly by the National Technical

Information Service, and are listed in the Monthly Catalog of

U.S. Government Publications issued by the Superintendent of

Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.

20402.

Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement

may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,

1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.
JPRS 83969

25 July 1983

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

No« 2824

CONTENTS

ANGOLA

Ambassador Discusses Cooperation With Italy

(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 22 May 83)

Infantry Unit Completes Training

(JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 18 May 83)

Interview With SONANGOL Directors

(Pinto Nogueira, Salgado Costa Interview; JORNAL DE

ANGOLA, 28 May 83)

CONGO

Briefs

Forest Resources Development Loan

GAMBIA

GHANA

Task of Nation's Revolutionaries Viewed

(JAAY DOOLE BI, No 34, Jun 83) 10

Briefs

West German Educational, Health Aid 12

PPP Wins Byelection 12

Record Tourist Season 12

Insurance Profits 13

French-Gambian Cooperation 13

Fertilizer for Farmers 13

Customs Revenues Fraud Recovery 13

Islamic Development Bank Loan 13

Tema Port Normalized After Military Incident

(PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 18 Jun 83) 14

-a - [III - NE & A - 120]
GHAPSO Condemns Attempted Coup, Destabilization Efforts

(WEST AFRICA, 4 Jul 83) 15

PDC, WDC Mobilization for Mass Production

(PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 22 Jan 83) 16

Teachers Demand Rice Allocations

(PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 23 Jun 83) 17

Government Subsidy Aimed at Cocoa Replanting Effort

(Abigail Bonsu; PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC, 18 Jun 83) 18

Manganese Industry Prospects Reviewed

(WEST AFRICA, 27 Jun 83) 19

Briefs

Attempted Kidnapping Probe Urged 20

High Taxi Fares 20

NUGS President's Stand Rejected 21

MADAGASCAR

Results of Provincial, Local Elections

(MADAGASCAR MATIN, various dates) 22

No Surprises in Elections

Three Months' Campaign

Final Results of Elections

MALAWI

UNDP To Continue To Provide National Development Aid

(DAILY TIMES, 13 Jun 83) 28

Grocery Owners Must Respect Recommended Prices

(Editorial; DAILY TIMES, 22 Jun 83) 29

Air Malawi Announces Seven Percent Fuel Savings

(MALAWI NEWS, 25 Jun-1 Jul 83) 31

Operation Manager's Statement

Parastatals Should Emulate Example, Editorial

Zomba, Dedza Sawmills Making Sawdust Briquettes for Fuel

(MALAWI NEWS, 25 Jun-1 Jul 83) 33

Briefs

Ntchisi Meat Shortage 34

- b
MALI

UNJM Holds First Congress, Adopts Resolutions

(L'ESSOR, 2 Jun 83) 35

Amadou Daouda Diallo Speech.

Conclusion of Congress, by Moussa Traore

Resolutions Adopted, by Diakite

New Officers Listed

Nation Will Continue To Benefit From French Assistance

(L'ESSOR, 1 Jun 83) 44

i

NAMIBIA

SWANÜ, Damara Council Boycott of State Council Analyzed

(Gwen Lester; WINDHOEK OBSERVER, 2 Jul 83) 46

SA Tactics To Retain SWA 'Colony' Hit

(Editorial; WEST AFRICA, 4 Jul 83) 49

Briefs

ISCOR's Profits 52

NIGERIA

Shagari Given Fifty-Fifty Chance of Winning Election

(AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL, 22 Jun 8.3) 53

Details on Election Procedures Given

(WEST AFRICA, 4 Jul 83) 59

Provisions of Electoral Bill Generate Controversy

(WEST AFRICA, 4 Jul 83) 61

Top GNPP Candidate Killed

(WEST AFRICA, 4 Jul 83) 63

Briefs

Bendel Bans Youth Wings 65

Screening Tests for VIP's 65

SENEGAL

Armed Forces Budget for 1983, 1984 Approved

(AFRIQUE DEFENSE, Jun 83) 66

Prospects for Economic Recovery Reportedly Somber

(A. Camara; TAKUSAAN, No 31, 21 Jun 83) 69

- c -
SOUTH AFRICA

ZAIRE

Father Lewis: Church Forcing Me To Leave SA

(Keith Abendroth; THE CITIZEN, 7 Jul 83) 71

NUSAS To Intensify Drive for United Opposition

(THE CITIZEN, 8 Jul 83) 73

Acceptance of Coloreds Urged

(Editorial; THE CITIZEN, 8 Jul 83) 74

Importance of Broederbond in Afrikanerdom Stressed

(THE CITIZEN, 6 Jul 83) 76

Training of Medical Students Slammed

(Keith Abendroth; THE CITIZEN, 5 Jul 83) 78

Regional Destabilization Allegations Refuted

(Ashley C. Lillie; PARATUS, Jun 83) 79

Briefs

Inkhata Youth ASB Cooperate 84

New Police Recruits 84

Grain Silos Collapse 84

Black Teachers 84

Former Detainee Goes Hiking 85

Industrial Health 'Below Standard' 85

Unions Discuss Unity 86

Racial Insults 86

Senior Brigadiers Promoted 86

Hlobane Miners Reprieved 86

GECAMINES President Discusses Plans for Future

(ELIMA, 10, 11 Jun 83) 87

Seeks Greater Productivity

Gives Interview on Policies, Robert Crem Interview

Bas-Zaire Governor Discusses Agricultural, Health, Road

Problems

(ELIMA, various dates) 97

ZIMBABWE

Gweru Mayor Patrick Kombayi Accused of Corruption

(THE STAR, 30 Jun 83) 104

Support Grows for Vote Change

(THE HERALD, 16 Jun 83) 105

- d -
Cabinet Ministers Say Recovery'Only Likely Next Year'

(BUSINESS HERALD, 9 Jun 83) 106

Economist Roger Riddell Warns Against Accepting World

Bank Advice

(THE HERALD, 8 Jun 83) 108

Economist Foresees Prices Upturn for Country in 1984

(THE HERALD, 10 Jun 83) 109

Despite Gold Sales Record, Trade Deficit Doubles

(THE HERALD, 10 Jun 83) 110

Yugoslavia Pledges Aid for Relief Work

(THE HERALD, 10 Jun 83) Ill

Affretair Suffering Heavy Financial Losses

(SUNDAY MAIL, 12 Jun 83) 112

Zimalloys' Financial Difficulties Reported

(David Linsell; BUSINESS HERALD, 9 Jun 83) 113

Steady Traffic Build-Up on Botswana Rail Link

(Lynda Loxton; BUSINESS HERALD, 16 Jun 83) 114

Workers Say Situation Improved at Bindura Nickel

(BUSINESS HERALD, 9 Jun 83) 115

CFU Forecasts Grain and Vegetable Oil Shortages

(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 10 Jun 83) 116

Shortage of Sorghum Due to Drought Could Hurt Beer Industry

(THE HERALD, 10 Jun 83) 117

Mining Industry Difficulties Viewed

(Editorial; THE SUNDAY NEWS, 12 Jun 83) 119

Briefs

Training of Embassy Staff 120

Workers Put on Short-Time 120

Canada Aid for Mine Survey 121

ZANU (PF) Congress Next Year 121

Umbrella Association To Unify System 121

Masvingo-Mutare Road Project 122

Threat of Famine 122

Shortage of Skills in Civil Service 123

e -
ANGOLA

AMBASSADOR DISCUSSES COOPERATION WITH ITALY

Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 22 May 83 p 1

[Text] Telmo de Almeida, Angolan ambassador to Italy, yesterday told the Angolan

news agency ANGOP that cooperation between Angola and that country "are in a full

phase of development," and that at the next meeting of the Joint Commission,

scheduled for September in the Angolan capital, "there will be a review of some

projects which have been defined but have not yet been carried out."

According to de Almeida, this cooperation primarily involves the food industry

and light industry, although it also includes such areas as oil exploitation,

cadre training and fishing and will soon be extended to university studies.

In the areas mentioned above, a development program is currently underway, which

includes the Angolan purchase of 15 Italian ships, construction of housing for

workers and a pier to receive the fish catch, to be constructed by an Italian

firm in the fishing region of Porto Amboim, Kwanza-Sul Province.

In a second phase, the program, valued at $60 million, provides for the participation of an Italian company in fishing activities in the same region.

According to the ambassador, at the meeting of the joint commission, Angola will

propose that Italy participate in construction of a fuel depot in Lobito and in

agroindustrial programs in Huila Province and in the greenbelt of Luanda. Cooperation is also foreseen in telecommunications and university instruction.

Some projects which have already been identified, in the textile and lumber

sectors, should receive new impetus following the meeting of the joint commission.

According to de Almeida, all these projects in progress or to be undertaken

"necessarily imply cadre training, which is usually offered as a gift by the

General Directorate of Cooperation of the Italian Foreign Affairs Ministry."

Thus, about 20 Angolan grantees are currently studying in that Central European

country, in the fields of petroleum prospecting and refining, hotel-keeping and

agriculture. In 1979/1980, Italy was host to 179 scholarship students in intermediate courses in business administration, hotel-keeping and the petroleum industry.

The ambassador also indicated that the FAO has cooperated with Angola since 1977

on small agricultural projects, and that the WFP is participating in the rehabilitation of the state coffee plantations and in light industry.
"These are projects of some scope, which we hope will be successful because they

will demonstrate the effectiveness of certain international agencies and the

ability of our authorities to carry them out," the ambassador noted.

Asked how the Italian press reports on the situation in southern Africa, specifically on the South African attacks against Angola, the ambassador said that

it tends toward "harsh criticism of the apartheid policy and the violence of the

south African attacks against its neighbors.

"We could say there is a certain consensus regarding the Namibian problem, but—

naturally—they do not have the correct information about the developing situation,"

he added.

Asked to comment on the Italian political situation, the ambassador said that "the

present crisis should end with the formation of a new government."

In his understanding, the formation of a new democratic governemnt, which the

Communists have proposed to the Socialist Party and other center parties, "will

be possible only if the PCI [Italian Communist Party]], the PSI [Italian Socialist

Party] and the PSDI [Italian Social Democratic Party] win a large vote; the communists must win the most votes, which the polls indicate is unlikely."

It is noted that Angola and Italy established diplomatic relations in 1975; the

Rome government was the first one in Central Europe to appoint an ambassador to

Luanda. Trade between the two countries amounted to about $65 million in 1981,

a figure which could be slightly larger this year.

6362

CSO« 3442/273
ANGOLA

INFANTRY UNIT COMPLETES TRAINING

Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOL A in Portuguese 18 May 83 p 2

[Text3 Of the 729 men who went into training, 592 soldiers pledged their allegiance to the flag last Sunday on completing the first infantry training course

of the 9th Military Region. The 4-month course was conducted at the Commandante

Dangereux Instruction Center in Malanje Province, and the graduation ceremony

was led by Col Ludy Kissassunda, provincial commissioner and member of the Political

Bureau of the MPLA-Labor Party.

During the course, which was administered by Angolan and internationalist Cuban

instructors, the soldiers were instructed in subjects related to infantry action.

Speaking at the ceremony, Major Farruco, commander of the 9th Military Region,

began by reciting the history of the struggle which the Angolan people have waged

since our forefathers* time and are still waging against foreign occupiers. He

hailed the late beloved Comrade President Agostinho Neto, Immortal Guide of the

Angolan Revolution, as the great organizer and leader of the struggle which

forced the Portuguese colonists to recognize the country's independence.

Referring to the current political-military situation in the south of Angola,

the 9th Military Region commander said the officers and enlisted men assigned

there are fighting with true heroism in defense of their native soil, and he

denounced the individuals who are fomenting disorderly conduct within the Armed

Forces. He urged the newly trained soldiers to protect their own integrity and

to make their full contribution to the total overthrow of the enemy.

"Weapons must never be turned against the people," Major Farruco stressed at one

point in his address, exhorting the new graduates to use the training they received

during the course in the performance of their duties.

Concluding the ceremony, Col Ludy Kissassunda, provincial commissioner of Malanje,

praised the new soldiers and the 9th Region Command for the success of the course.

He stressed that the Army of the People's Republic of Angola is a regular army

and should be devoted to the defense of the people and the conquests of the

revolution.

At another point, the official noted that it is the soldier who has the major

responsibility of defending the country against the imperialist threat, adding:

"We must wage war to defend ourselves against the imperialist attacks."

Concluding his brief address, Kissassunda thanked the Cuban internationalists who

taught some of the classes in the course and urged the new soldiers to put all

the knowledge imparted in the course into practice in the service of the people.

Attending the graduation ceremony for the First Course in Infantry Training of

the 9th Military Region were provincial party and government officials, Armed

Forces officers and invited guests.

6362 3

CSO: 3442/273
ANGOLA

INTERVIEW WITH SONANGOL DIRECTORS

Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 28 May 83 p 9

[Text of interview with Pinto Nogueira and Salgado Costa, directors of marketing

and domestic distribution of the National Angolan Fuel Company (SONANGOL), by

Felix M. Neto for ENERGIA magazine (date and place not specified)]

[Text] The demand for petroleum products in Angola is met by

the domestic refining of Angolan crude oil from the fields in

the basins of Zaire and Kwanza provinces. With some exceptions,

the People's Republic of Angola currently meets the domestic

needs for petroleum products. The purpose of this interview is

to provide the reader with a true picture of the domestic distribution and marketing of petroleum products.

ENERGIAi How does the Marketing/Distribution Sector fit into the organization of

SONANGOL?

Nogueira/Costa« In the SONANGOL organization there is an Assistant General

Directorate for Marketing, which is responsible for the directorates of Domestic

Distribution, Domestic Marketing, Aviation and Foreign Marketing. The various

SONANGOL offices throughout the country report to this Assistant General Directorate.

ENERGIA« Following the annexation of MOBIL (Distributor), how will this company

be integrated, in terms of its assets, personnel and so on?

Nogieira/ Costa« The MOBIL structures will be integrated with the existing

SONANGOL structures, taking into account the various specific aspects of its

activity, the existing manpower and material means, and the general interests of

the Domestic Distribution [system].

ENERGIA« The activities of the Domestic Marketing/ Distribution Directorate are

characterized by the irregular and poor distribution of fuels and lubricants to

the interior of the country. Today, equipped with a new shipping fleet of over

200 tank trucks and cars, will SONANGOL be able to meet domestic consumer needs?

Nogueira/Costa« It should be explained that the infrastructure of SONANGOL

Distribution depends on the domestic relationship of the various types and means

of transport, taking into account the volume of products which are to be transported from the Luanda refinery to the farthest reaches of the interior. Thus,

starting with the use of oil tankers which deliver a large volume of fuels to the

so-called Maritime Terminals along the coast, the distribution proceeds by the

normal routes to the interior of the country, via the three major rail lines,

along which SONANGOL's entire network of secondary fuel storage depots is located.
Practically speaking, it is at this stage that highway transport comes in, or

should come in, to distribute smaller quantities of fuel directly to the door of

the consumer. To replace railway transport with highway transport does not seem

feasible to us from any standpoint, from efficiency and the q uantities to be

shipped to the high operating costs. Moreover, the entry into operation of the

fleet of tank trucks (with only about 100 vehicles with an 18,000-liter

capacity for long range shipments) represents a major adaptation effort by

S0NANG0L, whose structures have been significantly overburdened by a substantial

increase in the labor force needed—drivers, assistants, mechanccs, etc—and also,

and basically, at the level of technical maintenance, for which infrastructures

are being established throughout the country, requiring a large investment.

Although this applies somewhat specifically to fuels, we can say that the same

limitations apply to the distribution of lubricants. In summary, we can say that

although there has been noticeable improvement in the last 2 years, given the

country's current situation it will be impossible to decisively overcome the

shortage of fuels and lubricants which occurs primarily in the most distant

locations in the interior.

ENERGIA: In recent years there has been a noticeable increase in sales. Does this

increase mean an increase in actual consumption of fuels and lubricants, reflecting

an improvement in domestic distribution, or is it a result of stockpiling and other

factors? Could you give us a breakdown of consumption of fuels and lubricants by

sector of economic activity?

Nogueira/ Costa: There is really a noticeable improvement in domestic distribution,

specifically with the entry into operation of the new rail and highway fleet.

We do not think there is stockpiling, because the volumes handled are so great

that it would be impossible to "conceal" their whereabouts. There may be more of

this in the case of lubricants, but it is in no way significant. Regarding consumption, consult the table. [See below]

ENERGIA: The production of the Luanda refinery is occasionally too high or too

low in relation to domestic demands for some products, making it necesaary to

resort to exportation and importation. Specifically—exports of petroleum products« What products? Where and under what conditions? Imports of petroleum

products: What products, from where and under what conditions?

Nogueira/ Costa: The principal export products are crude oil and fuel oil. Occasionally we export small quantities of derivatives (fuel oil, gasoline and kerosene) to the People's Republic of the Congo and the Democratic Republic of Sao

Tome and Principe. SONANGOL'S current contracts for the sale of crude oil are

with American, Brazilian and Spanish companies. So we can conclude that our

petroleum goes to these countries. All these contracts are for a period of 1

year with the possibility of automatic renewal. Prices are reestablished every

3 months, always seeking to reflect the specific situation of the international

market. Fuel oil is sold by yearly contracts, and we compete internationally for

purchasers. Prices are based on the quotations of the PLATT's. We export about

480,000 tons annually, in lots of about 40,000 tons.

As a result of the refinery's deficient production of certain products for domestic

consumption, we are obliged to import part of the liquid petroleum gas ( cooking

gas) and gasoline consumed in the country. These imports have widely varying

origins, since the suppliers are selected through international competition.
Obviously, the company which offers the best payment terms and delivery period,

freight rates and quality for a particular product will get the contract. Contracts for the gas imports are for 1 year; the prices are those published in

the PLATT's based in the Mediterranean. Regarding gasoline, we buy on the "spot"

market according to our needs, since they are less foreseeable.

ENERGIA: The distribution of lubricants went into a crisis after 1976. After

it took over BLENDING from Shell (in 1981), SONANGOL became less dependent on

imports of lubricants. Has it overcome the problems arising from its dependence

on the multinationals, such as the constant breaks in stocks of basic oils and

additives, lack of containers, etc? Could you give us a picture of the current

status of the distribution of lubricants?

Nogueira/Costa: When SONANGOL acquired BLENDING from Shell in August 1981, we

increased production of lubricants 156 percent over the previous year. We are

still dependent on imports for supplies. But this is not the reason for the low

level of production; primarily, we Would have to look at reasons of an administratice and bureaucratic nature. Perhaps the expression "He who wants something badly goes after it; otherwise he sends for it," says what we are trying to

say. Meanwhile, we have (and will have) many problems with containers, because

this sector does not even minimally meet our needs. The actual distribution of

lubricants is according to prior planning at the national level, which is hindered

only by the great difficulties with highway and sea transport.

ENERGIA: Regarding LPG (Liquefied Petroleum Gas), or cooking gas, as it is commonly

called, what is the situation? What is the total volume of gas produced annually

at the Luanda refinery? What is the total volume of gas imported annually?

What is the relative consumption in the periods before and after independence?

What is the distribution plan? What about a national standardization of the containers, the use and return of the canisters? What are the prospects for development?

Nogueira/Costaj The Luanda refinery is producing 65 percent of the gas consumed

nationally and has improved production in recent years. In 1981, SONANGOL, which

has the gas monopoly in the country, had already reached the volume of gas manufactured in 1973, or 21 million kilograms. This year, 1982 [as published], we

hope to reach 24 million kilograms. The gas distribution system has been held

captive by the locations where there are canisters in the possesssion of the consumers. There are problems with transportation and with public disregard. People

have a tendency to hold on to large numbers of containers. The standardization of

containers was initiated this year and is already in effect in the south and midsection of the country. Luanda will be the last, because this is where we will

concentrate the old canisters, since this is where we will sort them out, repair

and convert them.

As for the development projects, SONANGOL has a plan, or program, to solve the

gas distribution problem in all the urban centers of the country. Obviously, the

plan must be considered and approved by the higher organs, who have possession of

the plan now, and our company is waiting for the propor directives.
o

o

O

O

oo

r-l

o

o

O

o

o

o

CO 00

o

o

o

oo

o

4J cy>

*

* ft •k •k •k

s

r-l r-l r-»

o in Os CO

r-l in CO CO

o in

Ü vO en I-l r-l 0\

•rl •k

CM

OO

o

oo

J olO

oo

oo

o

ooOo

oo

o

o

o\

*

*

o •k «k •k

H| CO in •k in vO vO

in <r r»» VO CM rH

<r co

r-l

O

•k

r-l

o

o

o

o

O

O

o

o

o

o

O

O

o

oo

o

O

O

ft

* «k •k

*

*

<r

m OS vO Os oo

r-l co C\ C\ r» r-« in

00 r-lo VO r-l i~»

Ov

* •»

* «k

*

r-4

o

VO

m CM r-i r-l

CO

4J

r-l

CD

o 1—1

3o

o

oo

O

O 0. 4-1

Cuo

o

oo

O

O CO

X

o

oo

oo

Oc CU

•k

* •k •k «k «k rt 4J

vO r~.

m CM VO in

u

vO r-.

o vO in

o

V

6

O CN co r-» co oo

o

00 «k

* •V •k •k

M

H Os in CO •a- i-i r-l •H 4-1

r-l

m

'S

•a

CUo

o

o

o

O

o

O rt

3

o

o

o

Oo

O •a

o

o

o

O

o

O ft cu

* •k

* ft •k •k 0) •o

r~

m I-H <r CM in CO

r-l t^. r^. h»

m vO vO t».

00 i-« CN co

o iH CO

ö

H

OO

*

% •k •k •k •k 60 •rl

c-l CO as CM Os in in •H "2 in r-l CM r^ d) a)

H rl cu

CD

O rl

CO cw V o O O o o o 4-1

•Ho

O

o

o

o

oo

2

Q

oO

o

oo

o 4->

c

* •s. •k ft ft •k

in o\ CM <r

o vO CO "2

O oo co <r vO as in CU

c

00 r-* vO

o in <t co •rl rt

as •* •V •V «k •k •i r-l

r-l t-^ r^ <r

m <r I-I

a T3

<r r-l CM vO r-l

a3

CO

CU

•H

4-1

•H

o

Oo

o

o

O rl

Ü

>,

oO

o

o

o

O

O CU

4-1

o

O

o

o

o

O 4-1 04

•H •k

k

* ft •k ft CO

> as VO in

o r^

o •o

•H r-l

m

O co <r co CM CU 4-1

4-1 00 CJ\

O vO vO CO

aO

O CT>

* •V •k

3Ü

< r-4 CN r-l CO

H

d) <r

Ü *J

4-1

C

a cl

O •rl •H CU

r-lO

O

oOo

o

0

(-1

0

o

O

o

o

oo 4-> CU

o COoo

o

oo <r

2B •U ti ft •k * •k ft •k c 3 o C3 o o vO <r co o r-1 CO

CU 00 CN in

o 1^

o IN 0) «S

CO CTi in CT\ CO vO vO

b CU

i-H

* «k rt

e

>, <N CT»

J3 CO CO

cu

4-1o

CO

aU

cu cu

o

3 4-1

H CO rl CO •rl 4J 60 •H

rt CU

3 JJ 4->

C •H

c

t/5 •H 4J rl

O CU co fa

o

rl r-l

o3

£ CU 60

M rl 4J

3

a rl

c •H

C

M

CDO CO

Ü co 4-> rl

O .H •• CU

r-l 4-1

3 •rlc CO cu

ÖÄ CU 4-1

J3

O •o

U rt

C

> CD CO

u

O

Ct) CUC 60

UO

o 60 -rl

o

^

H CO

w

<

H

O

o •< Cu

& 1 1
ENERGIA: With regard to the current prices of the following products: gas,

gasoil, petroleum and fuel; what is the price structure for sales to the public,

and what are the reasons for the differences from place to place? What are the

prospects for establishing uniform prices nationwide?

Nogueira/Costa« The price structure takes into consideration the cost of refining,

taxes and government imposts, distribution and freight costs and the profit

margin stipulated by law. Obviously, the price differences in various locales

are based on the cost of the transportation which enters into the process.

SONANGOL is of the opinion that the prices could be standardized throughout the

country, but this will require ample study, and the decision is not up to us.

Inthe same way, we feel that the current prices should be reviewed, because in

all cases we are working with prices that are over 10 years old. We could also

have some imput in this area, but here, too, the decision is not up to us,

obviously.

ENERGIA: The retail network is the point of contact between the distributor and

the public, and its appearance and functioning could reflect on the compnay.

Finally, could you tell us about the following aspects of the retail market:

the rehabilitation and conservation of the retail outlets; increased numbers of

supply posts and service stations in the locations along the highways; and the

education of those who use the posts and service stations.

Nogueira/Costa: SONANGOL has made a great effort to recover and improve the

retail network. The results are visible in various cities in our country.

Without any false modesty, we can say that some of our supply posts are real

"oases" in the cities. Still, we have many problems maintaining them or

improving them, for want of manpower and materials. As for increasing the number of stations along the highways, we have attempted to respond to the needs

of highway traffic. Proof of this is that we have already rehabilitated most

of the posts in the major centers and along the highways, but we must remember

that there are certain limiting factors, such as the difficulty in finding

capable dealers, the security of the sites and, primarily, the priorities to

be considered regarding the existing funds. Regarding the users of the posts,

there is a lacuna here which we have not considered up to now. Meanwhile, we

have concentrated our efforts on retraining the franchised dealers and their

employees, as a first phase in improving the quality of service to the public.

6362

CSO: 3442/273
CONGO

BRIEFS

FOREST RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT LOAN—The Republic of the Congo has been granted

a loan of $12m. for the development of its forest resources. The project is

co-financed with a $4.4m. loan by the Saudi European Bank. A logging and

wood processing complex will be established at Ouesso in the north of the

country. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English No 3435, 13 Jun 83 p 1412]

CSO: 3400/1569
GAMBIA

TASK OF NATION'S REVOLUTIONARIES VIEWED

Dakar JAAY DOOLE BI in French No 34, Jun 83 p 4

[Text] The workers' long struggle against exploitation and oppression is

again being celebrated in Gambia, as well as the rest of the world.

This day of international workers solidarity has again been betrayed by the

trade union bosses, who are primarily concerned with their own selfish

interests.

The workers can expect nothing from the regime of Jawara, an instrument of

neocolonialism and imperialism in Gambia.

Though the working masses are enduring extremely onerous working conditions,

the government consistently refuses to adjust wages in face of a galloping

inflation.

The Jawara regime has always tried to distract the workers' attention from their

their rights, and has endeavored to control them through fear and by threatening to fire them, thus forcing them to beg.

Contradictions have certainly developed in the trade unions, but the workers

have no way to make their voice heard.

In the past, the Gambia Workers Union, led by M. E. Diallo, was the most

influential of the Gambian unions, but it did not play its role of promoting

awareness in the working class and among the workers. Also, the government

was able to ban it easily when it tried to get involved in campaigns for

demands.

The current situation in Gambia is marked by considerable dispersion at the

trade union level. Among the most important unions are the following:

Gambia Workers Union; Gambia Motor Drivers, Mechanics and Allied Workers

Union; Gambia Dock Workers Union; Gambia Seamen's Union, and Gambia Drivers

Union. There are other small unions, each as reactionary as the other.

Thus, the Jawara government can continue, without encountering organized

resistance, its anti-workers policy, particularly in the sectors with high

worker concentration such as public works, the ports, river transport,

breweries, shared transport, hotels, big private companies, etc...

10
It is this union dispersion that explains why 1 May, the international labor

day, was not observed in Gambia by a working class in unity and solidarity.

However, the regime's many efforts to conceal the class contradictions that

pit the workers against their employers have not entirely succeeded, evidenced

by the spontaneous campaigns in various sectors that are increasingly developing in companies.

Thus, the Gambian workers are demonstrating—even passively—their opposition

to the reactionary policy and corruption of the Jawara government.

More than 11 million dalasis (more than 1 billion CFA francs) granted as

foreign aid to Gambia for recovery after the abortive 30 July coup d'etat

has been misappropriated by a group of high political officials and leaders.

At the new Bank for Agricultural Development, 500,000 dalasis was embezzled,

and a subsidiary of the Gambian Bank for Commerce and Development lost

200,000 to 500,000 dalasis through misappropriation. There was even the case

of the Gambian police, in which a number of officers were involved in the

disappearance of 50 million CFA francs.

Yet, in face of these scandals there was no reaction from either the unions

or their bosses.

It is thus clear that the celebration of the 1 May holiday by government

officials and the trade union bosses is sheer hypocrisy. The purpose of the

speeches on this occasion are aimed solely at increasing confusion among the

workers.

Despite the difficult conditions under which they struggle, the Gambian revolutionaries side with their brothers in struggle and the international

proletariat to mark this important date. They remain determined to arm

themselves with the Marxist-Leninist teachings to promote the Gambian people's struggle against neocolonialism, imperialism and reaction as a whole.

Today, the Gambian people, in addition to the yoke of neocolonialism, are

undergoing military occupation of the country by Senegalese expansionism.

That is why the peoples of Gambia and Senegal must develop relations of solidarity and fraternity in the joint struggle against the agents of imperialism

and neocolonialism in the two countries.

The Gambian revolutionaries have the special task of raising the level of

awareness of the urban workers in order to create the conditions for building

a more powerful workers party capable of leading the Gambian peoples'

struggle toward socialism.

9920

CSO: 3419/996

11
GAMBIA

BRIEFS

WEST GERMAN EDUCATIONAL, HEALTH AID—A West German polytechnic has proposed

to start an exchange programme with the Gambia College, according to the

Parliamentary Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture, Dr Lamin Saho. The

Agriculture Polytechnic of Nuitingen has already offered places to two

agriculture students in the Gambia College to pursue degree courses at the

polytechnic. This is a result of negotiations between the rector of the

polytechnic and Dr Saho who was on an official visit to West Germany.

During his 12-day visit at the invitation of the West German Ministry of

External Affairs, Dr Saho discussed bilateral Cooperation with officials

from the government and non-government organisations. He said the people

of Bochum, sponsors of the Njaba Kunda Clinic has pledged more money to

complete the clinic. He revealed that the people of Bochum have recently

sent a doctor, drugs and medicine valued at D15,000 to the Njaba-Kunda

Clinic. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English No 3438, 4 Jul 83 p 1581]

PPP WINS BYELECTION—The ruling People's Progressive Party has won the

Parliamentary by-election in the Eastern Kiang Constituency with a majority

of 894 votes. IPP's candidate, Alhaji Jallow Sanneh, polled 2,275 whilst

Mr Wally S.B. Sanneh, Independent Candidate, got 1,381 votes. The election

is the result of the resignation of the former Independent Member of

Parliament, Mr Kebba Fadera. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English No 3438,

4 Jul 83 p 1581]

RECORD TOURIST SEASON—A record high of 44,829 tourists arrived in the Gambia

during the 1982/83 tourist season, a release from the National Tourist

Office says. This shows an increase of 12,030 tourists over the 32,799 in

the 1981/82 season. According to the release, January was the busiest month

this season with 4,866 arrivals, compared only to the 4,090 arrivals of the

same period in 1979/80. The British, with 9,016 arrivals, formed the biggest

group of tourists, almost doubling the previous season's 4,407 British

Visitors, the release adds. The release states that Austrian tourists to

The Gambia increased from 16 in the previous season to 1,661 and the French

from 11 to 1,715. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English No 3438, 4 Jul 83

p 1581]

12
INSURANCE PROFITS—A dividend of D167,469 has been paid by the Gambia

Insurance Corporation to its sole shareholder, the Gambia Government.

The payment was made to the Minister of Finance, Mr Sheriff Sisay by the

Chairman of the Corporation's Board of Directors, Mr Ousainou Njie. [Text]

[London WEST AFRICA in English No 3438, 4 Jul 83 p 1581]

FRENCH-GAMBIAN COOPERATION—The French President's adviser on African affairs,

Guy Penne, was in Dakar and Banjul recently for discussions with Presidents

Diouf and Jawara, respectively the President and Vice-President of the Confederation. M. Penne said his discussions with President Jawara had centred

on Franco-Gambian co-operation and how it could be developed since the visit

to Paris of Sir Dawda in February. In particular, French technicians were

to help build an information and telecommunications centre in Banjul and

get involved in the Gambian cotton growing and fishing sectors. A meeting

of the Franco-Gambian Mixed Commission is to take place in Banjul in October,

under the Presidency of Christian Nucci, the French Minister-delegate for

Co-operation. The talks with President Diouf were described by M. Penne

as just a private courtesy call. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English

No 3435, 13 Jun 83 p 1429]

FERTILIZER FOR FARMERS—Minister of Agriculture, Alhaji Saihou Sabally, has

said that his ministry is making plans to provide farmers, free of charge,

one bag of single superphosphate fertiliser for every two bags of seednuts

kept in the village seed store. Two thousand bags of seednuts have been

set aside for sale to farmers who do not have seednuts, he said. [Text]

[London WEST AFRICA in English No 3435, 13 Jun 83 p 1429]

CUSTOMS REVENUES FRAUD RECOVERY—The Minister of Finance, Mr..Sheriff Sisay,

has said in Banjul that Dl,071,552.17 of the D2,012,636.40 involved in the

fraud in customs revenues has been recovered. He said efforts are being

made to recover the balance. [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English No 3435,

13 Jun 83 p 1429]

ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT BANK LOAN—The Gambia has signed the agreement for a

$2m. loan from the Islamic Development Bank to support its oil imports.

The agreement was signed on May 29, in Jiddah, Saudi Arabia. [Text]

[London WEST AFRICA in English No 3435, 13 Jun 83 p 1412]

CSO: 3400/1569

13
TEMA PORT NORMALIZED AFTER MILITARY INCIDENT

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 18 Jun 83 pp 1, 4

[Text]

GHANA

OPERATIONS at the

Tema Port which had

been paralysed for the.

past six days, were returning to normal yesterday following the

decision ofport workers

to resume work.

