JPRS#SSA+85+095
4 October 1985

Certainly not. The future of the press in Senegal lies in its diversity.
Diversity of publications, diversity of opinions. It should be protected and
treasured, as it is a sign of the existence of democracy in Senegal.

If the government notes that the press publishes unfactual news, it must bear
part of the responsibility for this. With a sector so vulnerable, where
investments yield little or no profits, the government should not stand idly
by; rather it should help people to respect their independence and integrity,
give them access so they can find the information they seek, instead of numbing
them with communiques and statements of which they have good reason to be
suspicious.

Finally, the challenge of a good press is one that should be met by the state
as well as journalists. The alternative may be that journalists lose face while
the state faces a permanent threat to its stability. The mere formulation of
the problem is already a step forward (see our article [below] about the
conference on "The Institutional System of the Press in Senegal and the Organs
of Censorship"), and now it is time to move ahead, with the goal of seeing
truth prevail in every publication.

Rights, But Also Duties
Dakar WAL FADJRI in French 8-30 Aug 85 pp 8-10
[Article by Youssoupha Ndiaye]

[Text] "If Senegal has problems--and it does--freedom of opinion does not seem
to be one of them." It was with this quotation from President Abdou Diouf,
upon his return from the Courts and Tribunals of 1984-1985, that Mr Djibril
Samb on 2 August began his introductory remarks at the Hotel Teranga at the _
conference on “The Institutional System of the Press in Senegal and the Organs
of Censorship," a conference organized by the Press Club. However equivocal the
subject might seen, investigator Djibril Samb carried it off well. All the way
through he was sedate and thoughtful, able to keep the discussions
dispassionate, avoid polemics and keep the discussions on a scientific plane,

It is perhaps somewhat disappointing that he focused so exclusively on the
legislative language concerning the press, without concerning himself
excessively with the way in which freedom of the press and the right of
journalists to keep the public informed are actually encountered every day by
working professionals. This, one might say, was the only gap in his
presentation, which without doubt was a veritable feast of information.

The information was that we have a liberal press system. This system is
expressed in the institutionalized freedom of the press, freedom of speech and
freedom of opinion, without discrimination based on race, ethnicity, skin color
or religion. In addition, it is stipulated in Article 11 of the penal code that
all one needs to do to publish a journal is to sign a statement of publication
with the public prosecutor's office, But this freedom of the press is subject
to certain obligations which amount to restrictions. These limits, however, are
legal, according to Mr Samb, for they are tied to public order and to the

55



JPRS~SS 44854095
October 1985

AUSTRALIAN, NORWEGIAN OIL AGREEMENTS

Dar es Salaam DATLY NEWS in English 3 Sep 86 p 1

Lfiext]

THE Norwegian state-owned oil
compauy (STATOIL) yesterday
opened a Dar es Salaam ottfice to
be jointly used by the Tanzania
Petroleum Development Corpo-
ration (TPDC) for oil explora-
tion in Tanzania. :

A TPDC statement issued in

"the city yesterday said the office,
jpanga Road, '

situated alon,

was equipped with computer

facilities for seismic data proces-.°

sing, interpretation and eyalua-
tion.

The statement said. the office
had the largest computing cay ace
ity presently available in Tan-
zania,

It said that
intended to prospect for oil in
Tanzania and possibly conclude
a production sharing ayicement.

STATOIL had already carried
‘out several evaluations and tech-
nical studies related to pet-

roleum exploration in Tanzania, .

the statement. said, adding that
the firm had also assisted TPDC

STATOIL :

in following up and carrying out,
various drilling and other explo-

ration operations.

A five-year petroleum sector -

Tireugh he N was | launched
through the Norwegian Agency
for Nevelonment iNORAD! 4
1983 with a total budget of
88m/-.

The programme ' included

) in

financial and technical assistance *

‘in seismic and grayity surveys,

119

, geological surveys, evaluation
and interpretation studies and
. institutional support for TPDC
and the Ministry. of Water,’
* Energy and Minerals. .

It also covered support to the
biostratigraphic unit at the Uni-
versity of Dar es Salaam, techni-
cal support from the Norwegian

* Petroleum Directorate ‘for -'

{ Studies, supervision analysis and

* training of TDPC personnel at

. Norwegian universities and
other foreign institutions, it said,

Meanwhile, an Australidn '

+ company starts oil exploration in

‘ Coast Region today following an
agreement signed in Dar es
Salaam yesterday between the
gompany and the Ministry of
Water, Energy and Minerals.

A press statement issued by -
the Ministry said that the agree-
ment was aimed at enabling the
Australian company to partici.
pate in the petroleum explova-
tion activities currently being.
undertaken in: the licence area
held by the International Energy
Development Corporation

IEDC), the Kuwait Foreign ‘
etroleum Exploration Corpo-' :
ration ARUFPEC and the ©
Societe Nationale Elf Aquitaine
(SNEA).
It said that according to the
“agreement, IEDC and EC
would jointly hold 40 per cent of
the exploration interests while
_SNEA and the Australian com-



JPRS*SSA+85+095
4 October 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

AIM COMMENTARY WARNS AGAINST INTERNAL ENEMY
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 23 Aug 85 p 3
[MOZAMBIQUE INFORMATION AGENCY editorial: "Who's Who?"]

[Text] The incidents in Maputo Province and other parts of the country have once
again shown the armed bandits’ nature as tools.

We think that there is a clear realization throughout the entire national terri-
tory of the bandits' leading characteristic. .The armed bandits have been tools

of external forces which want to see Mozambique incapable of developing itself,

or even returning to the status of a colonized country.

But while this is the leading characteristic, it is not the only one. During
recent months, President Samora Machel has alerted our society to another factor:
There are individuals who are amassing wealth based on the armed bandits: The
poverty of the majority and aggression are a source of wealth for a small
minority.

Where are those individuals, and who are they?

The Mozambican people's struggle, the battles waged daily by our troops and
officers, the efforts for development expended by the party and the government:
in short, the current process of confrontation and construction are attesting
to who those individuals are.

But at the present time, what any conscious citizen can observe is the following:
In the first place, in nearly all aspects of the management of a country, we
inherited enormous. ignorance, and hence we are to a large extent learners: _ We
are learning to govern by governing. Secondly, there is organized disorganiza—
tion; there is conscious incompetence; and part of what is wrong lies inside
the institutions.

Let's take speculation as an example.
There are people who don't want to see a substantial increase: in food production,

so that they can continue distributing the little that there is, at exorbitant
prices.

21



ASBESTOS PRODUCTION TO IMPROVE

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 Sep 85 p 22

[Text]

LAST year asbestos worth $69m
was produced in Zimbabwe, mak-
ing it the country’s second most
valuable mineral, the deputy
Minister of Mines Mr Chimbid-
zayi Sanyangare, said recently.

“Asbestos is ui.2 orincipal base
mineral in both volu-ne of output
and value’, Mr Sanyangare said,
“In terms of value, it ranks second
only to gold”.

Zimbabwe exported its asbestos
to over 52 countries, the Minister

said, with the main customers be-..

ing in the Middle East and Asia.
Most exports were in fibre form at
present, but government was hi

ing that capital would be available

eventually to establish a spinning

plant,
Referting to the downturn in as-

bestos exports, Mr Sanyangare said

because the mines were unable to
sell all they produced, a
100 000-tonne stockpile was built
up in 1982. .
Production had subsequently been
reduced — in 1983 it fell to 152 000
tonnes from 200 000 in 1982. In
1983 the industry sold 165 000
tonnes against a target of 180 000.
The present stockpile of asbestos
is about 82 602 tonnes and the
Mineral Marketing Corporation of
Zimbabwe expects it to rise to about
83 728 tonnes at the end of the year.
Although the asbestos market and.
prices remain depressed, both new
mills at Zvishavane and Mashava
are running at full capacity and sales
are at a slightly higher rate than last
year, Mr A W Rackham, chairman
and managing director of Shabanie
and Mashaba Mines, told The
Gazette.
“One of our main problems,” he
said, “‘is that inflation is running at
ahigher-rate than our main compe-

CsO: 3400/1148

titors (Canada) and although in the
past few years the devaluation of
our dollar and the strengthening of
the US dollar has helped consider-
ably to offset the effect of this, we
must nevetheless do all we can to
control inflation now and in the fu-
ture. Thanks to the efforts of our
employees, we have had some
measure of success in holding cost
escalation at the mines below the
general rate of inflation and we will
continue to work to this end and to

improve productivity — and
efficiencies.””
He stated another problem as be-

ing the continuing shortage of
skilled and experienced people
although the company’s comprehen-
sive training programmes are show-
ing some encouraging results.
1 The asbestos industry, as a whole,
ihas been concerned for a long time
about the health and environmental
problems associated with asbestos
and much has been achieved
throughout the world in improving
upon conditions existing in the past.
“‘In this regard,’ said Mr Rack-
ham, ‘‘there have been some en-
couraging developments and there
is increasing evidence to suggest
that non-occupational health risks to
the public are minimal and under
properly controlled conditions the
‘occupational risk can be reduced to.
acceptable levels.””
He continued, ‘‘In a report pub-
lished in April 1985, the world
.tenowned epidermiologists Profes-
sors Sir Richard Doll and Julian
Peto conclude that the risk to the
general public from casual or occa-
sional exposure to asbestos fibres in.
the course of their ordinary business
or domestic life is comparable to the

150

JPRS#“SSA4854095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE

risk of a non-smoker contracting
cancer from other peoples’ cigarette
smoking.

“We have had very little asbestos
related disease on the mines which
have been worked for over 50
years,”" he said, ‘and with our two
new mills and improved environ-
mental controls, we expect there to
be even less.

NOT THE ANSWER

“Substitutes for asbestos have
been tried over a fairly long period
and, whilst they are undoubtedly be-
ing used, there is no single subst
tute for asbestos and, in most cases,
the substitute is more expensive or
less effective. Furthermore, in

| many instances there could be health
and environmental risks associated
with substitutes,” he suggested.

“We are therefore confident that

"the demand for asbestos will con-
tinue for the foreseeable future, and
provided inflation can be curbed and
we can control costs and continue
improving efficiencies and produc-
tivity, we will be in a better posi-
tion than most of our competitors
to meet this demand for a long time
to come,” said Mr Rackham.



NON-STATE GROUPS WARNED OF ENGAGING IN POLITICAL ACTIVITIES

Durban THE DAILY NEWS in English 23 Aug 85 p 6

[Text]

cso:

3400/1090

HARARE: Non-govern-
ment organisations, in-
cluding aid agencies and
religious groups, have
been warned that they
faced expulsion from
Zimbabwe if they en-
gaged in political activi-
ties or adopted anti-gov-
ernment stances.

The stern warning
came from the Governor
of the Matabeleland
South Province, Senator
Mark Dube, when he
called on the various
non-government organi-
sations operating in his
province to resolve their
differences with govern-
ment officials.

Senator Dube claimed

“that during the recent
. general elections, a num-
‘ber of non-government

organisations in Matabe-
leland were seen to be
involving themsleves in
politics. Although the

province was “security -

sensitive” and govern-
ment workers needed
military escorts when

‘travelling, some

non-government organi-
sations claimed they did
not need such protection.
He asked why this was.
Damage had been

- caused by the dissidents

in the province, and a
number of government
vehicles and government
Property had been da-
maged by rebel attacks.

145

However, no non-govern-

ment organisation had

its vehicles or personnel

attacked. This was sur-

prising to the authorities,
added.

The Governor of Ma-
tabeleland North, Mr
Jacob Mudenda, added
that people came into
the province under the
guise of doing research
or as reporters interest-
ed in development news.
In some cases, checks
had shown their back-
grounds to be dubious, he
said.

JPRS“SSA“85*095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE



NOTE

JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
~ transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
“ sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
[],are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was’
“processed. Where no processing indicator is given, -the infor-

. mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as. appropriate in context.

. Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

PROCUREMENT OF PUBLICATIONS

JPRS publications may be ordered from the National Technical
- Information Service, Springfield, Virginia 22161. In order-
ing, it is recommended that the JPRS number, title, date and
‘author, if. applicable, of publication be cited.

Current JPRS publications are announced in Government Reports
Announcements issued semi-monthly by the National Technical
‘Information Service, and are listed in the Monthly Catalog of
U.S. Government: Publications issued by the Superintendent of
_ Documents, U.S: Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
20402. .

\. Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement
may be addressed to. Joint Publications Research Service,
1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.



ANC OPENS FIRST EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE

Harare THE HERALD in English 4 Sep 85 p 4

[Article by Anaclet Rwegayura]

[Text ]

. MAZIMBU {Tanzania).
OLIVER TAMBO, leader of the South African
National Congress (ANC), describes the: ANC
college here as ‘ta window on the future of a

liberated motherland”, |

With mixed emotions of
gtief and joy as they
recalled the 1976 Soweto
student uprising, ANC,
members gathered here |
jate last month for the of- |
ficial opening of the i
Solomon Mahlangu
Freedom College (Somaf ,
Co), the ANC'’s first |
educational institution.

After the Soweto upris- :
ing, during which police
shot dead more than 300
students and _ wounded
hundreds more, thousands -
of young black South
Africans fled the country. .
Most joined the ANC, °
which has referred many :
for further education to
Somaf Co.

Somaf Co, named after,
a young ANC erila
who was executed in;
1979, was established .
that year to cater for the .
educational needs of i
youths exiled from South ;
Africa,

“This is a glorious |
day,” Cde Tambo told an ‘
international gathering of *
guests at the opening
ceremony, “"‘We are!
gathered here to bear’
witness to. the fruition, of :
an independent education
institutien that ejects
Bantu education.” '

The quality of educa-
tion blacks receive under
“Bantu education” is in-
ferior to white education,
and government spending
per capita on white

pupils far outweighs tts ©

‘outlay for black pupils.
Somaf Co has grown
impressively into a
sizeable complex con-
sisting of a vocational
training unit, an adult
education centre, various
production units, a hos-~

_ pital, and nursery and

primary schools.
Realisation of the en-
tire project was a result
of multi-national support
and donations from gov-
ernment and non-govern-
mental organiisaticns,
Amove these were the
UN Educational, Sclenti-

‘fle and Cultural Organ-

jsation! (Unesco) and the
Development Pro-
gramme (UNDP).

Amié cheers, ululations
and drumbeats, Cde
Tambo told guests: “We
have laid foundations for
the new — educational
system that liberated
South Africa will require.
At Somaf Co we are
demonstrating our ability
and capacity to govern

115

JPRS+SSA~85+095

4 October 19

TANZANIA

“ourselves in a democratic

and non-racial system.”

ENDURE

Cde Tambo reminded
his compatriots that they
come from a_ country
where the majority have
hag to endure a racist
education system =
Bantu education — which
he said constitutes ‘an ex-
treme expression of colo-
nial ideology.

Rejecting the view that
the South African
government is moving
away from apartheid, Cde
Tambo declared: “Apart-
held cannot. be reformed
by its own perpetrators.”

However, he added that
“It will not be Jong before
we create conditions in
our country derived from
experiences we have
learnt here”,

In response, the sec-
retary of organisation in
‘Yanzania’s ruling Chama
Cha Mapinduzi party,
Cde Moses Nnauye, said
the politics of “oppres-
sion” svould always entail
the “radicalisation of the
oppressed”,

Somat Co was estab-
shed on a plot granted

85



TWO BOTHAS CLASH ON PACE, SCOPE OF CHANGE

{Article by John MacLennan]

[Text] THE pressure for change this week had

the two Bothas at apparent loggerheads

as Foreign Minister Pik contradicted

President Piet directly on where the

blame should lie for the evils of apart-
eid. : ‘

In what amounts to a complete backflip on
the maligned policy, the Foreign Minister
confessed in an interview that the Govern-
ment had seen the light and admitted it had
made mistakes in legislating the rigid separa-
tion of the races. .

Yet recently, in a response to an HSRC report on
apartheid, President Botha pronounced . himself
sick and tired “of hearing how guilty the Afrikaner
and the National Party are.” The time had come,
he said, for “this myth to be crushed once and for

all.

And in his much ballyhooed speech at the Natal
Congress of the National Party, President Botha
came up only with vague prospects for change and
the baleful warning to the outside world: n't
push us too far.”

Political academics interviewed this week would

“not be quoted by name and confessed they were in
the dark.

But they conceded the clash in attitudes could .

provide credence to persistent speculation that the
Cabinet is anything but unanimous on the pace and
* scope of change, that President Botha in fact cut
the guts out of the Durban speech under pressure
from conservative colleagues, and that Mr Pik
Botha was mortified to discover the message had

been watered down from the one he had been au -

thorised to give foreign govern-
ments at a meeting in Vienna a
few days before.

64

JPRS*SSA#854095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 18

“Some feel the Foreign Minis-~
ter’s latest statement on the
subject indicates the more ver-
ligte members of the Cabinet
may well be gaining the mus-
cle they need for real change
as the Government reels under
the onslaught of . terrific
pressure for reform.

At this ‘stage it is not just .
calls for change.

The Sunday Star broke the
exclusive news three weeks
ago that some of the country’s
financial giants had initiated
talks with the ANC in Lusaka.

The Foreign Minister’s state-

-ment is a thumbs-down to offi-

cial NP policy of the last 36
years. He said: “I admit in
years gone by we went too far
with legislative measures and
concentrated too much on frag-
mentation and compartmenta-
lisation of our communities. .
“We have changed our atti-
tude in this respect. We now ,
see clearly that we have a lot. ‘
in common and instead of con-
centrating solely on the differ-
ences we are concentrating on
what we have in common, !
“And that is why we are pre-
pared to remove measures
which impair the human dig- |
nity of people based on colour,
to remove racial discrimina-


FOUR WHITE DETAINEES FREED

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Sep 85 p 16

[Text] HARARE. — Four -

cso:

Zimbabwe Whites ar-

rested last week on |

suspicion of plotting :

the secession of oppo-
sition leader Mr Jo-
shua Nkomo’s Mata-

beleland province have .

been released, lawyers
confirmed yesterday.
Mr Trevor Hemans
(56), Mr Michael Jacobs
(64), Mr Patrick Higgins
(49) and Mr Anthony
Hunt (48) were held last
week in a crackdown
against supporters of Mr
Nkomo. Scores of others _

-have been arrested in the ;

last two months.
- Lawyers said the
Whites were detained
under emergency powers
regulations accusing them |
of plotting with Mr Nko-
mo’s minority Zimbabwe -
African People’s Union
Party to secede southern ,
Matabeleland — province |
from Zimbabwe, and of
supporting armed anti-;
government rebels who
profess loyalty to Mr’
Nkomo. * 4
All four were released
on Monday and only one,
Mr Hunt, was told that he

might face charges later, ,

lawyers said.

3400/1166

Among Blacks arrested j

and still in detention are

four MPS and six Bula-*
| Wayo city councillors who ;

are all top officials of Mr

Nkomo’s party. .

The Prime Minister,
Mr Robert Mugabe, and
his Ministers accuse Mr
Nkomo of giving orders

, to armed rebels and say
: the arrests are a result of,

routine police investiga-
tions into — activities;

; against the State.
” Mr Nkomo has denied ~

any association with .re-

: bels who have murdered

and maimed scores of

_ Mugabe Party officials

and supporters. The Op-
Position leader has count-
ered that the crackdown

is an attempt to frame his °

party so that it can be
banned, leaving the way |
open for Mr Mugabe to
achieve his avowed aim of

* creating a one-party state. *

— Sapa-AP.

148

IJPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE


AUTHOR VIEWS CONTINUED VAAL UNREST
Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 8 Sep 85 p 7

[Article by Johannes Rantete]

[Text] JOHANNES RANTETE, 21, came into international
prominence last year when the Vaal unrest erupted. He
published a book, “The Third Day of September”, which
was banned, and he was detained. :

The banning of his book and his detention unleashed

JPRS=SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

‘an international outcry until he was released and the ban on

student at the University of the Witwatersrand.

his book lifted. Today the Sharpeville-born author is a law

THE blanket ban im-

The Lekoa Community

Council increased rentals in the

posed by the SA Govern- face of the present epanomie :
+f environment ern Te-

ment on all services com- cari iment, increasing general

memorating the Vaal un- sales tax and already high un-

rest is very disappointing.

The blanket ban on mectings in-
dicates nothing more than the mon-
strous blunderings made by the
Government.

Its response to a situation which required
negotiation and conciliation has set it further
upon a course of violence.

1 emphatically argued in my publication
“The Third Day of September” that the rebel-
lion in Sebokeng and the rest of the Vaal in
particular, resulted from the implementation
of the unwelcomed Black Community Council
system — and I still stress that such a system is
counterproductive and unpro-
fessional.

Regardless of its form, in all
its expressions it is devoid of
legitimacy. It would be unwise
for me to advise the Govern-
ment how to solve the intrica-
cies of this system.

Rather I call for its annul-
ment.

Thus far it has achieved
nothing more than bloodshed

and country-wide turmoil.

It ig undoubtedly at the root
of the 1984 uprisings that have
swept through SA up to today.

The Vaal suffered the evils
of one of these councils ~ but
remained tolerant until the rent
issue arose.

employment.

‘he Vaal communities have
risen fiercely against this ac-
tion,” and have ‘broken_ the
shackles of oppression. They
have added past experience to
the present and found the an-
swer of violence. They have
become the forerunners of
black passion. Their anger not

_ only reached the boundaries of

- urban unrest only on the

their surburbs, but became an

irritant in the hearts of the

concerned and negligent white
community. Furthermore it
brought a sense of concern toi
the international communities..'
It would be wrong to expla
Si8

of the black community coun-
cil system, without mentioning «

‘another element that soon scat~.

tered the seeds of the Sebokeng ,
rebellion to other parts of the
country, leading to continued
rioting and resistance.

What I mean here is the
immediate transformation of
the township unrests into a gi-
gantic political issue — which
emanated from black suffer-*

75

ings and the immediate need
for a political Messiah.

For the first time in the his-
tory of black resistance against
Government policies, the name
of Nelson Mandela was”
chanted in every corner of the. _
townships. It has swept not
only throughout SA, - but
throughout.the world.

It has automatically altered
the thinking of younger black
South Africans, and has shown.
all Sauth Africans and outside ~
observers that, black liberation
in SA will be incomplete with-

out the release of Nelson Man-

dela.

This assertion is not tactical-
ly aimed to influence the Gov-
ernment to release him, but to
advise it that there will be no
solution to township rebellion

as long as such issues are ig-
» nored.

Tsay the Vaal has made its
‘own history - but it didi
make it just a8 it pleased, it’
> didn’t make it under circum-



achieved numerous victories in both the political and socio-economic fields;
victories that explain the frenzy of our enemies against our’ young revolution
and that prove the rightness of the political orientation defined in the
political orientation speech of 2 October 1983.

In Comrade Kabre's view, we must derive from this national situation “the
harmful characteristics typical of the petty bourgeois intellectuals that we
are” in order to find solutions, because “winning victories does not mean
being immune from errors. That is why we should be constantly challenging
ourselves in order to improve. To any rational revolutionary a failure must
be an unrivaled source of experience for the future."

After condemning certain types of behavior that must not develop in exercising
the revolutionary power, Comrade Felix Kabre concluded by saying that “though
initially some students hesitated and others were influenced by national
populism, one can today affirm that the general trend is mobilization of the
students within the CDR's.” That is why this conference must have, among
other objectives, the goal of strengthening these gains and defining and
discussing conscientiously the tasks of the student youth, because the
building of a new society requires total commitment of the youth.

Following him on the rostrum, Comrade Ousseni Banaon, president of the
national students bureau, congratulated the students on behalf of his
colleagues for organizing the conference so as to “express the firm will of
our student youth to mobilize all energies in service of the great battles of
the hour." He said that the conference should remind all young people that
theory should be combined with practice, be transformed into practice,
reinvigorate itself, correct itself, and verify itself by practice. Comrade
Banaon concluded by undertaking the commitment, in the name of all the
students, to make future students into intrepid and indefatigable
propagandists of the RDP, which can only be achieved through the action that
today's students take toward their young brothers. The latter dare to
believe, he said, that “the students will not hesitate to do everything to
merit the confidence that the Faso pupils have placed in them."

The next speaker was Comrade Adama B. Ouedraogo, office director in charge of
promoting current affairs of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific
Research. He suggested to the comrade students some pieces of advice and
ideas as a contribution to enriching the debate.

The last speaker was Capt Pierre Ouedraogo, national secretary general of the
CpR's, who said: “If year number 1 of the RDP witnessed the birth of the CDR's
on campus, year number 2 was without doubt the year of their flourishing.” He
paid tribute to the struggles waged by the students on campus against the
bourgeois ideology rooted in attitudes, and their firm commitment to the
advanced positions of the revolutionary struggle to build a new society, while
absorbing the problems of the broad people's masses. Their participation in
the major battles of the RDP is eloquent witness to this: Capt Pierre
Quedraogo added:. "One can note with satisfaction the heroic assaults that have
conquered the last citadels of populism and leftism in all the universities,
especially Ouagadougou University. And all these actions by the students
demonstrate their determination to work to strengthen the alliance of the
foundation classes in our country struggling to eliminate all servitude.

11



JPRS#SSA*854095
4 October 1985

TANZANTA

TARECU PURCHASES CROPS
Dar es Salaam DAILY NEWS in English 3 Sep 85 p 3

[Bext7 \THE Tabora Region Go- ~ spet ‘Oi buying the crop, gunny.

operative “Union (TARECU)
has purchased © 4,492,273:
Lkilogrammes of various crops
“worth 43,949,296/45, Shihata has
Teported,

y__ A report issued by TARECU.
“ General Manager Mwelukiwa J.
Sizya to the Regional
Crop Purchasing Commit-
tee at the - weekend said

2,236,542.5 . —_ kilogrammes
worth —  18,350,824/: had
been transported from

primary co-operative societies to
ational Milling Corporation
(NMC) godowns.

, “He told the committee that the
National Bank of Commerce
(NBC) had authorised 3.1m/- for
the purchase of an assortment of
crops, and that the money had all
been spertt.

He said the crops had already
been paid for by the NMC and
the — General’. Agricultural
Products Export Corporation
(GAPEX). Returns by both
institutions are 7,452,885/25 and
2m/-, respectively.

+ Ndugt. Sizya explained that
‘since the money had all been
spent, the Union had applied tor

another overdraft from NBC, -

He said 94,787,170/- had been
asked for against the earlier
40m/-.

. He said. the NBC had
authorised 33.5m/- for cotton
purchases and that until August

» some 32,523,368/- had been =

124

bags and insurance cover.

fie said cotton ginning was
joing on well and that todate
+375 bales had been ginned.

Some 627 bales out of these had

been sent to Bukene and 200 to

Dar es Salaam.

The General Manager told the
* committee that the former
Tanzania Cotton Authority
(TCA) was owed 11,412,557/- by
the Union and that the money
was yet to be paid, He said if the
money was ‘paid, it would assist
in the exercise’ of crop buying
and, therefore, hasten the
exercise,

Ndugi Sizya said the Union
was facing shortage of gunny
bags with which to pack general
crops and that though 64,000
bags ‘were required only 25,659
had been obtained. All had been
distributed to the villages. Some
100 bales of bags were expected
to arrive in the Region‘soon, he
added.

On credits. for tobacco inputs, :

cotton and other crops for the
1985/86 season, Ndugu Sizya
said thé Co-operative and Rural
Development Bank (CRDB)
had authorised an overdraft of
190m/-. He added, however,
that negotiations
CRDB and Tanzania Fertiliser
Company (TFC) were still on
» regarding mode of payment. ,
le further said that CRDB

between -

\had authorised the Union to ‘

" purchase inputs up to 50 per


officials, no doubt to offer them a drink. Twenty ministers were arrested
right away on Saturday, including the formidable chief of secret police
(NASA), minister of state for internal security, Cris Rwakasisi, captured
while he was trying to flee to Kenya. This was a man whose fate few Ugandans
will mourn.

Little is known about the personality of the new head of state. Brazilio
Olara Okello was not a top-rank officer. All we know about him is that he
lived in exile in Tanzania during the Amin Dada period, and that he fought
during the "war of liberation" of 1979. His main attribute, in fact, is being
an Acholi, a tribal minority allied to the Langi of President Obote until
their victorious uprising. This is an important rivalry in a country where
the "tribal issue" remains an essential element in holding power.

The Acholi-Langi alliance, which 1n 1979 had made it possible to seize power
from the Lugbara of Idi Amin Dada, had been in a bad way for a long time. The
Acholi, who made up half the strength of the army and were often assigned the
"dirty work," were less and less happy with the monopolization of power by the
Langi. The issue was posed sharply on the occasion of replacement, 18 months
ago, of the army chief of staff, who died in a helicopter accident. Claimed
by the Acholi, the post was given, after a long period of uncertainty, to the
Langi. Recently, incidents between the two tribes broke out over dividing a
batch of arms delivered by North Korea. Also, Okello was reportedly the
target of an attempted assassination, which precipitated events.

Having gained power as a result of tribal frustration, General Okello is
extending his hand to the other tribes in order to insure his survival. He
has need to do so, because the country is in a stage of advanced
decomposition. The new head of state particularly needs Yoweri Museveni, who
leads the all-powerful National Resistance Army (NRA), a guerrilla group that
relies on the Ankole tribe of western Uganda and in part on the Baganda, the
country's main group. Museveni, who has several thousand armed men, has
benefited from the confusion in the army to extend his zone of influence to
Fort Portal, near the Zaire border, and thus has an additional card in the
expected bargaining. From Goteborg, Sweden, where he is now, Museveni, a
former "Marxist" minister of defense, has stated that he is ready "to
participate in the country's new direction on condition that the ruling power
guarantees peace and democracy." He added that he did not intend to return
immediately to Uganda, as the country's new authorities had invited him to do.

In fact, in December, Museveni and the Acholi officers of the army met
secretly to plana joint overthrow of Obote. According to our information,
the negotiation broke down over the NRA leader's insistence on getting the
defense portfolio and having his guerrillas integrated into the army. Without
an end to the civil war, there is a strong risk of the new regime falling into
the same difficulties as those of the regime it brought down. Especially
since it also has to deal with two other guerrilla forces: the Federal
Democratic Movement (FEDEMO), Baganda-based, and the Uganda National Salvation
Front (UNFR), active in the northeast province of West Nile and led by Moses
Ali, a former colleague of Idi Amin.

130


ZEIT: What do you think of nonviolent combat methods such as the current
boycott of white businesses in various parts of the country directed by
blacks?

" Buthelezi: I am an advocate of consumer boycotts. Only I do not believe that
a recession in which massive numbers of blacks are losing their jobs is the
appropriate time for such an action. I am also of the opinion that a boycott
can only have the desired effect when all blacks support it as determinedly as
possible.

ZEIT: That is not the case?

Buthelezi: The greatest obstacle on the road to our liberation is the
divisiveness among blacks. UDF and black AZAPO [Azanian People's
Organization] fundamentalists fight each other, clashes are occurring between
our "Inkatha" and the UDF. We are the largest and the most powerful
organization and we have always been open to reconciliation. Our black
brothers do not however wish to take us up on it.

ZEIT: Why are Western sanctions against South Africa notappropriate?

Buthelezi: Sanctions and investment embargoes are ineffective. That was
already demonstrated in the case of Rhodesia. And the South African economy
is considerably stronger, more autarkic than that of Rhodesia. Furthermore,
blacks would suffer more than whites under sanctions. Volkswagen, Mercedes
and Siemens employ thousands of blacks, give them opportunities for earning
money and for training, and increase their economic power. The more this
power grows, the more the South African economy is dependent on blacks, the
stronger our negotiating position with the whites is. Economic integration is
thus the flip side of the liberation for which we blacks are striving.

ZEIT: What will happen in South Africa if basic reforms are not forthcoming?

Buthelezi: The vicious circle of black desperation and white intransigence
will close even tighter. Restraint, reconciliation, even genuine reforms will
no longer have any chance. Self destruction, chaos, civil war and ruin will
be the result. South Africa has reached a turning point. The whites must
choose between constructive or destructive anger from the blacks. One way or
another, they must tackle the problem of our embitterment.

12666
CSO: 3420/89

70


Starting Point

Nevertheless, it was not the purpose of this seminar to immediately solve
the existing problems, but rather to make an evaluation of the way in which
the peasants viewed each of the methods and techniques demonstrated. From
this standpoint, it constituted a first step. Based on this evaluation, an
attempt will be made later to determine the policies for action to develop
the human and material capacities among the cooperative farmers that are
necessary to solve their own problems.

In was from that standpoint that the UNICEF representative in Mozambique,
Marta Mauras, declared on Monday morning, at the. opening of the seminar, that:
"The use of these techniques, which are being developed in Mozambique, will
depend on the cooperative members themselves. You are the ones who will have
to decide which are most appropriate, also bearing in mind that the most
important thing is also to find out how to teach others the way of applying
them and even improving them."

2909
CSO: 3442/407

28


Table 1. Motivations for Joining Inkatha

Reason : Percent Number

Improve my standard of living 6.7 7
Safeguard my. career/job 9.5 10
Improve wise decision-making 31.4 33
Obtain one-man-one-vote 8.6 9
End discrimination against Blacks
generally 43.8 46
Other -- --
No response _ -—
100 105
Table 2. The Major Issue Facing Inkatha
Issue Percent Number
Reducing unemployment 18.1 19
Raising the standard of living 4.8 5
Universal franchise 5.7 6
Abolishing discrimination 11.4 12
Forging Black unity 60.0 63
Other - -
100 105

This degree of ethnic neutrality may be over-representative of Inkatha member-
ship as a whole due to the urban nature of the sample and the bias in Inkatha
membership towards the rural dwellers, Meer and Mlaba's study (1982: 212)

of women in Nqutu showed them to be more ethnocentric than the KwaMashu re—
pondents with only 1 percent supporting the view that it was Inkatha's role to
help 'all races,' 1.5 percent feeling it should be ‘all Zulu' and 14 percent

‘all Blacks.' There was a non-response rate of 85.5 percent, so it is impossible
to know what significance this finding has, although this tendency toward
ethnocentricism among rural Africans is to be found in other research on the
ethnic attitudes of rural Africans in South Africa.

In this sense, the ambiguity there is in Inkatha policy may well reflect the
different constituencies within it and represent Buthelezi's attempt to reconcile
the different interests of these constituencies. This suggests, as Kane-Berman
(1980: 154) has argued previously, that Inkatha is a coalition of radical and

99



JPRS+SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA

EXPERTS TO FIGHT ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION
Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 26 Aug 8 pl
[Article by Nau Ughemadu/

[®ext7 ‘he Nigerian Environmental Society (NES) is evolving a plan geared at
ensuring that homes are built on coasts free from oil or other pollution.

At a news conference in Lagos last week, the president of the society, Dr. B.
Tdoniboye-Obu, said that the NES, made up of mainly environmental scientists
and engineers would conduct studies to establish environmental baselines,
impact assessment of industries and engineering designs for effecting environ-
mental clean-ups including sewage treatment and industrial effluent control.