The decision followed

the acceptance of the

workers' demand that all

military personnel should

be withdrawn from the

port within a week, and

that in the interim, there

should be no military interference in the duties of

civilians at the harbour.

The agreement was

reached after consulta-

! tions at the port between

workers' leaders and the

First Battalion of Infantry

personnel from Michel

Camp, led by Major G.

Kusi-Appiah.

Soldiers from the First

Battalion moved to the

port last Wednesday to restore order when navy personnel withdrew on the

orders of the Commander

of the Ghana Armed Forces. _ . The navy moved into

the harbour last Monday

when a soldier killed a naval rating during an argument over the pilfering of

maize from shed four. Thr

ensuing tension led to the

refusal of port workers to

go to work for fear of then

lives.

Major Kusi-Appiah assured the workers that his

men were at the port o

restore order and that they

should feel free to go about

their normal duties.

He said an information

centre had been established at the port where cases

of military harassment or

interference in civilian

operations should be reported for prompt action,

adding that a soldier who

fired warning shots at the

port on Thursday was being dealt with.

At a workers' rally later,

Mr J. J. Jebuni, secretary

of the local union of the

. Ghana Ports Authority,

pointed out that the workers' action should not be

misconstrued as playing

politics with the national

economy, but an attempt

to ensure their safety.

Mr ^Jebuni said port

workers had no intention

of sabotaging the economy

and maintained that what

happened was not an industrial action by the

workers.

Mr Andabodakpi, NDC

Co-ordinatpr for Tema

District, said recent events

at the port were a culmination of the amorphous

security system there

which enabled everyone to

enter the harbour and do

what he liked.

This, he emphasised, explained why there was an

urgent need for a unified

security system for the

port.

Presently there are

about seven security agencies operating independently at the port. They

include the navy, army,

police, border guards, Port

Authority, Cargo Handling, and Customs and Excise officials.

In ail interview with a

GNA correspondent, Major Kusi-Appiah disclosed

that ten soldiers taken hostage during the navy

take-over have been released unharmed.

He said a soldier from

the Field Engineers Regiment was arrested in connection with last Monday's shooting incident at

the port.

CSO: 3400/1600

lU
GHANA

GHAPSO CONDEMNS ATTEMPTED COUP, DESTABILIZATION EFFORTS

London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 p 1584

[Text]

The Ghana People's Solidarity

Organisation (GHAPSO) has unreservedly condemned the June 19

coup attempt. It observed that the

rebels who infiltrated from Togo

were led by Sergeant Malik, former bodyguard of the same Brigadier Nunoo-Mensah, who was not

only the favoured candidate of

Western countries to replace FULL Rawlings as PNDC chairman,

but was also known for his opposition to the development of defence committees and people's,

power in Ghana.

The GHAPSO statement said

recent public information had revealed the encouragement given

by certain Western countries and

transnational companies to efforts

by some dissident soldiers and

civilians to overthrow the PNDC.

• It said, however, that the development of popular democracy,

in Ghana depended on the survival of the PNDC. It noted the

government's commitment to pursuing the national interest: for

example, the four-year economic

recovery programme; the PNDC's

courage in naming the external

forces of destabilisation; the renegotiation of the VALCO agreement; and the determination to

resist attempts by outsiders to

dictate who Ghana's friends

should be.

GHAPSO asked: "When before

now have the working people of

Ghana been able to challenge and

check the crimes of the elites; to

help formulate policy in factories,

offices and work places; to take

important decisions at community

and village level, to take part in

important national campaigns

such as cocoa evacuation and antismuggling; and to exercise their

democratic rights every day instead of once in a long while? In

short, when have the vast majority

of Ghanaians had so much

power?"

The statement noted the continuous destabilisation experienced by the PNDC: this included

the January 1982 cut-off of Nigerian oil against immediate payment of the PNP's oil debts; the

expulsion of one million Ghanaians from Nigeria; and the

Western sponsorship of subversion internally, and externally by

such cliques as the so-called Campaign for Democracy (some Ghanaians shameless enough to

announce their willingness to hire

mercenaries!)

GHAPSO said that despite the

combination of ultra-left and

right-wing elements, the June 19

attempt could only lead to a defeat

for the PDCs and the democratic

process. At a time when the government's economic programme

has won support from the IMF,

and an international donor's conference is to be held in November,

the coup attempt was aimed at

reaping the benefit of PNDC programmes while turning around to

criticise that same government,

because clearly, the hard times are

not yet over.

GHAPSO said that never in

Ghana's history had any government faced such constant destabilisation, but never had popular

defence of a government also been

so strong. It noted and condemned

the hostile actions of the US, West

Germany, Nigeria and Togo. It

reminded all Ghanaians of their

patriotic duty to reject foreign

dictation and interference, and at

all times to seek Ghana's interests

first and foremost.

CSO: 3400/1599

1*
PDC, WDC MOBILIZATION FOR MASS PRODUCTION

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 22 Jan 83 p 1

[Text]

GHANA

CSO: 3400/1600

THE Revolution

has reached its

second phase

where apart from

strengthening the

PDGs and WDCs,

they would be

mobilised towards mass production.

In a special message

read on his behalf by

Prof. Mawuse Dake, Secretary to the NDC, at a

massive rally staged by

Workers and People's

Defence Committees in

Accra, Flt-Lt J. J. Rawlings, Chairman of the

PNDC, said workers

would be mobilised to

produce so that they can

control its distribution to !

make workers' power

meaningful.

As a result, the NDC is

organising a cadre training course at Legon on

June 27 where 1,000 cadres from all over the

country would be

schooled in the rudiments of organisation

and production to help

them in their work, the

history of the country

and the machinations of

the enemies.

The Chairman assured

workers that so long as a

drop of blood flows in

him, he would always be

with the people, and until the ordinary peopk

have comfort of life, hewould never rest.

16
TEACHERS DEMAND RICE ALLOCATIONS

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 23 Jun 83 p 5

GHANA

[Text]

TEACHERS in the Accra District have resolved that until they

get their allocations of

rice and other items like

other workers in the

country, they would

leave their classrooms

and go in search offood.

In a three-point resolution adopted at the end of a

meeting'held on June 17,

1983, the teachers stated

that teachers in the Accra

District have often been

left out in the distribution

of various essential commodities since December

31st.

They maintained that to

date, teachers in the

district had not received

their allocation of rice even

though they had been

made to understand that

teachers had been given

some allocation by the Ministry of Trade.

"All efforts by our representatives to get our

stipulated allocation of

rice from the Regional

Administration have been

thwarted by the Ghana

Food Distribution Corporation headquarters in Accra," the statement alleged.

Teachers are therefore,

demanding that until such

time that they are assured

of receiving their share of

all subsequent allocations

of commodities equally

and regularly like workers

in other establishments,

they would stick to their

decision.

When the Public Relations Department of ehe

Ghana Food Distribution

Corporation (GFDC) was

contacted,a spokesman for

the department said, the

Ministry of Trade had allocated some rice to the

GFDC to be distributed to

various organizations, institutions and establishments in the country.

The distribution, he explained, is being done in

batches but the teachers

are being impatient.

He refuted allegations

that the GFDC was

thwarting efforts by the

teachers to receive their

allocation.

The spokesman said

even though the GreaterAccra Regional Administration allocated a consignment of rice to the

teachers some time ago, it

was not enough for all the

teachers in the district.

The GFDC's decision to

distribute that consignment to a section of the

teachers was not acceptable to certain GNAT officials and this, he pointed

out, has caused the delay

in distributing the rice to

the teachers.

He said the GFDC has

taken delivery of a new

stock of rice and distribution to the teachers will

begin today.

CSO: 3400/1600

17
GOVERNMENT SUBSIDY AIMED AT COCOA REPLANTING EFFORT

Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 18 Jun 83 p 1

[Article by Abigail Bonsu]

GHANA

[Text]

THE Government is to spend about (21,163 million

in three years io rehabilitate burnt cocoa farms

throughout the country.

Under the proposed replanting exercise scheduled to

begin next month, approximately 2,400 out of 60,000

hectares of cocoa farms would be replanted this year with

cocoa, plantain and cocoyam and the remaining 57,600

hectares put under plantain and cocoyam cultivation

until they are replanted with cocoa over the next two

years.

Farmers who undertake to replant their cocoa will be

given relief at the rate of 06,000 per 32 hectares spread

over the three-year period. '

According to Dr Kwame Gyamfi, Chief Executive of

the Ghana Cocoa Marketing Board (GCMB) who

disclosed this at a pre-launching seminar on the rehabilitation exercise in Accra yesterday, the World Food

Programme is also to supplement the rehabilitation

' grants with free food supplies.

He emphasised that given the country's

overwhelming reliance on

cocoa for her foreign exchange earnings and the

substantial potential for

rapid increase in cocoa

production, rehabilitation

of the cocoa industry must

be the top priority in Gha

na's plans for economic re-,

covery.

In an address, DrJ. L. S.

Abbey, Executive Secretary ofthe National Policy

Implementation and Monitoring Secretariat, attributed the decline of the

cocoa industry to a system

oftaxation practised in the

past years which made the

cocoa farmer poorer even

though he earned the

greater part of the foreign

exchange for the country.

He called on participants to evolve a policy

I which will give the farmer

j adequate remuneration

and the chance of deciding

on the kind of tools that

suit him best.

, Nana Owusu Gyemi,

president ofthe Federation

of Agricultural Cooperatives who chaired the

opening session, suggested

that to make the cocoa rehabilitation programme a

success, the government

should remove all duties

and surcharges on farming

materials to be imported

into the country for the

next five years,.

CSO: 3400/1600

18
GHANA

MANGANESE INDUSTRY PROSPECTS REVIEWED

London WEST AFRICA in English 27 Jun 83 p 1517

[Text]

GHANA'S search for foreign exchange may soon receive a modest

fillip from the manganese industry, traditionally a depressed sector

writes Kwame Mfodwo. Major

rehabilitation work and a new

carbonate ore treatment plant

have brightened prospects of increased production significantly.

The government's policy of expanding trade links with the socialist countries has brought an offer

to buy manganese from Romania.

Manganese, a brittle metallic

substance, is used for various purposes in the iron and steel industry. Added in small amounts, it

purifies molten steel by combining

with any sulphur and oxygen impurities. In larger quantities, it

hardens steel, making it resistant

to magnetisation.

Ghana ranks sixth in the list of

world manganese exporters. This

industry used to play a significant

role in the British Empire's supplies with the year of Ghana's

formal independence, 1957, seeing

a peak production of 680,000 tonnes. By 1978-79, it had slumped as

low as 270,000 tonnes.

The normal problems of Ghana's mineral sector have plagued

the industry. Located 40 miles

from Takoradi, at Nsuta Mine in

the Western Region, the rail links

are slow and hazardous, whilst

loading equipment at Takoradi

harbour is antiquated.

Depletion of battery grade ore,

cedi over-valuation, lack of foreign exchange and a run-down

plant, have also taken their toll.

This led Union Carbide, the preCSO: 3400/1599

vious owners, to sell their interest

to the Ghana Government in

1975.

The present improved situation

results from five years of hard

work, by the Ghanaian management in collaboration with foreigners on contract. The ore reserve position, which was quite

depressing has been improved,

whilst basic plant has also been

rehabilitated within the

framework of existing foreign exchange constraints.

Now, the presence of 4,000 tons

of ore suitable for making batteries, has been confirmed, whilst the

extent of the various ores from

which metallurgical manganese is

extractable, is estimated at around

20 million tons.

This is where the newly completed carbonate Ireatment plant

is important. Previously, manganese had been mined in a relatively pure state. These deposits

are now almost exhausted. The

remaining ores (20 million tons)

have the manganese present in

carbonate form, thus requiring

heat treatment to free the manganese, a process known as calination. This plant has now been

built, utilising new high temperature technology. Taking in 400,000

tons of carbonate ore per annum,

it gives back 300,000 tons of saleable manganese oxide ore.

The PNDC Budget statement

targets 450,000 tons for the end of

1983 from the carbonate ore-field,

whilst production from traditional

sources is expected to be around

350,000 tons.

Production averaged 350,000

tons over the period 1975-1980,

fetching an average of $18m. With

the present developments, and

given the still depressed state of

the international iron and steel

industry, returns are expected by

the PNDC Budget statement to

reach $24.8m. but should remain a

steady source of income in the

years ahead.

The real disappointment at the

moment seems to be the serious

decline in ore suitable for dry-cell

batteries. This is not particularly

surprising since this was Union

Carbide's major area of interest.

Plans are currently on the drawing

board to produce an electrolytic

manganese dioxide from lowgrade ore, to replace the battery

grade ore. More ambitiously,

thought is also being given to

production of ferro-manganese using electricity.

This idea is not new, having

originated in Nkrumah's time: it

was given some concrete expression in a 1960 Soviet feasibility

study, which was then shelved by

later governments.

The prospects for Ghana's manganese, are clearly better now

than before. Any drmatic improvement, however, depends on

the recession-hit international

steel industry and the much talked

about recovery in the industrialised capitalist world. On the negative side stands possible competition from sea-bed mining. Until

these events occur, however, Ghana seems to have secured a few

million dollars more for its meagre

holdings. I

19
GHANA

BRIEFS

ATTEMPTED KIDNAPPING PROBE URGED—Members of the Dzorwulu PDC have called

on the government to speed up investigations into an attempted kidnapping

of their chairman, Mr Baffour-Ansah, by a retired Airforce personnel and

some soldiers last week. In a statement issued in Accra yesterday and signed

by their secretary, the PDC condemned in no uncertain terms the recent

deliberate attacks on revolutionary cadres by anti-revolutionaries who, the

PDC observed, are bent on bringing the revolutionary process to a halt.

The PDC stated that members feel insecure because of the recent wave ot

intimidation and attack on PDC members. The PDC recalled the death of

Fred Otoo apparently because of electrocution on board a state fishing

vessel last year and said nothing has so far been heard about investigations into his death. Members have therefore called on the government to

immediately bring Corporal Tetteh (rtd) and all the soldiers who attempted

the kidnapping to face the full rigours of the law. [Text] [Accra

PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 17 Jun 83 p 8]

HIGH TAXI FARES—-The chairman of the newly-formed Brong-Ahafo Transport

Owners Co-operative Union has warned that members who charge above the

approved fares would be expelled instantly. The chairman, Mr J.B. Awuah,

said the union was determined to ensure that it becomes exemplary for other

transport owners to emulate. Mr Awuah made the declaration in Sunyani in

his maiden address during the inaugural ceremony of the union which embraces

500 transport owners from Berekum, Techiman, Wenchi, Dormaa and Sunyani.

He said the various societies either own a filling station or a, surface tank

and appealed to the government to help them purchase tankers to ease the

fuel problem in the region. Mr Awuah appealed for the supply of spare

parts, lubricants and tyres for members of the union. Meanwhile drivers

in the Nsawam district have also been warned to desist from charging above

the government's approved fares or have their vehicles confiscated. Mr E.A.

Ashiagbor, Superintendent of Police in charge of Nsawam district gave the

warning at an emergency meeting with over 400 drivers held at the Nsawam

Urban Council hall. The Police Superintendent said the government is fully

aware of petroleum and spare parts problems facing drivers, but emphasized

that the law is still in force and no one would be favoured when caught.

[Text] [Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 18 Jun 83 p 5]

20
NUGS PRESIDENT'S STAM) REJECTED—A group of students has described as ridiculous the recent pronouncement by the president of NUGS, Arthur Kennedy,

that students will boycott lectures till the PNDC hands over power. A

statement issued in Accra yesterday and signed by Ken Koranteng and Eric

Akumiah, noted that some students of the Law School, Accra and the School

of Medical Sciences, Kumasi, which are members of NUGS are currently

attending lectures. The students accused the NUGS of making a mockery of

democracy since its pronouncements only reflected the view of the leadership and its henchmen who are seeking their selfish interests. In another

development, the National House of Chiefs has called on the PNDC to re-open

the country's three universities without any further delay, reports Albert

Sam from Kumasi. A press statement issued at the end of a two-day general

meeting of the House in the Garden City yesterday said the meeting, which

was held under the presidency of Otumfuo Opoku Ware II, Asantehene discussed

at length the state of the nation and agreed that a memorandum on issues

discussed should be presented to the government. Among the topics discussed

were the brutalization by the army, police and other law enforcement

agencies of civilians, continued closure of the universities, the curfew,

the 1983 budget and the political situation in the country. [Text]

[Accra PEOPLE'S DAILY GRAPHIC in English 18 Jun 83 p 8]

CSO: 3400/1598

21
MADAGASCAR

RESULTS OF PROVINCIAL, LOCAL ELECTIONS

No Surprises in Elections

Antananarivo MADAGASCAR MATIN in French 30 May 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] There were no surprises in the elections, as our forecasts were confirmed by the results. Four out of six presidents of Faritany (provincial

capital) executive committees are newcomers: in Antananarivo, Roland

Ramahatra succeeds Jonah Rakotoarivelo. In Toamasina, Adrien Dahy replaces

Samuel Lahady. In Mahajanga, Said Ali Koussay replaces Rajaofera. In

Antsiranana, Totobesola replaces Charles Betoto. Only two presidents of

executive committees were re-elected: Jean-Marie Ralahady in Fianarantsoa

and Jean-Baptiste Ernest in Toliary.

On the other hand in provincial capital people's councils (made up of elected officials and elected deputies) the change was almost complete, although

two outgoing presidents of executive committees, Charles Betoto (Antsiranana)

and Rajaofera (Mahajanga) were elected presidents of their respective people's councils. The other presidents of people's councils are: Jean-Claude

Rahaga (Antananarivo), Antoine Maro (Toamasina), Mbola (Toliary), and

Philibert Sambo (Fianarantsoa).

Yesterday [29 May] in all the provincial capitals of the Democratic Republic

of Madagascar elections were held for members of executive committees and

presidents of provincial councils. The elections in Antananarivo Province

were held in the Supreme Court building in the Ambohidahy District early in

the morning.

The 94 people's councilors and deputies of this province (so-called "principal electors") then elected the president of the people's council. The

candidate presented by AREMA [Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution], Jean

Claude Rahaga, was elected by the majority of the "principal electors" present.

The office of first vice president also went to an AREMA candidate, Albert

Radimisoa. The office of second vice president went to Paul Andrianolijao,

a member of AKFM [Congress Party for Malagasy Independence]. The third

vice president to be elected was Ralevason, a member of the MFM party [Militants for the Establishment of a Proletarian Regime].

22
We note that these four persons were elected by a show of hands and were

publicly supported by the other political parties. Like in the previous

election of the president of the executive committee of Antananarivo Province,

this contest produced an AREMA victory in the person of Dr Roland Ramahatra.

Our forecasts were confirmed today, as those who received the most votes

were given further duties. Thus, Mrs Oliva Andrianasolo and Mrs Harinoro

Robinson, who placed third and fourth on the AREMA list (see MADAGASCAR MATIN

of 25 May), were elected yesterday [29 May] to the positions of first and

second vice presidents of the provincial executive committee after this

single-member, one-round election.

The last election held yesterday [29 May] was for members of the executive

committee, and this also produced no surprises. As had been previously announced, AREMA agreed to turn over a seat to AKFM, which was filled by Gaston

Ratsifandriamanana. The other persons elected, all members of AREMA, were

Thomas Razafindralambo, Andriantohavina Rajaosafara, Andriajafisoa Ralaialitiana, Didier Randrianantenaina, Didier Ratsimbazafy, Miarintsoa Ramanitrarivo, Georges Razafimandimby, and Rakotondrazafy.

In Toamasina Province

In Toamasina Province Antoine Maro (AREMA) was easily elected president of

the people's council, and the executive committee will be presided over by

Adrien Dahy, confirming our forecast once again. The 12 members of the executive committee are all members of AREMA. Samuel Lahady, former president of

the executive committee, and Ralijgona Laingo, former president of the people's council, wished full success to their successors and promised their

continuing support in carrying out their duties in directing the affairs of

the province.

Other Provinces

In Fianarantsoa Province Jean Marie Ralahady was re-elected president of the

executive council. G. Sambo was elected president of the people's council.

In Antsiranana Province, Totobesota was elected president of the executive

committee, and Charles Betoto (outgoing president of the executive committee)

was elected president of the people's council. In Toliary Province, Jean

Baptiste Ernest was re-elected president of the executive committee, while

Mbola was elected president of the people's council. In Mahajanga Province,

Said Ali Koussay was elected president of the executive committee, while

Rajaofera (outgoing president of the executive committee) was elected president of the people's council.

Three Months' Campaign

Antananarivo MADAGASCAR MATIN in French 31 May 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] For the seven political parties which are members of the Front, AREMA

[Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution], AKFM [Congress Party for Malagasy

Independence], VITM [Peoples' Movement for National Unity], MFM [Militants

for the Establishment of a Proletarian Regime], MONIMA K [National Movement

23
for the Independence of Madagascar], and the VSM under Maharanga [MONIMA Socialist Group], the campaign began on Sunday, 27 February 1983. Before this

election, the first of a series of eight elections, the last of which was to

be held 3 months later, on 29 May, it was possible to hope for everything,

even the most impossible of dreams. There were 3 months of tension, at times

testing the nerves of certain political leaders, as the stakes were large.

This series of elections will have had the advantage, above all—despite the

variety of languages used by each revolutionary movement engaged in the contest—of demonstrating that the essential thing to be preserved is national

unity.

However, while waiting for the next elections in 1988, the path to be covered

by the other parties, perhaps with the exception of AREMA, is still rather

long. And if the policies presently advocated by all of the revolutionary

parties have unquestionably followed the path of wisdom and realism, we must

remark that at the level of the decentralized bodies there is still a great

deal to do. This is one fact which the new presidents of the executive committees [fokontany] and the people's councils [firaisana] cannot deny. Over

the next 5 years they will need to re-examine their outlook, readjust their

points of view, and redirect their policies. This must be done so that efficiency and clarity, in the deepest senses of these terms, can finally win

out as the only path to be followed in the direction of the welfare of all of

the people of Madagascar.

After the first election for members of provincial executive committees, a

certain amount of disappointment was felt within some of the political groups.

This disappointment affected the MONIMA K movement first. This group hoped

to repeat its achievements of November 1982 at the time of the presidential

elections. A similar feeling affects the AKFM which, in a striking repetition of history, lost partial control of the city of Antananarivo to AREMA

and the MFM. The MFM had some striking initial victories on 27 February in

several areas of Madagascar. After this election, where more than 11,000

local council seats were at stake, AREMA obtained three-fourths of the seats,

with the rest distributed among the six other revolutionary organizations.

Their performance during the election made it clear already that they would

not do much better in the local committee elections. The VSM under Maharanga

got only 0.13 percent of the seats; the MONIMA K, 1.32 percent; and UDECMA

[Malagasy Christian Democratic Union], 0.21 percent. Little by little they

became less active and did not take part in the elections for provincial

executive committee and people's council elections.

However, before the contest was really reduced to four parties (AREMA, AKFM,

MFM, VITM), a new phenomenon emerged on the Malagasy political scene. There

was a new element which was initially rejected by the political parties but

which finally came into existence. Moreover, MADAGASCAR MATIN certainly had

something to do with it. This involved "coalitions" and "alliances" of parties. This was a novelty which is now very much a part of the scene in the

political world and which has made a major contribution by providing new

life to these different elections and also by "exciting" the appetite of

public opinion which, in fact, has a pronounced taste for public affairs and,

in general, for democracy. It was on 13 April, during the elections for

2h
members of the executive committees and the people's council for Antananarivo

Province that AREMA and AKFM provided an example by "organizing" themselves

to gain seats and executive positions. This was a trial effort which was to

be undertaken on two occasions, for the executive committee and people's

council of Antananarivo. In the other provinces some attempts were made to

form coalitions among the smaller political parties, but these efforts met

with very little success.

Before concluding this long description of the efforts of the revolutionary

movements during these non-stop elections for senior officials, in our next

issue we will present summary tables giving the results of the elections

since the first poll in the series on 27 February. It had to come out one

way or the other, and today the leaders of the less favored parties are

counting up the points they made, if not their victories, while waiting for

the next elections scheduled, for the National Assembly.

Correction

In the executive committee of Antananarivo Province, in addition to Roland

Ramahatra, the president, there are three vice presidents and not two, as

previously announced erroneously. Following are the names of the three vice

presidents: Mrs Oliva Andrianasolo Rajaonah, first vice president; Miss [as

published; previously reported as Mrs] Elisabeth Harinoro Robinson, second

vice president; and Thomas Razafindralambo, third vice president.

Final Results of Elections

Antananarivo MADAGASCAR MATIN in French 1 Jun 83 pp 1, 2

[Excerpt] VIP Elections: Tables of Results

Elections of Members of Provincial [Fokontany] Executive Committees:

Seats and percentage obtained by each party.

Faritany AREMA AKFM VITM MFM VSM MONIMA K UDECMA

Antananarivo 12,523 4,917 1,217 2,149 72 483 69

58.43% 22.95 5.69 10.83 0.33 2.25 0.32

Antsiranana 5,139 608 481 347 - 15 12

77.84% 9.20 7.28 5.26 0.23 0.19

Fianarantsoa 16,359 923 1,750 1,492 3 59 48

79.28% 4.47 8.48 7.23 0.02 0.29 0.23

Mahajanga 8,136 161 771 536 12 59

84.09% 1.67 7.97 5.54 0.12 0.61

Toamasina 10,993 492 886 779 - 83 45

82.79% 3.71 6.67 5.86 0.63 0.34

Toliary 9,942 99 1,074 367 15 371

83.77% 0.83 9.58 3.09 0.13 3.13

[Tables continued on following page]

25
Elections of Presidents of Provincial [Fokontany] Executive Committees:

Results from the four provincial capitals [faritany] obtained

from the Ministry of Interior.

Number of seats and percentage obtained by each party.

AREMA AKFM VITM MFM VSM MONIMA K

788 46 47 25 - 2

86.12% 5.07 5.40 3.19 0.22

2,028 530 80 142 5 16

72.35% 18.91 2.85 5.07 0.18 0.57

1,240 13 68 35 1 1

91.31% 0.96 5.01 2.58 0.07 0.07

1,672 27 59 42 - 4

92.69% 1.50 3.14 1.09 0.22

UDECMA

2

0.07

Faritany

Antsiranana

Antananarivo

Mahaj anga

Toamasina

Elections of Members of People's Councils at the District [Firaisana] Level:

Number of seats and percentage obtained by each party.

Faritany AREMA AKFM VITM MFM VSM MONIMA K UDECMA

Antananarivo

Antsiranana

Fianarantsoa

Mahaj anga

Toamasina

Toliary

Elections of Presidents of District [Firaisana] Executive Committees:

Number of seats obtained by each party.

2,226 854 182 334 6 66 4

60.62% 23.26 4.96 9.09 0.16 1.80 0.11

1,093 110 72 70 - 4 -

81.02% 8.15 5.34 5.19 0.30

2,933 157 289 257 - 10 7

80.29% 4.30 7.91 7.04 0.27 0.19

1,551 34 149 90 - 9 -

84.62% 1.85 8.13 4.91 0.49

1,806 83 98 117 - 9 4

85.31% 3.92 4.63 5.53 0.42 0.19

1,953 21 170 66 1 68 -

85.70% 0.92 7.46 2.90 0.04 2.98

Faritany AREMA AKFM VITM MFM MONIMA K

Antananarivo 251 29 2 3 -

Antsiranana 118 3 2 4 1

Fianarantsoa 291 - 9 2 —

Mahaj anga 159 - 4 2 —

Toamasina 157 - 1 4 —

Toliary 199 1 8 2 —

[Tables continued on following page]

26
Elections of Members of Local People's Councils [at the Fivondronana Level]:

Number of seats and percentage obtained by each party.

Faritany AREMA AKFM VITM MFM MONIMA K UDECMA

Antananarivo 285 106 21 35 5

63.05% 23.45 4.05 7.74 1.11

Antsiranana 140 13 11 27 -

81.87% 7.60 6.43 4.10

Fianarantsoa 378 13 42 21 1.1

82.89% 2.85 9.21 4.61 0.22 0.22

Mahajanga 244 5 16 10 1

88.40% 1.81 5.80 3.62 0.37

Toamasina 252 9 12 11

88.73% 3.17 4.23 3.87

Toliary 278 4 22 7 6

87.70% 1.26 6.94 2.21 1.89

Elections of Presidents of Local [Fivondronana] Executive Committees:

Number of seats obtained by each party.

Faritany AREMA AKFM VITM

Antananarivo 18 1

Antsiranana 9

Mahajanga

Fianarantsoa 21-1

21

Toamasina 18 -

_

Toliary 21

5170

CSO: 3419/1006

27
MALAWI

UNDP TO CONTINUE TO PROVIDE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AID

Lilongwe DAILY TIMES in English 13 Jun 83 p 3

[Text]

THE United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP) will

continue to assist

Malawi in its goal of

national development,

its resident representative to Malawi Mr. Z.

Gabre-Madhirt said in

Mzuzu during his tour

this week.

:,; Mr. Gabre-Madhin,

who is also co-ordinator on

the UN system's operational activities in Malawi, is

on a six day familiarisation

and monitoring tour of

UNDP's aided projects in

the North as well as laces of

interest. He is accompanied

by his assistant, Mr. Simon

R. Mhango.

Speaking to Mana, Mr.

Gabre-Madhin said the

UNDP assistance to

Malawi was in the range of

K10 million with a larger

amount alloted to agriculture and community

development.

The resident representative, who has been in the

country for three months

disclosed that about K59

million has been granted to

Malawi for the past five

years.

Mr. Gabre-Madhin has

already visited Viphya

plantations at Chikangawa

which has received some

K3.5 million UNDP aid,

Lupaso rural low cost

housing project in Mzuzu

and the Mzuzu Teachers'

Training College.

The UNDP was interested in the Viphya plantations because it was ä big

enterprise and an important investment to the

Malawi Government. It

employes 2,500 people,

occupies about 21,854 hectares of land and has cost

the government about K80

million, he said.

Mr. Gabre-Madhin said

although the government's

initial plan to produce produce paper had been shelved, the diversification in

the use of timber was a

good idea.

He expressed the hope

that although the world

demand for paper had

slightly dropped, it would

increase in future, necessitating Malawi to implement its original plan.

Other projects in which

the UNDP has assisted

Malawi, was the research

into Burley tobacco, water

resources and the. low cost

rural housing.

The low-cost housing

project, Mr. GabreMadhin explained, .^as;to

enable people to build

cheaper houses' using

locally available materials

that would cost within the

range of K600 and Kl,200.

As far as functional literacy was concened, Mr.

Gabre-Madhin said, the

UNDP has assisted in the

provision of teaching and

demonstration materials in

Chichewa.

"In collaboration with

the government we are

working this programme in

a bid to eliminate illiteracy," said the resident

representative.— Mana

CSO: 3400/1585

28
MALAWI

GROCERY OWNERS MUST RESPECT RECOMMENDED PRICES

Lilongwe DAILY TIMES in English 22 Jun 83 p 4

[Editorial]

[Text] IT was learnt this week that a plea has

been lodged by Party leaders in Chikwawa with members of the African

Businessmen's Association in the district to keep a close watch on the

prices of groceries.

This plea by the district Party

chairman for Chikwawa comes in the

wake of complaints that grocers are

charging up to 70 tambala for a loafof

bread, which is 24 tambala or 52 per

cent extra on.the normal price of 46

tambala.

Incidents of overcharging have

been experienced in the past in many

parts ofthe country mainly involving

vendors at produce markets. In January this year members ofthe Blantyre

City Price Control and Monitoring

committee made surprise visits to the

markets around the city including the

central market. They discovered irregular prices and gave the right advice and action.

During the exercise, those vendors

who were found contravening the recommended prices were disciplined

accordingly: some were given severe

29
CSO: 3400/1585

warning and those who were adamant

were sent out of council markets.

Similar exercises were also carried

out in Lilongwe and Zomba.

Due to these strict controls, it appears cases of overcharging have

diminished and no fresh complaints

have been made recently. This means

that the right dose was administered

on would-be cheats.

However, the recent case in Chikwawa poses another question as to

why grocery owners should charge

such an exorbitant price for a commodity such as bread, which is not

scarce, to say theleast.Breadmightbe

just an example of many other items

that are sold to the members of the

public without considering the recommended prices.

In the words of the Party official

who addressed chiefs and businessmen in the Chikwawa Community

Centre Hall on the subject: "This

cheating under the pretex of rising

commodity prices cannot be tolerated. Similar cases will be viewed seriously."

We hope that the request to members of the African Businessmen Association will be given due consideration and price control authorities will

review the situation in that area so

that grocery owners can respect recommended prices.

30
MALAWI

AIR MALAWI ANNOUNCES SEVEN PERCENT FUEL SAVINGS

Operation Manager's Statement

Lilongwe MALAWI NEWS in English 25 Jun-1 Jul 83 p 1

[Excerpt]

AIR Malawi seem to

have found a formula for

flying above the trouble

clouds.

At a reception in Blantyre this week? the airline announced that a fuel conser^-

vation programme it

launched in November last

year had resulted in fuel

savings of over 100,000 litres.

"In fact when we started

we were hoping to achieve a

5 per cent saving on fuel,

but the figure now stands at

about 7 per cent,"Captain

B.L.R. Pocock,the airline's

operations manager told

me.

"Considering the high

cost of fuel, this is a big

saving on foreign exchange," he said.

The company now hopes

to save about 350,000 litres

by the end of the year.

TECHNIQUES

Captain Pocock said that

the airline had achieved the

savings by using new techniques.

These incltlde strict

speed and load controls, general improvements in aircraft drag profiles and

working in co-operation

with the air traffic control

to avoid delaysf in landing.

Engineers had also done

a lot of work on recallibration of instruments on the

BAC III planes, he said.

"The fuel' conservation

programme has been so

successful that a senior engineer from British aerospace manufacturers of the

BAC III will be visiting the

country within the next

few weeks to see the programme.

31
Parastatals Should Emulate Example

Lilongwe MALAWI NEWS in English 25 Jun-1 Jul 83 p 4

[Editorial]

[Text ] -AIR Malawi announced this week that it had saved

100,000 litres in a fuel conservation exercise which

begun in November last year. And the company projected that by the end ofthe year it could save about

350,000 litres through its new scheme.

An official ofthe company said that this had been

done through a series of measures which include

strict controls on speed cargo.

We congratulate Air Malawi for their practical

efforts in reducing their fuel bill. At a time when the

fuel bills ofmany companies has been spiralling, this

has been no mean achievement.

But the company, which also announced recently

that it had turned a K4 million operating loss to a Kl

million profit in two years, has shown when proper

management is applied.

Many parastatal organisations would do well to

emulate the example set by national airline.

CSO: 340Ö/1585

32
MALAWI

ZOMBA, DEDZA SAWMILLS MAKING SAWDUST BRIQUETTES FOR FUEL

Lilongwe MALAWI NEWS in English 25 Jun-1 Jul 83 pp 1, 2

[Text] SAWMILLS at Zomba

and Dedza have started

making briquettes from

sawdust for use as fuel,

bringing to fruition a government plan that took

shape a few months ago

with the installation of

the first set of briquettemaking machines at

Blantyre Sawmill.

The commissioning of

the plants at Zomba and

Dedza a few weeks ago

ended the first phase ofthe

Ministry of Forestry and

Natural Resources' Forest

Industries Division project

of installing machines at

the three centres.

Technicians from the

Republic of China, where

the machines were bought,

spenttwo weeks in Blantyre

installing theequipment at

Blantyre Sawmill. The

Blantyre plant started producing up to one tonne of

briquettes a day by early

January this year.

Local technicians then

installed plants in Zomba

and Dedza where briquette-making started early

April and late last month

respectively.

A spokesman of the Forest Industries Division

told me this week that the

division will now embark

on the project's second

phase of promoting sales of

the briquettes.

The Blantyre and Zomba

sawmills have been selling

the briquettes for some

time. The pieces have started to sell like hot cakes

among the public because

they are handy and burn

better, producing less

smoke, than some wood

fuel.

Since their plant started

production only a few

weeks ago, Dedza Sawmill

officials are in the process

of showing samples of the

briquettes to prospective

customers as far afield as

Lilongwe.

Many more people in the

Capital City and elsewhere

were 'introduced' to the

briquettes last week-end at

the Agrex '83 agricultural

exhibition.

The briquette plants utilise tonnes of sawdust that

has been dumped near the

sawmill sites over several

years. The growing sawdust 'mountains' were a

worry to .sawmill officials

until a use was found for it.

CSO: 3400/1585

33
MALAWI

BRIEFS

NTCHISI MEAT SHORTAGE—Due to scarcity of meat at Ntchisi produce market,

the people living around the boma travel to Mponela market in Dowa or

Kasungu boma to buy their meat. A veterinary official at the Ntchisi rural

project told Mana that meat was scarce at the markets in Ntchisi District

because buthcermen were finding it difficult to buy cattle at cheaper

prices from people in the villages. The price of cattle was soaring since

cattle owners realized that it was more profitable to sell their cattle

at cattle markets than to individual butchermen. Following the scarcity

of meat, most restaurant owners now find it difficult to provide their

customers with good meals unless they bought goat meat for their business.

The veterinary official suggested that this problem could be solved if

registered butchermen had their own cattle. [Text] [Lilongwe DAILY TIMES

in English 30 Jun 83 p 3]

CSO: 3400/1585

3h
MALI

UNJM HOLDS FIRST CONGRESS, ADOPTS RESOLUTIONS

Amadou Daouda Diallo Speech

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 2 Jun 83 p 3

[Report on 1 June speech by Amadou Daouda Diallo, secretary general of the

UNJM [National Union of Malian Youth], at opening session of First Regular

UNJM Congress]

[Text] Following the theme of loyalty to the general party line, the First

Regular Congress of the National Union of Malian Youth got underway yesterday

at the Omnisport Arena. The session was presided over by Djibril Diallo,

political secretary of the Central Executive Bureau, and was attended by members of the Central Executive Bureau of the government, accredited diplomats

serving in Mali, representatives of democratic organizations and some 100

delegates from the UNJM sections in our different regions.

In his opening address, Daouda Diallo, secretary general of the UNJM, thanked

delegates to the congress for their massive participation and paid homage to

the Central Executive Bureau for its tireless interest in youth.

Speaking a few months after the National Council of the UDPM [Democratic

Union of Malian People], devoted to economic problems (11-13 January 1983),

and the election of UNJM officers in February, he said that the First Regular

Congress should "essentially reflect on these two very important events and

derive the necessary lessons. It will also take a retrospective look at the

progress of our organization in order to identify its weaknesses and strong

points and propose solutions to the many problems that have continued to arise."

Increasing Effort

Congratulating all delegates and the elected officers of the UNJM for the trust

which members have just placed in them, Diallo said: "You must not disappoint

the hopes placed in you and I am sure that you will not, imbued, as you are,

with the pertinent definition of trust given by the secretary general of the

party, Gen Moussa Traore. Trust is not something that can be bought and sold.

It is acquired through merit and is maintained by an ever increasing effort

to hold to the organizational line, to the defense of the ideals of socioeconomic progress of the masses and to remain humble, honest and hard-working.

35
"Backed by these qualities, for two days you are going to discuss the past,

present and future of the UNJM."

Recalling the resolutions of the National Council on economic problems, the

secretary general of the UNJM said that it is the duty of young people to make

these resolutions their own and to reflect on what their positive contribution

will be in terms of their correct application.

"Your National Executive Bureau has examined the results of the work of the

National Council and humbly believes that the implementation of what, as early

as December 1981, called the production brigade, could be a realistic approach

to resolve, at least partially, the problems of the 'rural exodus, juvenile

delinquency, unemployment among the youth, scarcities, and so on. The establishment of the National Youth Service, the bill for which is already on the

desk of the president of the National Assembly, will also enable the UNJM to

demonstrate the full measure of its contribution to national construction. We

will therefore be grateful to our deputies if they pass that bill during this

session, a bill whose application will, in our opinion, modify the country's

development process in a positive and rapid way."

Slight Inadequacies

With respect to the problems linked to the election of committee officers

for the UNJM sections and subsections, Daouda Diallo said: "It is unfortunate

that, contrary to what we asked for in our Circular Letters Nos 001 and 002

and also in the closing speech of the Third Special Congress, that elections

have sometimes led to controversies, even crises."

Daouda Diallo explained that the problems have sometimes resulted from some

slight inadequacies or a lack of clarity in statutes that must be identified

and corrected. But in addition, they are generally the work of persons badly

in need of posts — not always young people, moreover — .who engage in diabolical calculations in the midst of a whole web of intrigue, lies and shrewdly

orchestrated slander that do not do youth justice and that do the greatest

harm instead, by teaching young people to forget the great virtues of courage,

loyalty, patriotism and selflessness, virtues we have inherited from our glorious past and that must be protected at any price.

Emphasizing that nothing can be done amidst discord, the secretary general of

the UNJM asked delegates to the congress to preach reconciliation and the unity

of young people at all levels. "The word 'failure'," he said, "must be

banished from the language of a committed, courageous youth devoted to the

people, as the bylaws command." With respect to the bylaws, the congress

is also to "examine and coordinate Articles 20 and 21 of the statutes relative to the age at which the UNJM card is issued (15) and that at which the

member becomes an eligible voter (18)."

Article 3

Daouda Diallo also brought up the problem Of participation by women in UNJM

elections. "The problem deserves to be studied carefully, without any passion,"

36
he said. It is true that there are certain committees which women have left

en masse, giving the advantage to one candidate rather than another who nevertheless has many more young people among his voters. He wondered whether

they will be able to participate in athletic and artistic activities and other

fields of endeavor on the same footing as other young Malians under the age

of 40'»

For him, "without issuing a challenge to anyone, it appears difficult and

not very realistic to answer that question in the affirmative." It would

certainly be prudent, the secretary general of the UNJM added, to clarify

the content of Article 3 of the bylaws unless the UNFM [National Union of Malian Women] helps us to settle the matter. ..

After bringing up these problems, the secretary general of the UNJM briefly ,

reviewed other aspects of the life of his organization since the December 1982

congress. He referred to the UNJM school committees that were reorganized

and which operate very well and to the Pioneer Movement (training grounds for

UNJM leaders), which must be improved in order to lay the foundations for

training the Malian youth of the future so that they may satisfy the legitimate

aspirations of our people.

Finally, the secretary generally asked delegates to the congress to make a

thorough diagnosis of our sports system, to analyze the causes of our continu-::.

ing poor performances and propose suitable solutions, which necessarily implies

participation of the UNJM in the development of mass sports, which must be

spread in our villages and cities.

Before officially opening the work of the congress, Daouda Diallo emphasized

the good relations of cooperation existing between the UNJM and youth organizations throughout the World and reiterated the support of the young people of

Mali for all peoples fighting for freedom, justice and peace.

After the opening speech, Djibril Diallo, political secretary of the Central

Executive Bureau, spoke and congratulated the young people of Mali on behalf

of the party for their dedication to the causes of our people. Asking young

people to demonstrate initiative and responsibility, the political secretary

stated that "the fight which our people have undertaken to build a strong,

just and prosperous nation requires the constant aware participation by our

young people in the development objectives defined by the party."

The congress comes to a close this evening.

Conclusion of Congress

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 3 Jun 83 p 3

[Report on 2 June speech by Gen Moussa Traore at closing ceremony of First

Regular Congress of the UNJM]

[Text] Beginning on Wednesday, the First Regular Congress of the National

Union of Malian Youth (UNJM) came to a close yesterday.

37
The closing ceremony, presided over by the secretary general of the' UDPM

[Democratic Union of Malian People], Gen Moussa Traore, was attended by members

of the Central Executive Bureau, the government, diplomatic corps and guests,

including representatives of the UNJM school committees for higher education.

After two days of discussions and reflection, congressional delegates'drafted

a general resolution and set up a new National Executive Bureau for a 3-year

term.

Closing the work of this First Regular Congress of Malian youth, the secretary

general of the UDPM, Gen Moussa Traore, told delegates to the congress of the

satisfaction of the party, the government and the Malian people for their

high sense of duty and responsibility they have demonstrated throughout the

discussions.

"The Democratic Union of the Malian People can be legitimately proud of•its

young people, young people who in 5 years have met their historic responsibilities, guaranteeing cohesion and unity and guiding the strength of its

members toward concrete national construction actions.

"The Malian people will always remember that the National Union of Malian

Youth has spontaneously and effectively led young people in great projects

such as Selingue Youwarou, the Palace of Culture in Bamako, reforestation,

the sanitation of our cities and villages, to mention but a few things.

"We also know that you are building your stadiums, youth centers, and Olympic

villages in the cercle capitals.

"Through your resolutions from this congress, you have committed yourselves to

help the party carry out the resolutions of the last National Council of the

Democratic Union of the Malian People devoted to economic and social problems.

"On behalf of the party and- the government, I have noted that commitment and

I assure you of our unreserved support and our complete confidence for the

completion of your very ambitious, but certainly noble, program!

"Young people of Mali, another duty falls on your shoulders: that of helping

perfect national unity, at a time when all the live forces of the nation should

converge and give an additional boost to our economic and social development

actions.

"It is also up to you, because of the qualities of courage, dynamism and high

sense of responsibility that characterize you, to help the party and government

to reorganize and consolidate all government structures.

"On behalf of the Central Executive Bureau of the government and speaking for

myself personally, I thank you for the motions of congratulations and support

which you have sent to us. They bear witness to your devotion to the party and

its principles. At all levels: committees, subsections and sections, party

organizations and young people must work hand in hand to carry out our program.

No longer will we tolerate a split which is generally due only to personal

problems, internal struggles over sordid and unconfessed individual interests.

38
"Henceforth, all party organizations will be judged on their determination to

maintain harmony among members, their capacity to organize women and young

people in order to guide them toward the achievement of specific goals helping

the community,-all in keeping with our Five-Year Development Plan.

"Young people of Mali, there is no time to waste.' All the human and material

potential of our country should be carefully scrutinized and intelligently

combined in order to ensure our economic and social development, which cannot

be conceived without the appreciable contribution of our youth.

"Speaking to you, Mr Secretary General and elected officials of the National

Executive Bureau of the National Union of Malian Youth, I extend to you my

warmest congratulations for the trust which young people.have just shown you

by placing you at the head of their organization in order to guide and coordinate their actions.

"It is up to you to use all your moral and intellectual resources in order not

to disappoint the expectations of those young people.-

"I would remind you of what I told your first elected bureau at the time of

the constituent congress of ,the National Union of Malian Youth. I quote:

'There are fundamental qualities that are indispensable for youth leaders:

moral integrity, intellectual honesty, political courage, responsibility,

total willingness to serve just causes, a high sense of sacrifice and duty,

as well as moderation in ambitions and passions.'

"If you have these qualities, your success is assured. I nevertheless reiterate the willingness of the party and its secretary general to give you all the

material and moral aid needed to carry out your mission.

"Young people of Mali, I would like to take advantage of this opportunity to

ask you to continue to work actively in the Pan African Youth Movement (PAYM)

and to continue with greatest care the plans for your participation in the

Second Pan African Festival, at which we hope to have great success.

"You must make an ever greater contribution to the achievement of the objectives of the total liberation and unity of the continent.

"You must continue to oppose the shameful policy of apartheid imposed on the

courageous people of Azanie [sic].

"Likewise, Malian youth must constantly join their voices with that of the

party in reaffirming support for the just fight and total liberation of the

Arab peoples of Palestine and Lebanon.

"As you have said in your resolution, you must joing with all progressive youth

organizations in demanding a world of peace and justice from which wars such as

those pitting our brothers of Iraq and Iran against each other and those

involving illegal partitions such as in Korea will be banned.

"Young people of Mali, I reiterate my congratulations, those of the party,

the government and all the Malian people for the high level of your discussions and for the realism and militancy reflected in your resolutions.

39
"In wishing each one of you a safe return home, I declare the work of the First

Regular Congress of the National Union of Malian Youth officially closed.

Long live the Democratic Union of the Malian People! Long live the National

Union of Malian Youth! Long live Mali!"

Amadou Daouda Diallo, secretary general of the UNJM, given a vote of confidence

by the delegates, had expressed the gratitude of the newly elected officers

and their determination to justify the confidence placed in them.

"First of all, I would like to ask your indulgence for the emotion I feel because of the solemnity of this ceremony. -

"I should also like to find words to welcome your presence among us, Mr Secretary General of the party, by which you have marked the high point of this

congress.

"On behalf of all delegates to the congress and young people, allow me to

thank you for agreeing to honor the closing ceremony of our First Regular Congress with your presence.

"Fellow delegates, I would also like to thank you and express our gratitude to

you for the confidence you have just placed in us by electing us as members of

the new National Executive Bureau of the UNJM.

"You have just entrusted us with a heavy responsibility, that of leading the

destinies of our organization for the next 3 years.

"We give our solemn oath to the party and its secretary general to do our

utmost to carry out our mission totally and in a worthy fashion.

"We commit ourselves to be and always remain the Executive Bureau of all

Malian youth. Therefore, our duty is to strengthen cohesion and unity.

"The aim of the new National Executive Bureau will be to remain always faithful

to the organizational line, to defend the ideals of our people, no matter the

cost.

"The secretary general of the UDPM and president of the republic said to you,

at the closing session of the constituent congress of the UNJM on 29 June 1978:

'Young people of Mali, you have just taken before the Malian people and history

the solemn oath to build Mali. Whatever happens, remember that this commitment

is an oath linking you to the destiny of our people and our country.'

"Comrades, members of the National Executive Bureau, allow me, on behalf of

our young people, to renew the oath we solemnly took in 1978 to loyally serve

our country, to place ourselves totally in the service of the party in order

to ensure the proper execution of its program so as to ensure the welfare of

the Malian people.

"Comrade young people, starting now, our organization must take.a decisive turn

in order to reach its cruising speed, improving its performance considerably in

all fields.

1|0
"Our young people must talk less and less and seek to record specific actions

in the direction of the task of nationbuilding undertaken by the government

and the party.

"The UNJM must henceforth require nothing but action from its members, as the

fields in which young people are active are many and varied.

"Mr Secretary General of the party and President of the Republic, once again

rest assured our our fierce determination to always be at your side, to continue the revitalization of the UDPM, to be the hands and feet of its members

in order to help you in the great fight you are heroically waging against our

underdevelopment.

"Fellow delegates, I would like to thank you once again for the trust you have

just shown us and ask you to express the cordial greetings of the National

Executive Bureau to all our members, both men and women.

"Mr Secretary General of the party, allow me in conclusion, on behalf of Malian

youth, to thank our comrades'who were not elected to the National Executive

Bureau for one reason or another for the eminent services they have rendered

the UNJM since its creation. They have our profound gratitude, as well as

our willingness to receive their wise council in order to constantly improve

our methods of work. Young people could not be ungrateful to those who have

served them!

Comrade congressional delegates, may you have a safe return to your respective

sections. Long live the UDPM! Long live the UNJM! Long live Mali! I thank

you.

Resolutions Adopted

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 6 Jun 83 p 6

[Article by M. Diakite]

[Text] Reflecting on our socioeconomic conditions and educating young people

with a view to their mobilization behind the development objectives of our

country: That line set forth by the National Union of Malian Youth (UNJM)

has once more been followed by the First Regular Congress of Malian youth

held on 1-2 June.

For two days, delegates from our 52 UNJM sections discussed economic, social

and political problems whose solution could not be found with the conscious,

responsible participation of young people. Backed by this observation and the

determination to be actively and concretely involved in the task of national

construction, Malian youth, at the conclusion of the congress, proposed solutions, amended others already made and suggested that the party and government

apply those already outlined.

On the political level, the UNJM, an integral part of the Democratic Union of

the Malian People, pledged to do everything possible for the unity and cohesion

111
of all the strata of bur population. It therefore asks the other party organizations to coordinate their action in that direction. At the level of our

schools, the establishment of UNJM school committees is effective, but in

places, they do not always fit the new profile of the Malian schools. Consequently, they must be revitalized in order to enable them to play their

full role as educators, mobilizers and organizers.

The UNJM also asked party leaders to revise the election code at the party

level and in its organizations. This request stems from the controversies and

crises sometimes caused at the time of elections by inadequate or imprecise

bylaws. It asks party leaders to update provisions for the political training

of cadres and party members. With respect to the Pioneer Movement, which can

and must be a training school for youth leaders, the congress, while deploring

delays in the application of provisions, asked for the reorganization of the

movement and hailed the efforts of nonpermanent organizers in our schools.

On the economic and social levels, aware of their role as builders of the nation and guarantors of its future, the young people of Mali passed the resolutions of the National Council of the party held from 11 to 13 January on

economic problems. In order to ensure the correct execution of those resolutions, the UNJM asks its organizations to ensure the creation of production

brigades and requests that political and administrative authorities intensify

ruralization, revitalization of practical orientation centers (COP) and rural

promotion centers (CAP).

Turning to the problem of unemployment and underemployment among the young,

delegates to the congress issued an appeal to the party and the government

to safeguard, reorient the government sector and encourage the mixed and private sector, which will make it possible to create new jobs. Young people

must also help the party at all levels to undertake and continue reforeatation

campaigns in order to protect our ecosystem.

Aware that man is at the source and conclusion of all development, the National

Union of Malian Youth, through its organizations in the health field, will help

to carry out the policy of primary health care. It also asks all young people

to moralize social ceremonies and participate in the search for ways and means

to apply Circular 3 of the UNFM (on marriage, the generalization of sports

among the masses and protection of the cultural patrimony). In this way,

adequate structures for athletics will be strengthened and established in city

and village schools and brigades to protect the cultural patrimony will be

created.

Finally, it should be noted, with respect to the statutory inadequacies revealed by the UNJM elections, that the First Regular Congress of Malian youth

amended Articles 20 and 21 of the statutes and 8 of the bylaws.. The right to

vote is now recognized at 15 and that of eligibility for all persons at the

age of 18. A quorum of assemblies and other meetings will consist of a

majority of committees.

Militant commitment and a sense of responsibility dominated the sessions of

this first assembly of young Malians, but even if "the future of our party is

U2
to be found through reflection, our determination," the fulfillment of the

historical role of Malian young people necessarily depends on concrete, responsible actions.

New Officers Listed

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 3 Jun 83 p 3

[Text] New National Executive Bureau: secretary general, Amadou Daouda Diallo.

Bamako; deputy secretary general, Drissa Traore, Sikasso; administrative secretary, Cheickna Sidy Mohamed, Tombouctou; organizational secretary, Ali Toure,

Mopti; deputy secretary for organization, Ibrahima Cisse, Bamako; secretary

for economic affairs, Mamadi Konde, Bko; secretary for foreign relations,

Abdou Sy, Kayes; secretary for information, Seydou Coulibaly, Sikasso;

general treasurer, Mouatapha Cisse, Bamako; deputy general treasurer,'Abdoui

Aziz Dante, Bamako; secretary of the Pioneer Movement, Boubacar Sidiki Traore,

Koulikoro; secretary for culture, Alhassane Doucoure, Bamako; secretary for

sports, Aliou Idrissa Maiga, Gao; secretary.for social affairs, Mrs Mariko

Fatima Siby, Bamako; secretary for educational questions, Oumar Kanoute,

Bamako; secretary for disputes, Zoumana Abdoulaye Traore, Bamako; second

secretary for disputes, Boubacar Bass, Segou; secretary of accounting, Anapel

Ouologuem, Mopti.

11,464

CSO: 3419/1026

U3
MALI

NATION WILL CONTINUE TO BENEFIT FROM FRENCH ASSISTANCE

Bamako L'ESSOR in French 1 Jun 83 p 6

[Text] The visit to our country of Christian Nucci, French minister for

cooperation and development, included a reception Monday evening [3 May]

offered in his honor by Dr Alioune Blondin Beye, our minister of foreign

affairs and cooperation.

On this occasion Minister Beye welcomed Nucci and emphasized the hope which

the Malian people have in strengthening relations between Mali and France.

Commenting that the political will to improve the level of cooperation

existed on both sides, our minister of foreign affairs recalled the conversations which Preidents Francois Mitterrand and Moussa Traore held in

Paris in October 1982. He continued: "Your visit directly follows from that

meeting at the highest level. It broadly expresses the steadfastness of

French policy and its fidelity toward the African partners of France, with

whom your country has unchanging relationships.

"In fact, in addition to the exchange of goods between our countries, a

system of cultural exchanges has been established which gives our bilateral

cooperation a human dimension which extends its long term life.

"Mali, a young country always open to a call for solidarity between different peoples, which necessarily implies a state of interdependence among

nations, listens attentively to the echoes of all the voices raised in favor

of just and equitable international cooperation, based on respect for national independence and mutual intersts.

"Fortunately, the voice of France is heard everywhere when it is a matter of

reorganizing the present international economic system in order to make

available all efforts and solutions likely to lead to another kind of development for man. The initiatives raised by France at the summit meeting in

Cancun and the meeting of the least developed countries in Paris, which

advocated farsighted solutions in terms of development aid policy, will have

the full support of the Malian Government. It is so true for us in Mali that

development, the essential condition for the maintenance of social equilibrium, remains the major aspiration of all peoples.

"In Mali development remains, quite evidently, an objective. However, in

this Sahelian country, development takes on the character of a challenge.

hk
"You come at a time when the first rains have fallen in certain pafts §f the

country. I raise this matter because this season of the year is particularly

crucial. It arouses hopes and fears at the same time. Here, the rains provide the rhythm for the life of the people. The rains determine the economic

forecasts. Here, for more than a decade, the rains have become an equation

with many unknowns in it.

"In addition, to deal with the present situation, the government has resolutely undertaken the definition of another concept of development.

"The national, independent, and planned economy which we wish to build is not a

a response to passing phenomena but rather constitutes a choice made in

accordance with the realities in our country. The Malian people and their

leaders consider that the best path to follow toward development is one which

takes into account the ethical outlook, the identity, and the personality of

our people.

"To carry out this gigantic task of national development properly, our country,

which first of all depends on its own resources, also makes use of assistance

from international organizations and favors the participation of foreign

investors.

"The struggle carried on by the people of Mali aims at self-sufficiency in

food through the control of our waters, the development of livestock, and

the exploitation of our important minerals production potential.

"This is an occasion to express the deep appreciation of the Malian Government for the constant efforts made by France in support of the development

of our country."

Speaking in turn, Nucci thanked the Malian Government for the welcome given

him and then went on: "This first visit of mine to Mali, the conversations

which I have had with you and with other members of the government, and the

visits I have made to different development projects which are the result

of cooperation between France and Mali—all of these have made it possible

for me to gauge the extent of the challenges which geography and Mali's

land-locked situation pose for the economic and social development of this

vast country. I have also been able to appreciate the determination and

tenacity of your leader, the courage with which you have undertaken a policy

of reorganizing your country's institutions in order to achieve selfsufficiency in food, correct the imbalance in your foreign grade, and improve

the difficult living conditions under which your people live, particularly

in the areas most seriously affected by drought.

"In continuing this long term effort I can assure you that Mali does not

stand alone and that it will continue to have the active assistance of France,

as in the past, with a spirit of full cooperation between our two governments and in the tradition of frankness and friendship which characterizes

the family-like relationships existing between our two countires. I had

occasion to indicate to you this morning [30 May] the decisions already made

by the executive committee of the FAC [Aid and Cooperation Fund] and the

provision of additional assistance in the framework of the struggle against

the drought. I have also made note of the wishes you have expressed in

various areas. Very careful attention will be paid to them on the French

side."

5170 h$

CSO: 3419/1027
NAMIBIA

SWANU, DAMARA COUNCIL BOYCOTT OF STATE COUNCIL ANALYZED

Windhoek WINDHOEK OBSERVER in English 2 Jul 83 p 32

[Article by Gwen Lester: "Let SA Pay for State Council!"]

[Text]

Any prospect of credibility for the proposed

State Council, was dealt

a severe blow this week,

by the decision on the

part of both SWANU and

the Damara Council, not

to participate in this

latest exercise. And with

the refusal by most leftwing political parties to

cooperate in this new

initiative, it will

degenerate into

becoming nothing more

than a repeat of the Turnhalle exercise of 1975 - if

indeed the State Council

materialises at all.

And it seems odd, in

view of Dr. Willie van

Niekerk's claim that the

State Council was conceptualised by local

parties, that these

political parties have

refused to participate in

what, he claims is their

own idea. But Dr van

Niekerk's claims in this

regard have already been

refuted by several

parties, who have

countered with the

argument that it was he

who asked to have discussions with them and

not vice versa.

At any rate, the State

Council is almost certainly

rSoomed to failure - if it

does come into being at

all and it appears that it

will, for otherwise the

South African Government and Administrator

General will "lose face" -

because it will have no

credibility whatsoever.

There was still a faint

prospect of hope for the

initiative recently, when

there was speculation

that the SWANU movement would participate.

There was general

speculation that this may

in fact, be the case, and if

so, then the idea of a

State Council idea could

be salvaged.

However, there is little

doubt, that had SWANU

decided to cooperate in

the new initiative, -then

this would have led to

disunity in the ranks of

that organisation itself,

and they may well have

lost substantial support in

the country as a whole.

At present, not all

political parties have yet

decided whether or not to

participate in the new

initiative. The CDA of Mr

Peter Kalangula for

instance, will meet

shortly in order to

determine whether or not

they will participate, and

at this stage it appears

likely that they will.

NO CREDIBILITY

The Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, the

National Party, the

Labour Party (of Mr L.J.

Barnes), the NPLF of Mr

K.H. Conradie, and the

NCDP of Mr Hans Rohr

have thusfar decided to

participate. However the

most important political

groups (for the sake of

giving the new scheme

some credibility) remain

outside the State Council.

These include the

SWAPO Democrats,

he
SWANU, the Namibia

Independence Party and

others, and it is almost

certain that Dr van

Niekerk is sorely disappointed that these

parties will not take part.

' It can be expected that

renewed pressure will be

put on SWANU to participate, and possibly

even a few concessions in

order to attract their cooperation.

At the same time, without the participation of

such parties as SWAPO D,

and SWANU, the State

Council will degenerate

into nothing more than a

parody of the Turnhalle of

1975 - where the absence

of political parties and

groups made a farce of

the whole affair.

Once again we will

have a DTA-dominated

body, with the National

Party in opposition - and

having experienced the

DTA 'government', one

has certain reservations

about the sort of

constitution the DTA is

going to come up with.

And while Mr Moses

Katjiuongua, President of

SWANU, gave a number

of reasons why they

would not participate in

the new initiative, it can

safely be said that cooperation on the part of

any left-wing political

party would almost

certainly mean political

suicide.

POLITICAL SUICIDE

There are two aspects

which are bound to lead

to the death of any leftwing political party in

this Territory - the first

being the 'stooge' or

'puppet' label, and the

second, cooperation in

any sense, with the South

African Government.

And although the

attitude of some political

parties is 'it won't do any

harm to hear what the

man has to say' - the

people do not agree with

this. They see it, plainly

and simply, as collaboration with the

authorities, and there is

little one can do to shake

them of this belief.

But one thing stands

clearly above everything:

there are several parties,

and they include the DTA

and the Damara Council

for instance, who are selfprofessed "liberation"

movements/

an<^jt

'

s n

'9

n

time they live up to their

claim. They should seek

the 'liberation' of this

country, rather than

tightening the ties which

bind this country to the

South African government. And the proposed

State Council has

; precisely this aim in mind

' - it binds this country, with

• the assent of political

parties, to continued

domination by South

Africa.

And it appears, not

only has the Damara

Council realised what- a

farce the proposed State

Council would be, but

they have also realised

what a grave mistake

they made in participating in the ethnic

elections of 1980, and

agreeing to take on the

second tier ethnic government. Realisation has

been slow in coming to

this movement, but hopefully they have now

finally seen the light.

h7
MAY DISBAND

This was evident from

their statement made,

after the Congress which

decided overwhelmingly

against participation in

the State Council:

"requests the Central

Committee of the

Damara Council to

investigate whether the

Congress decision of

1980, contrary to Party

policy, to participate in

the ethnic elections and

to accept an ethnic

government, really

achieved the desired

aim; and if not, to give

concrete reasons why the

following congress of the

Damara Council could

not decide to scrap the

ethnic government".

And finally it appears,

the Damara Council have

realised the extent of the

damage done to their

Party, by participating in

ethnic elections; taking

on an ethnic government;

and giving the impression

that they would participate in a socalled

'interim' government.

Thanks to this growing

realisation on their part,

not only of the Damara

Council, but of other

political parties as well,

the State Council as it is

known, will be made the

laughingstock.

There are many

arguments both for and

against the State Council,

but the arguments in

favour, seem to have

little basis - the parties

concerned being

uncertain as to whether

the State Council will in

fact achieve anything,

and if this is the case,

then the whole exercise is

a waste of time and

money.

It has been stated by a

spokesman from the

Administrator General's

office that the State

Council could scrap AG 8

if it so desired - and if this

is the case, namely all

options- are open, then

they could probably also

decide to scrap Resolution

435! Herein, it appears,

lies another danger.

According to Mr

Mudge, if the State

Council achieves nothing

else, then at least people

would have got to know

one another better - is an

unfounded, and

somewhat ridiculous

argument. If they truly

want to get to know one

another better, they could

do it at the local 'disco'

for instance, and not

cause the taxpayer of this

country unnecessary

expense, and a waste of

time as a whole for the

country in general.

LET SA PAY

And one could counter

with the argument that if

the SA Government

wants this State Council

so badly - then let her

pay for it. After all, it is

just .another way of

fobbing off criticism that

will certainly result, on

the shoulders of the

political parties here,

rather than the SA

Government herself.

We have paid too

dearly for South Africa's

little schemes in the past -

both financially, socially,

economically and in

virtually every other

sense*

If the Administrator

General decides to implement this proposal,

then it shows how little

regard he and the South

African Government,

have for the wishes of the

majority of the people of

this country. Let us no

longer hear the age-old

nonsense of "the people

will decide", for this

meaningless, and it is

obvious that there is one

instance, and one

instance only, which is

making the decisions unilaterally I might add, and

that is the South African

Government.

SO: 3400/1594

18
NAMIBIA

SA TACTICS TO RETAIN SWA 'COLONY' HIT

London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 p 1539

[Editorial: "Another Namibia Trick"]

[Text]

THE SOUTH AFRICANS are at it again. In the latest of

a long line of stalling tactics designed to keep Namibia as a

colony, Pretoria has proposed the formation of a "State

Council" made up of the various internal political parties.

Th€ Council would be an "interim" arrangement pending

proper independence. The proposals were first made

public by Namibia's Administrator General, Willie van

Niekerk. Approval from South Africa, to no one's

surprise, was swift.

The scheme would allocate from one to four seats to

any party "actively engaged in politics in the territory",

thereby automatically, by the South African definition,

excluding SWAPO nationalists from the Council. About a

third of Namibia -s political parties have ko far approved

the scheme. The Council would sit for six months and draw

up a constitution for Namibia. In an apparent sop to the

Western "Contact" Group, certain of its "constitutional

proposals" for independence would be adopted. Thus

Council decisions would be taken by a two-thirds majority

and the infamous two-vote system would be used in a

subsequent referendum on council recommendations; the

poll would, be counted once nationally and once in

officially-delineated "ethnic areas". t. The timing and the content of the proposals are

significant in that they come at a time of international

exasperation with the Western "Contact" Group which

set itself up in 1977 to negotiate Namibia's independence,

or some conclude, to stall it. The Western Group has

failed. It has become caught up in a web of political and

financial vested interests in the colony and in South Africa

itself which render it worse than useless. This impotence

was tacitly accepted by the United Nations in late May

when its Security Council mandated the SecretaryGeneral, Perez de Cuellar, personally to start a new round

of talks. The Western Group failure was also recognised

by a senior SWAPO official, Moses Garoeb, when he said

h9
in June that the Group had become counterproductive

and "should be done away with".