The president emphasised the need for clean and well planned community where
adequate disposal of domestic wastes were properly managed adding that rivers
should carry no oily effluent and hazardous industrial or human wastes.

An investigation carried out recently showed that most oil producing and
marketing companies operating in the country are yet to update their oil
spill contingency plans for 1985 to ensure adequate stockpile of spill control
equipment and other combat measures.

Oil spilled in the country's offshore and on shore areas between 1970 and 1983
amounted to 1,711,354.6 barrels. Of this figure, 32, 365.27 barrels were
spilled in 1983 compared with 150 barrels recorded in a single spill in 1970.
The net volume loss, after recoveries, was about 281,650 barrels between 1971-
75 from 347 oil spill incidents, with 1975 recording 128 spills, the highest
number during the five-year period.

Although, 59 spills were recorded in 1973, the net volume loss amounted to
95,580 barrels.

CSO: 3400/1137

35



JPRS#SSA*854095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BOESAK SEES GOVERNMENT 'IMPRISONED IN OWN POLITICAL CHAINS'

Hamburg DER SPIEGEL in German 2 Sep 85 pp 120-121

[Interview with Rev Allan Boesak conducted by SPIEGEL staffer Paul M. Schumacher
at Boesak's residence in Capetown, Jul 85: "'The Whites Will Find the Country
Collapsing Around Them'"]

(Text] Allan Boesak, 39, president of the Reformed World
Federation, to which 55 million people in 143 churches
belong, is a patron of the United Democratic Front (UDF)
civil rights movement, as is Bishop Tutu of Johannesburg.
Three days after his interview with DER SPIEGEL, Boesak
was arrested at a roadblock near Capetown. Emergency law
permits him to be held in custody "for an indeterminate
period of time." :

[Question] Pastor Boesak, you've faced students and made the promise to turn
South Africa upside down. How do you imagine this happening?

[Answer] We are turning South Africa upside down in a symbolic sense by holding
mass demonstrations involving many thousands of people. According to the law
as it currently exists, two people who meet each other already constitute a
seditious gathering. Those of us from the United Democratic Front (UDF) have
decided to break such laws intentionally.

[Question] Is this an aspect of the civil disobedience also being propagated
by other church representatives?

[Answer] Yes, quite definitely.

[question] How, in your view, will the South African government react to this?
[Answer] If it reacts in the customary way, then the police and the army will
appear on the scene before we are able to assemble peacefully. They act as if
we wanted to set fire to all of South Africa and murder the Cabinet.

[Question] What do you want then?

[Answer] I want to have the government out of the way.

60


TRADE WITH U.S. DROPS

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 Sep 85 p2

[Text]

cso:

LATEST figures from the US
Bureau of Census indicate that
trade between the USA and coun-
tries in Africa fell by US$1,7 bil-
lion, or 20%, in the first half of
1985,

Zimbabwe's contribution to the
drop was a reduction of US$13,9
million (19%) in bilateral trade with
the USA. Other significant reduc-
tions were South Africa, the USA’s
‘most important African trading part-
ner (US$1 billion or 39%) and
Nigeria (US$245,7 million or

).

The figures relate to the period
January to June, 1985 and compar-
ison is made with the same period
in 1984,

Between January and June last
year, total USA/Africa trade
amounted to US$8,4 billion. This
year, the figure was US$6,7 billion.
US exports to Africa fell from
US$2,3 billion to US$2 billion, and
Africa’s to the USA from US$6 bil-
lion to US$4,6 billion.

IMPORTS DOWN

Zimbabwe's imports from the
USA di from US$31,1 mil-
lion to US$27,8 million, Exports to
the USA, also fell, from US$42,6
million to US$32_ million. Total
Zimbabwe/USA trade fell there-

3400/1148

fore, from US$73,7 million to
US$59,8 million.

South Africa and the USA did
business amounting to US$1,7 bil-
lion. This is 39% less than the cor-
responding figure for 1984, which
was US$2,8 billion. The main
reduction was in South African im-
ports. They fell from US$1,3 bil-
lion to US$675,2 million.

Nigeria, overtaken by South Afri-
ca as the US’ largest African trad-
ing partner in recent times, ex-
Perienced a 10% fall in bilateral
trade with the US. In 1984 the
figure was US$1,9 billion and this
year it was US$1,7 billion.

144

JPRS*SSA=85+095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE


FARMERS READY TO FIGHT BACK

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 10 Sep 85 p 12

[Text]

SOUTH West African
farmers say there’s “no

way” they will submit to :
Swapo and Communist’

domination in South West
Africa — and have set up
acommando-style organi-
sation to ensure that they
can face any survival cha-
lenge.

Farmers in the area
force make up one of the
four wings of the force,
with area commando
units themselves totalling
nearly 30 claim that their

+ best allies are their own

farm workers.

A vital feature of the
military-style and pol-
ished area force set up is
that is relieves the press-
ure on the reaction, or
hard military force, in
cases of Swapo infiltra-
tion behind the lines of
the border frontier war.

Workers range from
Damaras to Bushmen and

Vambos to Namas — but _

_ farmers say that almost all ~

enerally, are totally anti-

jwapo.

On the farm ‘Ondera’,
bordering on the Etosha
pan in military sector 30,
tough and successful Ger-
man descended "farmer
Mr Klaus Mais-Rische
says “our farm has been
in my family for three
generations. I am not
going to give it up now”.

Defence methods in-
clude the de-bushing of
areas immediately sur-
rounding farm home-
steads, bunkers and food
supply systems for emer-
gencies, comprehensive
radio links with each
other and the military.

These farmers experi-
enced their biggest infil-
tration by Swapo terror-
ists in 1982 —.and the aid
of workers, who have
been ttained in the use of
automatic weapons — ac-
counted for more than
400 ' terrorists, killing

31

JPRS=SSA¥85+095
4 October 1985

NAMIBIA


{Answer] The black majority possesses a will to be free, a will which can no
longer be suppressed. This will cannot be broken by any form of power. I
believe and I hope that now the Whites are slowly realizing that even the
unrestrained force of the police and the military will no longer do any good.
The state of emergency is an admission of their defeat, it is a political and
moral declaration of bankruptcy.

{Question] All the same, however, most white South Africans still perceive
themselves as being unaffected by the crisis.

[Answer] That shows the effectiveness of the government's propaganda on radio
and television. Many newspapers are restraining themselves in making their
reports, either because they are afraid of being punished or because they're
afraid of alarming their white readers.

[Question] Is there still hope for saving the Whites?

[Answer] Many Whites come to me, quite astonished, and wanting to know why I'm
raising such a fuss. They don't understand our dissatisfaction and they say
that, after all, everything is under control. Someday, the Whites will find
the entire country collapsing around them. Then they still will not have
understood why things had to happen thus.

[Question] How long will there continue to be a South Africa in its present
form?

{Answer] Not much longer, I think, only a few years yet. Our struggle is
entering into a decisive phase, and our people have realized that they must
force a decision now so that they won't have to continue living with apartheid
in the next century as well.

12412
CSO: 3420/90

63



moderate elements. If the sample reflects the radical element, it further
suggests that there is a rural-urban split within the movement. Conflicts

in the past between Buthelezi and the Soweto branches of Inkatha over strategy
in Soweto are evidence that this split has proved difficult to contain,

The final area to be considered is that of the political aspirations of the
Inkatha réspondents, The absence of any ethnocentricism in the majority of Inkatha
respondents influences their views on future political dispensations, pushing
them towards a power sharing option. Buthelezi has rejected universal franchise
and, while 83.4 percent of the Inkatha respondents felt getting one-man-one-vote
would be a "good thing for Blacks," it was not very prominent in their motiva-
tions for joining or in their views of the major issues and problems of the time
when set against other things. Over three-quarters of the Inkatha respondents
felt ending discrimination was 'most important to them,' while only 7.6 percent
mentioned getting one-man-one-vote. Only 2.9 percent mentioned this as the major
problem facing Blacks. The absence of any ethnocentricism among the respondents
made them unwilling to countenance a political solution where one ethnic group
would dominate, even if it were their own. Their political aspirations were
predominantly for power sharing with all races. Those seeking such a solution
comprised 89.5 percent of all Inkatha respondents, with only 8.6 percent aspiring
to an all-African government and 1.9 percent for a government with Indians only.
Thus, for example, 60 percent said they would give their greatest support to a
"South Africa under a shared race government.’ Only 18.1 percent supported

the idea of ethnic homelands for Africans.

One of the problems in the data for those who have in the past advanced the idea
of universal franchise, and the present author is one, is that this does not
receive much greater support among non-members of Inkatha in the sample. While
there was a slightly greater tendency for them to mention universal franchise

as an issue important to them personally or to Black people generally, and to be
in favour of more narrowly African or Black nationalist solutions, the level of
support for power sharing in an all race government is not far behind that
amongst Inkatha ‘respondents--a mere 6.8 percent difference. Even for these
respondents, power sharing between all races was the favoured solution of .
82.7 percent of the sample. If, like Southall (1981: 464), we take the support
for universal franchise as one measure of a politically radical stance, then -
members of Inkatha in KwaMashu do not. seem to be signficantly more conservative
than. their neighbours who are not members of the organization. Thus, while there
is a coherence between the views on power sharing of Buthelezi and the Inkatha
respondents, this coherence also exists for non-members, This suggests that the
latter could constitute a pool of potential converts to be tapped as the future
political drama unfolds. There is also a lesson for those who reject the idea of
power sharing, for the urban residents of KwaMashu strongly supported this idea.

Conclusion
Quite clearly, there is a considerable: degree of coherence, on these three issues,
between the official ideology, as espoused by Buthelezi, and the beliefs of

ordinary Inkatha members.. This would give Inkatha an advantage over the
United Democratic Front if this coherence is not true of the UDF, But there are

100


The Mbeya-based Zonal irrigation Officer, R. J. M. Temu, says a study carried
out recently by the Commonwealth Secretariat estimates that some 68,500 hectares
could be irrigated at the area if finance is secured.

Temu says when the project is completed by 1986/87 year, the 15,000 hectares to
be under irrigation are expected to increase paddy yields in the Usangu Area
from the present 40,000 tonnes to 150,000 annually.

The four-year project, whose implementation began in July 1984, is expected to
benefit nine villages around the Usangu plains in Mbeya Rural District under
small scale irrigation projects.

The project, according to Temu, entails the upgrading and the rehabilitation of
the Mejengo Village irrigation scheme covering 600 hectares within the Usangu
plains famour for paddy growing.

The project is also aimed at improving small scale irrigation schemes at Tpatagwa.,
Mlowo, Motombaya, Meta, Kilombero, Majengo, Mouyuni and Utengule areas.

A recent report says the immediate aim of the traditionally but the crudely
practised by peasants with little success project is to rehabilitate the irri-
gation infrastructure, servicing irrigated rice cultivation in several villages
in the area thereby increasing crop yields especially paddy.

Modern irrigation, adds the report, will go along with optimum water management,
improved seek varieties, simple but practical crop husbandry and post harvest
crop management.

Rice and other crop varieties will also be improved to suit local conditions
and the establishment of standardized crop husbandry practices through trial
and evaluation on demonstration plots as well as strengthening of extension
services will be emphasized.

In-service and on-the-job training will also be provided by experts in addition
to group training sessions to be conducted on the demonstration plots.

Under the project, UNDP will also provide, through the FAO, experts, and
fellowship training while the government will provide houses » workshops, stores
and will meet other local expenses.

By December in 1984, the report says » the government had completed construction
of office building, workshop, store and eight staff houses at Igurusi around
the Usangu plains in Mbeya Rural District.

Following arrival of machinery and equipment worth more than 7 million/: -)
implementation of the project has now gained momentum, according to the report.

Between now and 1987, main canals will be constructed » access roads will be
provided and a comprehensive work programme complete with designs, manpower
and budgetary requirements for full upgrading of Majengo Irrigation Scheme
under the Usangu Valley will be implemented.

122


FOOD WASTAGE HINDERS AGRICULTURAL DRIVE

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 p 7

[Article by Vicky Ngozi Tkeano/

Grext]

IGERIAN textile
manufacturers are
getting worried over
the increase, in recent
months, in the
smuggling of textile
iproducts into the
country, .
Mr. B. K. V. Murthy, a
director of | Texton
Industries: (Nig) Limited
told the Business Times
;that Nigerian textile mills
inow face a lot” of
|difficulties in selling their
lfinished products in the
imarket. He said that-there
sare a lot of “Chinese silk’,
Koream textile products
that could be found in the
Nigerian markets now.

Mr. Murthy recalled that
before the recent wave of
smuggling, Nigerian fabrics
found ready market. That
was when the anti-smuggling
measures of the Federal
Military Government were
effective.

The General
Manager/Director of Enpee
Industries (Nig) Limited, Dr.
O. .P. Pahuja, said that the

smuggled textile goods are in
the open markets for every

‘one to see. For the first time
in recent months, he said his
company hed unsold stock in
its stores. Nigerian textile
industry is presently going
through a difficult period

41

JPRS“SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

reminiscent. of 1980 when
smuggled textile products
nearly crippled it..

Or. Pahuja. said ‘that the
influx of the Nigerian market
by “Chinese silk” and Korean’
products pose a formidable’
threat to Nigeria's textile
industry in spite of the fact
that ‘the mills operate at
below that their installed
capacity. -

Mr. Oludotun ilo, the
general manager of Nigerian
Textile Mills, Ikeja, showed
the Business Times, some
smuggied textiles, which he
said the company bought in
the market. He said that, the
goods were smuggled into
the country from Niger and
Cameroun republics where he
said, there are no. import
restrictions. .

Textile merchants in these
countries, he said have no
foreign exchange vroblems,
since according to him, their
currencies were at par with
the French franc.

Mr Ilo said that he showed:
the smuggled textile goods
mainly African print, to the
Internal Affairs Minister,
Major-General’ M. Magoro
when he visited NTM
recently.

The production manager of
Woollen and Synthetic
Textile Manufacturers
Limited, tkeja, Mr. C. V.
Ramasivamy, said that the
anti-smuggling measures’
were very effective when
they were introduced initially.

NIGERIA


+ Then came the usual string of

: resolutions condemning the Gov-
ernment for “dismantling apart-
heid” and leading the white man
to the brink of disaster.

Not even the Conservative
Party of Dr Andries Treurnicht
escaped the sharp tongues of
congress delegates. .

“The CP is trying to wipe us
out,” one delegate said. Another
said the CP leaders were not
men who could be trusted but
that there were many potential
HNP supporters among the
party’s rank-and-file.

“We must just be patient, they

_ will come to us,” he added.
‘The whole issue ended in total
> confusion when the congress
adopted resolutions instructing
' the HNP leadership to continue
negotiations with the CP but not
to concede basic principles.

The congress also adopted a

, resolution calling on the party
to consider whether there was
any point in further talks with
Dr Treurnicht.

All the while a bronze bust of
Dr Verwoerd stood on the stage,
a slight smile on its metallic face’
while delegates reminded the
congress of how things were in
South Africa when he was’
around... ,

cso: 3400/1144

83



in regard to production, the one primarily concerned is the farmer. It is he
who holds the key to self-sufficiency. In the Sourou irrigated area, the
farmers will be given ani area of 4,800 hectares for grain cultivation, 700 for
rice,‘and 1,400 for market gardening.

In agro-industry, Sourou also has a significant area devoted to oleaginous
crops. The progress of the Sourou construction is generally satisfactory (see
boxed summary). The work on building the dam and the canal is completed.
These two projects, which enable storage of 6000 million cubic meters of water
needed to develop the Sourou plains, ‘are thus available.

This is thus an obvious means of contributing to the food security and
agricultural expansion in a Sahelian country such as Burkina, where the people
rely on nonirrigated agriculture and thus tend to see in irrigation the
greatest hope for agricultural development. In association with the Sourou
project, 25 small dams are being built at the same time as collective fields
for the various organizations. All these initiatives are aimed at giving the
the farmer more confidence, and demonstrate that though the Sourou project
remains a great hope of the Burkinabe people, it will still meet only 10
percent of the national needs. That is why the Kompienga hydroelectric dam is
an essential complement in this struggle for food self~sufficiency.

Kompienga

On 8 June 1985, ground was broken on the Kompienga hydroelectric dam, 300 km
southeast of Ouagadougou, by the Faso president. Following up the Sourou
project, this action is undoubtedly a very hopeful development for the
Burkinabe people. ~

Like Sourou, the Kompienga is an old project, started in 1976, that had
dragged out through the fault of the neocolonial regimes (one after the other)
that led our country after the 1960 independence.

The Kompienga dam will enable Burkina to diversify its energy sources and thus
reduce its dependence on oil. It is thus the leading development in low cost
electrification for all Burkina.

The confidence in this achievement results from two main goals. The certainty
that it will help us toward food self~sufficiency, because it will have many
beneficial effects. First, there is the opportunity of significant
agricultural development due to the irrigation possibilities. It assures
development of fish industry, while care must be taken to establish adequate
drying installations and construct the road (Ouaga~Fada-Pama) to bring the
product out.

To these first benefits must be added the growth of the population living on
the banks, who will have infrastructure such as schools, dispensaries and
particularly water. .

The second aspect of reasons for satisfaction derive from the fact that
implementation of this project will greatly decrease our oil bill. It. should
be noted that in 1983 all our urban centers consumed about 28,720,243 kg of
fuel.