The State Council plan can be seen as a defensive riposte

from Pretoria to this impatience, an impatience justly felt

by almost every nation in the world. Every nation, that is,

apart from South Africa and her allies in the Western

Group, with the possible (political and not financial)

exception of France. The plan is also an admission that

South Africa's "internal" solution has failed. The Democratic Turnhalle Alliance experiment which recently

collapsed showed the unworkability of unrepresentative

Government. Partly because of the South African obsession with ethnic affiliation (along familiar Divide and Rule

lines), but mainly because the DTA excluded those calling

for real independence, the "national government" was a

puppet parody. Like the Western Group, it failed.

Quite apart from the absurdity of South Africanadministered "elections" in the colony (in the 1978

Turnhalle elections physical coercion was the only way a

credible poll was achieved), the two-vote system is

divisive and backward. SWAPO correctly rejects any

manifestation of tribalism, especially if it is South-African

sponsored. The charge that SWAPO is an "Ovambo

party" can be easily countered by looking at the variety of

ethnic groups among the 60,000 refugees who have

escaped to camps in Angola, there to fight for Namibian

independence.

It is even suggested, and here the true face of the

proposed Council is revealed, that via the referendum

Namibians could be asked whether they favour the idea

that independence be linked to Cuban troop withdrawal

from Angola! Thus with every Council proposal, United

Nations Resolution 435 (which calls for a ceasefire, South

African troop withdrawal and free elections), recedes into

the distance. This is just what the South Africans want,

because, for all its faults, the United Nations Resolution is

the only democratic solution to an increasingly bloody war

of independence.

Underpinning South Africa's political need to keep

Namibia as a colony is the financial reward to the

coloniser. Whatever the much-vaunted cost of the crusade, as Pretoria would have it, to "save the region from

Communism", there is little doubt that Namibia is a very

profitable satellite to South Africa. From 1920 to 1969,

Namibia was treated purely and simply as a colony, with

all the one-sided industrial and tax legislation that this

implies. That legislation is still largely in operation.

If, as van Niekerk claims, the Council proposals are not

a definitive alternative to internationally recognised independence, why bother with them at all? Who is Pretoria

trying to fool? If the Western Group falls for the

50
arrangement because of its similarities to their own

constitutional proposals, the coffin of their intellectual

honesty will be well and truly nailed. South Africa has

made it clear in any case that it would not necessarily

abide by the results of a referendum on the Council's

recommendations. A "No" vote to any cobbled plan for

continuing occupation of the colony or important abstentions, would inevitably be rejected by Pretoria.

The Council Plan would be rejected in free and fair

elections because it does not represent the will of the

majority. For this reason, the international community

should reject it outright and insist on implementation of

UN Security Council Resolution 435.

CSO: 3400/1594

*L
NAMIBIA

BRIEFS

ISCOR'S PROFITS—Pretoria—Efforts to obtain a response from ISCOR, the

South African steel concern as to its profits on the Uis tin mine account

in SWA's so-called Damaraland were to no avail. ISCOR was asked in view

of the much-discussed report in Windhoek that its only tax contribution so

far has been R240 000,00 made in the latest financial year, an unofficial,

unsubstantiated statement of course. The mine produces a very large share

of South Africa's tin and wolfram requirements like Rosh Pinah, the other

ISCOR holding down south in the Warmbad area of SWA. In Windhoek the

liaison officer of ISCOR released the following tax figures for Rosh Pinah

but admitted that it was not possible to obtain those for Uis. The Rosh

Pinah tax figures are: In the financial year ending 1980, Rl 531 392;

For 1981, R676 765; For the year 1982, R2 118 475; For the tax year ending

1983 a provisional tax of R353 302. [Text] [Windhoek WINDHOEK OBSERVER

in English 2 Jul 83 p 15]

CSO: 3400/1594

$2
NIGERIA

SHAGARI GIVEN FIFTY-FIFTY CHANCE OF WINNING ELECTION

London AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL in English 22 Jun 83 pp 1-5

[Text]

The key question in the elections will be whether

President Shagari can win more votes (a plurality)

in the first ballot than any other presidential candidate. His chances appear to be 50:50, at least. Given

that he will be far from winning an absolute majority

and that there is widespread disenchantment with

the NPN federal government, the fundamental determinant to his first ballot chances is how evenly the

opposition splits the anti-NPN votes.

A first assumption now is that Shagari will get

the required 25% of the presidential vote in 12 2/3

of the states. The death of Aminu Kano and the

succession to the Peoples' Redemption Party (PRP)

leadership of Hassan Yusuf, who has little popular

appeal, has given Shagari a good chance of winning

25°7o of the vote in Kano. Effectively, bearing in

mind the present electoral liklihoods (AC Vol 24

Nos 5 & 9), this means that all he needs to fulfill

the 12 2/3 requirement is two-thirds of 25°7c (i.e.

16.67°7o) of the presidential vote in one of seven

states:- Plateau, Imo, Anambra, Ondo, Oyo, Ogun

or Lagos. As explained overleaf, he should manage

it.

There remains, however, the possibility that Chief

Awolowo will force Shagari to a run-off by winning

more votes in the first ballot. To do this he would

need to get most of the anti-NPN votes in key

"swing" states (Cross River, Rivers, Borno, Gongola

and Kwara for example). The more evenly Awolowo

and Nnamdi Azikiwe split the anti-NPN vote in nonYoruba and non-Ibo states, the greater the liklihood

of Awolowo failing in the first ballot. Logically,

therefore, the next key is whether Azikiwe (the

weaker candidate) would be willing to withdraw and

swing his own support outside the Ibo states to

Awolowo before the first ballot. Past inability of

the opposition alliance, the Peoples' Progressive

Aliance (PPA), to work a joint strategy, clearly

points to only a small chance that this will happen.

53
While the Nigerian Advance Party (NAP) is unlikely to get a significant vote anywhere, the PRP and

the Great Nigeria Peoples' Party (GNPP) should not

be completely dismissed. The PRP in Kano and to

some extent Kaduna and Borno, and the GNPP in

Borno, may show considerable electoral strength.

Certainly they will split the anti-NPN vote in these

three states. But the vacuum created by the nationwide demise of the GNPP has been filled by the

UPN, which is clearly the main opposition party in

Sokoto, Bauchi, Gongola and Cross River. It is most

significant that the UPN in Sokoto and Bauchi has

made such inroads into the NPN's northern, HausaFulani electoral stronghold. '

In recent weeks, 10 NPN legislators in the Sokoto

House of Assembly have decamped to the UPN,

along with two GNPP legislators. The UPN candidate for governor in Sokoto, Shehu Bayero, is a

former NPN speaker of the State House of

Assembly. In Bauchi, the GNPP opposition has been

moving to the UPN, led by the minority leader

in the Bauchi House of Assembly, Alhaji Ismaila

Mohammed. While Awolowo is unlikely to score

25% of the vote in either Bauchi or Sokoto (or Kano

or Kaduna) on the first ballot, his choice of Alhaji

Muhammadu Kura, as the UPN vice-presidential

running-mate does appear to be paying some dividends. Alhaji Kura, an NPC member of the Federal

House in the First Republic and GNPP candidate

for governor of Bauchi in 1979, is a Muslim andholder of a traditional title, Makaman Misau. As a

man very much of the Hausa-Fulani culture, he

helps blunt the image of Awolowo as anti-north and

anti-Muslim. Moreover, the UPN has continued to

attract other significant figures in the Muslim north.

Certainly one of its greatest prizes is the former

commissioner for agriculture and local government

in Kano, Shehu Mohammed Shanono, who left

Mohammed Abubakar Rimi's administration a year

ago when it veered irretrievably towards the NPP

and then returned to Aminu Kano's PRP in October.

Disaffected by the triumph of Sabo Bakin Zuwo in

the struggle for control of the Kano state PRP,

Shanono was wooed in two secret trips to Kano by

Lagos state governor Lateef Jakande, and finally

agreed to accept the UPN chairmanship in the state

and gubernatorial nomination. Widely respected

among the educated left in Kano, and a shrewd and

able organiser, Shanono gives the UPN a credible

presence in Kano, though he has no chance of

winning himself.

With its inroads into Sokoto, Bauchi, Kano and

Kaduna, a three-tiered UPN strategy is taking shape.

The first tier includes the five western states the

UPN now controls. Its goal here is to retain control

5U
of the state governments and to pile up as massive

a popular vote on August 6 for Awolowo as humanly

possible. The second tier includes those states that

the UPN does not control at the moment but has a

fighting chance of winning in 1983. These are Cross

River, Kwara, Borno, Gongola and perhaps Rivers.

Without question, the UPN has made substantial

gains in all five of these states. To advance a credible

claim to being a truly national party, the UPN feels

it must win control of at least one northern and one

south-eastern state.

Cross River is among the UPN's best bets for new

gains, and Borno is the only predominantly Muslim

state where the UPN has any realistic chance of

winning the state government. In all of these states,

Awolowo will trail slightly or substantially behind

his party's local candidates, but has a reasonable

chance of obtaining at least 25% of the presidential

vote. This leaves nine states. In the three NPPcontrolled states - Imo, Anambra and Plateau, the

UPN is in disarray and has no hope of any significant

showing. Similarly in Niger, the UPN is scarcely

present. It has made a major effort in Benue,

attempting to win over the sizeable block of disaffected 'Tarka NPN' through the former NPN federal

minister of communications, Isaac Shaahu, now a

UPN senatorial candidate. But it still trails well

behind the NPP in the state, which is the major

challenger to the inept and unpopular government

of Aper Aku. The third tier of UPN prospects

consists of the remaining four states - Bauchi, Sokoto, Kano and Kaduna - where it has no realistic

hope of actually winning power, but could win seats

in the state legislature, and, in Bauchi and Sokoto,

constitute a credible opposition. For a party that

could not score 10% of the vote in any of the five

rounds of elections in any of the Muslim states of

the far north in 1979, these modest achievements

would represent dramatic progress.

The NPP strategy is more difficult to assess. It is

counting heavily on the ability of its gubernatorial

candidates in the North - Paul Unongo in Benue,

Alhassan Badakoshi in Niger, Abubakar Barde in

Gongola and especially Abubakar Rimi in Kano -

to deliver a majority of the presidential vote in their

states to the NPP. Given the level of disaffection

with NPN rule in Niger and Benue, this may be

possible in these two states, but it is difficult to

imagine in Gongola, where former governor Barde

is himself unpopular in much of the state and likely

to finish third in the voting, and Kano, where

Rimi's personal popularity is probably not massively :

transferable to an Ibo candidate. Unless Rimi can

work magic in Kano, it is likely that Zik will run

behind Awolowo and Shagari in the popular vote.

His only hope to make the run-off would appear to

be in winning a majority of the vote in Niger and

Benue, along with the three states now controlled

by the NPP, while Awolowo gets a plurality of

the popular vote, blocking a first-ballot victory for

Shagari. In this event, Zik might land in a run-off

with Awo if Shagari failed to get a majority of the

vote in five states - which he might fail to do

given NPN losses in Kwara, Cross River, Rivers and

Benue. For the NPP, it is an unlikely scenario, but

possible.

The states j

A state by state assessment shows that it is most unlikely that[

the NPN will control more states than its current seven. It has !

at least an even chance of losing Cross River, Benue, Kwara and

Niger and has a reasonable chance of winning only Kaduna and

Gongola. Most of its gains will come in the (bo and Yoruba ;

states, where it could pick up significant legislative strength, but !

is unlikely to win any governorships. j

Imo, Anambra, Plateau and Bendel !

The NPN could take up to a quarter (possibly even a third) of !

the legislative seats in Imo and Anambra. However, the NPN

campaign in Anambra has been weakened by bitter fighting

between Emeka Ojukwu and Alex Ekwueme (and their respective

followers, who are reported to have come to blows in at

least one instance). Nevertheless, the NPN is pouring enormous

resources into the two states. In Imo, the NPN's campaign ace,

former NCNC premier of the Eastern Region, Dr Michael

Okpara, has been given an Abuja contract reported to be in the

tens of millions of naira to gain enthusiasm for the NPN campaign. In Plateau the NPP is set to retain the roughly threequarters of the seats it now controls. Though the gubernatorial

campaign of the NPN candidate, former federal minister of

aviation, John Kadiya, is well-financed, he stands little chance

of. unseating the popular governor, Solomon Lar. Despite strikes

by civil servants and teachers over non-payment of salaries, Lar

should win with a safe margin.

The UPN is in serious trouble in at least one of the states it

controls, and possibly two. In Bendel, governor Ambrose Alii

will have a very difficult time against the challenge of Samuel

Ogbemudia, who appeals to voters to remember the progress the

state made and the better economic times it enjoyed during his

nine years as military governor there during the Gowon regime.

Ogbemudia is further benefiting from widespread controversy

over Alli's style of rule, pointing to the quarter of a million naira

of state funds he spent in a lavish burial ceremony for his father,

and the siting of the new Bendel State University in his hometown

of Ekpoma. The greater personal popularity of Ogbemudia may

win him the governorship while the greater strength and organisation of the UPN as a party may enable it to retain control of the

State House of Assembly. Should Shagari win a first-ballot

victory on August 6, Bendel voters, who feel the state's development interests have been harmed by Alli's confrontation with the

federal government, will be likely to vote in an NPN governor

the following Saturday.

Ogun, Oyo, Ondo and Lagos

The four Yoruba states can be broken into two groups. In

Ogun and especially Lagos, the defections of former UPN topnotchers to the NPN have had more limited effect, and have been

counter-balanced by the rifts they have caused subsequently in

the NPN state branches. In Ogun, the inter-party turmoil over

the gubernatorial nomination between backers of Chief Alani

Bankole, the original nominee, and backers of UPN decamper

Chief Soji Odunjo, has shattered any prospect of eroding the

UPN's lockhold on the state. In Lagos, the charismatic Lateef

Jakande will win in a landslide. In Oyo and Ondo by contrast,

the defections of the deputy governors, who contested unsuccessfully for the UPN gubernatorial nominations, have been far

more damaging. The effect has been most telling in Ondo, where

55
the NPN was able to capture only one of 66 State Assembly seats

in 1979. Now it is fielding for governor the disaffected former

deputy governor, Chief Akin Omoboriowo. Omoboriowo, who

lost the UPN nomination to incumbent governor, Chief Michael

Ajasin, in a close and exceedingly bitter contest, has carried with

him into the UPN a number of federal and state legislators,

including sucW respected figures as Chief Ofaiya Fagbamigbe and

Professor Opeyemi Ola. He enjoys substantial support among his

native Ekiti sub-group, where he has campaigned heavily on the

basis of ethnic ties and Ajasin's alleged hatred for the Ekitis.

Though he probably will not win, he may we'll lift the NPN to a

quarter or a third of the seats in the State House of Assembly,

generating two-party politics in the state for the first time. With

nine of the 126 State Assembly seats, the NPN is already somewhat more present in Oyo, enjoying a base of support in the

Ogbomoso area of the late premier of the Western Region

and antagonist of Awolowo, Chief Samuel Akintola. With the

defection to it of the former Oyo deputy governor, Chief Sunday

Afolabi, and the powerful former commissioner of local government, Ibadan strongman Chief Busari Adelakun, the NPN is sure

to increase its presence in the State Assembly, and could very

well win the 30 to 40 seats it needs to constitute a serious

opposition. The fiery and intellectual incumbent governor, Bola

Ige, does not appear in danger of losing, but certainly the margin

of his victory will be reduced. Ondo should provide the closer

contest for governor.

Rivers and Cross River

Of the remaining two southern states, the NPN is more likely

to retain control of Rivers, if only because the UPN and NPP

appear more evenly to be splitting the opposition. Governor

Melford Okilo faces a difficult battle, however, carrying the scars

of a nasty quarrel with his deputy governor and a running feud

with the State Assembly which almost brought his impeachment

last year when 19 of the 26 NPN legislators signed an impeachment

motion. (The NPN national secretariat had to intervene). His

main challenge this August will come from the NPP, which won

about a third of the State Assembly seats in 1979 and will field

as its candidate Chief Kernte Giadom, who was until recently an

NPN member of the Federal House of Representatives. The

NPP's biggest handicap in the state in 1979 was its perception as

an 'ibo party' by people who felt themselves to have been brutally

treated by Biafran soldiers during the civil war. In this sense,

declaration of Ojukwu for the NPN has backfired in Rivers and

Cross River, confusing if not reversing the identification of the

NPP with destruction by Ojukwu's soldiers in the civil war.

Okilo's reputation for high-living in a state whose teachers have

not been paid in months and whose people have seen little of the

development they expected, will also work against him. Similar

factors - the boomerang from Ojukwu's declaration, the dissatisfaction with federal development assistance, and bitter divisions

within the ruling NPN, cloud perhaps even more seriously the

NPN's prospects in Cross River. It now appears that the failure

of the NPN to renominate governor Clement Isong will cost it

the governorship, in that it has sparked massive defections from

Isong's followers in the southern, Ibibio-dominated part of the

state to the NPP and particularly the UPN. The death of Chief

E. 0. Eyo, the political giant of modern Ibibio politics, has

removed the NPN's main instrument for limiting the damage

among the Ibibios (AC Vol 24 No 2). While the UPN and NPP

risk splitting the Ibibio vote, as the NPP candidate, Chief E. U.

Okon, draws from the same base, turmoil and weak organisation

within the NPP branch give the UPN a clear edge. The NPN can

count on winning again the northern Ogoja senatorial district,

where Senate President Joseph Wayas wields virtually unchallenged influence, and in the home district of senator Donald Etiebet,

the NPN gubernatorial candidate. But the UPN appears headed

for victory in Cross River, on a second ballot if not on the first.

In fact, should the UPN and NPP decide to pool their strength

in Cross River and Rivers states and split the two between them,

the NPN would stand to lose control of both states. A weak

showing by Shagari on the first ballot would have the same effect.

Niger, Kwara and Benue

In the 'Middle Belt' area as well, the NPN is in serious trouble.

The long, debilitating struggle between governor Adamu Atta

and state chairman, senator Sola Saraki (the Senate majority

leader and chief financier of the state party), has ravaged the

NPN in Kwara to the point where it will be difficult for the

renominated governor to pick up the pieces. The most recent in

a series of agreements between Atta and Saraki has collapsed in

renewed acrimony. Saraki might now sabotage the governor's reelection campaign from behind the scenes. Atta can ill-afford

such a deep and lasting split. While his chief opponent, UPN

Senator Cornelius Adebayo, is also weakened by a split in his

party (caused by the refusal of the UPN state chairman and 1979

nominee, Chief J. S. Olawoyin, to accept his defeat by Adebayo

in this year's primary election), it does not appear so completely ;

to have polarized his party. If Saraki and Atta cannot be reconci- ,

led soon, Kwara seems likely to shift to the UPN in the gubernatorial election, even while possibly giving the edge once more to

Shagari in the presidential voting.

Similar problems await the NPN in Benue and Niger, which it

apparently won by huge margins in 1979. In Benue, the unchallenged leader of the Tiv, the late Senator J. S. Tarka, is no longer

available to deliver the largest block of votes, and governor Aper

Aku has failed to establish himself as a worthy successor to

Tarka. Owning one of the sorriest records of performance of the

19 state governments, Aku is conceded to be a liability even by

some NPN insiders, who nevertheless feel the incumbency factor

and the Tarka legacy can return the state to the NPN. With the

defection to the NPP and UPN of the insurgent 'Tarka NPN',

including former high officials of the party and the recently

resigned speaker of the State Assembly, this expectation is dubious. Amid widespread disaffection over closed schools, unpaid

teachers, unpaved roads, and a general lack of development

progress expected by a state that went so heavily NPN in 1979,

as well as rampant rumours of enormous corruption, Aku could

be hard-pressed to edge out the articulate young NPP candidate,

Paul Unongo. Though Unongo himself was forced to resign as

federal minister of steel development (during the days of the

NPN-NPP accord) because of charges of corruption, he has

mobilized substantial support, especially among young people.

Aku's best hope seems to lie in a splitting of the anti-NPN vote

between the NPP and the UPN, which could enable him to return

with a plurality. But the turnout for Shagari's launching of the

NPN campaign in Makurdi, which was so poor that minister of

communication Audu Ogbeh (a Benue indigene) felt compelled

to offer a public explanation, suggests that the NPN is weak at

every electoral level in the state.

Niger state has historically been a stronghold of the ruling

forces in northern Nigeria, but the traditional political association

between the Hausa-Fulani elite and the Nupes, who constitute

about 60% of the state's population" has broken down in the last

four years. The Nupes are convinced that they have been shortchanged in the dispensation of patronage and development resources by governor Awwal Ibrahim, who is Hausa, and bitterly

resent his nomination by the NPN to run for another term. They

point to what they feel has been the complete neglect of Bida,

the traditional centre of the Nupe people, by the Awwal Ibrahim

government, and are equally offended by the governor's demotion

and replacement of Nupe permanent secretaries and cabinet

ministers, his banning of civil servants' participation in the tribal

association of the Nupe, and his alleged lack of respect for the

status of the Etsu Nupe as the premier traditional ruler of the

state. The Gwari people, constituting 25 to 30% of the state's

population, share the same concerns, and have been particularly

embittered by alleged political interference in the selection of

chiefs in their area. The NPP has nominated a ticket perfectly

situated to exploit these many resentments. Its gubernatorial

candidate, Alhaji Abubakar Alhassan Badakoshi, a Nupe, is a

former permanent secretary in governor Ibrahim's government,

while his running mate, Alhaji Abubakar Bosso, a Gwari, was

one of Ibrahim's commissioners. Both have been active in their

respective tribal associations. (Bosso was sacked from the cabinet

for his involvement). Both are well known to their respective

peoples and their fellow civil servants in the state. And along

with other civil servants in and out of government who are

opposing Ibrahim's reelection, they have been exploiting their

access to secret government files to expose what they allege is

evidence of extensive corruption and malfeasance by the current

state government. Though the NPN has nominated another Nupe

to run with Ibrahim, and though it can also boast of two powerful

Nupes in the Shagari government - Shehu Musa, secretary to the

federal government, and Suleman Takuma, former NPN national

secretary and now special adviser to the president - its hopes of

holding onto the state are drowning in a wave of ethnic political

56
mobilization. It is a sign of how unpopular the l&rahim government has become among the Nupes that some NPN campaigners

have been quietly urging their fellow Nupes to give their presidential vote to Shagari even as they prepare to vote for Badakoshi

for governor. This probably portends the way the state will go

this August.

Gongola and Bomo

Gongola and Borno are among the NPN's best hopes for new

governorships. Gongola appears to be the better prospect. The

incumbent governor, Alhaji Abubakar Barde, has recently resigned his office and his membership of the GNPP to contest again

on the platform of the NPP. While he (and thus the NPP) still

controls the state government through his loyal former deputy,

now governor, Wilberforce Juta, it is unlikely that this will be

enough to overcome the dissatisfaction in the state with the

corruption and ineffective performance of his government. Lacking in charisma, continuously at odds with his legislature, and in

relatively poor health, Barde trails far behind the two forceful

personalities and parties now fighting it out for control of

Gongola: Alhaji Bamanga Tukur of the NPN and Reverend

Wilson Sabiya of the UPN. These parties trailed closely behind

the GNPP, second and third respectively, in 1979, and both are

well-organised and financed and are now drawing large crowds.

The race matches two of the most interesting candidates in the

country. Tukur resigned recently as chairman of the Nigerian

Ports Authority, where he was given high marks by some for

decongesting ports and expanding their capacity. A Fulani from

Jada, he has been described as shrewd, diligent and aggressively

ambitious. His personal wealth not only powers a strong campaign, but may also suggest to voters that he,., unlike many

politicians, would have no need to enrich himself in office. Sabiya

threw his support to Barde at the last minute in 1979 (probably

putting him. over the top) but this time is in the.;race to stay, and

has been drumming away with a preacher's fervour on the promise

of the UPN's four cardinal programmes of free education, free

health cafe, integrated rural development and full employment.

Awolowo's recent triumphant reception indicates'strong momentum for the UPN in the state, but the probability is an NPN

victory in both the state and federal elections, though possibly a

close one.

Borno is a state that both the NPN and the UPN want badly

to capture, and each is pouring in enormous resources. It is said,

for example, that the UPN has assigned a fleet of more than 400

vehicles and 500 motorcycles to its campaign there. The UPN

has the advantage of controlling the state government through

governor Mohammed Goni, but Goni - unlike governors Rimi

of Kano and Barde of Gongola - failed to resign his office before

accepting the nomination of a party other than the one he was

elected to office on. (Resigning would have meant turning over

the state government to a deputy governor loyal to the NPP). As

a result Goni was disqualified by FEDECO from contesting. Last

week FEDECO said that he could stand after all. With Goni back,

the UPN is in the race again. In the meantime the UPN nominated

the former governor's wife, Hajiya Amina Mohammed, in his

place. The NPN's nominee, Alhaji Asheik Jarma, is also a man

of substantial means, and was until recently, federal minister of

state in the ministry of work's. While the NPN has a strong and

well-financed organisation in the state, and as in Gongola, has

captured some of the defectors from Waziri Ibrahim's GNPP,

Jarma himself is from the small Shuwa Arab tribe, a clear

disadvantage in competing for the votes of the dominant group

in the state, the Kanuri. The GNPP, by contrast, has again

nominated a young and articulate Kanuri, Mohammed Abba

Gana, as its candidate for governor, and this, along with a

continuing strong Kanuri consciousness and considerable dissatisfaction with Goni's government, could be enough to bring Borno

back to the GNPP fold. In the presidential voting, Waziri Ibrahim

will probably edge out Shagari with a reduced margin, with the

PRP, NPP and UPN also getting some support, thus preventing

any presidential candidate from capturing a majority of the Borno

vote this time.

Bauchi and Sokoto

Bauchi and Sokoto, as has already been indicated, are sure to

remain under NPN control. While the UPN has displaced the

GNPP as the main opposition party in these states, with the NPP

also enjoying some support, especially in southern Bauchi, the

best the opposition can hope for is a modest increase in its

strength in the state assemblies. Though some of the supporters

of Alhaji Ibrahim Gusau, who unsuccessfully challenged governor

Garba Nadama for the nomination in Sokoto, remain sufficiently

bitter to vote for another party (probably the UPN), this can

hardly do more than dent the NPN's margin of victory. In the

presidential voting, Shagari can again expect sizeable majorities

from these two states.

Kaduna and Kano

This leaves the two states won by the PRP in 1979, Kaduna

and Kano. Both the incumbent governors, Abubakar Rimi in

Kano and Abba Musa Rimi in Kaduna, have joined up with the

NPP and are nominated to run on the NPP platform for governor.

But like Goni in Borno, Abba Musa Rimi did not resign his

office because his deputy was loyal to a different party, in this

case the Aminu Kano PRP, and more specifically to the impeached

former governor, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, who recently

rejoined the PRP as deputy national president, along with Chief

Imoudu himself and most of what remained of the "Imoudu

PRP." Like Goni, Abba Musa Rimi was disqualified by FEDECO

from contesting on a new party platform, but rather than risk

confusing the electorate in a long and improbable court case, the

NPP opted to field Dr. Yunusa Yusuf, formerly governor Rimi's

commissioner for agriculture and rural development, who had

been originally nominated to run for deputy governor with Rimi.

As with Goni, FEDECO has now allowed Rimi to stand. With

Balarabe Musa - probably still the most popular Dolitician in

Kaduna State - now actively campaigning for the PRP ticket, ;

the PRP candidate, Alhaji Musa Musawa, is in a stronger

position. A suave career diplomat, Musawa lacks the strong

grassroots appeal or forceful campaign style of Balarabe Musa,

and his prospects heavily depend on how widely Balarabe campaigns for his ticket. Clearly, he is helped by the return to the

PRP fold of several close associates of Balarabe's, including the

radical intellectual Dr. Baia Usman; commissioner of information

and internal affairs, Mataimaki Tom Maiyashi, and the current

deputy governor, Mu'azu Aliyu Ahmed, who was nominated as

Musawa's running-mate as part of the agreement that brought

the remaining factions of the PRP back together. It will take a

reunited PRP, an active Balarabe Musa, and probably in the end

the support of the UPN and NPP again to defeat the strong

challenge of the NPN, which was deeply frustrated by its loss of

the governorship in 1979 and has since been determined to recover

complete control of the state in 1983. Going for the NPN is

money, organisation, and a strong base in the northern half of

the state, the old Katsina province. But the NPN has nominated

the same candidate, Alhaji Lawal Kaita, who lost what many

thought to be a sure NPN bet in 1979. And its two-thirds control

of the state legislature is somewhat misleading: many of the NPN

candidates won when their PRP opponents were disqualified by

FEDECO in the eleventh hour. It took only four days for the

four parties to unite behind Balarabe Musa and give him the

margin of victory in the last week of the 1979 campaign. Facing

the prospect of an NPN gubernatorial victory, it is not unlikely

they will do so again in 1983. In the presidential voting, with the

death of Aminu Kano, who scored a third of the Kaduna vote

in 1979, Shagari seems likely to score a majority of the Kaduna

vote.

Of all the states whose electoral outcome is in doubt, Kano is

by far the biggest and most strategic. An NPN victory in the

gubernatorial election, which is unlikely but not impossible, would

decisively derail the movement of the self-styled "progressives"

in the Muslim north. A PRP victory would mean new life and

credibility for Aminu Kano's inheritance, while an NPP victory

would almost surely mean its collapse, at least in its current form.

With a populist image, strong financial resources, a charismatic'

personality and the total backing of the state government and

state-controlled media, now in the hands of his former deputy,

Abdu Dawakin Tofa, Rimi must be considered the favourite to

return as governor of Kano. But with the name and image of

Aminu Kano's PRP (along with its well-known symbol, the key),

senator Sabo Bakin Zuwo, also a forceful campaigner, still has

a chance of victory, especially if he can force the former governor

into a run-off (by denying him 25% of the vote in two-thirds of

the local governments), in which case the NPN will surely swing

its support to Sabo. The NPN candidate, Alhaji Aminu Bashir

Wali, is extremely well-financed, and must not be discounted,

though he will probably end up a spoiler, running well behind in

third place. The real spoiler in the race, however, could be the

UPN's Shehu Shanono, who, as a progressive Muslim intellectual.

57
will draw votes away from both Rimi and Zuwo. Confident of

victory, Rimi is nevertheless campaigning hard, in part to sell the

NPP presidential candidate, Azikiwe. It is possible that Rimi's

network of grassroots support and control of the state media can

deliver a quarter or more of the vote to Zik. But with the PRP

candidate, Hassan Yusuf, failing to catch fire in Kano, there is

now a good chance that the majority of Kano voters will turn to

Shagari.

What all of this adds up to is the following: a

close contest for the presidency, with the edge being

with Shagari unless the PPA can close ranks at the

last minute behind Awolowo; a slight decline in NPN

strength in the National Assembly, coupled with a

much more cohesive and antagonistic opposition;

and a number of changes in governing parties at the

state level, leaving the NPN somewhat weaker than

it currently is but also more broadly based. Specifically, there is a good chance of the governorship

changing parties in Bendel, Benue, Cross River,

Gongola, Kaduna, Kwara, Niger and Rivers - almost

half the states. A plausible configuration in October

would be seven NPP Governors (Anambra, Imo,

Plateau, Benue, Niger, Kano and Rivers), six UPN

(Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo, Kwara, and Cross River),

five NPN (Bauchi, Bendel, Gongola, Kaduna and

Sokoto) and one GNPP (Borno). In the Senate, one

might expect the UPN to gain three seats (from its

current 28), the NPP to gain seven (from its current

16), the NPN to lose three from its current 36), the

PRP to lose three (of its current seven) and the

GNPP to lose five (of its current eight). This leaves

unanswered the question of who will win the new

Senate seat that has been established for the federal

capital territory of Abuja.

In April and May the House of Representatives

and the Senate passed a number of amendments to

the Electoral Bill designed to assuage such apprehensions. For instance, it established a National Advisory Council on mass media with the task of ratifying

all election results before they "are published by

FEDECO. This was against the advice of the president's office, as was another amendment stipulating

that the counting of ballot papers take place at the

polling booths. Though Shagari had opposed the

measure, FEDECO chairman, Justice Ovie-Whiskey,

said last month that his commission had decided to

abide by the decision.

However, according to FEDfiCO there are to be

200,000 polling booths. With only 90,000 policemen

in the country, the problem is obvious. Alex

Ekwueme has belatedly said that counting at polling

stations could lead to chaos and anarchy because of

inadequate police strength, a view also publicly echoed by Shagari. Pressure was therefore put on the

Senate and the House of Assembly, and a joint

session is to be held to review the two controversial

amendments. But the legislators agreed to this only

reluctantly, and there is some doubt whether the

necessary quorum can be achieved. In the Senate,

for instance, Joseph Wayas has ruled that 32 senators

will continue to form a quorum, despite the fact

CSO: 3400/1593

that resignations and deaths have resulted in 16

vacancies. The House of Representatives has 67_

"vacancies. Many of the members are also away

electioneering, and those who have failed to be

selected as candidates by their parties are often

disinclined to exert themselves at the tail-end of their

legislative term.

The fate of the apparently foolproof local counting system is therefore in the balance. The need for

200,000 booths must be in doubt: in 1979 FEDECO

announced plans for some 150,000 booths but made

do with less than 100,000. The 200,000 figure would

mean about 240 voters per booth supposing a 100%

turnout and assuming that the current registered

total is about the same as four years ago - 48 million.

But the turnout last time was only about a third of

that. By assuming that no more than 100 people at

most will cast their votes at each booth, FEDECO

would seem to have created a situation where

adequate security could not have been supplied

without the army. The number of polling booths will

finally probably be much smaller, possibly within the

capacity of the civil police to supervise. Last week

joint police and military exercises took place "in aid

of the civil power" as Brigade Major Aker Iyorshe

put it.

Shagari may even have had a row with the army.

The apparently sudden departure of his ADC, Lt.

Col. Husman, for a training course in the US is said

by rumour in Lagos to be connected with some1

disagreement between the government and the military. There is also the recent outburst by Maj. Gen.

Adeyinka Adebayo, now retired, about the political

violence in Ondo State, which he compared to the

once explosive situation in the former Western

Region. He said the situation today is even worse

than in 1964, and added that his own personal

intelligence reports suggested that violence would

continue.

A joint statement by the six recognized political

parties last week was yet another attempt to defuse

tensions and to "safeguard democracy". It amounts

to undertakings by the various groups not to interfere

with each other's meetings and processions. The

National Advisory Council on mass media, the meeting decided, would be instituted to contol

government-owned publications and broadcasting

stations during the elections, as laid down by the

amendment to the Electoral Bill. An earlier attempt

to cool things down through the Council of State

resulted in a 14-point "peace plan", which was

basically an undertaking by party leaders to appeal

to their supporters to respect law and order and the

police. The State Security and Intelligence Committee is meeting at more frequent intervals, and Lagos

police commissioner Alhaji Mamman Nassarawa has

cancelled ail police leave. The latest measure is a!

ban on walking sticks at political rallies since the

discovery of a factory in Lagos manufacturing sticks

with concealed double-edged blades«

£8
NIGERIA

DETAILS ON ELECTION PROCEDURES GIVEN

London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 p 1578

[Text]

The joint conference of the

national assembly have adopted

six amendments of the House of

Representatives and two amendments of the senate on the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1983.

The first was the amendment to

Section 49 of the act which deals

with the nullification of votes cast

"at" and not "in" a polling station, if the total votes cast there

exceed the number of registered

voters.

The section stipulates that

another poll shall be conducted

within seven days "at" the polling

station. Other amendments are in

Sections 64 and 65 which empower

FEDECO to designate for each

election a place referred to in the

act as an "addition centre" in each

constituency or senatorial district

where votes would be added up by

the returning officer.

Other sections whose amendment were adopted are Sections

66, 67, 70 and 120 of the Electoral

Act which deal with the duties of a

returning officer at the "addition

centre", the responsibility of each

candidate, or his agency to endorse the certificate of returns,

and the functions of the National

Advisory Council on the mass

media.

The conference also adopted

the Senate"s amendment in Section 62 and 68 of the act.

These sections deal with the

functions of the presiding officer

"immediately after the close of thepolls".

No further count or re-check

would be made, "except at the

direction of a court of law on an

election petition under this act."

the amendment said.

59
How the Votes Will Be Counted

Votes cast during the coming

general elections are to be counted

at polling booths, according to the

Joint Conference of the National

Assembly.

However, votes cast at the various booths during each of the

elections would be added up at a

centre designated by the Federal

Electoral Commission (FEDECO), in each of the senatorial

districts or constituency as the

commission desires fit.

The Joint Conference decision

was sequel to the rejection of an

attempt by an NPN member, Dr.

Onwuka O. Oreh to abort counting of votes at booths.

Dr. Oreh who made the move

"for public good" sought the permission of the conference to do

this but it was rejected on the

grounds that it was against the

terms of reference of the joint

body.

Presiding, Mr. David Attah

ruled that the meeting was only to

harmonise differences arising from

the two houses.

Also adopted by the Joint Conference was the House of Representatives' amendment-, providing

for the cancellation of results at a

polling station where number of

votes cast exceed number of registered voters.

Notwithstanding, the Conference noted that this should not

naturally affect the result of the

constituency for which the polling

booth is a part thereof.

And to forestall any rigging, the

Conference maintained that each

candidate or his jigent ought to

endorse the certificate of return in

form EC3 in the schedule to the

Electoral Act.

CSO: 3400/1593

60
NIGERIA

PROVISIONS OF ELECTORAL BILL GENERATE CONTROVERSY

London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 pp 1545-46

[Text]

TWO provisions of the Electoral

(Amendment) Bill recently passed by both

houses of the National Assembly have

generated a great deal of controversy.

These are the provisions requiring that

votes be counted at the polling centres and

the one requiring the setting up of a

National Advisory Council on the Mass

Media to monitor the coverage of the

elections by government-owned news

media for a period extending from three

months before the first election, to one

month after the last. The President had

expressed objections to the provisions and

even sought to have them amended, but is

likely to sign the bill into law. It is

therefore certain that the provisions will

apply in the coming elections.

By far the most potentially disruptive of

the provisions is the one relating to vote

counting. It, no doubt, has been motivated

by a desire to see that nobody gets a chance

to stuff the ballot boxes as has happened

before and could still happen if boxes have

to be carried to central counting places.

But it seems naive to believe that the

problem of rigging will be solved by the

requirement that votes be counted at the

polling centres. Moreover, the requirement seems likely to increase greatly the

areas of friction and controversy, and may

jeopardise the success of the elections.

One significant deficiency that makes

this provision potentially dangerous for the

process is the manpower inadequacy of the

Nigerian Police Force. FEDECO proposes

to use 150.000 to 200.000 booths foi

polling; but according to the Minister of

Police Affairs, the number of officers in

the force, is 93.000: so the section of the

law requiring the presence of a policeman

at each polling booth is certain not to be

observed. That would leave many polling

centres under the supervision of FEDECO

officers and the representatives of the

political parties contesting; and that could

mean trouble.

First, counting will take place after

voting ends in the evening. With the recent

performance of the National Electric Power Authority, there is no guarantee, that

there will be light at the centres. There will

be crowds, which, even without thugs, may

be intimidating to some parties' representatives in areas where their parties do

not have widespread support. It is possible ',

that such representatives may be coerced i

or perhaps persuaded by other means not

to protect the interests that tney were there

to protect; and that is not inconveivable,

considering the high level of partyswitching that has characterised Nigerian'

politics.

. Then there is the matter of signing the

results by representatives of all parties

participating. It is clear by now that Nigerians do not lose elections with grace; and

it is not impossible that some representatives whose candidates perform badly will

refuse to authenticate the result and claim

afterwards that some irregularities have

been committed.

Other ways of creating confusion from

this provision of the Electoral Act, will no

doubt, emerge from the fertile minds of

Nigerian politicians, making it certain that

the results will be widely disputed.

The provision requiring the setting up of

a council to monitor the press is a different

matter. It may have little bearing on the

6i
year, and must

the biggest setPress since the

success of the elections, but it does do a

great deal of damage to the freedom of the

press. What this law authorises is the

setting up of a censorship board, made up

of politicians and civil servants, to decide

on what an editor may or may not publish

about the elections for the crucial five

months of any election

therefore be considered

back for the Nigerian

Newspapers Act of 1964.

The passing of this retrogressive provision into law, has been helped in no small

way, by the poor performance of the Press,

which has failed to observe its own Code of;

Conduct, requiring among other things

that every journalist, should "have respect

for the truth and publish or prepare for

publication only the truth and to the best of

his knowledge". In most Nigerian newspapers, what one finds are slanted news, or

even outright falsehoods, published .to

damage the reputations of opponents of

the proprietors, both private and government. Television and radio stations convert

themselves into organs of propaganda for

the governments that own them. In the

event, the press has lost the respect of the

public, to the extent that even people who

may be expected to oppose retrogressive

laws like the Media Council one, are to be

found, welcoming the provision.

The press itself had not even tried to

fight the bill as one body; private newspapers, which are not to be affected by it, have

tended to take the attitude of "serves them

right", implying that they themselves have

been blameless in the process that brought

the Press into such great disrepute. The

press organisations — The Guild of Editors, the Newspaper Proprietors Association of Nigeria and the Nigerian Union of

Journalists — paralysed by the political

divisions that have affected everything in

Nigeria, have been unable to mount a

credible opposition.

However much one may regret the

lapses of the press that have made censorship a reality, it is difficult not to detect

a high level of hypocrisy and cynicism in

the behaviour of the politicians who have.;

pushed the bill through. Politicians who

own newspapers that operate at the lowest

; level of the gutter, and which they have no;

intention of cleaning up, hold forth on the

virtues of controlling government-owned

newspapers. State governors, whose governments own newspapers, TV and radio

stations that devote all their space and time

to praising them and abusing their opponents, support the bill because they think,

quite mistakenly, that it would apply only

to Federal government-owned media. In

effect, the Act is aiming to maintain one

standard for a section of the press and

another for the other section; and its

double standard makes it morally questionable.

It remains to see if and how the law will

work. Its framing certainly reflects a lot of

ignorance about how journalists prepare

the news they publish. One suspects that

the politicians naively believe that they

can, working part-time, edit the news that

keep numerous journalists in each of the

media houses, working 60-hour weeks.-

And that is not counting the Nigerian

politicians' notorious inability to agree on

anything.

The solution to the unsatisfactory performance of the press in reporting the

election campaign is not the Media Council

provision, which is selective in its

approach. The legislators, if they were

really concerned with raising the standard

of the media, ought to be seeking to

uphold the freedom of the press as required by the constitution, by enacting a

law compelling all journalists, as suggested

recently by Mr. Tony Momoh, to perform

their duties in the public interest.

CSO: 3400/1593

62
NIGERIA

TOP GNPP CANDIDATE KILLED

London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 p 1578

[Text]

The GNPP gubernatorial running mate in Oyo State, Mr.

Samuel Adeyemo, has died at the

age of 45.

He died at the Ogbomosho Baptist Hospital from injuries he received during an alleged encounter with persons suspected to be

party thugs.

Mr. Adeyemo was among those

discharged but he was taken back

to the hospital a few days later

when he started to vomit blood.

According to eye-witness

accounts, Mr. Adeyemo had

attended a meeting of the party's

state executive in Ibadan.

On his way back with his entourage, a group of people suspected to be party thugs allegedly

attacked them resulting in a freefor-all fight.

In the commotion that followed,

several members of the entourage and the attackers received

serious injuries.

Some of the alleged thugs and

party stalwarts including the

gubernatorial running mate who

received injuries were later taken

to the Ogbomosho Baptish Hospital by the police for treatment.

The eye-witness account stated

that several dangerous implements

were used in the fight while the

vehicle in which the GNPP members were travelling was completely damaged.

It was gathered also that one of

the GNPP members injured in the

incident, Mr. Simeon Adelakun, is

still on the danger list.

63
'Many Lives May Be Lost'—Waziri

CSO: 3400/1593

The leader and presidential

candidate of the GNPP, Alhaji

Waziri Ibrahim has expressed

fears over the safety of leading

politician^ in the country.

He was afraid that if the present

trend of events in the country was

not checked "there may not be a

peaceful' and fair election and

many lives may be lost."

Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim was commenting on the death of his party's

gubernatorial running mate in

Oyo State, in Lagos. He stated

that the party's philosophy of politics without bitterness" should not

be taken as an indication of the

party's weakness to "return fire

for fire" but rather a demonstration of the party's wisdom and

desire for peace and stability in the

country.

"No amount of provocation

would make my partymen resort

to violence," he declared.

He advised all his supporters to

steer clear of the rallies of other

political parties to check any

breakdown of law and order.

A delegation of the> party

has been despatched to Ogbomosho to console the family of the

deceased, he said.

6U
NIGERIA

BRIEFS

BENDEL BANS YOUTH WINGS—The Bendel State Police Command has banned the

existence and operations of youth wings of all political parties in the

state, according to the Bendel State Commissioner of Police, Mr E.A.B.

Adeleye. Mr Adeleye said that these youth wings variously called "Vanguards"

and "Activists" were nothing but delinquents, drug addicts and "thugs in

party uniforms." [Text] [London WEST AFRICA in English 4 Jul 83 p 1579]

SCREENING TESTS FOR VIPS—As for now, ministerial, ambassadorial and other

appointments of government must leave speciments of their finger-prints

with the police before undergoing screenings in the senate. This precondition was set in the Senate recently while senators were writing in a

new paragraph to the rules governing screenings of all the President's men.

The finger-prints demand was proposed by the UPN Senate Leader, Chief

Jonathan Odebiyi, in his amendment to an original motion brought by Senator

Jibrin Salihu, the chairman of the senate committee on rules and business.

Senator Odebiyi said the senate should not only demand curricula vitae from

those who would come for screenings, but models of their finger-prints which

they have already deposited with the police. But in the original motion

which was unanimously passed with a voice vote, Senator Salihu proposed that

the Senate should not screen any appointee or nominee who has not declared

his assets and liabilities to the code of conduct Bureau. Senator Salihu

said those coming for Senate's test must present "written evidence" that

they had declared their assets and liabilities in line with section 11 (1)

of part one of the fifth schedule of the 1979 constitution. [Text] [London

WEST AFRICA- in English 4 Jul 83 p 1579]

CSO: 3400/1593

65
SENEGAL

ARMED FORCES BUDGET FOR 1983, 1984 APPROVED

Paris AFRIQUE DEFENSE in French No 63, Jun 83 pp 53-54

[Article: "Senegal: The Proposed 1983/1984 Budget for the Ministry of Armed

Forces"]

[Excerpts] Under the chairmanship of Deputy Demba Koita, the Senegalese National Defense Commission recently met for the purpose of examining the budget of the Senegalese Ministry of Armed Forces, with the minister of armed

forces in attendance, accompanied by his armed-forces and Gendarmerie technicians and with 15 of the Defense Commissions' 21 members present.

Opening the discussions, Chairman Koita first offered his congratulations to

Mr Medoune Fall, the new minister of armed forces, whose competence has justified the renewed confidence in him expressed by the president of the republic, Mr Abdou Diouf. The chairman assured him of his frank and disinterested collaboration and that of all the commission members, and he welcomed his

colleagues newly elected to the Senegalese Defense Commission. He briefly

reviewed the visits made to the garrisons last year, and expressed the hope

that this kind of contact will be continued, in relationship with the general

staff. He then yielded the floor to the minister of armed forces, who

thanked Chairman Koita for his friendly words just spoken and expressed all

the satisfaction on the part of his predecessor, who told him of the understanding and good collaboration maintained between him and the Defense Commission, with which he would desire, for his part, to keep up the same good

relations.

Concerning visits to the garrisons, the minister promised to consult with the

chief of staff of the armed forces and the command of the Gendarmerie regarding the practical modalities for these visits. Taking up the matter of the

budget, he stressed the character of rigor and austerity in it. Despite the

magnitude of the task to be accomplished, the main substance has been conserved in order for the Senegalese armed forces to retain their privileged

position on the national and international levels.

The budget is therefore balanced, in receipts and expenditures, in the amount

of CFA 22,750,430,000, and breaks down as follows:

—Personnel: CFA 16,214,356,00, including CFA 290,256,000 for new measures;

66
—Materiel: CFA 6,014,830,000, including CFA 224 million for new measures;

—Maintenance: CFA 451 million, including CFA 2 million for new measures;

—Transfer: CFA 70,244,000, without new measures.

The new personnel measures are due mainly to the evolution of personnel

strength resulting from the creation of new units and recruitment of technicians such as cryptographers and radio operators.

The expenditures for materiel have been reestimated at CFA 5,790,830,000, as

against CFA 5,685,830,000, which expresses an increase in permanent expenditures necessary for making up the department's arrears and the transfers of

credits in the carrying-out of the budget in progress.

The new measures for CFA 224 million break down into CFA 194 million for the

functioning of the Air Force and CFA 30 million for the functioning of the

Regular-Army Officers School.

In the area of military real estate, the amounts provided for come to CFA 451

million, breaking down as follows:

a) maintenance of real-estate holdings and engineering materiel, CFA 409 million;

b) maintenance of Iba Mar Diop Stadium, CFA 42 million.

As regards the transfer expenditures, the total is CFA 70,224,000 and involves:

—subvention"to the National Veterans Office, CFA 26,256,000;

—subvention to the students of Bingerville (ivory Coast) and Ouagadougou

(Ivory Coast), CFA 4.84 million;

—subvention for maintenance of military trainees, CFA 39,148,000.

In concluding, the minister mentioned further that this 1983/1984 budget has

taken into account the country's current political and economic situation.

Its major concern is to cover the expenditures of basic necessity, on the

basis of the Senegalese means, "so that we can fill the role expected of us

on the national and international levels."

Commission member Bassirou Cisse, taking the floor, asked the minister to

give the commission an account of the 7-year plan for Senegalese armed-forces

equipment so that he could know whether the provisions have been met.

Mr Gallo Nguer asked the minister to give an up-to-date report on relations

in the integration of the Gambian and Senegalese armed forces.

Mr Demba Koita asked the armed forces to redouble their efforts to repair

certain trails, particularly in Casamance, and asked for a situation report

on the quantitative and qualitative remodeling of the armed forces' armament

and munitions, renewal of the automotive fleet of the Army and the Gendarmerie, the maintenance of certain border posts for strategic and security reas67
ons, the armed forces' taking over the Palace of Justice of Kaolack again,

the measures taken to combat the Moorish poachers on the borders of Faleme,

and completion of the new military camp of Bakel. He expressed the hope that

the commission members will use the cards of invitation to the parade ceremonies of 4 April, awarding of decorations, etc.

Minister Fall, speaking again, indicated that in his judgment, the 7-year

plan has been 100-percent fulfilled. In this regard, a 4-year plan is in the

process of being worked out by the Higher Council of Defense, and the same

thing is being done for up to the year 2000. But the budget has not always

kept to the contours of this plan, because of the austerity measures.

As regards integration of the Gambian forces, "there are still some small

problems between Senegal and Gambia in relation to integration of the security and defense forces. Negotiations are in progress."

Concerning the armed forces' action in road reconstruction, "some disputes

have been raised by the transporters' trade unions. The armed forces are

disposed to doing the work if means are made available to it."

As for the remodeling of armament and the automotive fleet, "the necessary

things have been done within the framework of the plan. All these problems

preoccupy us daily, but it is difficult to achieve perfection. At present,

the automotive fleet is correct and functional."

Regarding the border posts, in a period of peace between neighboring countries "it is indelicate to garrison the borders with military personnel; that

could only engender an undesirable atmosphere of suspicion. Nonetheless, our

armed forces are vigilant, you may rest assured."

As regards the Bakel camp, "it will be built when the ministry of finance

releases the credits."

The chairman took the floor again for the vote on the budget, which was approved unanimously.

11267

CSO: 3419/1022

68
SENEGAL

PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC RECOVERY REPORTEDLY SOMBER

Dakar TAKUSAAN in French No 31, 21 Jun 83 p 7

[Article by A. Camara: "Balancing the Budget"]

[Text] This appropriation bill has been introduced just as the general trend is

toward pessimism in all underdeveloped countries. All the experts at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), however, forecast a worldwide economic recovery. But this did not take into account a still galloping

inflation and the recession which emphasizes our dependence on the West even more,

a West which itself has not been spared by the crisis. As if to make the picture

even bleaker, the dollar and American interest rates continue to climb, thereby

causing the joint decline of the French and CFA francs which are linked by an

umbilical cord.

Consequently, Senegal, despite its policy of rigor and austerity imposed by the

International Monetary Fund and the World Bank (a policy of taking aspirin for

whatever ails you, as the saying goes) has not reduced its deficit which is growing

while its foreign debt increases. Foreign trade and the balance of payments have

a worrisome deficit, which was 124.7 billion in 1981, of which 123 billion was

for the balance of payments alone. The deficit of the special treasury accounts

was 7 billion during the first half of the 1982-83 budget year. The decline in

peanut production that occurred during the reference year 1981 has not helped

the situation. The rest of our economy has been affected by the decline in the

peanut crop. As a result there was about a 3 percent decline in the volume of

the gross domestic product and a decline in export receipts (only 9 billion).

According to the person who introduced this bill, Christian Valantin, chairman

of the Committee on Finance and Economic Affairs of the PS Parliamentary group,

"The minister of finance well realized that there is a deficit of 80 billion

for which funds must be found."

To turn this situation around, there must first be a balance between income and

normal expenditures. If you believe Valantin, this goal will be met. It will

be more difficult to balance the investment budget (there is still 10 billion

to be found) unless we hold out our hand to "friendly countries,"—it may never

happen again. In addition to this there is the foreign debt (73.213 billion)

and the domestic debt of about 30 billion francs. "The way to finance this deficit,"

69
thinks the Committee on Finance, "is by rescheduling the debt and by borrowing.

This solution will delay the payment of debt by a few years." The balancing

of the budget and many other things depend on that.

Rigorous Checks

It is thought that the collection of income could be improved and certain taxes,

such as the ones on alcohol, cola and import duties could be raised. The idea to

limit raises in the public sector to a strict 7 percent has also been imposed.

However, if there is no improvement in the deficit of the Equalization Fund, all

efforts are liable to be in vain. This is why several extensive reforms will be

implemented. Within this framework and starting with the 1982-83 season, oil

producers are responsible for the primary marketing, the processing and the export

of peanut products. As for the sugar industry, which until now has been controlled

by the Equalization Fund, the Senegalese state has begun negotiations with the

Sugar Company of Senegal (CSS) in order to eliminate the deficit and obtain an

objective balance.

In addition, in terms of this appropriation bill, an analysis of the budget shows

that personnel expenses account for 58.56 to 66.86 percent of the total budget.

This is what caused the minister of finance to hope for a rigorous control of

the civil service—one of the principal remedies of the IMF.

The investment budget, given 20 billion francs, will be cut by 3 billion. Resources

for this are the equipment budget (3 billion) and fishing agreements (7 billion).

It is hoped that the remaining billions will be obtained from abroad through

the loan which should be used to finance the balancing of the Independent Fund.

This debt will be added to the arrears of the state (some 7.5 billion), to the debts

of the former ONCAD [National Office of Cooperation and Assistance for Development]

(almost 100 billion, of which 10 billion is carried by the state and the rest

by the banks).

The position of Senegal's foreign holdings is also negative. But because Senegal

belongs to the franc zone and to UMOA [West African Monetary Union] it

can find the hard currency needed to purchase its rice (400,000 tons per year

paid in dollars) and its oil by digging into the exchange reserves of the Bank

of France.

So, the prospects for an economic recovery are bleak despite some bright spots.

The 273.984 billion which makes up the appropriation of the 1983-1984 bill was

"unanimously" voted by the National Assembly. In fact, however, the deputies

voted on only 4 percent of this sum, i.e., 6,652,273,000 francs. This shows

once again that our deputies have little power over the conduct of business in

this country. As for the recovery, it does not have a rosy future as long as

the policy of borrowing continues.

9720

CSO:3419/1041

70
SOUTH AFRICA

FATHER LEWIS: CHURCH FORCING ME TO LEAVE SA

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 7 Jul 83 pp 1, 2

[Article by Keith Abendroth]

[Text]

ANGLICAN Church

sources in Pretoria believe the Church hierarchy is getting rid of

one of its own priests

— the head of the

Rhodesia Christian

Group — because he

has become an embarrassment to liberals in

tMS Church.

The priest concerned,

Father Arthur Lewis,

confirmed yesterday that

he had been ostracised by

the Church ever since he

had arrived in South Africa three years ago — and

that he had no alternative

.now but to leave the

country.

Confirmation of an effective "banning" of

Father Lewis was yesterday obtained from overseas sources — in the

form of a letter written to

the sources by the head of

the Anglican Church in

South Africa, the Archbishop öfCape Town, the

Most Rev Phflip L R Russell.

Raised

In answer to questions

raised about Father Lewis' position, the Archbishop wrote that the

Bishop and Chapter of

Pretoria had decided

Father Lewis should not

be allowed either to officiate as a priest in the diocese, or to take church

services.

The Bishop of Pretoria,

The Rt Rev Richard A

Kraft, was not available

for comment. Earlier his

office denied that Father

Lewis had been "banned"

when approached by The

Citizen.

! Archbishop Russell

said in his letter that no

Anglican priest entering

another diocese could expect that, as a matter of

right, he would be licensed or given permission to officiate within the

diocese.

Only the Diocese of

Pretoria could give these

rights to Father Lewis —

and he said: "I under71
stand that.the Bishop and

Chapter have given most

lengthy and careful consideration to the matter

and have come to the conclusion that he should not'

haveeither."

Father Lewis, approached to comment on

the issue, said he had

been effectively ostracised in the Church for

the past three years.

"In effect I am being

pressurised out of South

Africa," he said.

Balance

He said the future of

the expatriate Rhodesia

Christian Group — a

body which had done

sterling work in Zimbabwe in the interests of

Christians — was in the

balance.

It had been made abundantly clear to him that

there was no place for

[him in the Anglican

:' Church and this, he said,

' was at a time when the

leaders of the Chureh

were busy defending

homosexuality, denying

scriptural teaching, prescribing attitudes in the

South African constitutional debate and demanding civil disobedience.

He had been told:

"Your writings are unacceptable."

This made two things

clear — that the group

would have to try to find

lay leadership and that he

would have to leave

South Africa.

"It is a heart-breaking

decision, but it has been

forced on me." I must

leave South Africa simply

to be a priest," he said.

He said the group's

work in Zimbabwe was

more than humanitarian

— it was religious. It

raised the voice of protest

against the false politicised "gospel" which

worked for the overthrow

of civilised and would be

Christian governments

and the installation of

"just societies which turned out to be Marxist tyrannies."

It was sad that the

i" group, with its humanitai rian, religious and pastoral work, received scant

recognition from the

Churches.

"We are trying to help

a few of the bewildered

Christians who find that

the Gospel has "1>een

taken from them and replaced by the fashionable

superstitions of secular

humanism — "Superstitions which lead, as they

\ led in Rhodesia, to social

collapse and escalating

human misery."

He added: "Incidentally, when Father Michael

' Lapsley joined the Afrk

can National Congess in

Lesotho and publicly

committed himself to violence, he experienced no

difficulties with the Anglican authorities."

CSO: 3400/1591

72
NUSAS TO INTENSIFY DRIVE FOR UNITED OPPOSITION

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 8 Jul 83 p 8

[Text]

SOUTH AFRICA

CAPE TOWN. —THE

National Union of South

African Students (Nusas)

is to intensify its campaign against the new

constitution.

The president, Miss

-Kate Philip, said in an interview that Nusas would

take the campaign to the

five English-speaking university campuses in the

nextfew months.

She said Nusas had partially tested students' responses to the draft constitution through surveys

on most ofthe campuses.

"Many students seem

confused about the fact

that the new constitution

is presented in the mass

media as a step in the

right direction, while it is

clear that, in fact, it entrenches apartheid and is

premised on the irreversibility of the bantustan,"

Miss Philipsaid.

"We will do our best to

clarify these issues to get

a unitedopposition."

This had been decided

at the annual Nusas "festival" — entitled "Beyond Reform: The Challenge of Change" — in

CapeTown this week.

'Speakers included Mr

Popo Molefe ofthe Soweto Civic Association and

Committee of 10, Mr Andrew Bdraine, former

Nusas president who was

recently unbanned; and

Mr Curtis Nkondo, former president of the Azanian People's Organisation, who was also recently unbanned.

Another former Nusas

president, Mr Auret van

Heerden, and two students, Mr Murpheson

Morobe and Mr Sechaba

Montsitsi, who served on

the Soweto Students'

Representative Council

during 1976 and who were

recently released from

Robben Island, also addressed the meeting.

Among points raised by

speakerswere:

1 • Government reform

initiatives were no remedy for conflict in South

Africa'

• Apartheid was a sysI tem of control affecting

, many aspects of people's

! lives and therefore had to

be fought on many fronts

by bodies such as trade

unions and community

organisations;

Reform had to be seen

as a process and people

should not focus so

closely on the new constitution that they lost sight

of the overall aim of the

reform initiative, "which

is to maintain control of

the Black majority

through the bantustan

system and other mechanisms."

CSO: 3400/1591

73
SOUTH AFRICA

ACCEPTANCE OF COLOREDS URGED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 8 Jul 83 p 6

[Editorial]

[Text]

GOODNESS. Are we never going to grow

up? Are we never going to accept people of

colour as fellow human beings deserving of

our respect and consideration? Must every

departure from accepted practice be accompanied by outbursts ofracial indignation?

We ask these questions because the appearance on our television screens of a Coloured

continuity announcer has caused a strong reaction in some quarters, the SABC receiving

many complaints from people who condemn

thisinnovation.

Yet what isthe beef about?

Mr Vivian Solomons is a school inspector and

an actor. „ - . .

He has acquitted himself well as a continuity

announcer, showing little of the first-night

nerves that newcomers develop in front of

i the cameras.

His Afrikaans is clear; his accent may have a

slightColoured intonation, butsowhat?

He speaks well, he conveys the information

about programmes lucidly, and he is as presentable as anyone who has occupied the

continuity chairSowhy objectto him?

The answeris that he is a Coloured man who is

appearing on "White" television.

That there is no "Coloured" channel as such

does notworrythevociferous critics.

He mustnot appearon TV1.

That we are now moving into an era in which

Coloured people will share power, through

the three-chamber Parliament, doesn't worry

them either.

They still appear to think that we are living in

the past when Coloureds, Indians and Blacks

were excluded from theatres, restaurants and

hotels.

When they had to play apart, as well as live

apart, and when the "superior" Whites had

little ornothing to dowith them.

But for heaven's sake, they are now part of

our lives, in our homes, in factories, in offices, in shops.

Just look around and see how they mingle with

the Whites, at work, in the streets, in theatres, in restaurants.

Theyplaysportwithus.

A Coloured rugby player has worn the green

and goldofaSpringbok.

Coloured actors have appeared with White actors onourstages.

Theyhave appearedinTVdramas.

Coloured singers have appeared on mixed bills

at ourtheatres.

Theyhave been seen on television.

What is the difference if a Coloured is a continuity announcer?

No difference. Absolutelynone.

Next week there will be an Indian woman continuityannouncer.

Ik
We are going to have the same adverse reaction fromsome quarters.

YetIndians, too, arepart ofourdailylives.

Indians, too, are part ofthe new constitutional

set-up.

Indians, too, have no television channel of

theirown.

Indians, too, have been accepted culturally,

politically, and in thework situation.

So why should anyone object to an Indian

woman continuity announcer?

Coloureds and Indians are people, like other

people, and they are deserving of our respect.

Or must they be alienated like we have alienated the Blacks?

We say: Enough ofthisracial nonsense.

Argue about the constitutional plan, if you

must.

Argue about White sovereignty, if that is what

you believe in.

But don't descend to such a terrible level of

racial pettiness.

The country needs the goodwill of all its

peoples.

It needsreconciliation between the races.

Itneedstofulfil the aspirations ofallsections.

But this cannot be done if we try to revert to

the racialism of Wit baasskap, of White superiority, of racial exclusivity, of everyone

beingkeptin hisown racial hok.

Thatisthewayto disaster.

Sostopit,forgoodnesssake.

CSO: 3400/1591

7£
SOUTH AFRICA

IMPORTANCE OF BROEDERBOND IN AFRIKANERDOM STRESSED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 6 Jul 83 p 6

[Text J ENGLISH-language newspapers have always

regarded the Broederbond as a sinister organisation which, in secret, plays a major role

in determining Government policy while

placing its membersin positions ofpower.

On the other hand, those who are members of

the Broederbond regard the organisation's

activities in a more beneficial lightrthe Broederbond having been responsible, in many

significant ways, for advancing the Afrikaner

cause, especially at a time when the Afrikaner was economically deprived and politically divided.

Whichever view one takes, nobody can minimise the Broederbond's importance in the

Afrikanerscheme ofthings.

Thus, when a chairman resigns because he is

involved in a controversy over the policy of

the Government ofthe day, his resignation is

bound to have seriousrepercussions.

Indeed, the wrangle that led to Professor

Carel Boshoffs resignation as head of the

Broederbond must inevitablyjead to a split

in the organisation that will parallel the split

in Afrikanerdom's political arm, the National Party.

It is a remarkable change in the hegemony of

thevolk.

That it has come ^bout over reform was predictable, if not comforting to those Afrikaners who believe that the unity of the volk is

the precious foundation on which its power

has been based.

Not that unity has been always achieved, as

the rift between Smuts-Hertzog and MalanHavenga demonstrated.

Nevertheless, since the war the Afrikaner has

been firmly in control of the country, his party growing in Parliamentary strength until it

appeared unchallenged and unchallengeable.

76
CSO: 3400/1587

The expulsion of Dr Albert Hertzog and the

formation of the Herstigte Nasionale Party

13 years ago was the first tear in the Afrikaner's fabric of power, but it was not a very

significant one.

The National Party went on to achieve a record majority in 1977 and it looked set to

remain in control for as long as Whites remained in control.

Then came the Info scandal, which destroyed

reputations and switched the centre of gravity of Afrikaner politics from the North to the

South.

Even then, it seemed that essential unity could

be maintained around a strong leader figure

like MrPWBotha.

However, the walkout of the Treurnicht faction from the National Party was more seriousthan the HNP walkout.

Conservative Afrikaners were jibbing against

the reformist ideas of the ruling National

Party; by-elections showed that the swing to

the Right was strong enough to cause the

. National Party real concern.

The divisions began to reach into the churches

and into Afrikaner cultural organisations.

And now they have reached the Broederbond

itself.

The South African Bureau of Racial Affairs,

which once had a significant role in formulating Afrikaner ideas on racial matters, had

become more Right-wing in recenttimes.

It has now rejected the Government's constitutionalreform plan.

Professor Boshoff, who headed Sabra as well

as the Broederbond, has quit the

chairmanship of the Broederbond rather

than give up his position in Sabra.

That way, he says, he can continue unhindered

in his work for Sabra and in the assessment

scientifically of the Constitution Bill and "the

far-reaching implications for the developmentofnations."

Although he has stressed that he resigned

from the Broederbond "to put this organisation in a position to maintain Afrikaner

unity," there is little doubt that the organisation will suffer a rift similar to that in the

National Party.

And Sabra itself will lose its Government

grant ofR70 000 a year.

Only a couple of weeks ago the Prime Minister

called for national unity, but since Afrikanerdom itself is divided, there is little chance of

,...^lp>.ade.rpnity.b.^ing achieved-.

77
SOUTH AFRICA

TRAINING OF MEDICAL STUDENTS SLAMMED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Jul 83 p 9

[Article by Keith Abendroth]

[Text]

A TOP agricultural

scientist yesterday

slammed the selection

and training of medical

students in South Africa.

Professor Jan Bonsma,

"father" of South Africa's

world-famous Bonsmara

cattle, told an august

meeting of doctors in Pretoria too much theory was

being crammed into future doctors — and not

enough was being done to

teach them to reason and

think.