Briefs
East Bloc Eases Credit 53

SENEGAL

Commentators Focus on Freedom of Press
(WAL FADIRI, 8-30 Aug 85)...-.+-+

sencecscceeerceseecees 54

Discussions Key to Healthy Future, by Sidy Lamine Niass 54
Rights, But Also Duties, by Youssoupha Ndiaye 55

SOUTH AFRICA

Percy Qoboza Says Time Running Out for Government
(Percy Qoboza; CITY PRESS, 1 Sep 85) cecccecececececseeeeees 98

Boesak Sees Government ‘Imprisoned in Own Political Chains'
(Allan Boesak Interview; DER SPIEGEL, 2 Sep B5)ecceeeeeeeee 60

Two Bothas Clash on Pace, Scope of Change
(John MacLennan; THE SUNDAY STAR, B Sep 85)..seeeceeceeeeee 64

Buthelezi: Conflict Among Blacks Hinders Liberation
(Mangosuthu Gatscha Buthelezi Interview; DIE ZEIT,
16 Aug 85)..ccceseseeecccececececeescsneresescesere recesses 66

Concern Over Visible Show of Strength Against Blacks
(Aggrey Klaaste; SOWETAN, 9 Sep B5) ceccecceccececcececceces TL

Black Sash Vice President Views Slabbert's Call for Convention
(Joyce Harris; THE STAR, 6 Sep [:)) ee es 73

Author Views Continued Vaal Unrest
(Johannes Rantete; CITY PRESS, 8 Sep 85)...+++eeeeereeereee 75

Arms Purchases by Private Citizens Rising

(THE SUNDAY STAR, 6 Sep 85) -sceeceecserrececrerereeserere 77
Gun Sales Booming, by Susan Pleming 77
Whites Increasingly Gun Happy, by Arlene Getz 78

PFP Criticized by Left, Right for Electing Dinkie Pillay
(Gary van Staden; THE SUNDAY STAR, B Sep 85).secceeeceveeees 19

Struggle for Control of Information Department
(Stephan Terblanche; SUNDAY TIMES, 8 Sep 85).cceceeeceeeceee 81

Reporter Attends HNP Congress, Reports Conclusion
(THE SUNDAY STAR, 8 Sep 85) wc ceeeecevee

scecevececececeens O2

-c-


WHITE POPULATION HIGHER THAN EXPECTED

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 31 Aug 85 p 7

{Text ]

CSO:

3400/1090

HARARE — The white popula-
tion in Zimbabwe today is prob-
ably not much below 140 000,
says Finance Minister. Dr Ber-

" nard Chidzero.

Many consider this to be
much higher than expected.

He gave the estimate at a
news conference yesterday at
which the results of the 1982
census were outlined.

The white population then
was 146 880. The previous census
in 1969 showed a white popula-

' tion of just under 230 000.

The total population of Zim-
babwe today — based on the
1982 figures and a growth rate
of 3 percent a year — is 8,4 mil-
lion. Blacks outnumber whites
about 60-1.

Dr Chidzero said the growth

rate was down, but still too high. «
An effective family planning:

programme was progressing
quietly.

The racial breakdown of the
1982 census showed Zimbabwe's
black population to be 7,5 mil-
lion, and whites just under

. 147000. There were 20700 col-
-oured people and 10800 Asians.

The population is expected to
reach 15 million by the year
2000.

146

JPRS=SSA=85~095

4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE


or not. This is necessary
because { have always
emphasised the need for
measuring achievement of
sectors in terms of extent
they have gone with the
various projects money was
voted for {real term
achievement) rather than
measurement based on
“volume ef expenditure only.

Strength

Nonetheless, | agree with
the NLC on the need for
caution on defence
spending by government

which they contended had ~

been rising over and above
expenditure on some vital
sectors like education and
health.

Surely, defence
‘spendings over the years in
the country -have been on
the upward trend because
of principatly preparing our
forces against external
aggression, precisely from

‘our neighbouring countries:
Benin, Cameroun,
Equatorial’ Guinea ” and
‘Niger.

These preparations take
the form of military
manpower development,
armament purchase, capital
development like barracks
‘and so on.

The second reason, is the

country’s continental,

responsibilities mainly in
form of maintaining peace,
waging wats and fighting
apatheid in Southern
Africa. .

Hawever, the’ most
important of. these, is
readiness against any
incursion from our
neighbouring — countries
But this can bs acniuved by
@ smail-size army that can
match the strength of our
neighbours military forces
and ata less cost.

For example, siatistics
published recently, by the
London International Insti-
tute of strategic studies
shows that Nigeria's armed
forces number *133,000,
Benin 3,000, Equatorial
Guinea. 1,550, Cameroun
7,300 and Niger 2,000. With

38

some foreign _ military
personnel — supplementing
the military strength of
almost all these countries.
Even the number of
Nigeria‘s troops surpasses

those of all the.
neighbouring —_ countries
combined. Taking

cognizance of the fact that
a huge proportion of our
defence spending goes
to the maintenance of these
‘troops, there is the need for
more trimming of this
number to allow for more
fe sources for the develop-
ment of other more vital.
sectors like health,

For example, ‘World
Military and ‘Social
Expenditure 1983‘, reported
that public expenditure per
capita on the military in
Nigeria is N25, Public
expenditure per soldier
13,059, and public
expenditure per capita on
health is N5.80.

Contributions

Writing on ° defence
spending in the country a
New Nigerian columnist,
Malam Mohammed Heruna
in the March 8, 1985 issue
of the paper said that the
country’s average
expenditure on defence,
“comes to about 2.5 per
cent of our GNP which was
N66.6 billion in 1980.

‘Yet the total SNP of our
four neighbours for the
same year was WN7.7 billion”
This he added, was hardly
capable of sustaining any
army that can ever threaten

us. :

As regards the country’s
continental — defence
esponsibilities, it does. not
necessarily require
grooming a large army
since we can hardly go to
these countries to do the
fighting ourselves. For
example, the probability is
tess than one that we shall
‘ever go to South Africa and
start fighting the minority
regime there against
apartheid with our military
forces.


consists of a majority of black Zulus in addition to whites, Coloreds and
Indians, is pressing for implementation of this plan. If the experiment with
a mixed regional government succeeds, it could also serve as a school for
other regions, as part of an overall South African federative solution. Then
the anxiety of the whites about distribution of power would gradually
disappear.

ZEIT: In the West, hope has recently arisen that President Botha has set a
genuine reform process in motion: through the new constitution, which gives
Coloreds and Indians parliamentary access; through lifting the ban on mixed
racial marriages; through more movement and property rights for urban blacks;
through the authorization of black labor unions and multiracial political
parties. What is your opinion of these measures?

Buthelezi: The new constitution with its tricameral parliament excluding
blacks is totally unacceptable. With it, for the first time, racism and
apartheid are established constitutionally. As for the remaining innovations,
it would be inaccurate to characterize them as purely cosmetic. From a
psychological point of view, the authorization of mixed marriages is a very
important step for the Africans and their apartheid dogmas. And the other
measures you mentioned are significant for millions of blacks.

But the basic questions which South Africa can no longer evade remain
unanswered. Millions of blacks still can settle and work in 87 percent of
South African territory only with permission from the white government. The
pass laws, the internal South African Influx Control Laws and the racist Group
Areas Act must be eliminated.

ZEIT: And what do you think of the chances for this?

Buthelezi: Nothing is being done; nothing is being promised; there is no
prospect for movement in the short term nor in the intermediate term. Mr
Botha talks about reforms; he has mastered the rhetoric, but he is not really
moving. He is excessively afraid of the right wing of his party, which really
cannot pose a danger to him. He is misjudging the situation, for a majority
of whites today support basic reforms as well as a resolute movement away from
apartheid. Even blacks like myself would stand behind him completely. He
ought to lead, but he is not doing even that.

ZEIT: You are leading the struggle against the apartheid system from within,
through compromises, negotiations and with nonviolent methods. Haven't the
possibilities for this renunciation of violence almost run out?

Buthelezi: I am sticking to nonviolence, for moral as well as for purely
pragmatic reasons. The use of violence does not pay. The ANC has tried it
for 25 years now and taken up the cause of armed struggle. However, success
has not been achieved, and there will be no change in that in the foreseeable
future. This regime is not going to be brought down simply with a few bombs
exploding here and there. I have certainly never said that blacks will not
perhaps one day be forced to take up weapons. If my Zulu people decided in
favor of armed struggle, I would not disregard their wish.

69


JPRS#SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

. Whites Increasingly Gun Happy
Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 6

[Article by Arlene Getz]

[Text] WHITE South Africans .ernment, but admitted to a pos-
are getting increasingly } : sibility of their being exported
gunhappy. to Europe, America and Asia.

Interest was “very strong”
and the poor exchange rate
would make prices competi-
tive, he said.

Another exhibition winner

Increasing numbers of
homeowners are hiring
armed guards to keep a
round-the-clock watch on.

their houses and security ~ was the “instant laager”
ger” de-
firms are among the few : “signed by the Johannesburg
businesses to benefit from steel-manufacturing firm
the countrywide unrest. . Which supplied the fence now
aon ownere in the lobby ot a : electrified and guarding South
's no! .
Johannesburg hotel this week. - . Africa's northern border.

In a setting that would have , | The-new “riot-barrier”,
gladdened the heart of any made of 1,6 m high razor wire,
aspiring Rambo, about 200 del- , an be erected within 20 sec-
egates gathered for the 21st an- ‘onds to separate or cordon off
niversary conference of the Se- a crowd. Packed tightly into a
curity Association of South” , towed trailer, the barrier is re
Africa (SASA). , leased when the driver pulls a

One of the more Popular ex- . lever.

‘hibits was a space-age semi-au- . ..
a ka "fe Bre, M, rae rca a dre
er”, 4 ,
* Manufactured by a Natal. Q said the attraction of this new
company and relatively cheap © design was the fact that it
at R650, delegates were keen to could save lives by controlling
heft the gun praised for its crowds.

short, compact design. : “It’s painful to get caught in

An added advantage was ;. dt, but it stops people without
that, by loading the weapon : killing them,” he said,
with huge cartridges and L
“winding it up like a clock”, the He was hoping the Govern-

i: gun could spit 12 rounds in a -Mment would buy some of the

1, few seconds. units, which sold for R10 000 to

‘+? Although this weapon could R12.000.

; only be sold to approved secu- Other congress exhibits in-
rity companies, other goods cluded the latest in locks aid
were available for the security- security devices, with the rep-
conscious individual. tal resentative of one firm report-

Bullet-proof vests, a metal- ing a definite increase in the
detector, aluminium batons to. number of homeowners hiring
‘replace the traditional wooden full-time guards. s

ones enjoyed pride of place in
front of the lethal range of

ns.
Said arms dealer Graham
Whiteing: “There definitely has
been an increased interest in
these products.” ‘
Mr Whiteing was reluctant
to say whether any of these
weapons were sold to the Gov-

cso: 3400/1144
78


a06022
JPRS-SSA-85-095
4 October 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

i
[NATIONAL TECHNICAL
| INFORMATION SERVICE 12

\ US. DEPARIMENT OF COMMERCE
| SPRINGFIELD, VA. 22161 Gee



JPRS#*SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SADF'S SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON MISCONDUCT CRITICIZED

Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 8 Sep 85 p 6

[Commentary by Percy Qoboza in Percy's Itch Column]

[Text] THE appointment by the’

CSO:

South “African Defence

Force of a special committee -
to investigate the allegations |

of misconduct. by. members
of the security,
forces in black |
townships, has fal- :
len flat on its face. '

The announcement ;
came just after police |
commissioner: General
Johan Coetzee’s an-
nouncement that mem-
bers of the public should {
lodge complaints with }
the police was greeted i
with widespread scepti-
cism by members of the
public. :

Both the SADF and the
South African Police must un-
derstand that many people are
terrified of the police.

And you do not reasonably
expect a man who has a com-
plaint against a member of the
police to go to the same police
to lodge that complaint.

What many people would
have liked to see, is the estab-
lishment of an independent
body, preferably headed by a
group of lawyers, who will re-
cord the complaints, initiate.”
an independent inquiry, and
cross-examine witnesses. They _
will then forward affidavits to °;
a senior police officer. :

Only when this is done can ‘
people feel secure enough to
come forward with complaints
against members of the army ;
and police. i

People are not suggesting
that the entire defence force

3400/1164

104

“andl police force are guilty of misconduct.
_ And pol ty

any other organisation, one expects
there are rotten cogs which damage the image
of the police and defence force. But we must
seek out these culprits so that they can be
censured by the courts. .
Having listened to many people’s views on
the subject, I am not sure the security forces
can still salvage their reputa-
tion. But it would help to see
* them to try.

The Government, for its
part, must lift the’ state of
emergency as soon as possible, *
and at the same time remove
the curfew in. places like
Soweto. The damage they in-

flict is immense. .

Last Saturday night, 1 was

+ supposed to join other editors
at a dinner arranged to meet,
the three visiting EEC foreign
ministers, t

‘The dinner was scheduled to
> indulge in the most amazi
form of yerbal acrobatics.
caleniated thatthe diner
would be fully operational by:
the time I got into Soweto." -

Okay, all reporters here)

' have been given a special dis-,
pensation to drive around af

odd hours. a

But still, my kids were most’
uncomfortable and they would
not let me drive ‘around
Soweto at the dead of night
exposing myself to the most,

+ fearsome dangers. q
People have been killed un-
der the most suspicious ci
cumstances, So there you are,
T never ninde it to the dinner.,

They can blame it on the’
curfew. 4

And as tong as it persists, all
those Americans and Europe-,
ans who have descended on
this country like a swarm of:

. bees can forget seeing any of.
us at the dinners.


JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

UGANDA

HISTORY OF BLOODSHED, TORTURE UNLIKELY TO CHANGE
Paris LIBERATION in French 29 Jul 85 p 18
[article by Pierre Haski: "'Pearl of Africa,' Years of Blood" ]

[Text] Winston Churchill called Uganda "the pearl of Africa." Since then the
pearl has been somewhat spattered with blood. - From Milton Obote to Idi Amin
Dada, then to Obote second time round, a man's skin has not been worth very
much in that African country, though blessed by God with a fertile soil and
abundant rain.

Though at the outset Obote seemed to belong to the race of the Nyereres or
Kaundas among the nationalist heads of state on the continent, he very rapidly
plunged his country into tribal conflicts. In particular, he took it out on
the Bagandas, the country's main tribe, taking away their king Sir Edward
Mutesa, and suspending the constitution.

1971: Exit Obote, replaced by his chief of staff, Idi Amin. The escapades of
this general-boxer-buffoon, in power for 8 years, tended to make the Western
public forget the mounds of bodies accumulated during his reign. The tens of
thousands of victims whose bodies were found, one early morning, in a forest
near the exit from Kampala.

1979: The victorious Tanzanian troops enter the "liberated" Kampala, bringing
in their wake a newly formed Ugandan "liberation army." Tanzanian President
Nyerere had been the only one in Africa to condemn the violations of human
rights under Amin, described as the "black Hitler"...a new era seemed to be
dawning for Uganda.

The first gritting of teeth was already occurring during the transition
period: Milton Obote's election victory, far from stabilizing the country,
plunged it into a new blood bath. The opposition all agreed on one point:
Obote had outdone (or done worse than) Amin. Last year, former president
Yusuf Lule, who has since died, accused Obote of being responsible for the
death of 200,000 to 250,000 people in 3 years, or as many as Amin in 8 years.
More recently, the leader of the legal opposition put the death figure between
300,000 and 500,000.

127



Commentary Urges Greater Efforts To Combat Hunger
(NOTICIAS, 22 Aug 85)....ccccessecceccecececececvceceteoee

Maputo Cooperatives Union Holds Seminar on Technology Use
(NOTICIAS, 23 Aug 85)..ccceseeceececcecsecsceecereeeessees

NAMIBIA

SWAPO May Be Forced Into Major Offensive
(Keith Abendroth; THE CITIZEN, 10 Sep 85).....

Farmers Ready To Fight Back
(THE CITIZEN, 10 Sep 85)......scecececscccccccccvcceveveve

NIGERIA

Industrialists Await Government's Detailed Programs
(Jackson Imafidon; BUSINESS TIMES, 2 Sep 85)....csceeeeeee

Experts To Fight Environmental Pollution
(Ndu Ughamadu; BUSINESS TIMES, 26 Aug 85)......sseeeseveee

Romania Pledges Agricultural Aid
(Ted Odogwu; BUSINESS TIMES, 2 Sep 85)....secceescsteccees

Labor Congress' Economic Recovery Alternative Analyzed
(Ndu Ughamadu; BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85)...s+eseeceseeeee

Funds Earmarked for 5th Development Plan
(Ndu Ughamadu; BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85).....escseeeveee

Food Wastage Hinders Agricultural Drive
(Vicky Ngozi Ikeano; BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85)..... steeee

IITA Develops New Farming Technology
(BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85)....cccseececccccesceencceecess

Consumer Goods Import Figures Released
(BUSINESS TIMES, 26 Aug 85)...cccececcecesccescrccseseeces

Feasibility ‘of Continental Oil Cooperation Discussed
(Ndu Ughamadu; BUSINESS TIMES, 26 Aug 85).....seeeceeceees

Textile Smuggling Increasing
(Jackson Imafidon; BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85)..........666

Lagos Ports Traffic Drops
(BUSINESS TIMES, 26 Aug 85)...cccccccccecccccecceccececeee

Lack of Spare Parts Keep Vehicles Off Road
(Anthony 0. Asiadiachi; BUSINESS TIMES, 19 Aug 85)........