Formally opening the

23rd annual congress of

the South African Society

of Pathologists, Dr

Bonsma criticised "the

gurus or big shots" in

charge of setting the curricula of the country's

various medicalschools.

He said: "There is

something seriously

wrong with the selection

of our medical students,

which is done on the basis

of the matric symbols

only, without an interview.

"The judges emphasise

grades and test scores

above personal attributes

and interests which might

make an individual a superior doctor," Dr

Bonsma said.

Unique

Delegates to the conference told The Citizen it

was a unique occasion for

Dr Bonsma, an agricultural scientist, to be invited to.open such a meeting.

By the end of the morning, they said his opening

speech was already being

regarded as a classical

work for research and follow-up.

Prof Bonsma said too

many medical schools, in

their first-year courses,

did not stimulate students

to think. "So much memorising is crammed into

the first year," he said.

Subjects like a biology

course, which included a

semester course in botanty and a semester course

in Zoology, were of no

value to the student who

wanted to think.

Nor was a human anatomy course, which was

aimed at teaching the student medical nomenclature, of any value in

stimulating reasoning and

thought as it only forced

them to memorise.

Challenge

"A great challenge

faces those responsible

for educating our future

doctors, because today

our physicians have become the high priests of

oursociety.

"They decide in many

instances when we shall

be born and when we

shall die.

"They stand between

the patient and his greatest fears — those of pain

and death," Prof Bonsma

said.

In addition medicine

had become one of the

most technically advanced of all the professions and the modern

physician was today required to understand the

intracies of biochemistry,

chemistry, physics, mathematics and computer

science, as well as the

standard clinical procedures.

Undergraduate

The student's undergraduate training should

be designed to give him

not only the basic academic knowledge but the

ability to think critically.

"And, above all, an enthusiasm for scholarship

and reading."

Furthermore, in view

of the moral and ethical

judgements which physicians and pathologists

were faced with almost

daily, their education

should provide them with

a broad perspective of

life, philosophy and ethics

to fit them for their undoubtedly privileged calling," DrBonsma said.

CSO: 3400/1587

78
SOUTH AFRICA

REGIONAL DESTABILIZATION ALLEGATIONS REFUTED

Pretoria PARATUS in English Jun 83 pp 22-24

[Conclusion of serialized article by Sgt Ashley C. Lillie, Professional

Member of Military Information Bureau]

[Text] Economically, the RSA has no equal in Southern Africa. In 1978^

she had a per capita GNP (Gross National Product) of 1 480 US dollars, more

than double that of Botswana, who recorded the second highest GNP in Southern

Africa of 620 US dollars. The economic situation of other neighbouring

states can be guaged from the following 1978 figures (all in US dollars):

Swaziland 590

Zimbabwe 532 (1979)

Zambia 480

Angola 300

Lesotho 280

Malawi 180

Mozambique 140

South Africa is the.only nation which

is defined as an industrialised state by

the United Nations and is therefore

crucial to other developing, less developed and underdeveloped states.

A report tabled before a joint UN/Organisation of African Unity conference

on sanctions in Paris stated that "the

imposition of total sanctions would imply a complete boycott or embargo on

South Africa by the world community.

But the cost would be incalculable in

human terms to some states, while

other states within and outside Africa

could find the cost to be economically

prohibitive."37

Southern African states are heavily

reliant on South Africa's labour intensive mineral mining operations to provide incomes for much of their unskilled

labour force. In 1977/78 more than 42

percent of the Lesotho GNP of R250 m

was derived from ' migrant labourers

employed in the RSA. The customs

union which Lesotho has with South

Africa accounted for 72 percent of that

country's total income in 1978/79.38

1980 figures show that South Africa

provided a livelihood for 287 230 workers from surrounding states of which

140 746 came from Lesotho and 56 424

from Mozambique; both states, however, claim South Africa is a destabilising influence.

In an article entitled "In the black", in

The Economist, it was suggested that

"some black African governments heaved a silent sigh of relief when UN trade

sanctions against South Africa, which

they had pushed for, were vetoed by

Britain, France and the United States."39

South Africa has no internal food

shortages and has an annual increase

in real per capita net national income of

some one percent per annum. Her per

capita income for 1979 was approximately R1 25040 — when scrutinising this

figure one must take into account the

dualistic economy of South Africa — an

industrialised sector versus a third

world subsistence economy in homeland areas.

19
WILLINGLY GIVEN AID

In crisis situations South Africa has

willingly given aid to its neighbours and

her handling of the Angolan refugee

problem must lend credibility to herröle

as a stabilising force. Civil war in Angola forced thousands of citizens to flee

to SWA/Namibia where close on 11 000

refugees were accommodated in four

camps by late 1976 at a cost of R4 m.41

The SADF also had two refugee camps

in southern Angola.

Law and order are vital factors in the

combating of threats from external as

well as internal forces. External security

is maintained by the Defence Force and

to a far lesser extent the SA Police.

Other duties of the SADF include the

prevention and suppression of terrorism and internal disorder, the preservation of life, health and property, maintenance of essential services and other

police duties. Internal security, crime

prevention and law enforcement are

duties of the SA Police while possible

threats to security are identified by the

National intelligence Service who, in

turn, report these to the State Security

Council. South Africa is able to maintain law and order, factors which lead to

stability, in sharp contrast to those

countries which accuse South Africa of

acts of destabilisation.

The South African Government firmly believes that the challenges of Africa

can be met through co-operation

across national boundaries and by the

conscious pursuit of common interests.

Forthis reason South Africa continually

makes efforts to promote regional order

and material welfare. By virtue of its

economic strength alone, South Africa

can play a very important role in the

future development of the Southern

African region.

NON-AGGRESSION AGREEMENTS

Rather than attempt to destabilise the [

sub-continent, the South African Govern-!

ment has repeatedly intimated that it is

prepared to enter into non-aggression

agreements with its neighbours even

though there might be ideological differences between her and the other state.

As further evidence of her lack of intention to destabilise neighbours, South

Africa is in the process of drafting

legislation which will prohibit the recruiting of any serving members of the

South African Defence Force for mercenary purposes.

DESTABILISERS

IT would appear then that accusations

of destablisation levelled against

South Africa are not able to withstand

scrutiny, but there is undoubtedly some

destabilising influence acting in the

sub-continent as a whole.

According to Genl Magnus Malan,

Russia and Cuba's continued involvement in Southern Africa is clear enough ;

and has to be seen against "the murky

background of a chaotic and highly

inflammable situation in parts of the

sub-continent."42 This unstable situation is blamed by Dr Ian Butterfield43 of

the Heritage Foundation on the men

who control the countries and not on

South Africa.

By way of its close involvement with

Black African states, the Soviet Union is

able to exert considerable influence on

events in the sub-continent, an influence which does not appear to be in the

best interests of those concerned. Geni

C.L. Viljoen, Chief of the South African

Defence Force, speaking in a newspaper interview,44 said he expected Russia to step up the conflict in the subcontinent but that in time Africa would

see through Russia because of its intervention in Afghanistan and other parts

of the world. He said Black Africa's eyes

would open when "Africa sees the effects of the misery that is brought to

Africa by the Russians . . . When I say

misery, take for example the fact that she

brought in arms, no food, ammunition,

no drugs."

Genl Viljoen's statement on Russian

armaments is borne out by comparative

figures on arms and military aid, on the

one hand, and economic aid on the

other, which indicate that the former

has enjoyed priority in Soviet policy visa-vis Black African states for some

considerable time.45 During the period

from 1967 to the middle ofT977, Soviet

arms and military aid for Africa as a

whole was almost twice as large as

economic aid. The situation has now

reached a point where arms and military aid to Black Africa is now more

than 80 per cent above the figure for

economic aid.

POLITICAL PRESSURE

The supply of weapons creates a

dependency situation in the recipient

countries which can be exploited for

the assertion of military, economic or

80
CONCLUSION

IT is clear that South Africa is not

prepared to countenance guerrilla bases in neighbouring states, as has been

made clear by the frequent attacks on

SWAPO positions in Angola and the

individual raids on ANC bases in Mozambique during 1981 and more recently in

Lesotho during December 1982. But does

this make South Africa a destabilising

influence in the sub-continent?

As long ago as in 1974, the then

Minister, Mr B.J. Vorster, stated: "The

corner-stone of South Africa's policy is

non-interference with the domestic affairs of its neighbouring States."48 Shortly after this statement was made, the

Minister of Defence, now Prime Minister,

Mr P.W. Botha, made a statement that "we

do not believe that it is in the interests of

the Republic to interfere in the affairs of

other countries because we do not want

other countries to poke their noses into

our affairs."49

The nations of Southern Africa have no

reason to expect efforts of destabilisation

from South Africa against them. Where a

state launches an attack into a neighbour

in order to pre-empt forces based there, it

is not destabilisation but self defence.

According to a former leader of the

Opposition in South Africa, Mr Colin'

Eglin, one thing which emerged from the :

recent strike into Lesotho was the interna- j

tional community's acknowledgement!

of preventaiive"~o7 retaliatory strikes

against targets "where international

boundaries are used as screens behind

which to launch terror attacks in neighbouring countries."50

DOMESTIC RESOLUTION

Although he was referring to Mozambique when he said: "Any government

which comes to power by force and

holds on to power by force while pursuing policies which both repress and

impoverish its own people, inevitably

embroils itself in domestic revolution

sooner or later," Dr Ian Butterfield could

quite easily have been referring to other

states in the sub-continent. He stated

that in the same way, the continuing

Unita rebellion in Angola was rooted in

the Angolan government's refusal to

share power with other Angolan

groups, not the policies of the South

African military.51

"South Africa, better than anyone,

realises that its own interests demand

that there should be political, economic

and social stability and development in

Southern Africa. The destabilisation of

the region is as inimical to the security

and progress of South Africa as it is to

the political and economic well-being of

Lesotho and other contiguous states.

Indeed, South Africa should be regarded as one of the most significant stabilising factors in an area which suffers

from certain built-in and externally imposed destabilising factors."52

Accusations of destabilisation levelled against the SADF are unfounded

and in the same way as there is no real

evidence that South Africa is using

economic measures against neighbouring states, so too is there none that the

SADF is being used to interfere in the

internal affairs of neighbours orto destabilise those states.

36. Paxton, J. (Ed) The Statesman's fear-Book (1981-

1982) Macmlllan London 1981

37. SA D/gest29May 1981

38. Bulletin Vo! 20 No 5 1980 p. 34

39. The Economists May 1981

40. South Africa 1982 Chris van Rensburg Publications:

Johannesburg, 1982 p. 335

41. Ibid p. 926

42. Citizen 20 August 1982

43. Bee/d 10 December 1982

44. Slarl June 1982

45. Kühne, W. "Black Africa and the Soviet Union"

International Allalrs Bullelln Vol 5, No 1

46. Ibid p. 34

47. Ibid p. 36

48. Hansards May 1982 col. 6236

49. Ibid col. 6237

50. Pretoria News 22 December 1982

51. Pretoria News 9 December 1982

52. Pretoria News 17 December 1982. Exerpts from

speech of South African ambassador David Steward

to the UN Security Council

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. BOOKS

1. Paxton, J. (Ed) The Statesman's Year-Book (1981-

1982) Macmlllan Press : London, 1981

2. Alrlca South ol the Sahara (1982-83) Europa : London, 1982

3. South Africa 1982 Chris Van Rensburg Publications :

Johannesburg, 1982

II. JOURNAL ARTICLES

Barber, J. "Supping with the devil-Zimbabwe-South

African relations" International Affairs Bullelln Vol 6

No1 1982

2. Kühne, W. "Black Africa and the Soviet Union" International Affairs Bulletin Vol 5 No 1 1981

81
ideological goals. But it would appear

from statements made by African politicians that the Soviet Union seems to

have a policy of refraining from linking

the sale of weapons with a direct application'of political pressure. However,

the supply of spare parts and further

weapons could always be used for

direct political leverage. By way of its

supplying of arms and military aid, the

Soviet Union is able to conclude cooperation treaties on fishing rights with

Black African states, often on unusually

favourable terms for the Soviet Union.

A recent study on the question of

Black Africa and the' Soviet Union46

decided the conclusion of friendship

and co-operation treaties, such as

those with Angola in 1976 and Mozambique in March 1977, is certainly the main

goal of the Soviet Union's Third World

policy. One should at the same time not

overlook the fact that those African

states whose armies are more or less

completely equipped with Soviet weapons usually reveal an ideological style

of language based on Soviet models.

Often this is as a result of military and

civil advisers from East Bloc countries

stationed in Black African countries.

They are active in guidance and indoctrination of leaders for the State and

party machinery, the setting up of mass

organizations, training and schooling

facilities, and to a certain degree also in

direct implemention of press and information activities, as well as internal

security and administration. "Only in

this way have the Soviet Union and its

allies a chance of keeping under control

the revolutionary regimes of Africa, as

well as their nationalist and 'voluntarist'

trends in the long run."47

It is this control of State ideology

which destabilises the sub-continent as

the ideology is one that is foreign to

Africa and imposed by an entirely different culture. In days gone by, African

governments could proceed from the

assumption that the Soviet Union was

willing to grant arms and military aid

and to pursue its own interests on the

whole within a framework laid down by

Africa itself. As a result of its invasion of

Afghanistan and the flagrant violation

of the non-intervention rule and the

policy of non-alignments, the Soviet

Union has now rendered this option

questionable. Black African states

which have entered into an aUTancewfth'

the Soviet Union are no longer certain

whether the Soviets will not in future

respond to the termination of that alliance with military force against the

state in question.

POLARISING THE PEOPLES

Pretoria sees the presence of Cuban

and other Communist forces in Southern Africa as an attempt to destabilise

the Republic and that Africans should

be left to sort out their problems between themselves, without outside interference. In view of the Soviet Union

supplying a far greater quantity of weapons than other aid which would help to

develop the sub-continent, it is a destabiliserwhich has no constructive partto

play in the future of Southern Africa. It

would appear that the Russians are

intent on following the principle of polarising the peoples of the sub-continent

and thereby creating an unstable and

chaotic situation in which the impoverished masses will be dissatisfied and

regard any alternative as an improvement, thus paving the way for a Communist system.

Contrary to tbelargefy unfoundedclaims ofSouthAfrica beinga destructive

force in the sub-continent by virtue ofits economic and military supremacy,

theRepublic is the stabilisingfactorin SouthernAfrica. Being interviewed on

11 October 1982, Genl Magnus Malan, Minister of Defence of the RSA,

vehementiydenied thattheRSAtvasfollowingapolicyofdestabilisation ofits

neighbours. He argued that states like Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Angola,

Zambia andLesotho were attempting to destabiliseSouthAfrica through "acts

of terror and allowing their countries to be used as passagesfor terrorist

organisations".

82
III. PAPERS

. Geldenhuys, D. "Destabillsation controversy In Southern Africa" SA Forum Position Paper Vol 5 No 18

19B2

IV. MAGAZINES

1. Financial Mail

2. The Economist

3. Africa Insight

4. Nato's Fllleen Nations

5. SA Digest

6. Bulletin

7. Southern Africa

8. Midweek

9. To the Point

10. New African

11. Africa Report

12. Africa Research Bulletin

13. Africa Confidential

14. Frontline

15. Afrika

V. NEWSPAPERS

1. Pretoria News

2. Rand Dally Mall

3. Star

4. Sunday Times

5. Sunday Tribune

6. Argus

7. Citizen

8. Beeld

9. Burger

10. Oggendblad

11. Transvaler

12. Rapport

CSO: 3400/1587

83
SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

INKHATA YOUTH ASB COOPERATE—The Inkhata Youth Brigade and the Afrikaanse

Studentebond (ASB) are to launch joint projects. This emerged from talks

between delegates of the Youth Brigade and the ASB held in Pretoria at the

weekend. A spokesman for the ASB said yesterday the talks were held in a

"positive atmosphere" and that consensus was reached on a number of subjects.

The discussions centred on possible joint projects. Delegates unanimously

decided to ask their executives to form a joint committee to launch mutual

projects. The spokesman said it had been requested that the committee should

be functioning by the end of next month. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN

in English 5 Jul 83 p 12]

NEW POLICE RECRUITS—Young South Africans—of both sexes and all races—^

are streaming in to join the Police Force. A record intake of women police

recruits starts training at the SA Police College in Pretoria today.

Yesterday nearly 800 men started their training leading up to a minimum

four year service period. Today's enrolment of would be women policemen

will total 370. Meanwhile, yesterday 576 Black men—including 36 from

Lebowa, 30 from KwaZulu, 30 from Qua Qua and 72 from Bophuthatswana, started

their training at the Hammanskraal college. At Wentworth near Durban,

where training starts next Monday, the number of Indian male recruits is

108 and Indian women 18. Training of Coloured policemen starts today with

18 women reporting for training and 180 male recruits due to report next

Tuesday. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Jul 83 p 4]

GRAIN SILOS COLLAPSE—Durban—Two grain silos collapsed at Maydon Wharf, in

the Durban docks, yesterday and several thousand tons of grain lost as it

flowed into the sea. At this stage the company which owns the silos,

Rennies, is still investigating the reasons for the collapse. A company

official estimated the loss late yesterday at about R400 000. Most of the

grain fell into the water but several tons also spilled on to the wharfside.

The grain was stored in the silos both for export and from imports.

Engineers were still at the scene late yesterday afternoon assessing the

damage, and trying to establish the cause of the collapse of the silos.

[Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Jul 83 p 9]

BLACK TEACHERS—The problem of inadequately trained Black teachers could

escalate to overwhelming proportions, the president of the South African

Associates of Israel's Ben Gurion University, Mr Bertie Lubner, said at

launch of the Funda C"to learn") centre in Soweto yesterday. The SA

81
Associates and the Urban Foundation together launched the joint project

where the Ben Gurion University educational consulting services will be

made available to the centre. The project will involve training Black

teachers and upgrading the quality of teaching. "In South Africa we simply

cannot afford to leave Black education to the state that we find it," Mr

Lubner said. Ignorance, frustration and resentment were not the breeding

grounds for peace and prosperity. "What better instrument of peace than

to actively help those in our country dedicated to the teaching profession,

who desperately desire the added skills and training to help their own

people," he said. The Funda centre complex, due to be completed by

September and operational by January, will consist of a teacher's in-service

training centre, a teacher's centre, an adult education centre, an art

centre and a library.—Sapa [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English

6 Jul 83 p 9]

FORMER DETAINEE GOES HIKING—Cape Town—A former Robben Island prisoner and

banned Cape Town man, Mr Eddie Daniels, was granted special permission to go

hiking in the Fish River canyon last week, shortly before his banning order

expired at Midnight on Friday. "In terms of my banning order, I could not

walk beyond my garden wall at weekends except to go to church," said Mr

Daniels, who was banned on his release from Robben Island in November 1979

after serving a 15-year sentence for sabotage. Mr Daniels was invited to

go hiking today by a friend and his son. "I was amazed when my application

to go hiking in the Fish River canyon was granted. Now that my banning

order has expired, I'll be hiking with a bigger party of friends." Mr

Daniels (54), says he feels as though a huge weight has been lifted off his

shoulders. "When I heard that my ban was lifted, I felt mentally elevated.

Since my arrest, I have been confined indoors over weekends and holidays."—

Sapa [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 5 Jul 83 p 15]

INDUSTRIAL HEALTH 'BELOW STANDARD'—Cape Town—South African employers should

take the question of responsibility for health and safety more seriously

"before it becomes an additional area of conflict between management and

labour," the president of the Federated Chamber of Industries, Mr R.J.

Ironside, told the Medical Association of South Africa's conference in Cape

Town yesterday. Giving the Masa conference an industrialist's view of

medical services, he said: "Some members of the medical profession have

quite legitimately criticised the inadequate legislation on occupational

health in South Africa. "It is below the standards the level of industrialisation in South Africa warrants and which is essential to protecting the

health of those employed. "It is not difficult to imagine why people become

disappointed, depressed and militant and begin to see their employers as

enemies. Add political frustrations and community-based trade-union influences and you have prime ingredients for uncertainty, dissatisfaction and

potential unrest." Mr Ironside said under such conditions "health, particularly deterioration of mental health, can become a serious matter."

"The records of employees consistently off work for various reasons are

worth examination, particularly those growing numbers admitting to anxiety

states or depression. Prompt action taken by employers to obtain appropriate

medical treatment can pay dividends. "I believe a growing awareness by

South African employers of the extent of lost time caused by these and other

hidden complaints, must receive high priority in their business planning,"

Mr Ironside said. [Text] [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 8 Jul 83

P 12]

85
UNIONS DISCUSS UNITY—Major efforts to forge greater unity between emerging

trade unions representing about 300 000 workers gathered momentum at a

summit held in Cape Town at the weekend. Union sources said the two-day

meeting had agreed to continue to investigate the establishment of a new

union federation through a feasibility committee representative of 12

unions. The unions are: The Federation of South African Trade Unions

(Fosatu), Council of Unions of South Africa (Cusa), General Workers' Union,

South African Allied Workers' Union, Cape Town Municipal Workers' Association, Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers' Union of South Africa, Motor

Assemblies and Component Workers' Union of South Africa, General Workers'

Union of South Africa, General and Allied Workers' Union and Municipal

and General Workers' Union. [Text] [Johannesburg SOWETAN in English

5 Jul 83 p 2]

RACIAL INSULTS—Nurses at the Ga-Rankuwa Hospital near Pretoria who have

been staging a food boycott since last Wednesday are called "kaffir meide"

by certain hospital officials, The SOWETAN was told yesterday. Some of

the more than 500 nurses including matrons and student nurses staying at the

nurses home yesterday launched a scathing attack on the hospital authorities

and accused them of "practising apartheid and baasskap" at the hospital.

The nurses also complained about the stale and sometimes rotten food and

filthy conditions at the dining-hall which prompted them to launch the

boycott. Some of the nurses, who refused to have their names published

for fear or reprisals, said: "The dining-hall is filthy and the tables

are not dressed. The place is a health hazard.'/ Dr Li, van Heerden, chief

superintendent for the hospital, yesterday said: "The nurses have reasons

for being dissatisfied and we are battling hard to improve the conditions

and to build a new dining hall. I am not accusing them." Dr van Heerden

said he met the nurses yesterday morning and that they had agreed to end

the boycott. The conditions in both the black and white dining-halls, he

added, were the same. Asked to comment on the claims by nurses that they

were called "kaffir meide" by certain white officials, Dr van Heerden said:

"I know nothing about that but we will launch an investigation." [Text]

[Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 5 Jul 83 p 2]

SENIOR BRIGADIERS PROMOTED—Two senior brigadiers in the South African

Defence force have been promoted to the rank of Major-General, the chief

of the SADF, General Constand Viljoen, announced in Pretoria yesterday.

They are Brig Johannes Frederick Huyser (48), who has been appointed to

the Intelligence staff of the Chief of the SADF, and Brig Johannes Jacobus

Loubser van Zyl (53), who has been appointed to the Financial staff of the

Chief of the SADF. Both appointments and promotions come into effect on

August 1. He is married and has two sons and a daughter.—Sapa [Text]

[Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 8 Jul 83 p 18]

HLOBANE MINERS REPRIEVED—More than 5 500 coal miners have been granted a

temporary reprieve from losing their jobs following the settling of a

dispute threatening the closure of the Hlobane Colliery. The takeover of

the Gencor-controlled Trans-Natal Coal Corporation Colliery by Iscor for

an estimated R70-million has meant that thousands of workers at the northern

Natal mine could hold on to their jobs. Mr F.P. Kotze, managing director

of the Iron and Steel Corporation, said yesterday that they were reviewing

their production planning and that they had no intention of closing the

mine. He said no jobs would immediately be affected, but he was reluctant

to speculate on what might happen in the future. [Text] [Johannesburg

SOWETAN in English 5 Jul 83 p 3]

CSO: 3400/1591 86
ZAIRE

GECAMINES PRESIDENT DISCUSSES PLANS FOR FUTURE

Seeks Greater Productivity

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 10 Jun 83 p 5

[Text] Something extremely important has been going on in GECAMINES [General

Quarries and Mines Company] since Robert Crem took the helm. It was to be

expected, especially since any change in leadership always means different

operating procedures. To each his own.

Actually, rather than looking to the excessive centralization of his predecessor, Crem has opted for a decentralization of management and with good reason.

"I have always believed," he says, "that the modern structures of an enterprise

(especially when it is the size of GECAMINES, a monster sprawling over several

hundred kilometers) depended on a broad decentralization of responsibilities."

But it is not enough just to reorganize. What is needed ever more —and this

is more delicate — is to know how to choose aides who are not only dedicated,

but responsible and competent as well. In a word, adults in the fullest sense

of the term. The fact is that managing GECAMINES is a heavy responsibility

to the nation, especially since this enterprise is the pillar of the entire

national economy. Its failure, which no one wants, could have as yet unknown

harmful consequences for the socioeconomic life of the country.

Crem demonstrates that he is fully aware of this when he defines his role:

"Being appointed chairman of the board of GECAMINES, which is a national enterprise, by a presidential order, I believe that I have received a mandate from

the country's highest authority to do my utmost to make GECAMINES give maximum

support to public finances and enable it to use local labor. I hope that in the

near future, within the framework of an economic recovery, that the economic

fallout from this company on a regional level will make it possible to diversify

employment, as in the rest of the country."

There is no possible ambiguity: For Crem, GECAMINES is nothing more or less

than a state holding which he manages. Consequently, he models all his actions

on the implications of its contribution to the national economic recovery effort

in the current context. Everyone, from top to bottom, must be governed by the

same rule with respect to relations with the enterprise: There will be a return to administrative discipline. He explains in a calm but authoritarian

87
way that decentralization does not mean elimination of control; on the contrary.

As a result, it is naturally and logically necessary to have a free hand, to

have full control of decisions and policy. That is one of the essential conditions of an effective and coordinated fulfillment of any mandate.

This is also all the more essential because our. investigations made in the

most traditional milieus of the enterprise revealed that there is also the

problem, given the current state of affairs, of changing ways of thinking. One

can therefore understand why the chairman of the board first of all imposed on

the company what he calls "an examination of conscience," a kind of methodical

wiping clean of the slate in order to start from scratch. From the very beginning, it was necessary to overhaul the engine, while avoiding those tumultuous waves that in the past have wreaked havoc with the small craft, waves

constituted by socioprofessional tensions born of the mistakes of certain

leaders, tensions that sometimes, if not often, had ethical aspects and that

kicked up grains of sand into the motor!

Within the framework of this examination of conscience, investigations were

ordered, in keeping with the will of the president of the republic, who

declared 1983 the year of strict management and economic recovery through the

rehabilitation of production. The investigations led to the discovery of many

irregularities. Naturally, they had to be eliminated — and were — with due

dispatch. It was naturally a difficult task that stirred up passions to such

a point that evil tongues, undoubtedly manipulated by the authors of the irregularities —not all, fortunately — caused fantastic rumors to circulate.

But it was all nonsense whose purpose one could guess. So much the worse, for

on behalf of the revolution, it was essential, as Marshal Mobutu said, to put

order in the house once and for all. Today, the socioprofessional climate is

beginning to clear up, undoubtedly because Crem is a man of dialogue. As a

leader, he is very attentive to the complaints and. appeals from the rank and

file. This explains his very good relations with the trade union delegation

and now, with the section committee of the MPR.

It is truly something new, said one trade union delegate, visibly quite satisfied with the new policy of the enterprise. Today, Crem has opened the way to

dialogue. On the management committee, he is invariably sensitive to the

opinions of the representative of the union delegates. This has especially

been the case with the appointment of new top officials of the company, who,

on the whole, were unanimously supported by all top-level personnel. For

example, no one seems to dispute the appointment of Mulenda Mbo to the post of

technical director. It was.this young engineer who, along with his Kolwezi

colleagues, managed to get the Kamoto concentrator going, along with the

other plants, after the massive departure of expatriates at the time of the

80-day war. He is now the No 2 man of GECAMINES.

What is striking in the reforms is also the finesse with which the Africanization of cadres is taking place. Without confrontations. The process is intended to be much more historic than mechanized, systematic, for in fact, this

Africanization must not naively consist in the replacement of expatriates

(including Africans) by nationals. Not at all. This procedure must

88
basically verge on stricter management and greater administrative orthodoxy

for the higher good of the Zairian nation. Good executives are not trained in

school, but in the field. Naturally, they must first of all have a natural

aptitude. Therefore, in order to have a greater guarantee, the range of potential management candidates should be broadened. Actually, Crem emphasizes,

"the responsibility of management personnel is management and the handling of

problems."

It is therefore necessary to speed up the training program in order to increase

the number of competent and capable national cadres in order, if need be, to

replace previous personnel. For, he concludes, "the policy of GECAMINES is not

to bring back (systematically'must be understood) expatriates (or to drive ; them out either), but on the contrary, to train more national personnel and

have them assume their responsibilities as soon as possible."

Flexible Social Policy

When he took over at GECAMINES, Crem found fat social files confronting him.

A great deal does have to be done in this field, beginning with the more vital

problem of supplying workers with their provisions. The situation was almost

critical because of declining stock. The problem therefore had to be tackled

immediately, but not in a haphazard manner. A strategy was first of all

needed. The first measure: changing the type of management and those in

management guilty of irregularities. Henceforth,, trade union delegates will

supervise sales in place of the GI (industrial guard), the GECAMINES police.

However, Crem wants to attack the root l.of the problem by creating abundance.

Here, one must distinguish between locally produced products and imports. In

the case of the former, the solution will be easier. An agroindustrial unit

(a specialized department) has just been set up. It will handle the growing

of corn, soybeans and peanuts, at least initially. Next come the fish provided

by Moero and Tanganyka lakes. In particular, it will be a matter of improving

the circuit and increasing production. All this will naturally require a

great deal of money, but GECAMINES will continue to subsidize the prices of

products for workers.

This problem is extremely important for GECAMINES, not only because it concerns

a population of over 100,000 persons living around 35,000 workers, but much

more, because, unlike the commercial or industrial centers which are generally

located where the population is concentrated (potential customers and labor),

the mining centers are located next to the deposits. This is the case of

GECAMINES, which has cities with a population of up to 30,000 people, as in

the case of Kolwezi. One could actually speak of a GECAMINES people — that

is, a group of men, women and children who have left their homes (some are from

far away) to live around the copper mines and plants, far from the trading

centers and farms. Consequently, GECAMINES had to organize everything, absolutely everything: canteens, schools, hospitals, recreation and entertainment.

In short, it had to create a whole cosmos, practically in the image of a

state (if one forces the comparison somewhat). Furthermore, with respect to

food, one does not always find fertile land in the immediate vicinity. Even if

if did exist, it would take time. This would not be or is not possible, for

single men, especially since working in the mines is exhausting.

89
Perhaps because he grew up with GECAMINES, Crem is physically aware of all

these details, to the extreme that he understands the precise consequences

if anything is neglected in the slightest. The series of measures he has just

taken indicate his determination to overcome the crisis, provided he has help

to do so. There has been a great deal of talk of pharmaceutical products as

well. In this area, everything is now practically settled, one pharmacist

told me confidently. There will be no more interruptions in the supply.

Finally, worker retirement is a matter of concern. Retirement has almost

become a monster that everyone fears. From top to bottom, the demand is the

same: establishment of real estate loans. This would be difficult to do,

the employer claims, because the financial situation is scarcely brilliant.

In that case, the trade union representatives respond, in the beginning, the

workers' houses should be given to their current occupants with leases containing an option to buy. "Agreed," the employer replies, "but first of all, draw

up a proposed agreement and terms." It is, in fact, a matter of criteria.

Trade union delegates are now holding meetings for the purpose of drafting the

documents in question. They are determined because, they believe, workers are

not sufficiently well provided for at the end of their career. Housed by the

company their entire working lives, they often end up in the streets without

a roof over their heads if they return home. Retirement allowances paid when

they retire are not always enough to have a decent house built for their old

age. Fortunately, the spirit of dialogue instituted by Crem seems to be

opening up the situation and giving a glimmer of hope.

The solution is perhaps not ideal — nothing is perfect in any human undertaking — but it is at least significant of the flexibility of the new social

policy that is already bringing a new vigor to production, as revealed by the

latest statistics.

Technical Problems

In answer to a question, Crem said: "The ideal GECAMINES is first of all,

technically speaking, the use of the most suitable technologies, preserving

the most economic development of all mining resources it has. On the human

level, GECAMINES must be considered as a national company which just happens to

be located in Shaba. Consequently, there can be no question of useless waste

in the name of an almost fantastic sophistication of technology; far from it.

The country is in a crisis. Let us do what is essential."

This means that even in this field, it will basically be a matter of responding

to the appeal of the Executive Council to produce more in order to speed up the

economic recovery process. Naturally, this cannot come about easily because

of the difficult conditions that exist. It will be one, way of ascertaining

the know-how of the country's No 1 enterprise! It is not easy to satisfy

needs and economy at the same time. The equipment program will require a

great deal of foreign exchange; this is essential. Spare parts are immediately

needed and in the future, new machinery must be acquired.

This equipment effort goes hand in hand with the strengthening of safety and

health measures in all facilities. This is one of Crem's priorities. Long

90
gone is the time when one stood idly by while Black miners died in the underground mines. Steps are being taken to improve ventilation systems and protection in the mines. Henceforth, machinery will be chosen in terms of the safety

and health protection it offers.

Finally, one must emphasize that GECAMINES is one of the few mining — or any

other — enterprises that devote large sums of money to worker safety. The

annual budget would amount to a few million zaires. There is even a shop where

spare parts are checked for quality control in order to reduce accidents on

the job. The company does not hesitate to send personnel abroad for training

in the field in order to better master this domain.

Conclusions

A relaxation of tensions, greater enthusiasm for work and flexibility here and

there: These are the three dimensions of the reigning socioprofessional climate prevailing in GECAMINES. Naturally, ideal conditions do not exist, but

one immediately realizes that the company has just fixed its course in the

right direction.

Tension still perceptible only months ago, even in the corridors, has given way

to an increasingly active spirit of cooperation that will be further strengthened by reforms underway. For example, decentralization is unanimously agreed

upon by nearly everyone, whatever the position in the hierarchy.

For Mumpep Tshisol, administrative director of the Center group in Likasi,

decentralization makes it possible to bring the decision-making center closer

to the center of execution. This presents an enormous advantage, agrees

Tambwe Amongeka, general services agent for the Western group, because, on the

financial level, one will no longer be forced to await the ruling of Lubumbashi, even for the smallest expenditures. There will be a director of the

budget in each group. A lot of time will be saved here, says Citizen Makanda,

trade union delegate in Kolwezi, visibly convinced of the contribution of these

measures on the trade union and social levels.

In fact, adds Citizen Tshisol, with respect to administrative directors, many

errors will be avoided in decisions on the careers of workers because the administrative directors are closer to them and know them better. That is true,

says Kasongo Kabwe, civil mining engineer in Kolwezi, who supports the decentralization by justifying its effectiveness through the use of young Zairian

engineers from Kolwezi, who managed to get the plants operating again after

the massive departure of expatriates at the time of the 80-day war. For him, .

everything is a matter of motivation. He claims that if what is being done

today had been thought of long ago, many problems would have been avoided,

which is true.

Finally, it should be emphasized that one must be careful not to consider the

Africanization of personnel from the sole standpoint of the possibility of

personal promotion or risk missing the historical point. Furthermore, in the

long run, that would result in sterile races for power when all the rest have

left. As they say: "Get out so I can get in."

91
Gives Interview on Policies

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 11 Jun 83 p 11

[Interview with Robert Crem, president of GECAMINES, 12 June in Shaba; by

Semy Dieyi]

[Text] Lubumbashi: I am in the office of Citizen Bele Lunyoka,

president of the GECAMINES general trade union delegation, who

organized my stay in Shaba. I asked him to obtain a meeting with

Mr Crem for me. "No problem," answers the secretary. "He will

be expected at 9:00 tomorrow, Saturday."

We were all on time for the meeting. At 9:15, he greeted me at

the door of his office. Very relaxed, as usual, he immediately

began a conversation. I could understand; time is precious. I

took my pen and proposed my questions. "You can ask anything you

want," he said. "I will answer all your questions."

From the very beginning, I warned him: "I have come for a report

and interview in order to help public and even officla opinion to

have a better understanding of the situation in GECAMINES. I will

sometimes be brutally frank. "Agreed," he said with a friendly

smile. In his answers, he was very calm, revealing from the very

first words he spoke his image of a man aware of his responsibilities and determined to do his job. The interview lasted 45 minutes.

In the main, he gave the actual lines of his management policy and

his program of action.

[Question] Mr Crem, what does GECAMINES represent for you? Is it merely a

source of income or a kind of co-property— that is, a common holding whose

interests must be protected?

[Answer] I will answer you first of all that GECAMINES is a source of revenue

for its shareholder, the state, and only for it. Second, I will say that it is

not a co-property. Being named chairman of the board of GECAMINES, a state

company, by a presidential order, I consider that I have' been mandated by the

country's highest authority to do everything possible so that GECAMINES will

provide maximum support for public finances and so that it will use local

labor. I hope that in the near future, within the framework of an economic

recovery, that the economic fallout from this company on a regional level will

make it possible to diversify employment, as in the rest of the country.

[Question] You have been head of GECAMINES for a little over a year. How do

you view the first period of your term in office?

[Answer] There has been no miracle. GECAMINES is a company that was set up in

1967. From 1967 to 1973, it was headed by a group of highly competent foreign

technicians who belonged to the former financial firm of the Mining Union of

Upper Katanga. It is true that during that period, the company experienced

technical development. On the other hand, during that same period, the company

92
was not able to control the commercial portion of its activities. In 1973, the

country named a Zairian engineer, Umba Kiamitala as general manager of the company. We worked together.

I know Umba personally. We worked together for many years and he took over

from his precedessors in a difficult context because the general organization

of the company, with respect to management, at any rate, was still very close

to the former private owner.

The task of my predecessor was to gradually become free from that environment,

while maintaining the management structures guaranteeing production. The task

of my predecessor was not easy because of the fact that he took over the

leadership of the enterprise in a period when the economic crisis was beginning.

During that period, he had to face financial difficulties resulting from the

major recession in the raw materials market.

In 1982, Umba was named to the post of state commissioner for mines and energy

at the same time I was named to head the company. I believe that these two

decisions are complementary. It was normal, it seems to me to be normal, that

after 7, almost 10 years at the head of GECAMINES, Umba, a mining engineer

with a master's degree in management engineering, would have the necessary

competence to coordinate all the mining enterprises in the country.

For my part, as a technician, I took his place to pursue the development of

GECAMINES within an economic context that was still difficult, but at a time

when there was a hope of economic recovery. I would say that as my first

personal achievement after a year at the head of the company, we have been

able to consolidate the production bases which we had established with my

predecessor and, in addition, I placed more emphasis on a broad decentralization of the enterprise's responsibilities. You must remember that 79 percent

of the copper mined is from Kolwezi and the rest of the mining production is

from Kambove, Kakanda and Kipushi.

On the other hand, our production of copper metal is distributed among the

three metallurgical centers of Kolwezi, Likasi and Lubumbashi. I have always

believed that the modern structures of an enterprise were based on a broader

decentralization of responsibilities. That was the task I took up first. But

decentralization does not mean elimination of control; on the contrary. I

believe that by decentralization, I can and must obtain from my aides more

effective action than that which resulted in the past from an exaggerated

centralization in which no one truly felt responsible.

By that decentralization, I mean — and I am convinced — that we are going to

begin now to improve the productivity of GECAMINES.

[Question] In any human enterprise, a change in men means achange in working

methods. You probably have your own. But do you believe you control the

means of your policy?

[Answer] I will tell you that perfection does not exist in any domain,

whether it be in a government, a society or group of a few individuals. There

is nothing perfect. One never has total control, but the responsibility of

93
those in management is to constantly improve their management and the mastery

of problems. In order to succeed, one must choose a certain number of aides

in order to delegate power and, if need be, point out whatever is necessary if

they do not respect company policy or bylaws.

[Question] Some people are timidly mentioning a certain tribalism that injects

sand into the enterprise engine. What is the real story?

[Answer] I do not believe that the phenomenon should be exaggerated. As you

know, 1983 was decreed the year of better organization, the year to examine

all problems of management. Within this context, GECAMINES, in'respecting

the decisions of the chief of state on the matter, has made its examination*of

conscience and noted certain abnormalities in some sectors of activity. It

had to examine those abnormalities and take suitable measures with regard to

persons failing to respect the property of the enterprise. If, by chance, our

investigations led to GECAMINES officials from the same region of the country,

I would call it a pure accident and not tribalism. Rumors naturally expanded

the investigation and went on to speak of tribalism in.the company, I would

simply say that irregularities were found with respect to persons who knew each

other before and that there is no tribalism involved.

[Question] For the chairman of the board of GECAMINES, what would the ideal

GECAMINES be? Perhaps you would like to make projections about the future.

[Answer] First of ali, technically speaking, the ideal GECAMINES means the

use of the most suitable technologies, while preserving the most economical

development of all the mining resources it has. I must add that GECAMINES'

mining concessions, with respect to copper and cobalt, can be considered among

the largest reserves in the world and the largest cobalt reserve. That is on

the technical level. On the human level, GECAMINES must be considered as a

state company, which happens to be found in Shaba.

In order to head the company, one must choose the most competent men and place

them in posts for which they have the best professional background. That

is the policy I intend to apply as chairman of the management committee and

with my colleagues on the management committee.

In the same spirit, we have to emphasize all training action undertaken and

accelerated in recent months so that, within a x'easo'nable period of time,

we may place the most competent nationals% whatever their region, in the posts

of management of personnel, foremen, supervision and execution.

[Question] At one time, there was talk of the CEPSE [expansion unknown],

which is a very important production unit with respect to social life in

GECAMINES. There was some question of its reorganization. What has happened?

[Answer] First of all, I believe that we must clear up a misunderstanding.

CEPSE is an association without any profit motives set up by the Mining Union

of Upper Katanga in partnership with other companies and certain philanthropic

organizations in 1946 for purely social purposes. At the time, it was called

CEPSI (Indigenous Social Problems Study Center). CEPSI then became CEPSE and

9k
has remained a non-profit organization (ASBL). Since 1967, only GECAMINES has

continued to subsidize that ASBL.

From 1967 to 1970, or thereabouts, that ASBL simply maintained a purely social

activity, through the presence of out-patient clinics in the interior and

family schools. Consequently, CEPSE kept that vocation, which was totally without any profit motive. When this national priority was decreed — to wit,

agricultural recovery, economic and industrial operators were asked to promote

and allocate part of their resources to the agricultural recovery. At the

time, the general management of GECAMINES entrusted to CEPSE the management of

an agricultural project 100 percent subsidized by GECAMINES.

Consequently, in this operation, GECAMINES responded to instructions from the

Executive Council by developing the agricultural sector, but while entrusting

that development to an ASBL in which GECAMINES does not have control over the

ASBL, but had purely financial participation within the framework of agroindustrial operations and rural advancement. Consequently,'let us not speak of

reorganization of CEPSE here because it is not a problem of GECAMINES.

In contrast, over two years ago — two, nearly three years ago — we were asked

in GECAMINES to return to an industrial activity, while not giving up certain

peripheral activities.

At the time, we proposed that our board of directors set up a subsidiary

agroindustrial company whose task it would be to operate in a profitable way

the agricultural concessions now worked through CEPSE. Therefore, what

GECAMINES proposes today or has proposed to the General Assembly of CEPSE is

its return to its purely social vocation with the support of GECAMINES and

partners who, as at the time, financed or completed the financial effort of

GECAMINES on a strictly social level.

In addition, between now and the end of the year, we are going to set up an

agroindustrial subsidiary whose sole purpose will be to develop corn crops in

particular in Shaba. Here, each person will have to assume its responsibility.

GECAMINES will once again become a company with a mining vocation. It will set

up an agroindustrial company for which it will seek private partners. And

finally, CEPSE will return to its initial vocation: social action on a regional

level.

[Question] How are your relations with the trade union.delegation? Is it of

^considerable help to you in carrying out your duties?

[Answer] First of all, I would recall that — in keeping with its bylaws and

in application of the order on national enterprises — it is official that

the management committee of each public enterprise is made up of a chairman of

the board, a technical director, a financial director and the chairman of the

standing trade union committee. This means that in strict application of the

law, the trade union delegation is directly concerned and made responsible for

management of GECAMINES. That is in accordance with legal texts.

Specifically and in point of fact, I consider that since 1979, the date of my

return here to Shaba, I have participated, as a member of the management

9$
committee, first of all, when Umba was president, and now, as chairman of the

management committee. We have always worked in close cooperation with the

trade union delegation. Obviously, the employer has his objectives and the

trade union delegation has the task of defending the rights of the workers.

Therefore, there is not only a conflict of interests, but a divergence of

interests. The general delegation of GECAMINES has pointed up the interests

of the enterprise, but I believe I can say that since 1979, a period when I

was named a member of the GECAMINES management committee, there has never been

any conflict between the trade union delegation and the general delegation.

What is more, I believe that in the period of crisis we are now going through,

close cooperation between the trade union delegation, on the one hand and, I

now add, the section committee of the MPR, that cooperation of these two

entities with the general delegation will constitute a whole thanks to which

we shall be able to improve the performance of the enterprise within the framework of a continuing, correct and constructive dialogue.

[Question] Information from the press claimed that you were following a policy

favorable to expatriate cadres, particularly with respect to administrative

movements. I am mainly thinking of promotions and appointments to posts of

responsibility.

[Answer] I categorically deny that claim and I declare, as I have done previously, that the trade union delegation and the management committee choose

the most competent people and practice a policy of accelerated training and,

what is more, for the most competent national cadres.

I believe that that information, which I have always heard, results from the

fact that I was led to do so because I wish to assume my responsibilities and

not bargain on them. I believe one must put the most competent people in the

key posts of the enterprise, whether national or foreign. I can also say that

since I have headed this company, there has been no massive return of foreigners.

On the contrary, in under two years, we have reduced our expatriate personnel

by nearly 25 percent and we continue along that path. .Right now, in the days

ahead, proof will be given that the management committee practices a wellthought-out policy of Africanization in the best interest of the company. I

am very happy to have had the opportunity to speak on the Voice of Zaire to

say that the policy of GECAMINES is not to bring back the expatriates, but

rather, to train more national cadres and make them assume their responsibilities as rapidly as possible. I believe that as far as I am concerned,

my task will be finished when, among other things, I can turn over my position

to the most capable and competent one among my Zairian friends. That is true

for me as well as for my foreign aides with whom I am still working.

11,464

CSO: 3419/1010

96
ZAIRE

BAS-ZAIRE GOVERNOR DISCUSSES AGRICULTURAL, HEALTH, ROAD PROBLEMS

Kinshasa ELIMA in French 5, 6, 7, 10 May 83

[5 May 83 pp 1, 8]

[Text] Following the series of negotiation meetings held in the capital of

the region with various population strata, Makolo Jibikilay, regional president of the MPR and governor of Bas-Zaire, took up his pilgrim's staff to

make a tour of the interior of his jurisdictional area. The first lap of

this trip took him to the Cataractes and Lukaya rural subregions.

In these two districts, the regional governor talked with party cadres on the

collective level and with the economic operators. In Mbanza-Ngungu in particular, he talked with the faculty members and the student JMPR [Youth of

the Popular Movement of the Revolution] committee of the ISP, and he also met

with those responsible for the farm projects.

Wherever he went, the head of the regional executive branch not only made

himself available even to those who wanted to discuss personal problems with

him, but he also evidenced a spirit of open dialogue. This dialogue proved

very helpful to his interlocutors, more precisely the party cadres, the

majority of whom found, in the light of the various questions discussed and

other talks, that they had not as yet understood the profound significance of

the changes which have come about within the framework of the party.

But what did the governor of the region discuss in the course of these meetings? In the presence of his various interlocutors, Mr Makolo developed six

basic points on each occasion, on the basis of which the subsequent discussion developed.

They were:

1. The preeminence of the party and its leading role.

2. Agriculture.

3. Maintenance of roads serving farm areas.

4. Decentralization.

5. The list of the priority problems of the region.

97
6. Public health.

As one can imagine, these are not only very contemporary issues but vital

problems for the Bas-Zaire region. And it was with the mastery of a veteran

political leader that the regional president of the MPR developed the abovementioned points and led the discussion. (To be continued)

[6 May 83, pp 1, 7-8]

[Text] This is the continuation of the article which appeared in yesterday's

issue.

The Preeminence and Leading Role of the Party

Referring to the recent decision of the state, reasserting the leading role

of the party, Mr Makolo said that the preeminence of the MPR has always been

a fact, but it was necessary for the Central Committee to recall it forcefully so that the party-state concept will be established once and for all in

the minds and the habits of the militants. He explained that a number of

higher level measures or decisions adopted previously, and welcomed with

enthusiasm, have very often become a dead letter. "This is why," he added,

"the higher party levels, as well as the most recent decision by the Central

Committee, stressed that this cannot continue."

Again on the subject of the primacy of the party, the governor of Bas-Zaire

reminded his interlocutors on each occasion of the resolutions of the Third

Regular Congress, which, as they themselves asserted, must be unfailingly

implemented in order to reflect the preeminence of the MPR in actual fact.

In summarizing, Mr Makolo Jibikilay said that since the MPR represents the

politically organized nation of Zaire, the organs which exercise state power

are the organs of the party. And so, he said, there cannot be any distinction between the MPR, on the one hand, and the state, on the other.

All of Zaire is the MPR, the governor added, stressing that in this connection, the territorial cadres in Bas-Zaire should above all feel that they are

the responsible party officials in their respective sectors, and should conduct themselves as such.

Mr Makolo then urged the territorial cadres to make the necessary effort

required for the change in thinking which should result from the Central

Committee decision. This is a problem of effort and adaptation, the speaker

said, emphasizing that the party remains the motive force of national life.

However, the governor noted that on the level of the subregions, zones and

collectives, many contradictions prevail. Some cadres do not want to facilitate the work of the officials in charge of party activities. In order to

put an end to this kind of situation, the governor insisted on the regular

holding of party meetings, not for parade purposes, but serious and solemn

meetings the decisions of which should be implemented and followed up.

98
Farm Production

"A number of activities with a view to achieving the goal of relaunching farm

production have begun. The plan established for this purpose assigns great

importance to the assessment of the quality and quantity of products. A

double goal is being sought: self-sufficiency in food and product selection."

It was in these terms that the governor addressed the territorial cadres in

Cataractes and Lukaya, in proceeding with the second aspect of his explanation. He added that each region has had its part in the program. Bas-Zaire

has as its priority crops cassava, rice, beans and peanuts. "Those responsible for the implementation of this program, in particular the heads of

collectives and zone commissioners, are not unaware that this is an activity

which serves as a life preserver for us," Mr Makolo said.

After recalling that this plan and its goals were well-founded, the governor

asked about what has already been accomplished in these two subregions. From

the discussions he had with the zone commissioners and the heads of collectives, he learned that this plan has not been carried out. This is not only

because staffing was totally lacking and there have never been any valid survey of the peasants or any visits to the fields, but also because certain

officials, following their return from the Third Regular MPR Congress, have

still not taken the trouble to read the program. Others admitted to the

governor that they only know about the plan what they heard said about it at

N'Sele, which, translated, means that they are unfamiliar with it.

In another connection, Governor Makolo insisted on knowing whether the

methods of gathering statistics have improved. To this question, he received a negative answer. It is equally true that the agronomers no longer

go to visit the fields and are no longer making any valid surveys of the

peasants.

As if to conclude this chapter, the regional president of the MPR said that

for Bas-Zaire, the plan for relaunching farm activities initiated in 1981

and scheduled to run from 1982 to 1984 has not been carried out. For this

reason, a farm conference was scheduled for July.

To the negligence of certain cadres must be added the natural disasters, such

as plant diseases (above all affecting cassava), which have affected the

whole of the subregion of Lukaya, Kimvula in particular, and the aridity of

the land (in the Kasangulu zone, where the main peasant activity is the production of charcoal).

Maintenance of Roads Serving Agriculture

This point is a corollary of the farm issue, since the roads are like the

veins in a human body, and their maintenance is more than necessary. Farm

products cannot be taken out to market without viable roads.

The regional governor, familiar with this need, minced no words when he

stressed that the Executive Council has, through its budget assigned great

importance to the maintenance of roads serving rural areas.

99
"In the Bas-Zaire region," Gov Makolo Jibikilay explained, "there are 4,750

kilometers of roads to be maintained. To carry out this work, a sum of 150

zaires has been allocated for every 2 kilometers."

On this basis, those of the social partners or economic operators whose names

are on the lists drafted for this purpose will sign their agreements with the

region, which will not pay them what is owed until the work has been completed and checked. The collectives have been assigned the task of following

up the execution of the work. The regional president of the MPR stressed the

fact that this new option of the Executive Council must be crowned with

success in Bas-Zaire, in view of the role this region is called upon to play

in providing the capital with food supplies. We should note that for this

operation, the Executive Council has made bicycles available to the road

repair crews, in addition to the funds allocated. (To be continued)

[7 May 83 pp 1, 7]

[Text] It is because of the importance of the problems raised by Gov Makolo

Jibikilay and the realistic solutions planned during his trip to the Cataractes and Lukaya subregions that we have been publishing this interesting

article from our regional bureau for the past 3 days.

Decentralization

Decentralization is only an abstract notion here. It exists and it must be

implemented. What concerns the Executive Council is to effect decentralization in fact as soon as possible. But its implementation can only be better

pursued to the extent that its content and goals are understood.

It is within this framework that the governor of the region talked with the

territorial cadres in Cataractes and Lukaya on this point. One can govern

from a distance but one can only administer close at hand, the governor said.

Thus those who experience the real situation with the population must have

the knowledge enabling them to comprehend the basic aspects of the renewal

action undertaken for the purpose in all their complexity, as well as the

requirements of the renewal campaign on the intellectual and moral levels, in

order to be able to meet the conditions for optimal mobilization.

Now in the light of the talks Gov Makolo Jibikilay had with his interlocutors

it became evident that decentralization is poorly understood. He therefore

told them that the decentralized bodies must show evidence of creative imagination, in order to generate their own resources, without neglecting the

vital interests of the people. He gave as an example the avoidance of

abusive and fantastic taxes.

He urged the cadres to change their thinking. The activities of the party

must not be confused with the classic activities of the state. The regional

governor had to find the right words to make his hearers, both in MbanzaNgungu and in Inkisi, understand the wise basis of this innovation.

100
After a study in depth at the site, the regional president of the MPR decided

that to make decentralization truly effective in Bas-Zaire, it should be

carried out in three stages, the first being that of the elections now past

(1982), the second the stage of apprenticeship in decentralization (1983),

and the third that of initiating decentralization in 1984. In the final

analysis, Gov Makolo Jibikilay promised, all of the conditions will be met

this year. A beginning will be made, as he put it, by preparing the mental

conditions, as follows:

1. Changing the thinking of the territorial cadres, and

2. Acquiring an understanding of the laws so as to know the duties of each

individual.

The governor of the region also discussed production. The collectives and

the zones must also enrich their heritage. They must understand the people

in order to know and resolve their problems. To do this it is necessary to

produce. Speaking of taxes, he said that they should be consistent with the

law. Another point which came to the governor's attention was the distribution of the budget total between the collective and the zone. In this

connection, the regional president of the MPR urged the territorial cadres to

become imbued with the spirit of the law. The rural zone tax is nothing but

the traditional "likuta." In addition, within the framework of the launching

year, the governor asked that each zone in Bas-Zaire submit its program of

activities to be financed with its own income, and the zone which does the

best job will be given a regional prize.

The collectives are badly administered, the regional president of the MPR

noted. For this reason he will insist on the reorganization of the finances

of these bodies. Cpen and healthy administration is necessary. To this end,

the head of the regional executive branch decided to hold a seminar for the

zonal and collective advisers.

Moreover, in order to avoid abuses, a circular will be sent to the enterprises so that all of the associations will pay what they owe in accordance

with the provisions of the law. For if the region, subregion and zone must

go to the associations to collect the CPM, the development which should begin

with the collective, at the base, will be no more than hollow words.

Listing of Priority Problems

Each region has its specific problems. Those in Bas-Zaire are numerous and

complex. They urgently require solutions. But should all of the problems be

tackled at once? It is not easy to answer this question, particularly since

each problem has its effect, to some degree, and in addition, the problems

differ from one subregion to another. However, the problems of the zones are

at the same time the problems of the region. The choices made must be based

on a search for adequate solutions.

In this connection, the regional president of the MPR asked the zonal commissioners to make an exhaustive survey of the priority problems in their

101
jurisdictions, with a view to allowing the region to assess their effect on

development and on that basis, to establish priorities. This choice of priority problems will be made level by level, from the base up to the region,

in order thus to establish the priority problems in Bas-Zaire. Once this

work has established a priority order, the region will undertake to find the

necessary solutions. It is in order to have a priority assessment and a

common language that the regional president of the MPR has established this

system of consensus, calling for 1 month's reflection. It is following this

reflection that the region will draft its program for action.

Public Health

For some time there has been talk of the resurgence of certain illnesses such

as tuberculosis and sleeping sickness in Bas-Zaire. In view of the importance of this problem, the governor naturally turned his attention to it. He

reminded the territorial cadres of the importance of popularizing and observing the rules of hygiene, they being the only preventive weapon which can

resolve the problem of the diseases which plague the region.

The regional president of the MPR stressed that even if the hospitals do not

have pharmaceutical products, the recurrence of these diseases would not be

seen if the elementary rules of hygiene were respected. The governor urged

the territorial cadres to be the leading sponsors of primary health care, and

to penalize those who do not enforce the law concerning the rules of hygiene.

(To be continued)

[10 May 83 p 7]

[Text] The following is the fourth and final portion of the interesting

article from our regional bureau on the worrisome problems in Bas-Zaire,

which Gov Makolo Jibikilay identified and classified following his recent

tour of the Lukaya and Cataractes subregions.

Fruitful Talks

Since the MPR is a movement of action and ideas and the framework for the

free consensus of opinions, the regional governor established a system of

dialogue during his meetings. Thus these discussions produced an exhaustive

list of facts enabling the regional authorities to cope more effectively with

the problems of the region.

In addition to the meetings with the members of the expanded subregional committees of the MPR in Cataractes and Lukaya, Gov Makolo Jibikilay talked with

the economic operators in these two districts, those in charge of projects

and the officials at the ISP in Mbanza-Ngungu.

Where the economic operators are concerned, the governor urged them to become

imbued with the spirit of the dialogue existing between the state and its

partners. On this occasion, he not only assured them of the support of the

state, but also told them that they are involved in the program for the

development of the region. For the concern of the Executive Council in the

102
course of this austerity year of 1983 is the relaunching of production.

"Despite the limitations inherent in the world crisis, the state is prepared

to aid the economic operators," the governor emphasized. It was within this

framework that the governor spoke of the intervention of the state in the

equitable distribution of fuel, and reminded his interlocutors of the decisions on the higher levels to entrust the task of maintaining the roads

serving farm sectors to the economic operators.

5157

CSO: 3419/1009

103
ZIMBABWE

GWERU MAYOR PATRICK KOMBAYI ACCUSED OF CORRUPTION

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 30 Jun 83 p 1

[Text]

HARARE — A «atalogue of corruption, graft and misuse of council

funds by the sacked Mayor of Gweru,

Mr EaMckKpmhayi, was outlined in

r

the zimbäDweParliament yesterday.

A hushed House heard from the

[Minister of Local Government, Mr

Enos Chikowore, how the ex-mayor

had established his own corps of

"Amazons" — a group of leaders of

women's clubs paid from council

funds who supported him in demonstrations — and a special police force

of former combatants who came

under his direct control.

Blatant excesses had included the

purchase without authority of a

R60 000 limousine and four gold

chains for himself, the deputy mayor

and their wives at a cost of R48 000.

The Minister said that while Mr

t Kombayi was in office the allocation

for spending on civic functions shot

up from R675 a year to more than

, R12 000.

j Council contracts had been awarded to a building company which he

had set up against the advice of offi-

- rials and fs own hotel had supplied

liquor for the mayor's

parlour at re-

, tail bar priceswhich cost the council

an extra R6 000 a year.

On trips to Harare on council business, his nightly bar bill was in the

region of R200, the Minister said.

Mr Kombayi was suspended on

March 29 this year. Most of the councillors resigned in sympathy.

The government appointed commissioners to run the city, Zimbabwe's third largest. When elections

are held in about six weeks' time, neither the ex-mayor nor his councillors

will be allowed to stand again.

' The Minister said the ex-mayor

I had been ordered to leave the council

house which he had been occupying

without authority and to pay the back

rent.

Work on a housing project for

which the ex-mayor's company was

supplying blocks had been suspended

and councillors who had obtained

shop sites irregularly would have to

surrender them.

They would' also have to pay back

allowances and car loans which had

been granted by Mr Kombayi without

authority.

Proceedings had been started

; against two councillors, including the

ex-mayor.

CSO: 3400/1588

101+
SUPPORT GROWS FOR VOTE CHANGE

Harare THE HERALD in English 16 Jun 83 p 3

[Text]

ZIMBABWE

ZIMBABWEANS must

change as much of the

Lancaster House Constitution as they can right

away, ; the Minister of

Legal and Parliamentary

Affairs, Dr Eddison

Zvobgo, said yesterday.

"That which we cannot

amend at this time, we

must denounce publicly so

that no person is left in

any doubt as to our

stand," he told a lunchtime National Unifying

Force meeting.

Cde Zvobgo, who was

expressing his own personal views on the common voters' roll, said he

wanted to see a more

rapid change towards the

attainment of a non-racial

voting system in this

country.

The subject of a common voters' roll was important in the historical

evolution of Zimbabwe

"because discussion of it

forces us to focus our attention on the need for urgent action to destroy the

remaining pockets of

racialism - and colour discrimination in o u iv

society".

"That you present here

today have asked me to

discuss this very question

illustrates vividly that the

majority of the people of

Zimbabwe want an immediate end to all forms

of discrimination."

Cde Zvobgo said he now

had 40 letters from white

Zimbabweans asking the

Government for a non-racial voting system and

produced a file containing

the letters. One of the letters was read to the meeting.

"This and similar letters

continue to come to my

ministry," he said. His

ministry had received no

letters advocating "the

continuation of the white

voters' roll.

- "The people of Zimbabwe want to live as one

notwithstanding any differences of history, culture, economic background and colour. They

are making a great success in creating a non-racial society a reality, but

their efforts are thwarted

in certain areas because

of legally institutionalised

racialism.

The British government

may have thought that

after years of conflict culminating in a bitter armed

struggle, it would take

many years before blacks

and whites accepted each

i other as "brothers and

; sisters", and they_could

have been right if some

other political party -had

come to power.

Cde Zvobgo said there

were three solutions that

could be adopted to alter

the present situation and

remove the provisions of

discrimination before the

prescribed period of seven

years:'

• Alter the constitution

by obtaining the support

of all the MPs;

• Leave things as they

are for another four years

so that the constitutional

provisions can be altered

by a two-thirds majority;

• Amend the constitution

under the 70 percent procedure so as to allow any

person who is classified as

white or non-black to

enrol on the Common Roll,

if he wishes.

CSO: 3400/1586

105
ZIMBABWE

CABINET MINISTERS SAY RECOVERY1ONLY LIKELY NEXT YEAR'

Harare BUSINESS HERALD in English 9 Jun 83 p 1

[Text]

WHILE Western countries stand on the

brink of partial economic recovery, Zimbabweans face tougher

times ahead as the

full impact of the

world recession filters

through.

Several Cabinet ministers

have already warned that

the nation will have to

tighten its belt, and eeono-

"mic indicators show that

things will get worse before they get better and

recovery is only likely next

year.

Traditionally, the timelag between economic

developments elsewhere in

the world and in Zimbabwe

has been bttween nine and

18 months. So while the

West is slowly recovering,

Zimbabwe is still in the

trough and the recent drop

in gold price (although

sugar, copper and nickel

prices have gone up) isn't

helping.

' Industry, commerce and

the man in the street have

all felt the pinch in various

ways, and it is not surprising that economists claim

that the dollar has lost

over-one third of its pur-

'. chasing power since March

1980. .

INFLATION ' One economist calculated

that the value of the dollar

has declined by 39,6 per-/

cent for higher income

families and by 47,1 percent for lower income

families.

Year-on-year inflation

between January and April

this year averaged about

16,8 percent, with an average of 14,13 percent for

higher income families and

19,3 percent for lower in-

. come families.

Working on preliminary

official statistics, one economist said the consumer

price index between January and April increased by

7,3 percent for higher income families and 6,5 percent for lower income

families.

If these figures are "annualised" (arguably an acceptable method to determine trends), inflation will

hit 21,9 percent and 19,5

percent . respectively for

the two groups for the

whole year.

SUBSIDIES

To achieve these levels,

however, Zimbabweans will

have to shoulder the same

increases they did earlier ,

this year several times

over (mainly petrol. and

excise duty). This is unlikely to happen, although

the removal of subsidies

could, if undertaken, have

the same" effect.

The Reserve Bank is

more optimistic. In its

latest quarterjy review it

reports that the 1982

annual inflation rate of 18

percent was "unacceptably

high".

"There are indications,

however, that given the

thrust of current policy

measures, the rate of inflation may be expected to

decline during 1983, notwithstanding the short106
term inflationary impact

of the devaluation of the

dollar," said the review.

The main reasons for

the increases in the consumer price index so far

this year are higher prices

for fruits and vegetables,

drink and tobacco, clothing,

fuel and electricity, furniture, new cars and spares,

bus fares and higher sales

tax.

The fact that money is

'tight and expenditure has

been curtailed at all levels

has acted as a deflationary

force on the economy, although it is doubted it

will be strong enough to

ensure that last year's inflation rate is not exceeded;

On the other hand, some

industries report dramatically reduced" sales, higher

production costs, severe

problems in securing

enough foreign exchange

for imported inputs, and

increasing cash-flow problems.

To counter the effects o£

high domestic inflation,

the value of the dollar has

been adjusted downwards

and, for example, the depreciation against the US

dollar is currently about

29 percent.

The situation has been

exacerbated by the

drought, which has arrested any growth the economy

might have had and has

forced the Government to

devote considerable resources to drought relief

programmes.

./ '' CAUTION

. While the man in the

street undoubtedly needs

wage increases to cope

with inflation, the Government has adopted a cautious wage policy and only

moderate increases are

-expected this year. Not

many industries can afford

higher wages and while

they might boost consumer

spending, economists believe they will do little to

help the heavy manufacturing industries that have

been worst hit by the recession.

Zimbabwe will also need

massive investment to refurbish and update its industries and create new

jobs _ one economist

said be believed that a

minimum of $200 million

a year was needed to

create every 20000 .new

But perhaps more

important, and totally out

of Zimbabwe's control, is

what happens in the West,

particularly the United

States, over the next few

months.

There are clear signs of

an upturn in the US

economy, but the question

is whether it is going to

be sustained and rapid

enough to affect the

troubled economies of the

Third World.

Projections already show

that the US recovery will

be slower than any since

the last world war and the

huge US budget deficit

may push up interest rates

even more, dampening

world recovery, said one

economist. " .

"But, as the Prime

Minister said in New

Dehli recently, the fundamental problem is the

current world economic

order that makes the

Third World so vulnerable

to developments in the

West, and some major

form of restructuring is

long overdue," he said.

CSO: 3400/1590

107
ZIMBABWE

ECONOMIST ROGER RIDDELL WARNS AGAINST ACCEPTING WORLD BANK ADVICE

Harare THE HERALD in English 8 Jun 83 p 3

[Text]

ZIMBABWE has been

urged to be cautious

about accepting World

Bank advice to African countries to open

their economies to

world market forces

and dismantle economic controls.