-b-

24

26

29

31

33

35

36

37

40

41

43

4h

45

48

51

52


NATIONAL PARTY'S CALL FOR SPEEDING UP REFORM

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17

A RESOLUTION to be
put before the National
Party's Transvaal con-
gress in Pretoria at the
end of this week calls on
the Government to speed
up its reform programme
so that its practical impli-
cations are known and
understood’ before the
next general election.

This is necessary be-
cause of the “uncertainty
that accompanies _re-
form,” according to the
resolution in the congress i
Agenda.

[Text]

Another resolution, re-_
ferring particularly to:
Black constitutional. ac-
commodation, asks .the
Government to continue
“incessantly, firmly and
speedily” on its chosen
path despite the possibili-"
ty of increased resistance
from “both extremitiés of
the political spectrum”,

The congress begins o on
Thursday,

Another resolution will’
request that influx control
be replaced with a pro-
gramme of orderly urban-

+ isation. {

cso: 3400/1164

105

Sep 85 p 2

The Minister of Consti-

tutional Development
and Planning, Mr Chris

‘Heunis, will be asked to

express an opinion on
“the possibility and desir-
ability of Black city states
and territorial expansion
of the powers of self-gov-
erning and independent
states as part of the future
constitutional  develop-
ment in the Republic”.

Among: other resol-
utions to be discussed,
one on law and order will
request stronger action
against agitators and “‘in-
citers’’, in spite of the sen-
sitivity. surrounding the
combating of unrest. —
Sapa.

JPRS*SSA*85=095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

MAPUTO COOPERATIVES UNION HOLDS SEMINAR ON TECHNOLOGY USE
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 23 Aug 85 p 3

[Text] From Monday to Thursday of last. week, the General Union of Agricultural-
Livestock Cooperatives of Maputo held a seminar on appropriate technology.
Sponsored by the Joint Nutritional Support Program (JNSP).of the WHO and
UNICEF, the seminar was intended to constitute a first step toward being able,
in the future, to introduce technologies which farmers could easily master,
through which they could improve their living conditions.

The seminar was comprised of a demonstration on the operation of: various
methods and applications of certain types of technology, followed by a discus-
sion of the interest and difficulty in implementing these methods and techniques.

The methods and techniques covered in the seminar's program included the general
areas of equipment for cooking, soap making, pottery, technology for making use
of scrap metal and tin, and technology associated with water, animal hauling
and growing garden produce.

This meeting was intended to address several requests from the cooperative
members to their leaders in the Maputo General Union'to find solutions for a
vast range of problems affecting them every day. In conjunction with the WHO
and UNICEF, the cooperative heads made an effort to organize an activity that
would enable the farmers themselves to create. conditions enabling them to solve
the problems which they themselves are confronting.

This view stems from the concern for solving the technological problems most
common among the farmers in a lasting manner, making them independent of imported
technologies and methods requiring large outlays of foreign exchange.

Another prevailing concern is that the technological solutions found should
not atrophy the human potential, making the cooperative members mere users of
resources; but rather should themselves constitute a source .of development for
individual capacities, while at the same time serving as a‘basis for the
economic consolidation of the cooperative’ movement among the farmers.

To respond to these views, there was backing from UNICEF technicians and those

from several other agencies, who planned the seminar in a preeminently instruc—
tional manner, based on whatever was possible to make during the period in

26



Even if it is part of the revolutionary struggle to make the state look
more "oppressive," to provoke it so as to stimulate resistance, radicals
would be making a terrible mistake to think that the government lacks the
necessary will to look out for people and their interests.

There must be no misunderstanding about this. The Whites are here to stay,
and they are a formidable force. Only a fool would ignore that.

Trusting Faith

Black leaders of whatever political persuasion will have to learn to live with
that--just as white leaders have to live with the fact that black people have
rightful aspirations that cannot be ignored, but must be satisfied.

Along with this goes another perception that the riots have put an end to:
the trusting faith of some white people that the status quo can be
perpetuated, thatit is possible to continue happily down South Africa's old
roads.

The time for that is well and truly past.

Such illusions exist among those on the far right, those whose escapist
ideas lead them to such absurdities as a Boer state, colored homelands and a
white heartland in the Transvaal PWV [Pretoria-Wit waters rand-Vereeniging]
region.

These ideas are too silly for words. They are just as unattainable as the
leftists' dream of a thousand-year reign of peace under a black majority
government.

Businessmen

With such daydreams the far left and far right illustrate the danger
in politics of utopianism, defined by the dictionary as "impassioned but
unrealistic plans for reform."

A better South Africa able to achieve its great potential to the full cannot
be built on daydreams, but only by leaders who take the harsh realities
of the country as a starting point.

There are factors that can make a contribution.

The recovery of the economy, in connection with which important new develop-
ments are coming over the weekend, is an outstanding prerequisite. The
recession has in part contributed to the unrest, and economic recovery

will help improve matters.

The road ahead is a difficult one, and the punches that are casually being
dealt out in business circles will not exactly help to make it easier.

85



were outraged over the space
Mr Pillay was given in a Sun-
day newspaper at the time of ©
last year’s tricameral elec-
tions. :

“Then they reasoned that if
this was the type of politician
the pro-election forces wanted
to project, perhaps it would be
wiser to keep quiet; that it

; might even do the boycott ,
cause some good.”

The Sowetan article also
made the point that by all ac-
counts Mr Pillay had been
roundly rejected by the people _
of Lenasia at last year’s elec-
tions, and pointed out that he
had received only 100 votes.

The article made the same
point that Die Vaderland had:
“The. Progs keep accusing the -
Government — with justifica-
tion — that it regards as black
leaders those ‘system’ politi-
cians who have been soundly *
rejected by their communities.

“So, here we have a case of ©
what looks like tokenism by the
Progs, reinforcing suspicions .
about white liberals,”

The Transvaal Indian Con-
gress (TIC) issued a statement
this week condemning the ~
PFP’s decision to participate
in tricameral elections in gen-
eral and for its association
with Mr Pillay in particular.

“Mr Dinkie Pillay’s political
history is. a joke,” the TIC
statement added.

The statement added that Mr.
Pillay had no credibility in his
community, a fact which they
said was borne out by election
results.

The TIC said that the achiev- !
ment of the tricameral Parlia-
ment was the current political
and economic deterioration in
which South Africa now found
itself.

But the supreme irony of the
situation has escaped most ob-
servers,

That irony is that during the
election campaign for last
year’s tricameral Parliament,
Mr Pillay said that the new
system would end the role of
the PFP as Official Opposition

. 7 the same PFP of which he is

now a member.

CSO: 3400/1144

80


build their country for them, and so they have thus adopted the language of
the CNR.

These 2 years of struggle have taught us that only revolutions bring hope. A
people that really has the power of decision, relying solely on its own
strength, can surmount all the obstacles to its happiness. Such a people can
thus not fail.

These 2 years of struggle show us that we must dare to tackle projects that we
believe are beneficial to the interest of the broad people's masses. An aware
people will entrust the carrying out of their vital projects only to itself.
It must have confidence in its members and design its development plan on the
basis of its most profound aspirations.

All these major projects undertaken by the CNR are proving successful because
they reflect the expectation of the people.

These projects are succeeding because the people are everywhere associated
with their implementation. They are thus adopted by them as their own.

9920
CSO: 3419/526


CSO:

On the average, experts
Projects that Nigeria loses
about N70 million yearly as a
result of fish spoilage
caused by insect infestation
and poor preservation.

All in all, experts project
that about 30 per cent of
the food produced in the
country is lost to crop spoi-
jage.

Production

The losses are particu-
larly irksome as they widen
the food supply and
demand situation, com-
pound’ shortages ‘thereby
making the national goal of
self-sufficiency’ in food
production seemingly
illusory.

According .to one
consumer, the yovernment
should declare a ‘war’ on
these pests and insects that
wreck havoc on agricultural
produce, an issue that is of
vital importance to the
populace.

However, the Research
Institutes. are said to be
tackling ‘the spoilage pro-
blems. It is gathered that
research to contain pests
and diseases both in the
field and in storage would
increase yam production
by over 20 per cent or N1.87
billion while research to
reduce storage losses by
selecting yam varieties with
Jong storability would save
the country’ between 41.2
billion and 41.6 billion
annually,

3400/1138

50

According to officials in
the Science and Techng-
logy Ministry, the develop-
ment and use of resistant
cassava varieties, pesticides

_and the applicatidn of

biological control methods
are yielding good dividends
in the fight against cassava
pests.

For fisheries, the Re-,
search Institutes have:
developed smoking kilns!
for quick drying of fish to:
prevent spoilage. Also
areas noted for high fish
production are being
provided with cold storage/
ice making facilities and
smoking kilns by - the
Federal Department of Fis:

Wastage

Another notable
research effort aimed at
alleviating’ the problem of;
crop spoilage is the use of;
“inert atmosphere in siles;
for long term storage of|
maize, sorghum, ‘cowpeas|
and groundnuts. Experts}
‘say the grains can be stored]
for up to three years whilst
still retaining their quality}
with the method. |

All of the above efforts
notwithstanding, there is no

. gainsaying the fact that the

food spoilage and wastage
for this year would be enor-
mous. And this is not
anything to cheer about
especially in this austere
times when — consumers
want to be as economical
asever, .


UDF LEADERSHIP DRIVEN UNDERGROUND

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 3

[Article by David Breier]

[Text ]

POLICE have started to detain the United Democratic Front’s'
second-level leadership which took over the organisation when po-:
lice immobilised its top leaders. ee

Within hours of granting an interview to The Sunday Star, the UDF’s
temporary organiser in the troubled Western Cape went into hiding as his
fellow second-level leaders were detained. .

The new interim UDF leadership has helped to sustain the protest
movement, especially in the Western-Cape where mass action has

reached new levels in'the past two weeks.

The UDF has achieved this even”

though its top leadership has been de-
tained, arrested and put on trial for
: treason, or gone into hiding. .
“Bvery time the State takes ‘away
one leader, two more take his place.
There are enough people in the com-
munity to assume the leadership,” said
Mr Naseegh Jaffer, organiser of the
UDF’s interim leadership in the West-

‘ern Cape in an interview.with The.Sun--

* day Star. .

Hours later, police cracked down on
the interim leadership. Mr Jaffer has
gone underground after escaping a po-
lice dragnet that picked up several
other interim leaders. He telephoned
The Sunday Star from hiding to con-
‘demn the detention of his fellow inter-
-im leaders and to say “the liberation
. Struggle will continue”.

Effective changes

“To end this mood of resistance
there needs to be effective changes in
the political and economic system. No

-number of arrests, detentions and po-

lice brutality in our townships can stop,

the defiance,” he said.

Ro . :

Mr Jaffer condemned the Govern-
ment for banning a UDF rally in Cape
Town today. .

‘.. He said the “Botha Government”
‘was now preventing all forms of peacé=
ful protest.

‘ “The UDF cannot be held responsi-
ble for any actions that result, from
these high-handed measures,” he
added.

In the interview before he went into :

hiding, Mr Jaffer said the security
crackdown had temporarily crippled

: the UDF’s structures. The state of

+ emergency had immobilised the lead-
ership in the Transvaal, Eastern Cape
and Border regions. In Natal and the

+, Western Cape, detentions had the same
effect and executive members who

“escaped the police dragnet had gone
into hiding. . .

i; The UDF’s re-organisation after its

- leadership was immobilsed was illus-
trated in the Western Cape which, this
-week became the country’s major, trou-
ble spot.

The strength of the UDF lies in its
affiliates. The organisation is, in effect,
a loose alliance of more than 600 affili-
ates including civic, student, youth,
women’s, sport and trade union organi-
sations.

92

JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


CONCERN OVER VISIBLE SHOW OF STRENGTH AGAINST BLACKS

Johannesburg SOWETAN in English 9 Sep 85 p 5

[Article by Aggrey Klaaste]

[Text] en your”
country is
at war and

you look through

the bedroom win-

dow to behold the

sight of fit-looking

military young men,

seemingly well-

equipped to die for

you and your coun-

try, you must feel
pretty good.

- You must feela

sense of security, that |
your taxes are being

used properly by the

Government.

When you are NOT
at war and you look '
through the same win-
dow to be chilled by a
similar sight of strap-
ping young men, ath-
letic in their military
outfits, menace care-
fully cradled on the
arm, and the various
war paraphenalia
hanging loosely from
sturdy waists, with one
slightly more grim- °
looking young chappie
raising his hand like in
the movies, you get a
creepy feeling this is a |
show of some dramatic .
sort.

“So it was with me “

last Sunday. I opened
the curtains rather
with silly haste when
the kids woke me.

And came face to |
face with the barrel of .

a gun. I don't exactly
mean that, may I has-

ten to assure the offi-”

cers.

But my windows are
somewhat low and
near street level. I also
plead a certain amount
of poetic licence.

I still get this wet
feeling in the small of
my back. For one
thing, what if the sol-
dier boy thought I was
about to zapp him, and
had opened fire?

Right into that ridic- :

ulous house in Diepk-
loof Extension, which
is still unfurnished and
hardly has an axe to
speak of.

hat if some-

body in that

convoy
thought I was up to
some devilry and
blasted the hell out of
me?

Then my family,
other families, went
onto the stoeps to
check this extraordi-
nary thing out.

71

People curious as
they always are with
babies on their arms,
stare with some trep-
idation at these young
men.

Am I mistaken to
think that some of

them look distinctly”

uncomfortable, even
unhappy? Or am I ex-
trapolating my feelings
onto them?

What the dickens is
going on? Tongues
babble with excite-
ment. .

Children peep from
behind backs. One
more unruly boy gets
on his bike and wishes

‘to ride along with the

army, is stopped, and
rather sullenly gets
back on the stoep.

The young man ma-
jestically lifts his arm
(just like in the mov-
ies, I repeat) and the
convoy moves‘on.

Moves on with silent
menace, not doing
anything, not saying

‘anything. Quiet as,

hell.

The message, if any-
thing, sinks in. This is
showing the black bas-
tards what we mean
when we say they must
not push us too far.

JPRS“SSA+85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


many of them in shootouts.

Commandant Okker Brits (Town Clerk of Tsumeb in Currie Street) said SWAPO
avoids farms that are defended and has learned that success in activating
workers is minimal.

Captain Dave Keyser said "You could say that a farmer always makes a plan....
"and we certainly have made one discovering in the process that our stoutest
allies are our own farm workers--proud to be trusted and one of the cogs-—

in their uniforms and with their automatic Ewee weapons-~in an overall
machine,

"We have born bushfighters. All they need is training in modern weapons—-
transition from bows and arrows--and in relating their amazing tracking skills
of human as opposed to traditional animal movements.

"They are wonderful fighters--eager and patriotic. The secret is that they
have been made to feel part of the whole defensive system."

CSO: 3400/1166

32


JPRS*SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA

CONSUMER GOODS IMPORT FIGURES RELEASED
lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 26 Aug 85 p 7

[text] Some N2,656.7 million worth of consumer goods were imported into the
country last year, according to figures released by the Central Bank of Nigeria.
This represents a decrease of N1,044 million or 28,21 per cent over the consumer
goods imports for 1983 which amoumted to 3,700.3 million.

The consumer goods imports for last year was 416 per cent of total imports for
the year. Total imports for 1984 stood at N7,178.3 million.

A breakdowm of the consumer goods imports for the year showed that durable
good took up N632.5 million and non-durable goods N2,024.2 million.

Capital goods and raw materials imports for 1984 totalled Ni 2500.5 million,
representing 58.3 per cent of the aggregate imports for last year and a
decrease of 13.36 per cent over the capital goods and raw materials imports
for 1983. Specifically, capital goods imports for last year amounted to
N2,637.2 million and raw materials N1, 863.3 million.

An itemised breakdow of the imports for 1984 show that food and live animals
imports took up N1,052.1 million, beverage and tabacco seven million naira,
animals and vegetable oils and fats NS4.9 million and chemicals N852.3 million.
Others are crude materials N143.5 million » mineral fuels N111.3 million,
manufactured goods N1,241.7 million » machinery and transport equipment
N3,256.6 million.

According to the Central Bank, imports of "miscellaneous manufactured articles"
took up N418.3 million and 'niscellarieous transactions unclassified" N10.6 million.

cs0: 3400/1137

44


JPRS*SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

GENERAL MALAN DEFENDS NON-WHITE TROOPS AGAINST CP
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 23 Aug 85 p 14
[Report "From Our Political Editorship’: "CP's Decision Is Ingratitude"]

[Text] Pretoria--The CP [Conservative Party] congress's resolution that
non-Whites should no longer do border duty in the Army and that only white
soldiers should be employed for this is the worst kind of ingratitude and
it is so laughable and inconsequent that it must be repudiated, General
Magnus Malan, the minister of defense, said yesterday.

General Malan was approached for comment after the CP's Transvaal congress
adopted such a draft resolution. According to the draft resolution, non-
Whites should rather perform police duties in their own residential areas
in separate police units.

"For years colored, black and Indian members of the Army have made an
exceptional contribution to keeping this country free from the Marxist
terror onslaught. Many of them paid the supreme price, and on behalf of
the government I once again thank these people for their voluntary service
in this respect."

General Malan said that it was strange that the CP had accepted such a
congress resolution a few months after the party's spokesman on defense,

Mr Koos van der Merwe (MP [member of parliament] for Jeppe) "advocated
compulsory military service for Coloreds and Indians in a torrent of words."

Now Mr van der Merwe's party did not even want non-Whites to fight in the
front line of the country's defense. "It is beyond comprehension that
such absurd and radical congress resolutions. are accepted in these times."

"Luckily the Coloreds, Blacks and Indians know that the majority of Whites

accept the colored, black and Indian soldiers as their partners in the
struggle against a common enemy," General Malan said.