Addressing a World

-Bank seminar for journalists in Harare yesterday,

Cde Roger Riddell, a local

economist, .said such moves

were "unlikely to lead to

'the maximum achievement

of our national objectives

nor, indeed, to the maximum contribution of the

private sector to meeting

these goals". . He said that a 1981

World Bank report, Accelerated Development in

Sub-Saharan Africa, had

blamed the deteriorating

economic performance of

the region in the 1960s and

1970s on over-valued exchange rates, trade restrictions, excessive government spending «id a lack

of incentives.

It had argued for less

state involvement in the

economy, a cutback in

parastatal activity, fewer

restrictions to hamper the

competitiveness of products on world markets

and more exports.

"Less emphasis, it

argues, should be placed

on self - sufficiency, especially in industry, and

more on price incentives

and market forces. The

clear implication is that in

Africa those countries with

less state intervention

have been more successful," he said.

But in Zimbabwe the

State had always' played a

critical role in the economy

and the evidence available

did not support the contention that state intervention caused economic

decline and stagnation.

The "phenomenal expansion" of the country's

manufacturing sectorjiuring ÜDI was büflT upon

a deliberate, state-sponsored import substitution

policy, total control of

foreign exchange and

severe restrictions on imports.

Cde Riddell said "this

unique marriage of the

public and private sectors

and - the protectionist

policies directed at manufacturing", did not, as

implied by the World

Bank report, lead to inefficiency, high-cost products and a massive misallocation of resources.

Since independence,

! state controls on the

operation of the private

sector had increased and

the State had bought

directly into private sector productive concerns.

The fear was often expressed in private sector

circles that too many

controls and too few incentives for private industry would strangle

"the prime generator of

wealth" in the economy.

But he gave examples of

several Third World economies where too few

controls "can also spell

the death knell of dynamic growth, leave one

behind, uncompetitive and

backward and can lead to

a weakened private, sector unable to contribute

effectively in national development".

CSO: 3400/1586

108
ZIMBABWE

ECONOMIST FORESEES PRICES UPTURN FOR COUNTRY IN 1984

Harare THE HERALD in English 10 Jun 83 p 3

[Text]

THF improvement in some commodity prices on the world market

Burdett-Coutts.

Addressing a Harar«

Rotary Club lunch yesterday he said there was

also an advantage being

gained from the Govern^

ments $375 million loan

arranged with the International Monetary Fund and

from the loan of ?V0 .million aranged with the

;World Bank to finance raw

materials and other Imports.

"Of course there are

difficulties, not least of

which are the effects of

last year's drought, and I

concede that 1983 is likely to be a year of no

growth. I am hopeful that

growth will be resumed in

1984."

The Impression given by

the ministers who attended

the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries congress in Victoria Falls last

week was of the readiness

to try and understand the

problems facing industry

and the acceptance of the

vital part which the private sector has to play in

the development of Zimbabwe.

A steadier trend had

developed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange and

the industrial index stood

10 percent above its low

point. .

"I consider' that the

etock exchange is now

firmly based and I am

assured that Government

"does wish it to continue.

I am also hopeful that it

will be able to raise fresh

funds from the public to

help finance the expansion

plans which will be necessary for development."

Mr Burdett-Coutts said

people should redouble

their efforts to increase

co-operation and understanding between the public and private sectors and

thus achieve the main

objective of building a

great Zimbabwe.

CSO: 3400/1586

109
DESPITE GOLD SALES RECORD, TRADE DEFICIT DOUBLES

Harare THE HERALD in English 10 Jun 83 p 3

[Text]

ZIMBABWE

DESPITE record gold

sales of $140,5 million last year, Zimbabwe's balance of trade

deficit doubled to

$142 million — its

largest ever — according to the latest Government statistics.

If no-currency-involved

transactions are excluded,

the deficit sank to $113,4

million, Most of the almost $51 million exported

in NCI deals was composed of migrants' effects.

The previous record deficit was in 1981 when the

visible trade balance was

— $69,7 million or — $46

million if NCI deals are

excluded.

Last year domestic exports dropped more than 9

percent to $807,2 million

while gold sales rocketed

84 percent and re-exports

rosVl83 percent" to $20,7

million. Total exports, at

$968,4 million, were just

$3,4 million below the 1981

record.

Total imports rose to

$1081,8 million — a record and more than 6

percent greater than

total imports in 1981.

South Africa remained

Zimbabwe's single largest

trading partner last

^year, although her share

jof the market decreased

: sharply.

In 1981 South Africa

took 21,6 percent of Zi«

mbabwe's exports earning the country $192,2

million. Last year she

bought $137,8 million of

goods or 17,1 percent of

the export trade.

In 1981 South Africa

provided 27,4 percent of

Zimbabwe's imports and

was one of the few countries last year whose sales

to Zimbabwe sank, from

!$279,7 million to $239,4

jmillion, just 22,1 percent

;of the market.

Zimbabwe boosted its

exports to its second i

largest customer, s the

United Kingdom, by 25

! percent to almost $77million and imports from the

UK rose 59 percent to

$162 million.

While exports to West

Germany sank to $64,6

million, that country remained the third largest

customer although the

United States, at $63,6

imillion, was close behind.

But the USA, was the

! third largest supplier of

! imports selling Zimbabwe

i $103,5 million worth cf

goodsLast year the exports

of the five most important commodities—tobacco,

ferrochrome, asbestos,

cotton lint and nickel —

all declined. Tobacco, the

major export, dropped

1 almost 12 percent to

$192,3 million.

CS0: 3400/1586

110
YUGOSLAVIA PLEDGES AID FOR RELIEF WORK

Harare THE HERALD in English 10 Jun 83 p 7

[Text]

ZIMBABWE

THE Government has

made a special plea for

help from Yugoslavia in

fighting the effects of the

drought.

A joint communique

Issued at the end of trade

talks on Wednesday between a visiting Yugoslav

delegation and the Government, said the assistance

would either "take the

form of food or budgetary

support for public works".

The food Zimbabwe

needed would include

wheat, edible oils and

beans, the communique

said.

The Yugoslav delegation

lea by the Minister of

Agriculture, Cde Milorad

Stanojevic, arrived in the

country four days ago, and

held talks with the acting

Prime' Minister, Cde Simon

Muzenda, and the ministers of Finance, Economic

Planning and Development; Mines; Manpower

Planning and Development; Roads and Road

Traffic and of Agriculture.

They left the country

on Wednesday night after

exploring new ways of

co-operation between the

two countries.

In the field of mining,

the Zimbabwean delegation expressed willingness

to export copper, coal and

asbestos to Yugoslavia.

The Yugoslav delegation

expressed willingness to

participate in the electrical

power generation proi gramme in Zimbabwe.

1 They also showed interest in a joint venture

' betweentheir organisation,

Iskra, and a local Zimbabwean company for the

; manufacture of telephone

; exchanges and sets.

They were also keen to

build roads, airports and

other infrastructural faci-

. lities.

The communique noted

that a Yugoslav company,

Partizanski Put, had made

the most favourable bid

for internationally tendered road construction in

Zimbabwe. — Ziana.

CSO: 3400/1586

111
AFFRETAIR SUFFERING HEAVY FINANCIAL LOSSES

Harare SUNDAY MAIL In English 12 Jun 83 p 1

ZIMBABWE

[Text] ZIMBABWE'S national

cargo carrier, Affretair,

Is suffering heavy financial losses because of the

suspension of its services

through Gabon.

The Ministry of Transport confirmed last week

that the future of the

plane used by Aflretair

ön its route between Amsterdam, Libreville and

Johannesburg has yet to

be resolved.

The aircraft, a Gabonregistered DC8, was

grounded in October last

year as a result of "ad-

' winistrative problems"

With Affretair's associate

company in Gabon, the

ministry said.

"The Amsterdam-Libreville - Johannesburg route

is the most profitable

route for Aflretair, with a

good turnover and great

potential for taking Zimbabwe's agricultural exports to West Africa," it

said. "The suspension of

these services has had a

severe effect on the operational'viability of the airline."

The grounded aircraft

is one of two D08s

operated by Affretair.

The airline became

wholly Government-owned

after the death a year ago

of its founder, Captain

Jack Malloch. The dispute over its operations

through Gabon surfaced

in December whei 21

tonnes of raw antibiotic

drugs were airlifted to

Harare after >eing stranded in Libreville for

1 nearly two months.

Air Zimbabwe said the

Gabon-registered DC8 had

broken down. Affretair's

second DC8, registered in

Zimbabwe, was iully committed and by the time

it was free to pick up

the drugs the airline's

i licence to operate in Gabon had been cancelled.

An aviation company,

Air Gabon Establishment,

run by a close associate

of President Omar Bongo,

then claimed ownership of

the first aircraft.

The company also admitted it was holding

about US$1 million In

cash belonging to Affretalr that it was not prepared to release until the

plane, by now in Zimbabwe, was returned.

Affretair said the DC8 had

only been leased to the

Gabon company.

Affretair was established

in 1964 as Air TransAfrica and carried out

extensive sanctions-busting activities through

Gabon after UDI.

Before the State takeover Affretair received a

Government loan of $2,25

million and when plans

were announced to merge

it with Air Zimbabwe its

i monthly deficit was running at $250 000. The

Minister of Transport, Cde

Farai Masango, told

Parliament' Affretair was

to debt "to the tune of

millions".

CSO: 3400/1588

112
ZIMBABWE

ZIMALLOYS' FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES REPORTED

Harare BUSINESS HERALD in English 9 Jun 83 p 1

[Article by David Linsell]

[Text] PROPOSED tariff

Increases by the Electricity Supply Commission,

due to be Implemented on

July I, could mean even

more serious cash-flow

problems for chrome producer, Zimbabwe Alloys,

In the last two years

electricity charges at the

company's refinery have

increased by 88 percent,

representing $4,5 million

in extra costs. The new

ESC rates will add a

further $5 million to the

bill, according to chairman

Mr Gerry Carey-Smith.

Before July 1, 1980, Zimalloys paid just under $3

million a year. i

Since July 1083, the !

Gweru refinery had cut power intake from 82 megawatts down to 42 MW.

Zimalloys is in a

precarious financial position, however, despite the

$12 million loan package

agreed with the Government and commercial

banks in April. Mr CareySmith said that the company had hardly drawn on

these funds.

Results for the year

ended March SI show that

turnover dropped 15 percent from $54 million to

$46 million, but net losses

leapt from $952 000 in the

previous year to a whopping $9,4 million, accounted

for by a $8,25 million operating deficit ($3.85 million

'profit) plus interest

charges of more than $6,1

million ($4,8 million).

Total borrowing stood

at $57,6 million comprising

$23,6 million in medium

and long-term loans, $31

million in short-term borrowings and a $3 million

overdraft.

In addition Zimalloys is

carrying a $56,6 million

stockpile which also has to

be financed.

"Interest rates are killing us. If they were

reduced this would bring

unit costs down considerably," said Mr CareySmith.

"We cannot go back

into full production under

these present cash restraints. If we bad the

money we would go back

into full production immediately and stockpile."

Zimalloys, he added,

had no problem selling its

low - carbon ferroehrome

output and sales were in

excess of production. Highcarbon chrome was the

problem with deliveries

quoted at 36/37 compared

to production costs of

57c

"The realisable value of

high - carbon ferroehrome

continues to be below cost

and stocks have therefore been written down

by $4 572 000. The market value of the company's other products was

above cost.

"From Zimbabwe Alloys'

point of view we would

like to see another devaluation, but from tiie

national point of view this

"would be of no value,"

said Mr Carey-Smith.

"Instead I believe that

the most successful countries are those that now

have low interest rates."

However, if matters do

not improve the chairman

forecast "savage cuts in

overheads", but he was not

more specific about where

the axe will fall.

Whether this means

trimming the labour force

remains to be seen. Since

March 81, 1982, the manning levels have been cut

by 775 men, 636 in the

mining division and 139

at the Gweru refinery.

Further information on

the control of creditors

and debtors will be released in the annual report

on July 15.

Major shareholders such

as Anglo American Corporation Zimbabwe (60

percent), the British group

John Brown and Company

(17,5 percent) and Old

Mutual (6,3 percent) cannot expect any dividends

from their investment

until the $12 million loan

has been repaid.

CSO: 3400/1590

113
ZIMBABWE

STEADY TRAFFIC BUILD-UP ON BOTSWANA RAIL LINK

Harare BUSINESS HERALD in English 16 Jun 83 p 1

[Article by Lynda Loxton]

[Text]

ABOUT 145 000 net

tonnes Of traffic per

month passes through th6

Botswana line of the.

National Railways of Zimbabwe, says a Ministry of

Transport spokesman,

The official was answering questions- on

Botswana's proposed takeover Of this line put to

him by Business Herald.

, "In the year 1981/82,

traffic moving southwards

over the Plümtree border

was approximately 95 000

net tonnes per month and

northwards, 50 000 net

tonnes per month." j He said the target date l

for the takeover had been

let for December 31 1986.

This tonnage could not

be put in monetary value

as theiline still belonged

to NRZ and no separate

financial records were

kept, he said. The Herald

reported in January that

Zimbabwe would lose

about $5 million a year in

operating fees alone. The

amount to be paid for the

takeover and compensation would be determined at a later date.

"It has been agreed that

a. valuation exercise will

l>ft~ carried out by consultants nearer the date

of takeover, in order that

the valuation obtained be

realistic at the time.

„"The revenue position

will be dependent upon

traffic flows," he added.

Botswana has now filled

1000 posts in the

management of this line

and the NRZ was also

training drivers and other

personnel in preparation

for the takeover, he said.

"NRZ has assisted the

government of Botswana

with training programmes

to the maximum extent

possible. Out of a complement of approximately

1100 staff in Botswana,

some 1000 positions are

filled by Batswana. Advanced training is being

given and this Will enable

many of the remaining

positions to be filled

locally.

"There are 35 Batswana

engine drivers, the majority of whom have completed training to fit them

for mainline duties.

Twelve of them are currently based in Bulawayo

and the government of

Botswana . pays for

specific training of staff

for takeover purposes."

He said meetings were

being held regularly between the two governments and the NRZ and

that .these were progressing "satisfactorily".

The NRZ opened a district office in Francistown

in January and this office

was to be the nucleus of

the Botswana railways administration^

j "It is the culmination of

imany years of planning

and a close co-operation

between the Botswana

government and the

i National Railways of Zimbabwe," an NRZ spokesinan said at the time.

Botswana has . also

launched an $800 million

10-year project to construct a new railway line

to run through the

Kalahari Desert, its President, Dr Quett Masire,

said in 1981. The line, to

be linked to the existing

Zimbabwe - South Africa

line passing through Botswana, will give that country, Zimbabwe, Zambia

and Zaire access to the

major Namibia port of

Walvis Bay.

The Herald Africa

News Service reported in

December, 1980, that

Botswana would pay NRZ

about $55 million for the

takeover and that "funds

over and above the $55

million will be used to buy

, NRZ's other fixed assets

j to Botswana"«

CSO: 3400/1590

lUi
WORKERS SAY SITUATION IMPROVED AT BINDURA NICKEL

Harare BUSINESS HERALD in English 9 Jun 83 p 1

[Text]

ZIMBABWE

HARMONY where ehaos used to reign is now the

state of industrial relations at Bindura Nickel

Corporation, »ays the

management and workers' committee.

"Industrial relations

now, though not totally

improved, are much better

than they were in" 1980

when workers' committees

started," said the vicechairman of the workers'

committee, Mr TYeeman

Chirwa. \

"The situation Improved

due to workers finding out

that some of their hopes

were unrealistic in terms

of Government policies

and due to the start of

workers' education. I do

not think there will ever

be a strike at the mine

again." . The chairman, Mr Morgan Tsvangirayi, also said

working relations had improved in the last two

years, but felt there was

still room for more improvement.

The mine lost 131952

man hours In a nine-day

strike in 1980. The strike

was after some members

of the workers' committee

were dismissed for reporting back to fellow workers during working hours.

"The task of pulling the

two sides together to

work for the common

good began with the mapping out of a new

management strategy and

the involvement of workers in company affairs,"

said aspokesman.

Mr Francis Nehwati,

the Industrial Relations

i Adviser in the parent

company, Anglo American

Corporation, called the

situation at the mine

"chaotic" just after independence.

He said "there was little

communication between

management and workers,

mutual suspicion, and a

breakdown in discipline,

culminating in the strike".

/ The management

started to teach workers

on the 'correct way to air

their grievances through

workers' committees and

works councils, and

through the group's

grievance procedure and

disciplinary code. Members of the workers' committee were also trained.

"This resulted in workers' committees moving

away from 'the concept

that they were purely

grievance committees for

employees as opposed to

forums where all problems

affecting industrial relations could be settled in a

responsible manner,", said

"'.r Nehwati.

"The level of understanding of management

problems was further enhanced by fostering

worker participation in

such matters' as productivity, cost control, discipline, safety and welfarej

"Workers' committees

1 now assumed a conciliatory rather than .a

combative role, and this

! has gone a long way in

i creating goodwill between

management and worki ers.n

An elementary business

and industrial course caliled the "6M Training

Simulation" also played a

vital part in improving

relations, he said. The imaginary course is based on

the six Ms of an organisation — men, machines,

materials, money,

management and markets.

, Mr Tsvangirayi said im-

'provements were needed

in housing and the job

grading exercise.

"You can imagine the

; situation here where we

have about 2 000 em-

' ployees and there are only

I io job descriptions. We

"have been talking in the

works council about the

need-for job description

for a long time and this

has now created anxiety

and frustration," he said.

CSO: 3400/1590

U£
CFU FORECASTS GRAIN AND VEGETABLE OIL SHORTAGES

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 10 Jun 83 p 2

[Text]

ZIMBABWE

GRAIN stocks are likely to run out

in Zimbabwe in May next year,

while another vegetable oil shortage later this year is "inevitable".

These statements by Commercial Farmers Union representatives

were published in the latest issue of

the Farmer magazine this week.

The grain warning was give,n to

the CFU council by the chairman

of the Commercial Grain Producer's Association, Mr Bill Francis.

He said that Zimbabwe would be

forced to use new maize as it was

delivered straight off the farms

next year, as grain stocks "are

: likely" to run out in May.

Mr Francis " added that

^Zimbabwe grain producer prices

were "considerably" out of line

with prices paid in other African

countries. He gave a break-down

of comparable maize, wheat, and

sorghum prices ruling in South

Africa, Zambia, Kenya, Zaire and

Nigeria.

"White maize ,is currently

virtually unobtainable and, even if

it were, landed costs would be in

excess of $215 per tonne," he was

reported as saying.

In a separate report to the CFU

council the chairman of the

Commercial Oilseeds Producers'

Association, Mr Warwick Hale,

said that a vegetable oil shortage

later this year was inevitable.

Deliveries of soyabeans to date

were a "mere" 63 500 tonnes, or

slightly over half of the original

estimated size of the crop. Deliveries of groundnuts, he said, were

about 7 000 tonnes.

The drastic effects of the

drought and the "explosive"

increases in input costs now rising

at an alarming rate were also

referred to by the magazine. .*

It reported that' 'urgent negotiations" were taking place between

I the CFU and Government to

I ensure that finance was available

i to farmers next season.

! During the May meeting of the

; CFU council, representatives

i expressed their alarm and deep

! concern at the "financial crisis"

! facing the industry.

\ The magazine report said that

1 following the council meeting- the

j CFU president, Mr Jim Sinclair,

the vice-president Mr John Laurie

land the Commodity Association

| chairmen met the Minister of Agriculture Senator Denis Norman.

1 The discussions were held in

private and no statement was

'issued. .

CS0: 3400/1588

116
ZIMBABWE

SHORTAGE OF SORGHUM DUE TO DROUGHT COULD HURT BEER INDUSTRY

Harare THE HERALD in English 10 Jun 83 p 7]

[Text]

UNLESS sorghum is imported before the next harvest, Zimbabwe's

brewers of traditional beer will have to cut production and the Govern-

'nient and local authorities stand to lose millions of dollars in taxes and

levies.

Because of the drought a little more than 12 000 tonnes is likely to be

'delivered to the Grain Marketing Board this season, about half what the

maltsters need to pro^

cess for the brewers.

Normally the maltsters

would take 2 000 tonnes of

sorghum a month, the

agricultural development

manager of Chlbuku

Breweries, Mr John

Brown, told The Herald

yesterday.

But at the beginning of

April they were rationed

to 1700 tonnes a month

and last month the quota

was cut to 1500 tonnes a

month, three-quarters of

what the brewers needed.

Supplies of other small

grains,' such as millet and

rapoko, could be used to

stretch the sorghum supply, but these crops had

also '. been hit by the

drought. Sorghum production

should be boosted in the

long term by raising

prices, said Mr Brown V Before the 1981/82

season the sorghum price

was higher than that ot

maize, making it a worthwhile crop for many farmers despite the lower

average yields when compared to maize.

In 1977/78 grade A

maize sold for $52 a tonne

while grade A sorghum

sold for $75.' Two years

later the' prices 'were

$60,50 a tonne for maize

and $80 for sorghum.

During 19 8 0/81,-

sorghum, at $iuo a tonne,

Isold for $30 a tonne more

than maize. But then the

position Changed completely. In the next two

seasons the price of maize

was fixed at $120 a tonne

compared to $115 a tonne

for grade A sorghum.

And the 1983/84 prices

offer the same price, $120

a tonne for grade A ot

both crops.

Mr Brown said a good

crop for the next season

would be 36 000 tonnes, almost treble the projected

size of last season — and

the seed is available

locally for such a crop.

This Would allow th(?

maltsters' to draw tht

2 000 tonnes a month they

needed for local consumption, build the needed

10 000-tonne stockpile and

provide 2 000 tonnes for

potential export markets.

Sorghum would be exported in the reasonably

valuable malted form but

before export markets

could be established Zimbabwe had to be able to

guarantee to be a regular

; supplier.

SUITED

Sorghum was ideally

suited to peasant and

smal 1-scale commercial

farmers, especially in

lower-rainfall areas.

Up to the end of the

1960s the bulk of the

country's sorghum came

from these farmers and in

one year they sold almost

16 000 tonnes. The introduction of hybrids had

boosted commercial production and large-scale

farmers now supplied

most of the grain.

117
"'But'" with "Hie rapid introduction of suitable seed

into the communal areas

and the GMB's depot

building programme, there

was no reason why

peasant sales could not be

far higher.

Sorghum was far less

affected by drought than

maize and could handle

erratic rainfall better as it

did not need moist conditions for pollination.

One Chegutu cömjnercial farmer, whose

maize crop failed completely, replanted with

sorghum in January and

managed to reap 20 bags

a ha, cutting his losses.;

NORMAL

Although it was not

normal for a company to

ask for an increase in the

price of raw materials^ Mr

Brown said that it was

necessary to give the far- I mers an incentive.

A cut in beer sales

would affect the Treasury.

In the 1982/83 financial

year Chibuku, which is the

largest traditional brewer,

paid more than ?29,5 million to the Government in

excise duty, sales tax and

levies.'

And local authorities

would also be hit hard.

Besides the levies the

councils earn considerable

profits through doing

their own retailing, money

that is pumped back into

tbe community.

CSO: 3400/1586

118
ZIMBABWE

MINING INDUSTRY DIFFICULTIES VIEWED

Bulawayo THE SUNDAY NEWS in English 12 Jun 83 p 4

[Editorial]

TText] The Government set up the Minerals Marketing Corporation last year

because the Minister of Mines, Cde Nyagumbo told the House of Assembly

in 1981 his ministry had been "unable to get accurate figures on mineral

sales."

Somebody was taking the Government for a ride. Bluntly, somebody was

cheating the Government.

Today, the mining industry has hit a bad patch. The world recession has _

sent mineral prices plummeting. Until next year perhaps, thxngs will remain

tough for the industry.

Some miners are borrowing heavily from the Government and from the banks

just to keep their mines running. The Government, concerned about the

plight of the workers, is helping out.

But is it not pouring good money after bad? Would direct State intervention in the major mines not ensure that the Government is not taken for a

ride again?

In 1981, the value of Zimbabwe's minerals was $383 524 000, some 5,2 percent

lower than the previous year's $414 760 000.

Last year's and this year's figures are likely to record further falls in

revenue. Yet all the predictions are that by next year prices will pick up.

The Minerals Marketing Corporation has taken over the marketing of all

minerals in Zimbabwe, but it would seem that the Government needs to do

more.

The mining industry is highly sensitive and "nationalisation" is a word

nobody wants to hear bandied about. Yet, dare the Government risk being

fleeced again.

CSO: 3400/1588

119
ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

TRAINING OF EMBASSY STAFF—The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has stepped up

the training of diplomatic personnel in a frantic bid to overcome the

staff shortage in embassies, the secretary, Dr Stan Mudenge, said yesterday.

He said the programme would enable the ministry to fill vacancies in

Zimbabwe's 24 missions. The courses last about six weeks and are being

conducted with the help of the United Nations Development Programme. Cde

Mudenge told The Herald that the intake of each course was 25 and four

courses had been held so far this financial year. The recent course

included two Botswana diplomats. Recruitment was done through the Public

Service Commission. "We tell them the type of people and qualifications

we are looking for." Cde Mudenge said since the country became independent

in 1980, the ministry's preoccupation had been to fill strategic positions

in the embassies. As a result, none of the missions were operating on full

complement. Although there had been problems in finding qualified personnel, there had been a rapid expansion of embassies. There were now between

600 and 700 people serving in diplomatic service compared to 47 in 1980.

Staff were being posted to embassies after training. More diplomatic

personnel were needed to increase the country's effectiveness in the

Commonwealth, Non-aligned Movement, OAU and the United Nations. He said

Government wanted to strengthen its relations with other countries and the

names of high commissioners for London and Gaborone would be announced as

soon as the Cabinet reached a decision. [Text] [Harare THE HERALD in

English 16 Jun 83 p 3]

WORKERS PUT ON SHORT-TIME—BATA shoe company is putting 803 of its 3 300

workers on short time for three months, a company spokesman said last

night. The company had been adversely affected by the world recession and

other factors in Zimbabwe and production had to be cut because of a decline

in sales, limited foreign currency and the accumulation of large stocks,

the spokesman said. From July last year production had been gradually^

reduced, and about 180 men retained in surplus capacities. In April this

year almost 500 men had to be given odd jobs to fill their time. The

company approached the Ministry of Labour and Social Services which favoured

short-time working or unpaid leave rather than retrenchment. "In consultation with the workers' committee it was agreed, for humanitarian reasons,

to go to short-time working, notwithstanding the fact that it is extremely

difficult to implement in the footwear industry. "Accordingly the company

has been granted by the ministry a certificate of exemption from the

provisions of the leather and shoe manufacturing employment regulations.

120
"The measures were necessary to protect the company's present and future

viability and in an endeavour to ensure it remains a major contributor to

the Zimbabwean economy even in the most difficult circumstances," said the

spokesman. [Text] [Harare THE HERALD in English 16 Jun 83 p 3]

CANADA AID FOR MINE SURVEY—Canada and Zimbabwe yesterday signed a $7,8

million aid agreement to revive and stimulate mineral exploration and to

facilitate an increase in the value of mineral exports. The agreement was

signed by the Minister of Mines, Cde Maurice Nyagumbo, and the acting

Canadian High Commissioner, Mr Christopher Brown. Canada will contribute

$7,4 million for an aeromagnetic survey as a grant. There were already six

mining trainees from Zimbabwe in Canada and "we look forward to more Zimbabweans coming to Canada for more studies," Mr Brown said. The aeromagnetic

and electromagnetic surveys would use the most up to date high technology

techniques and should serve to provide a reliable information base in the

search for significant ore bodies in this country. Cde Nyagumbo said that

there were probably vast underground mineral resources in this country of

which many people were not aware. Mr Brown said the aid formed part of the

Z$39 million Canadian development assistance to Zimbabwe pledged at the

Zimcord conference in 1981. This had brought to an end Canada's commitment

to its Zimcord pledge, but did not mean the end of Canadian aid to Zimbawe.

[Text] [Harare THE HERALD in English 16 Jun 83 p 3]

ZANU (PF) CONGRESS NEXT YEAR—The long-awaited Zanu (PF) congress will be

held next year and the date and venue will be announced before the end of

this year, the party's national organising secretary, Cde Maurice Nyagumbo

said yesterday. He said the restructuring of the party which started last

year, would be completed in November or December. "At that time we hope

to tell the people when and where the congress will be held." The restructuring exercise had also started in Matabeleland following a massive boost

in membership as a result of people joining the party from Zapu. Cells and

branches were being established in the province before elections. Cde

Nyagumbo, who is also the Minister of Mines, said actions by dissidents had

not deterred the people from joining the party. "People are just determined," he said. There had been isolated cases where dissidents had harassed

and killed senior officials of Zanu (PF) but this had not stopped the people

from joining the ruling party. The restructuring exercise was going on

smoothly and quickly in the province. The whole of Matabeleland was being

reorganised except for Matabeleland North. There were only a few areas

in Mashonaland and Manicaland where the party was finalising the setting up

of women's and youth leagues. Cde Nyagumbo said he was happy with the way

the restructuring exercise had been conducted. Zanu (PF) in Masvingo

Province is to hold its congress on August 7, the party's provincial

publicity secretary, Cde Jeremiah Chisasa, said yesterday. He said, however, that the final decision rested with the party's central committee,

reports Ziana. [Text] [Harare THE HERALD in English 16 Jun 83 p 1]

UMBRELLA ASSOCIATION TO UNIFY SYSTEM-An umbrella association of the three

mam types of Local Authorities is in the pipeline, the Minister of Local

Government and Town Planning, Cde Enos Chikowore, said in Harare yesterday

Speaking before the departure of a delegation from the Urban Councillors

Association, the Association of Rural Councils and the Association of

121
District Councils on a study tour of Sweden, Cde Chikowore said that an

umbrella association would be a major step towards unifying the system of

Local Government in Zimbabwe. He said that the system of Local Government

in the country was like other systems that were inherited from colonial

governments and needed a great deal of transformation. It was against this

background that the Ministry decided to send the representatives of the

three organisations to Sweden, to undertake a study tour and to attend the

International Union of Local Authorities Congress. From Sweden, the party

will travel to Britain to look at the local government training board at

Luton and hold discussions with the Local Authorities Conditions of Service

Advisory Board in London. [Text] [Bulawayo THE CHRONICLE in English

11 Jun 83 p 3]

MA.SVINGO-MUTARE ROAD PROJECT—Given Zimbabwe's rapid expansion of road

transport—more than 27 percent up overall on the 1979 level, and over

19 percent up for heavy-duty vehicles—and the expected economies on

vehicle operating and road maintenance costs, the Birchenough BridgePamushana road construction project is well-founded economically. In its

annual report for 1982, the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa

(BADEA), which is assisting the project, says the road project will

assist integration between Masvingo and Mutare, centre of refinery and

petroleum product distribution. It will also provide access to the port

of Beira in Mocambique, to the southern and central regions of Zimbabwe,

as well as to neighbouring Botswana. BADEA is assisting the project with

a loan of $10 million or 13 percent of the total cost. The loan is repayable in 10 years, after five years of grace, at an interest rate of 5 percent a year. In addition to the construction of the Birchenough road

(88km) to two-lane bituminous paved standard, the other components of the

project include strengthening and widening of Birchenough Bridge, construction of the Ndanga-Triangle road (100 km), Range-Mharadzano (83km),

and Chivhu-Lothian road (132km). The other component is the procurement

of technical assistance and equipment for the Ministry of Roads and Road

Traffic Training Centre. Implementation work was scheduled to start in

April this year and will be completed in three years. The major highway

project is also being assisted by the World Bank which last week approved

a loan of US$26,4 million for the project.: The loan is from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), and is repayable

over 20 years. It has five years of grace at an annual interest rate linked

to the cost of Bank borrowings. The loan also carries an annual commitment

charge of 0,75 percent on undisbursed balances and a front-end fee of

1,5 percent on the amount of the loan. [Text] [Harare THE FINANCIAL

GAZETTE in English 10 Jun 83 p 7]

THREAT OF FAMINE—There is no doubt that without international assistance,

famine will be a reality in Zimbabwe, a Government spokesman said last

night. The spokesman was reacting to a statement on Thursday by the

Director of Social Services, Cde Dawson Sanyangare, who said Zimbabwe would

be the last African state to face famine. On Wednesday, the director of

the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation, Mr Donald Kimmel,

said that 18 African countries including Zimbabwe were threatened by famine.

The Government spokesman said that Cde Sanyangare's statement was not in

accord with the true state of affairs. "Zimbabwe is one of the countries

threatened with famine due to the severe drought we have experienced."

The spokesman added that the Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and

Development, Cde Bernard Chidzero, recently reiterated that upwards of

$100m will be channelled to relief and related exercises due to the drought.

[Text] [Bulawayo THE CHRONICLE in English 11 Jun 83 p 5]

122
SHORTAGE OF SKILLS IN CIVIL SERVICE—-Standards have been lowered in some

fields of the Civil Service because of the lack of experience of those

appointed to replace skilled personnel who left since independence, the

Minister of State responsible for the Public Services, Mr Chris Andersen,

said in Harare yesterday. He was opening an 11-day workshop for senior

trainers from provincial training centres. Mr Andersen said that with the

dramatic increase on the Civil Service to cater in particular for develop-,

ment in the rural areas, and the loss of a number of skilled personnel since

Independence, some of those appointed to replace them or to new posts had

"impressive qualifications but little or no experience in administration.^

"They were literally thrown into the deep end and in many cases to do their

best in difficult circumstances with an inevitable lowering of standards in

some fields." The Minister said he was aware of areas where difficulties

had occurred and the Public Service would seek to overcome these "by our

training programmes and the judicious use of expatriate skills." If the

training was to be of a high order and produce beneficial results, those who

carried out the training had themselves to be suitably equipped to do so,

he said. [Text] [Bulawayo THE CHRONICLE in English 14 Jun 83 p 3]

CSO: 31400/1590 END

123