12906
CSO: 3401/316

113



In these austere times,
many people have taken to
eating roasted yams.
Roadside roasted yam
sellers have become a
common sight in both
residential and industrial
areas, with a large slice of
yam selling for 50 kobo.

However, in spite of the
fact that we are the world's
largest producer of yams,
national supply, according
to statistics falls short of
demand by 1.62 million
tonnes, equivalent to 41.05
billion, Among the factors
responsible for this short-
fall is the heavy losses in
storage due to environ-
mental and physiological
issues as well as attacks by
Pests and diseases.

Experts

With regard to the
problem of storage, storing
of whole and uninjured
tubers in shaded barns
made rodent proff to be
successful and experts pro-
ject that storage losses can
be cut down by 30 per cent
which is equivalent to a
saving of W750 million
annually.

For cassava, the crop is
facing: menacing threats
from the common insect
pests: the cassava mealy
bug (CMB) and the ‘green
spider mite’ (GSM). These
result in the loss of about 60
per cent and 40 per cent of
cassava roots and planting
materials - respectively,
Experts put the monetary
toss at about 4700 million
per year.

Cassava is an important
carbohydrate staple food
which supplies 70 per cent
of the daily calorie intake of
over 50 million Nigerians
and of which Nigeria is the
fourth largest producer in
the world with an average
yearly production of ten
million tonnes.

Consumption

However, the statistics
show an increasing shor-
tage when projected

49

demand is matched with
production. in 1983/84 12
million tonnes of cassava
valued at 41.2 billion was
produced. This was in
contrast to the 24 million
tonnes projected demand,
representing a shortfall of
12 million tonnes .for the
season. In the 1982/83
season the deficit was 11
million tonnes.

The cassava yield
potential according to
experts is 50 tonnes per
hectare. However cassava
yield in most of the farmers’

ten tonnes per
hectare or 20 per cent of the
Potential yield, represen-
ting a staggering loss of one
billion naira. The reduction
is attributable to among
other factors, pests and
diseases.

Cassava canbe
processed into garri,
tapioca, garri flour and cas-
sava flour for consumption
‘as well as cassava starch for
industrial use.

With respect to Irish
potatoes of which Nigeria's
annual production is
estimated at 200,000 tonnes
valued at 4200 million, pests
and diseases infestation are
yet, constraints to produc-
tion. “Blight” is said to be
endemic in most’ potato
growirig ateas causing up
to 60 per cent reduction in
yield.

Preservation

Up to’30 per cent of the
potato harvest, itisgathered
-is lost in storage while more
than 50 per cent of seed
potato stored by farmers
under their conditions is
said to be lost between the
time the crop is harvested
and the next - planting
season, The foss therefrom
is put at 100,000 tonnes or
one hundred million naira.

in the fisheries'sub-sector
about 30 per cent to 35 per
cent of what is caught is
wasted due to poor preser-
vation _ methods. Fish
spoilage in 1983 is put at
501,119 tonnes valued at
4112:76 ailion,



dictatorship, the political expression of their socio-cultural marginal
status. As for the Karamajong, they remained on the sidelines of the major
political movements.

Obote's coming to power in 1962 was carried out against the DP. In order to
continue to outwit it, he later, with some loss of momentum, allied with the
main enemy, the old "establishment" Protestant Baganda, whose political
expression was the monarchist Kabaka Yekka party (KY: the king alone). This
unnatural coalition of the UPC and the KY lasted a little less than 4 years
and ended in 1966 with an internal coup d'etat in which Mr Obote, the prime
minister, got rid of his weakened ally, the king-president. He thereby earned
the lasting hatred of the Baganda, who were victims in the wake of the
overthrow of the monarchy, and gained a new, more unwieldy ally than the one
he had disposed of, Gen. Idi Amin Dada, chief of staff, who had obligingly
shelled the royal palace.

The general, exploiting his popularity among the troops and the discredit that
Prime Minister Obote had acquired, having become president by force, succeeded
in getting literally landslide support for the coup d'etat that he organized
on 25 January 1971. Unfortunately, these two successive triumphs--by the
northerners as a whole over the Bantus in 1966, then the Nilotics of West Nile
over their Langi and Acholi brothers in Idi Amin'ts coup 5 years later--only
led to greater and greater splitting up of the Ugandan social body, and a
growing divorce between the government structures and those of the civil
society(ies).

To this program of tribal atomization begun under Obote, the dictatorship of
"Marshal" Amin added the economic disorder born of an almost complete absence
of management coupled with abusive taxes to the benefit of the armed forces,
as well as routine use of violence as a means of governing.

II. From Idi Amin to Obote

It was this difficult heritage that the provisional government installed in
Kampala in April 1979 had to face. It found itself very poorly equipped for
this. The exclusion, in accordance with the "Moshi spirit," of the structured
parties of the pre-Amin era (the DP and UPC, the KY having disappeared in 1966
with the king), condemned the new rulers to a paradoxical type of operation,
outside government, while there were accusations against some members of the
provisional executive either of colluding with the Obote supporters (Muwanga)
or of wanting to establish the DP (G. Binaisa). Also, President Lule, very
quickly suspected of underhandedly promoting a Baganda revenge, was forced to
withdraw on 20 June 1979. His successor at the head of the provisional
government, Godfrey Binaisa, a former Obote minister who had resigned in 1967
to protest the authoritarianism of the president, saw his margin for maneuver
considerably reduced by the influence of two of his most aggressive ministers.
On the one hand, Paulo Muwanga, a veritable Talleyrand of Uganda politics, who
had served in all the country's regimes for 20 years and had only broken with
Amin in 1975. Minister of interior, he was regarded as very close to former
President Obote, still in Dar-es-Salaam, and although a Muganda he was soundly
hated by his tribal brothers for having betrayed the kabaka in 1966. On the
other hand, there was Museveni, a young and fiery leftist, a Munyankole,

134


JPRS#SSA¥85=095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA

FEASIBILITY OF CONTINENTAL OIL COOPERATION DISCUSSED
Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 26 Aug 85 p 7
[Brticle by Nau Ughamaduy

[fext/ The Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Professor Tam Daivid-West, a
few days ago, delivered a 55-page gold medal lecture at the Eko Holiday Inn,

Iagos, on "Perspectives of the Nigerian Oil Industry."

The lecture which a colleague described as a professorial dissertation was
to a large extent very comprehensive that many doubts, uanswered questions
and some arguments about the oil industry, were demolished in it.

Since the country's oil industry can hardly be divorced from the global oil
scene and other related energy issues, the minister's presentation, therefore,
went beyond the Nigerian perspective of the industry.

What caught the eye of this writer and a few others most, in the professor's
lecture, was among others, his assertion that preliminary contacts had been
made with oil producing countries in Africa with a view to having a continental
forum for consultation, dialogue and meaningful co-operation. "It is our hope
thet this will lead to a continental organisation of African producers y" he
declared.

This comment deserves some attention for some reasons. First, the gist came
from the minister himself who in recent times had undertaken some continental
oil assignments. He was voted unanimously to represent the African zone in
the newly formed OPEC Ministerial Executive Council. Also voted as a member
of the OPEC Committee on Price Differentials. With these, he might have seen
how feasible and realistic the coming into force of a continental body is.

Secondly, suggestions for a continental ody had been made by some African
oil producing countries in the past without effectualising their words into
action.

Thirdly, formation of the co-operation, involves two groups in Africa: OPEC
African members and non-OPEC producers.

45



A National Convention is about
negotiation and not consultation.
Those who call for a nptional ,
convention are presumably
committing themselves to a process
of negotiation with ALL concerned
and interested parties in order to,
arrive at a satisfactory solution of our
country's manifold problems.

The constituent assembly must
represent ALL peoples and
constituencies within the country |
through their chosen and is |
leaders, which in turn implies that all,
such leaders must be released from
detention if that is where they are. If
such a convention were intentionally ,
to exclude certain constituencies that,
too, could scuttle it before it is begun.
There should be no non-negotiables
and no exclusions.

It would seem that when the call to
join a Convention Alliance is rejected
because the Government has ruled
out some of the conditions some of the ;
potential participants would like to !
see met, or because at the present |
time a leader has not been released, '
then the meaning of the call has been |
misunderstood.

In his call Dr Slabbert made it
clear that his party is committed to
one country, one citizenship and one
constitution, despite the fact that “the
Government has shown its true
colours”, which are certainly not the
same as his. Presumably he wants to.
provide a vehicle through which all
those who would rather negotiate than
fight can come together, irrespective
of their political and ideological
differences, in order hopefully to exert
sufficient pressure on the Goverment
to force it to call a national
convention and participate in it itself,
with the same commitment to;

-. negotiate and compromise, and find:
solutions, a

He is offering potential. impetus to
the Convention movement, the
arguing and hard bargaining to take
place once a Convention has been
achieved.

‘A National Convention Alliance is a.;
beginning, a means to an end, not an
end in itself. The end is the calling of :
a truly representative National
Convention which ‘will be the place
where differences can be argued out ;
and hopefully settled. What other

, alternative is there to violent
confrontation? .

cso: 3400/1151

74


JPRS*SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

IDEA THAT'GOVERNMENT IS ON ITS KNEES IS NONSENSE’
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 31 Aug 85 p 10

{Column "From My Political Pen" by "Dawie": "Daydreams Perish in This Time
of Testing: Now It's Time to Build"]

[Text] It's almost September, spring is here--and the most recent outbreak of
violence, the painful scenes on the Cape Flats, make one realize almost

with shock that it has already been a year since the cycle of rioting began
in South Africa.

Now here, now there it broke out, and it still drags on, from Sebokeng
to the [Cape] Peninsula. Enough to make you wonder: can the chronic state
of unrest be halted?

Perceptions

The next few weeks will be critical in calming the riots, which began in
September 1984 at Sebokeng in the Vaal Triangle and raged on elsewhere
in the country.

Great determination to build a new, better South Africa will have to arise
from the ruins and misery, or sufferings worse than the calamities of Lebanon,
Algeria and other nations lie in wait for this country. If South Africa

is once dragged into the African swamp, it will find it just as difficult

to struggle out again as do so many black states.

Precisely for that reason it is necessary that certain perceptions of South
Africa be analyzed.

One of the most dangerous perceptions is found among radicals who think
that the Whites are done for, that the government is on its knees and can
simply be toppled, so that a revolutionary clique can take over.

That is sheer nonsense.

It is a fact, and it is there for those who wish to see, that the state
has not even begun to bring to bear the forces available to it.

84


Rather, what these
countries need are food and
‘other relief meterials in
addition to our :neking
contributions to OAU or
.other organisations in
Africa regularly and
punctually as we have been
noted for. Through this,
some of their problems can
‘be solved. Nigeria can also
help these counrries
through appealing to other
Atncan courtries to always,
live to their financial
obligations to the OAU and
other orgauisations,

The NLC should stress
more on the paramount
need for emphasis on
internal security in the
country, especially police

attention tr form of
increasing theif - strength
and equipping them with
more sophisticated
weapong to cope with the
increasing wave of crimes
in our society.

Unfortunately, the men
of the underworld our
Police are “battling” with,
have now started using
heavy and sophisticated
weapons, posing a more
challenging task for our
police.

Also most of the
country’s prisons’ are
congested with inmates,

“most of them criminals.

This sub-sector like the
police, needs more mone-
tary allocations that can‘

and prison services, : i
The bolice sub-ector for match their expansion and
instance, ‘ndeds more other basic requirements.

“However, to the NLC, the country’s defence spending had been quite out
of proportion with our development needs. In most of the years, even after
the civil war, defence spending had been higher than those on education
and health combined.

The Congress observed that in 1978/79, after the civil war, the Federal
Government's expenditure to the health sector was 8569.6 million, while
defence had #1,474.6 million including internal security and that defence
spending remained above one billion naira in 1980 while that for the health
sector was never much above #400 million in the same period”.

cso: 3400/1138

39



CSO:

cent of thé overdraft, and that
distribution of the inputs would
start after getting further
information from .
eMeanwhile, the, _ Ruvuma
Region Co-operative Union
(amedi h he
immediately paying the peasants
in cash for crops purchased from
them and stop forthwith setting
payment centres far from where
peasants live.

‘The directive was issued over
the weekend by the Regional
Development Directorate
during a meeting of the
committee to, monitor
transportation of crops in the
region.

he committee was told that
the Directorate had received

3400/1127

'U) has been directed to start «

125

complaints from the people”
about non-payment for their
crops, warning that the habit
created room for businessmen to
cheat’ the peasants and earn
quick money.

. Such habits of non-payment
disheartened the people and
created  enemity between
them and the Union which had
been established in order to give
them better services, the
committee was told.

The Directorate also directed
that all village lorries in the
region should be enlisted so that
they helped in the haulage of
6.138 tonnes of crops which were.
stranded: in the villages due to
shortage of trucks.


JPRS*SSA“85*095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

UPGRADING OF HOMELAND PLANNED
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 29 Aug 85 p 6
[article: "By Our Political Editorship": "Development in kwaZulu Planned")

(Text] Improvement projects for urban Blacks in the kwaZulu-Natal region

that will amount to roughly 107 million rand are among the recommendations
contained in an interim report submitted to Chief Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi
yesterday by a joint planning committee.

Mr Louis Rive, former postmaster-general and chairman of the joint planning
committee said yesterday that the committee has 40° physical improvement
and development projects he regards as "extremely urgent."

But the final report, on which six working groups are still busy, will
only be ready in 10 months.

The committee was assembled in July last year with instructions to make
recommendations and to plan for the upgrading of the standard of living
of Blacks in the urban areas of kwaZulu and Natal.

Areas that the committee has identified as having priority are: greater
Inanda (outside Durban), greater Umlazi and the Edendale complex outside
Pietermaritzburg.

At the same time, the committee's six working groups looked into certain
areas where it has been decided by the government that no more relocations
will be carried out, but where upgrading and maintenance are urgently needed.

These 12 areas are: Matatiele, Kokstad, Chesterville (Durban), Stanger,
Greytown, Mooirivier, Glencoe, Colenso, Dundee, Vryheid and Ladysmith.

12906
CSO: 3401/313

109



CANADIAN AID FOR PORT

JPRS+SSA*85+095
ctober 1985

4 0

Dar es Salaam DAILY NEWS in English } Sep 85 p 3

[Text]

THE Canadian High Commis-
sioner to Tanzania, Derek
Arnould, has pledged that
Tanga Port would get spares
from Port Equipment Rehabili-
tation Unit in Dar es Salaam,
Shihata reported.

The envoy made the pledge
after he was told by the Tanga
Assistant Port Manager, Ndugu
F. X. Mungure, that most of the
equipment supplied by his coun-
try at the port was in poor condi-
tion.

Ndugu Mungure told the
envoy that most of the equip-
ment was unserviceable because
of lack of spares, *

The envoy showed sympathy
over the problems facing the
port and promised that he would
see that things returned “to
shape once again.”

cso: 3400/1127

118

Later he inspected some of the
equipment, including cranes,
folk lifts and ford ‘tractors. He
also toured the harbour by boat
to the Tanzania Fertilizer Com-
pany Jetty at Raskazone.

He also visited the site for a

roposed port at Mwambani.
loney for the project is yet to be
sought. é
arlier,” he called .on the
Tanga Regional Commissioner,

Colonel Ayubu Simba, and vis-

ited the Regional Party Head-
quarters.

He also visited a sisal estate at
Gofu, Livestock Training Insti-
tute at Buhuri and the Tanga

lant of the Tanzania Diaries
imited on the outskirts of the
town. . .

The plant was built by the New

Zealand Government.

TANZANIA


The project also incorporates the training of people in irrigation planning,
construction and management, as well as the collection of climatic and river
discharge data.

It will also include expansion of demonstration plots in order to provide enough
land for trials on rice varieties, application of fertilizer and manure, crop
density, land preparation techniques, crop husbandry practices and techniques

to reduce post-harvest losses.

The project carry out inservice and on-the-job training, group training,
fellowships and study tours for the Mbeya zonal irrigation mit staff and the
preparation of work programmes for up to the year 1990.

The UNDP had sent two missions in 1980 and 1983 to assess the project's viability.
Under the project, the government has provided 16,561,040/- and the UN body has
approved 62,375,400/-. a

Temu says the Government intends to request for more funds from the UNDP to
finance the project's phase two.

The Usangu plains irrigation project is only one of integrated irrigation
schemes which the government is underteking and intends to undertake to ensure

‘that the country's agriculture will no longer be victim to the whims of the
weather.

cso: 3400/1127

123


JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

CONTACTS REPORTEDLY TAKING PLACE BETWEEN MUGABE, ZAPU

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 1 Sep 85 p 3

{Article by Robin Drew]

HARARE — Secret contacts have been taking place
-between the Zapu leadership and the Government of Mr
Mugabe aimed at restoring peace to Zimbabwe. .
A “package deal” was how the indiscreet Home Affairs
Minister Mr Enos Nkala referred to the negotiations when
“yesterday he launched another broadside against Mr Joshua

[Text]

cso:

Nkomo and his party.

Mr Nkomo refused to com-
ment on the claim that he had
suggested to the Government
that he be allowed to leave
Zimbabwe to settle in another.
country.

Mr Nkala said Mr Nkomo,\
whose passport was seized sev-'
eral weeks ago, would not be:
allowed to leave until a deal:
:had been worked out to end the”
dissident menace. i

The outspoken Home Affairs '
Minister said this might in-,
‘clude the release of Zapu de-
tainees who include top men;
such as Mr Dumiso Dabengwa
and Lieutenant-General Look-
out Masuku who have been in

«detention for more than three
years following the discovery
of arms caches on Zapu proper-

ty.
: Their release has been de-
manded on various occasions
in dissident notes.

This month, three Zapu
members of parliament were
detained as a crackdown on
Zapu promised by the Minister
‘was put into gear.

Mr Nkomo said in a tele-'
‘phone interview from his Bu-‘
Jawayo home that he preferred
to say nothing at this stage. *
. “Wait a few days,” he said,
““And there will be something

147
3400/1090

; to be said. You will hear from"
‘ me.”

The Prime Minister, Mr Ro-
-bert Mugabe, is due back from -
a Far Eastern tour this week-
end and it is expected that once
_ he returns efforts will continue
to reduce the rapidly rising
tension betwen the two parties.

Mr Nkomo would only say

that Mr Nkala_ was_ being
“naughty” by making reference
to package deals.

Mr Nkala, -whose vitriolic
“comments have caused con-
‘cern in some circles anxious to

avoid an escalation of bad feel-
ing, has promised to wage a re-
«lentless war against the Zapu:
‘leadership. }
There is the fear, too, that
the brutal murder of ran¢h-.
“hands in the Mwenezi area on
Thursday night when at least
18 people were killed by.a gang

of dissidents could jeopardise —

the settlement moves.

Speaking before news of the
massacre had broken, Mr
-Nkala said the security auth-
orities were preparing for a
last ditch fight against the dis-
;Sidents.

“If they cross ariy border, we ©

+ shall follow them ,” said the -

Minister.

ZIMBABWE


MOOD OF OPTIMISM PREVAILS IN MINING SECTOR

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 Sep 85 p 11

‘[text]

THERE has been a marked im-"
provement in the overall mining
picture in this country over the
past year. as the industry ap-
pears to be emerging from the
lengthy slump. Prices for most
metals have slightly advanced
and there is every hope this can
be sustained.

This improved climate that is
emerging is reflected by the over-
all increase in production volume
by the mining industry of 4% in
1984 over 1983, and a forecast of
a further improvement for 1985.
You will recall that sales by the
Minerals Marketing Corporation
for the year ended June 30, 1985, °
were $540 million. This does not
include gold, where production
value was $214 million for the
period January to December,
“1984, and $112 million dollars for
the first six months of 1985.

On this strong base it is imper-
ative that both my ministry and
industry work together to plan fti=,
ture developments of both new
mines and mineral beneficiation
projects.

Government's objectives in the
mining sector encompass the fol-
Jowing —

(a) Increase foreign-currency
allocations through the Mining
Continuation Reserve for the im-
portation of essential spares and
equipment, thereby enabling the
mining industry to maintain via-
bility, expand production and earn
more foreign exchange. This is
important as the industry is a
major earner of the country’s for-
eign currency.

(b) Control of clectricity tariffs
as‘most mining, and the down-
stream operations resulting from
mining, are based on low-cost
availability of electricity.

(c) The implementation of the
mechanised test mining of thin
chrome seams in the North Dyke.
This is aimed at reducing mining
costs which are high because they
are labour-intensive. These seams
constitute the bulk of the Great
Dyke ores which have a higher
chrome content. In addition
government will also encourage

© and assist in the mechanisation of
other mining operations to in-
crease. production and maintain
viability.

(d) Development of the techni-’

cal manpower needed for the in-
dustry particularly artisan, jour-
neyman and supervisory skills, by
industry ‘and government.

(©) To foster a high degree of
discipline in the work force so as
to maintain productivity at high
levels.

(f) To maintain favourable min-
ing taxation and allowances that
have the effect of allowing inves-
tors a normal return on their cap-

__ ital and its repatriation, and of
stimulating new imining invest-
ment.

My ministry is currently cor-
centrating on the following

(a) Consolidation of the state-
owned Zimbabwe Mining De-
velopment Corporation which is
currently engaged in the produc-
tion of gold, gold-dump recycling
at Penhalonga, exploration in

151

JPRS=SSA=85=095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE


JPRS-SSA-85-095

4 October 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS

BURKINA

Major Projects for Food, Power, Communications Detailed
(B. Hubert Pare; CARREFOUR AFRICAIN, 2 Aug 85).-.+--+e++++

Proceedings of First National Conference of Students
(SIDWAYA, various dates) ...sseseeeeeeceeeees

Editorial on Importance

Details of Opening Session, by Wind-Lananm Ramde
Further Report, by Wind-Lananm Ramde

Reports, Committee Work, by Wind-Lananm Ramde

MADAGASCAR

TSS Takes Revenge on Kung Fu Fighters
(THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER, 24 Aug >) cy

MALI

UDPM Delegation Observes Workers Collectives in Moscow
(Sissoko; L'ESSOR, 20 Aug 85)...ssecseeceeeescscercrereres

Activities of Delegation to Moscow Youth Festival Reported
(P. M. Koite; L'ESSOR, 17-18 Aug 85)..+eeeeeeseeeereeerees

UNJM Delegation Meets With GDR Youth
(PB. M. Kote; L'ESSOR, 20 Arig 85) -ceecceccerceeveseeeceesee

Diallo Meets With Mali Students in Moscow, Poland
(Sissoko; L'ESSOR, 20 Aug 85)...seeecescoweeececccssserees

MOZAMBIQUE

AIM Commentary Warns Against Internal Enemy
(Editorial; NOTICIAS, 23 Aug [> en

10
13

15

16

17

19

20

21



of November, bringing their number to about a thousand. At the same time,
trucks and 122 mm artillery arrived through Dar es Salaam port and a number of
Tanzanian soldiers returned to the scene (the Tanzanian expeditionary force
had been almost totally withdrawn between April 1981 and the beginning of
1982).

These troops provided the leadership for the best-trained UNLA units for the
major offensive launched at the end of November.

This was successful from the outset. Under heavy pressure, the NRM guerrillas
retreated toward Hoima, then in the direction of Fort Portal-Kasese, cutting
the railway line between there and Kampala on 1 January 1985.

However, it seems that at the same time movements have developed either in
other parts of Buganda (Mbarara) or in West Nile, where the UNRF, long
inactive, is showing some slight regain of activity. The situation of the
refugees is also still agonizing and is accompanied by a war of communiques
that would be comical if it did not concern the fate of thousands of human
beings: in November 1984, Uganda appealed for $17.1 million to "come to the
aid of the 300,000 repatriates in West Nile," while Sudan asked for $26.4
million and Zaire $13.9 million to help 265,000 Ugandan refugees--the same
ones!--who had sought refuge there.

In conelusion, the regime of President Obote must be credited with some quite
real economic successes, even if these have owed a great deal to foreign aid
and the use of some more-than-questionable methods.

On the political level, however, the doubts about the legitimacy resulting
from the election of 10 December 1980, as well as the weight of a past not yet
forgotten, doom it to face the latent hostility of the Bantu peoples of the
south and west, even though the latter have tended to confine themselves to a
wait and see attitude. In view of the impotence of the legal opposition,
which is a democratic show window for foreign benefit, a number of Baganda and
a minority of Ugandans of other tribes have chosen armed struggle. However,
this effort, lacking any outside support, does not seem capable of
overthrowing the regime. No more than the regime, thus far (we must await the
results of the November 1984 to January 1985 offensive), seems capable of
crushing it. Caught between two fires, the civilian population is tired. In
the five and a half years of "liberation," certainly several tens of thousands
of civilians have been killed. The worsening of the situation has prompted
the government to depend increasingly on military aid from the East.
Legislative elections are planned for 1985. Judging by the recent indictment
of Mr Ssemogerere (November 1984), their conduct does not promise a much more
democratic character than those of 1980, unless the internal dissensions in
the ruling team (there is a lot of talk about increasing sidelining of the
vice president, Paulo Muwanga) changes the features of the political game and
leads either to their cancellation or to their conduct in a different
atmosphere.

9920
CSO: 3419/500

141



5. For an outline of this see A, Campbell, Converse, Miller Stokes, The
American Voter (New York, 1960); McPhee and Ferguson, ‘Political Immunization,'
McPhee and Glaser, Public Opinion and Congressional Elections (Glencoe, 1962),
-pp 155-79. For an application to Britain see Butler and Stokes, Political
Change in Britain (London, 1969). For an application to British fascist
movements see J. Brewer, Mosley's Men: the BUF in the West Midlands (London,
1984), pp 22-26.

6. The reasons for this shift differ. Southall sees it as part of Buthelezi's
policy to present Inkatha as the moderate Black heir to a consociational
solution, while Brewer sees it as the consequence of Inkatha's entrapment
between the twin pressures of state control and ostracism by the left.

7. This emerged as a strong theme from the longitudinal study of the Arnold
Bergstraesser Institute, Hanf (1981). The different degree of legitimacy
which political violence has in Northern Ireland compared to South Africa,
is one of the reasons why political violence is much higher in Northern
Ireland despite the level of oppression for Catholics being far less severe
than it is for Blacks in South Africa. See J. Brewer and J. Smyth,
"Political Violence and Conflict Management in Northern Ireland and
South Africa,' T, Hanf, Deeply Divided Societies (Munich, forthcoming).

8. The pioneering work of Mayer is a good example. He has recently up-dated and
extended his work on ethnic and class Perceptions among Africans in a paper
called 'Good and Bad Whites,' delivered at Queen's University of Belfast,
January 1983. Also see Hanf (1981: 339-44); Lever (1978); De Crespigny
and Schrire (1978); Schlemmer and Moller (1982).

9. In this way Inkatha tends to conform to what we already ‘know about some
nationalist movements in other parts of Africa, who were extremely fissile.

Bibliography

Brewer, J., 1981: "The Modern Janus: Inkatha's Role in Black Liberation."
The Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Vol 12,
Institute of Commonwealth Studies.

Brewer, J., 1985: "Inkatha Membership in KwaMashu." African Affairs. Vol 84.

Brewer, J. (forthcoming): After Soweto: an Unfinished Journey. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.

DeCrespigny, A. and R. Schrire, 1978: The Government and Politics of South
Africa. Cape Town: Juta.

Hanf, T., 1981: South Africa, the Prospects of Peaceful Change. London:
Rex Collings.

Kane-Berman, J., 1982: "Inkatha: The Paradox of South African Politics"
Optima. Vol 30.

102


challenge Mr Botha to hold a plebiscite immediately. This will then show what
we think about his police and his army. For me there is no doubt whatsoever
as to what the response would be if the people could vote without fear.

[Question] Mr Boesak, what was your own initial experience of apartheid?

[Answer] I was a little boy about 5 years old. We lived at that time in a
small village located in northwestern Cape Province. We hardly dared to breathe
the same air as the Whites.

My father was a teacher at the local missionary school. We went into a store
through the entrance for non-Whites, which was still separate at that time.

It was hot, perhaps about 40 degrees. My father ordered a soda pop and the
white lady handed him a bottle from the shelf. To this my father said, "But
this one is warm, my son will get sick." He asked for a bottle from the refrig-
erator. Then the woman proprietor said, "Cold drinks are only for Whites."

I often asked myself when I was older what my father must have felt at that
moment in terms of anger and humiliation.

[Question] All the same, a few things have changed in South Africa since then.
As you see it, what has been achieved by the reforms instituted since Pieter
Willem Botha came to office?

[Answer] Well, yes, we are now able to live in certain international hotels.
We are able to take our wives out, if we have enough money, to a number of won-
derful restaurants.

[Question]. But that really isn't all. Black trade unions were permitted...

[Answer] That came about differently. Mr Botha said: We have to make certain
concessions, for example the creation of trade unions for Blacks. But the
government's will was that the trade unions should only concern themselves with
practical day-to-day matters. The people, however, wanted to determine them-
selves what kind of unions they wanted. This is why today's trade unions also
see themselves as a political instrument.

[Question] Botha held out his little finger, and the people reached out for
his hand?

[Answer] That was bad luck for Mr Botha.

[Question] The government has threatened to break the resistance movement
aggressively. Where is this confrontation taking South Africa?

[Answer] The government is holding firmly to apartheid. It wants to assure
the continuance of white power at any price. The Whites view themselves as a
ruling class which wishes to decide what's best for the rest of the population.
Because Mr Botha feels himself to be answerable only to the white community,
and because he forgets that the majority is Black, he is a failure. The gov-
ernment is imprisoned in its own political chains. That makes it weak.

[Question] Have the Blacks recognized this weakness?

62


TEXTILE SMUGGLING INCREASING

Tagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 pl

[Article by Jackson Imafidon7

Ffext]

+] JNLESS the various
governments take
drastic measures to
arrest. the situation im-
mediately {which is
impossible in the short-
tun) much of this year's
anticipated abundant
food harvest resulting
from the current
agricultural drive, would
be wasted as a result of
inadequate storage and
preservation methods.
indeed, the problem of
inadequate storage facilities
has been the bane of our
agricultural planning and
this inadequacy further
depresses our food
supplies.

Investigations show that
over three billion naira
worth of agricultural pro-
duce is lost in the country
each year due to post-
harvest spoilage. The loss
from -yams tops the list as
between 3.75 million and
5.1 million tonnes of
harvested: yams is lost
every year.

in naira terms, the lost
according to experts at the
National Root Crops
Research Institute (NRCRI)
is valued at between 42.4
billion and 43.3 billion. The
spoilage in percentage
terms, according to the
experts is 26 per'cent to 30

per cent ot harvested yams.

48

The yam spoilage
emanate from rot, pest and
disease infestation. Yams
are attacked by diseases
and pests in the field and in
storage. Such pests include
‘root knot nemotodes,’
‘yam nematodes’ and
beetles.

Cultivation

Nigeria is the world’s
Jargest producer of yams as
she accounts for 74.3 per
cent of the world’s total
yam production. About
1.33 million hectares of land
are under yam cultivation in
the country and these pro-
Guce between 15 million
and 17 million tonnes per
year, with an average yield
f 9.2 tonnes per hectare,
The yield is equivalent
between 9.75 billion and
"11.05 billion yams yearly.

Thus it has been asserted
that Nigeria has the
potential for exporting
yams to other countries.
Apart from the African
continent, the millions of
Africans and blacks in
Europe and America
provide ready markets for
our yams abroad if suitably
packaged and processed.

Yams are eaten in cooked
form, fried, roasted or
pounded. Yam = flour,
‘elubo’ is reconstituted into
“fufu,’ ‘amala’ in some parts
of the country.

JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA


Internalization of Ideology

There is an on-going debate in the: literature on social and political movements
about the coherence between official ideology and the beliefs of ordinary
members, and the casual connection between them. There are those who argue

that the ideology of the movement reflects the grievances and attitudes of its
members, while others stress that the ideology. often defines. the members’
opinions for them.’ In.the former case, the movement's policies reflect the
views of the members, while in the latter instance, the members assimilate’ the
ideological categories of the movement. In this account of conversions to the
Jehovah's Witnesses, Beckford (1978) notes how the subject's self-reported accounts
of religious conversion could not be taken as unproblematic. They were typically
constructed according to the ideas and guidelines of the movement itself; the
subject's view of the world were defined for him by the movement.

Only when there is a coherence between the opinions of members and official
ideology does the movement have that unity, and strength and loyalty of support
which is vital for success. In political science the theory of political
immunization discusses how this coherence functions to provide the mechanism
through which members interpret political stimuli to produce strong and loyal
support to the movement. It argues that identification with the movement (or
political party) strengthens, and support to it deepens, the longer the movement's
ideological categories are used by members to interpret and make sense of political
stimuli. 7

Findings on the Political Beliefs of Inkatha Members

The data on Inkatha membership cannot be used to decide whether the movement's
ideology or the opinions of members are the independent variable. This is as
much a philosophical issue as an empirical one. Nonetheless, it is possible to
establish whether there was a coherence in the views of members and those of
Chief Buthelezi at the time when the research was undertaken. Although this is
a crude measure of official ideology, the focus will concentrate on three
particular issues: . their views on the role of political violence; the role of
ethnicity in politics; and what future political dispensations aspire to.

One special point of interest opens up here, for it is possible to establish
whether the views of the Inkatha members on these issues are as moderate and
conservatives as those of. their leader. Previous analyses (Southall, 1981;
Brewer, 1981) have suggested that, even by 1980, Inkatha's policy had taken
a’move to the right.©. Therefore, one is able to see whether this move towards
conservatism is in accord with the views of ordinary members of Inkatha.

Chief Buthelezi's commitment to non-violence is well known (Southall, 1981: 464).
Although he as warned of the pressures pushing Blacks towards violence,
Buthelezi's career shows a remarkable degree of consistency in advocating non-
violence; all the more remarkable given his oscillation on other issues.
Southall (1981: 464) sees this commitment as a key part of Inkatha's petty
bourgeois platform, while Schlemmer (1980) sees it as an essential part of
Inkatha's commitment to consociationalism.

97



But if production rises (and it has risen considerably), then the concern of
those persons is shown in acts which prevent food from circulating. The next
important thing for. them is to facilitate the action of the armed bandits in
the area of looting and destroying food. These people play the role of the
sorcerer, opening the window to allow the thief to enter.

Conclusion: For such persons the bandits are the tool creating the conditions
that enable them to continue amassing wealth.

And this nature of the bandit as a tool is marked by another factor: The
individuals on whom we are commenting do not go over to the other side overtly;
they do not show up in the brush, or abroad, as bandits; they only want to
continue making use of the latter. Hence, this does not involve a social base
of banditry, but rather the opportunistic use of the banditry phenomenon.

Hence, let us return to the starting point of this editorial. The armed bandits
are not an organization, they are not a cohesive movement; and many of the
forces backing them do not even want them to be an organization. They are

only tools.

Under these conditions, the solution advocated by the party and.reaffirmed at the
Fourth Congress (the elimination of banditry on the spot) is a viable solution.

But it has become increasingly evident that it is a solution which.also includes
the battle against such individuals in our midst who, both objectively and
subjectively, are using the bandits as a basis for amassing wealth. To summarize,
we are experiencing a phase in which the "internal enemy" mentioned by the party
is starting to manifest itself clearly.

At the same time that these incidents are occurring, there is another phenomenon
which has attracted our attention.

Last year, we witnessed great praise for President Samora Machel from foreign
forces which had been allied with colonialism in the past.

Some of those forces expressed that praise for two reasons. Their interests in
southern Africa are protected by a gradual, overall development of the area in
peace, and they fear that, without President Samora Machel, the strong sense

of sovereignty in FRELIMO and the Mozambican state would be jeopardized. ._There-
fore, they have changed their position, and it is rightful for them to have
done so on the basis of their interests.

But there are also other forces which actually want to see Mozambique destroyed
and FRELIMO attacked by its own popular rank and file. One of the areas in
which they operate is that of the so-called "public opinion." Why are they
praising President Samora Machel, their declared enemy?

The answer comes in the second part of their disinformational activity.

22


whom he explained the structures and operation of his organization.

In the evening, the Malian delegation went to the rest area 30 km from the
city on the Minsk Sea, an artificial lake where the city's inhabitants come
for recreation, After a 12 km boat trip on the lake, a solidarity meeting was
held in the delegates and leaders meeting hall. The slogan of the festival,
“Anti-Imperialist Solidarity, Peace and Friendship,” was repeated. An evening
of entertainment ended this first day.

On Tuesday, 6 August, a group led by the UNJM secretary general, and including
Dadie Danioko and Adama Kansaye, went to the MAZ auto plant, where it learned
about the various stages of assembling heavy capacity vehicles. After the
visit to the workshops, they went to the factory's museum to gain an
understanding of the improvements that have been made in engine construction
since 1939,

Concluding its stay in Byelorussia, the Malian delegation on 6 August paid a
tourist visit outside the city to see the Katyn memorial. This unique
memorial was erected in memory of the people of the village of Katyn and of
other neighboring villages who were burned by the fascist occupiers.

9920
CSO: 3419/553

18


other points which need highlighting. The Inkatha members here were urban and
if there is a dichotomy between the rural and urban members, it does force
upon us the necessity to distinguish between the different kinds of Inkatha
membership.

While the data here do illustrate a coherence between official ideology and the
beliefs of urban lay members, it also demonstrates the potential for division
between Inkatha's urban and rural members. This opens up the organization

to a range of possible internal policy conflicts. The leadership of Inkatha

not only has to create a strategy which gives the organization a role in wider.
South African politics, it simultaneously has to tend to the bureaucratic task

of forging a united membership.9 There is already evidence of internal conflicts
over policy and strategy. The resignation of Bengu, the former General Secretary,
expulsions from the Youth Brigade and open quarrels between Buthelezi and the
Soweto branches are examples of such conflicts. Because the size, unity and
strength of Inkatha membership is so vital to Buthelezi's bargaining position with
the state and in distinguishing him from rivals, Inkatha's importance to the
current political situation will depend on its ability to contain these conflicts
and straddle the different types of membership it attracts. More so than any
political role, this bureaucratic task will be the test of Buthelezi's leadership
qualities.

FOOTNOTES

1. From varying viewpoints see, 'Inkatha: Centrepoint of the Gathering Storm,"
Frontline (Johannesburg), December 1979; ‘Will Zulu Party Change the Shape of
Apartheid Politics,’ New African (March 1978); South African Communist
Party, 'The Compromising Role of Inkatha,' African Communist, 74 (1978);
Counter Information Service, Buying Time in South Africa (London, 1979);
Schlemmer (1980); Kane-Berman (1982); Southall (1981); Brewer (1981).

2. All we have at the moment are vague and unsubstantiated inferences about
membership. For a summary of the contrasting views of Inkatha's political
role, see Brewer (1985). This article is an attempt to give some empirical
foundation to our knowledge of Inkatha membership.

3. See Brewer (1985) and Brewer (forthcoming, chapter 6).

4, See G. Lewis, 'The Structure of Support in Social Movements,' British
Journal of Sociology, 27 (1976); P. Kiven Tunteng, "Ideology, Racism and
Black Political Culture,' ibid.; H. Blumer, ‘Outline of Collective Behaviour,"
R. Evans, Readings in Collective Behaviour (Chicago 1975); N. Smelser,
Theory of Collective Behaviour, (New York, 1962); R. Heberle, ‘Forward,’
R. Roberts and R. Kloss, Social Movements between the balcony and the
barricade, (London 1979); J. Banks, The Sociology of Social Movements (London,
1972); R. Levitas, 'Some Problems of Aim-Centred Models of Social Movements,'
Sociology, 11 (1977).

101



forces in Angola — forces
now totalling just under
9000 — are being used
mainly to back up the An-
golan army. Of these
about half are deployed
against Unita.

A bounty system in
SWA_ is contributing
much toward the success-
es of the security forces.
A schedule of rewards is
paid for information lead-

ing to a variety of anti- |

Swapo situations — rang-
ing from capture of a Rus-
sian-made AK 47 rifle
(R100) to RS 000 for a
RPG rocket launcher,
R20 000 for a Swapo de-
tachment commander,
R10 000 for .a political
commissar and R2 000 for
a Swapo soldier.

Brigadier Gert Nel,
Second in Command of
the forces, told The Citi-
zen “Swapo is having se-
rious problems with its
military wing and there is
no doubt that its military
effort is crumbling fast”.

CsO: 3400/1166

Swapo’s big problem is
inadequate material from
which to draw leaders.

Colonel John Vorster,
senior staff officer of the
SWATE said that an indi-
cation of the near desper-
ation of Swapo was an
overall increase in intimi-
dation.

This was because Swa-
po clearly realised that it
was not mobilising the
population successfully.

Fortunately South Afri-
ca had not repeated the
mistake made by the
French in Algeria —
where they won the mili-
tary component of the
revolutionary war but lost
the overall war because
eventually, they regarded
the Algerian population
as the “enemy”.

In the South West Afri-
can war it had been realis-
ed that the Ovambos
were not the enemy —but
the target group of a rev-
olutionary organisation. *

30


He referred to the recent HSRC [Human Sciences Research Council] enquiry
into intergroup relations in which obstacles in relations in the country
were evident. According to the findings people are becoming isolated from
one another. If this situation develops further, the HSRC warns that it
will be increasingly difficult to defuse conflict. In the report the trans-
mittal of communal values, especially through the educational system, is
stressed.

Freedom of association with other individuals and groups--which includes

the freedom of non-association--is regarded as an important prerequisite

for future development. Furthermore, equal opportunities and the realization
of individual potential and recognition of the human worth of all members

of society are seen as essential.

“We must have the courage to admit that we have made mistakes in the past--
not only the Afrikaner is to blame--and we must accept that these mistakes
(will) be laid bare on the dissection tables of the Western world. Do

we have the physical and moral strength not to be humiliated and broken?

As a bred-in-the-bone Afrikaner I refuse to be humiliated and broken, but

at the same time I am ready to leave behind the past and its faults, including
my selective conscience, and to take the present as a starting point."

Professor De Vries said that the US's responsibility outside the purely
academic field, and as an institution with a social vocation, lies, among
other things in showing South Africa and the. community it preeminently
serves, the Afrikaner, that diversity in the makeup of a student body can
be a strength. In itself it is an education for a future of understanding,
and teaches that it is possible to retain your own character therein.

Confidence

The US's educational requirement also incorporates a vision of the future,
an ideal, something to strive for--not fear-ridden oppression, strife and
mutual conflict, but a positive and realistic view of the future of South
Africa and the Afrikaner. Narrow exclusivity and a denial of the ideals
of fellow South Africans are simply out of the question.

In the midst of pessimism about the future of the country, the duty of

the university lies in articulating a message of hope that speaks to all
the youth of South Africa, that is not limiting and exclusive, but nonethe-
less creatively reconciles Afrikaner identity and South African patriotism.
In addition, contact and communication with all the people and all the
different cultures and with the international community must be created
and maintained. People must be convinced that there is little to be gained
from isolation.

Basic Christian norms of civilization must not merely be preached, but lived
out. All actions must reveal sincere humanity.

“We cannot be unapproachable and haughty, but should rather keep an open
ear and an open eye for people's needs.

111



JPRS=SSA*85*095
4 October 1985

UGANDA

SITUATION SINCE FALL OF IDI AMIN REVIEWED
Paris AFRIQUE CONTEMPORAINE in French Apr-May-Jun 85 pp 26-34

[Article by Gerard Prunier: "Economic ‘Management and Society in Crisis: Uganda
Since the Fall of Marshal Idi Amin Dada") ,

[Text] When’ the president of the Uganda provisional government, Yusufu Lule,
took the oath on 10 april 1979, it did not mark the beginning of a real new
era for that country exhausted by the dictatorship of Marshal Idi Amin Dada.

This is explained in part by a particularly heavy burden of the past,
particularly in the economic field; in regard to agriculture--the main
sector--production had fallen precipitously between 1973-1974 and the
elimination of Amin Dada in 1979. Cotton had declined from 65,000 to 15,000
tons; coffee, the basic resource of the Uganda economy, from 192,000 to
121,000 tons; tea from22,000 to 10,000 tons; sugar from 44,000 to 8,000 tons.
The situation was hardly more auspicious in industry, which before the
military took power had been about 12 percent of the GNP. During the same
Period, cement production had declined from 143,800 tons to 80,000 tons,
phosphate fertilizer from 4,100 tons to 2,000 tons, beer from 456,000
hectoliters to 221,000, and copper from 9,600 tons to 600 tons. As for soap,
it had dropped from 6,300 tons to Practically zero. The commercial vehicle
stock had decreased by two-thirds between 1971 and 1978 (Source: THE ECONOMIST
"Area Report on Uganda," London, 1980). This economic debacle was paralleled
by extreme political confusion.

The provisional government, of which Prof Yusufu Lule--an academic who had
been an unknown a few months previously--found himself president, was the
outcome of the meeting at Moshi, Tanzania, in March 1979 of 24 movements
opposing the dictatorship. This group, named the Uganda National Liberation
Front (UNLF), ‘had the paradoxical characteristic of not including in its ranks
any official representative of the two major parties prior to the
dictatorship, the Uganda People's Congress (UPC) of former president Obote,
and the Democratic Party (DP), a democratic-Christian organization very well
established not only in Buganda, but also in all the partly or majority
Catholic populations (Bayankole, Madi and Lugbara of West Nile, Acholi). The
respective friends of these two major movements were in the UNLF only as more
or less unobtrusive behind-the-scenes envoys. The Moshe spirit called for new
men, in order to avoid falling into the errors of the past. These new men

132


JPRS#SSA+85+095
4 October 1985

SENEGAL

COMMENTATORS FOCUS ON FREEDOM OF PRESS

Discussions Key to Healthy Future
Dakar WAL FADJRI in French 8-30 Aug 85 p 2
[Commentary by Sidy Lamine Niass "For a Free Press"]

[Text] People often talk about the nobility of certain professions such as that
of teachers or doctors, but never--or at least only rarely--of journalism, But
in reality, what is more noble in all of history and in all corners of the
world than educating, informing, and entertaining? The press is often the
mirror of a society, a generation, within a given environment. We will never
tire of stressing its importance, Unfortunately, its defects are as substantial
as its virtues, and in a country such as ours the situation conspires generally
to encourage the former,

Reality falls far short of the ideal. From what we can see, the press tries not
so much to reflect the aspirations of the broadest possible mass, but rather to
be the vehicle of personal ideas or those of a tiny coterie. It is a press
which tries to transmit and impose anger or personal sentiments.

The work of the journalist ceases to be exclusively personal from the moment
when he agrees to make everyone a part of it. From the moment when he agrees to
be an observer, to note the facts, report them, and when necessary analyze them
with both heart and mind, in a sincere way.

The idea is a grand one. It is a difficult responsibility to shoulder, given
the temptations of every kind. However, this is the journalist's duty.
Independence, for the journalist, is often a great word because he knows its
price. Independence vis-a-vis political authorities, independence vis-a-vis the
wealthy, as well as any kind of power that could interfere with the process of
discovering and disseminating the news.

Unfortunately, the art of criticism is difficult to exercise in a country
where, despite a high percentage of intellectuals, freedom of opinion has not
reached the level desired. Must one always apologize for the authorities to
avoid being accused of being an opponent? Must the opposition see as a puppet
of the regime anyone who acknowledges its good points? Is it no longer possible
to criticize with an independent mind?

54


JPRS*SSA*854095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SLABBERT MOTIVES IN CALLING FOR CONVENTION ALLIANCE QUESTIONED
Cape Town DIE BURGER iti Afrikaans 7 Aug 85 p 10
(Editorial: "The Alliance?"]

[Text] The first question that arises in connection with Dr Frederik van
Zyl Slabbert's "broad alliance" to do the preparatory work for a national
convention is whether he intends to resort to extra-parliamentary action
with this.

What especially calls the motives behind the new plan into question is

the fact that the PFP [Progressive Federal Party] leader previously declared
himself willing to take part in the constitutional forum called into being
by the government, with which Progress has already been made. Dr Slabbert
has himself already been present at meetings about the discussion body

and there have been signs that it is seriously intended to get the forum
going as soon as possible.

In government circles it has recently been emphatically stated that the
agenda for a constitutional debate with Blacks is open, with the sole proviso
that the arrangement that is worked out must not make the domination of

one group over another possible. This is a prerequisite that Dr Slabbert
agreed to and that he himself still requested over the weekend.

So why doesn't the opposition leader try to persuade the people he wants
to involve in the alliance to take part in the forum? Perhaps precisely
because he wants the forum to fail?

If that is the case, Dr Slabbert and his party have reverted to the old
boycott mentality that found expression inter alia in the PFP's refusal

to take part in the first president's council. If so the PFP has not yet
escaped from the grudging spirit that characterized its eventual contribution
to the new constitutional arrangement.

If the motive behind the alliance is not to derail the forum, the new plan
is an attempt to back both sides, a political move that only too clearly
cannot work. *

12906
CSO: 3401/313

108



To me this is an ex-. ~ ployment” — which is ~ why it is necessary to

act replication of the an ungrammatical con- have those troops in
arrogant. military: struction and gives the the townships.
stance I have observed | "game away from the Most white people
from people like the "word go. (and I don’t care if this
president and various | Then follows hurts the PFP) think
police chiefs I have: another Freudian slip. ° we are unruly, we are
met. To you it might It says this application inefficient, we are sav-
be the exact reflection : is for: Indigenous age, we are all the
of white South A frica’s | Black Person. wrong things that their
view of blacks. \ The writer is a fool upbringing and so-

They were not born | and blunders. If they ~ called culture says of
with that view, mind. thought “indigenous” “us.
It is a re-inforced re- was a derogatory word Even the most gen-
sponse; laid on by his- | they are sadly mis- | tle among them have
tory, by politics, by taken. My friend, it these unfortunate con-
privilege and preju- only means you and I, ceptions.
dice, by hate and blacks, own this coun-
chiefly by fear. try, not the writer of

t is a most unfortu- the letter.
[= view, but is We are indigenous |
there as vividly as: folk here. So it is ours.

that convoy of troops It goes on in this
in the streets of So- sad, sick, though re-
weto. i vealing, way asking if .

Which brings me the applicant has ~
rather logically to my mated through tribal
next point. A reader of | ' law, through common
this newspaper sent .a; law, through any old
cutting to us. In some how, or just shacking
disgust most probably. up. :

The note, which was « ran
presumably distributed t asks if ine appt
to blacks by some ras- derived through

cal of a white man or

woman ini Johannes “theft and other skul-

burg’s Motortown, dugeery.
clinches my case. My I would treat this
case about these atti- tripe with the con-
tudes. tempt of silence, but
It is most revealing. ° some black out there is
It must have infuriated . obviously reacting
my black friends who ‘from the gut; is very
sent it for us to pub- angry.

lish, It is the height of

* Don’t you ever.
racial incitement and y,

i _ worry my friend. Such

thus unpublishable. notices are very help-
Just to give you a | ful. Makes us under-

hint I will repeat the stand their minds.

less scurrilous parts of To understand the

this scum. . hate and the prejudice.
It is said to be an Makes you able to deal

“Application of Em- with this inhumanity.

I will go further. It
* makes me understand

cso: 3400/1143

72


JPRS+SSA+854095
4 October 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

COMMENTARY URGES GREATER EFFORTS TO COMBAT HUNGER
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 22 Aug 85 p 1

[Text] The food situation has improved considerably of late in much.of the
country, despite the still devastating effects of the natural disasters, which
have not prevented the armed bandits’ terrorist, destabilizing activities.

Reports indicate that there has been a relative abundance of food products at
rather high prices; nevertheless, the results, while significant and encouraging,
are still far removed from measuring up to‘what is intended from the standpoint
of basically meeting individual needs.

Between no food products and food products at very high prices, there is not
much to choose. Which is worse? Our experience, which is sad, tells us that
the worst thing is the lack of food products, because that means hunger.

What exists at present, from the standpoint of food production, is an optimistic
prediction . of future prospects opening up new horizons in this herculean
national effort to put an end to famine.

And this is a direct result of the implementation of measures introduced by the
Council of Ministers 3 months ago to rehabilitate the national. production and
commerce. It involves building the national economy; it involves putting into
effect the ambitious plan to create a society with abundance and happiness.

Stimulating the producer, whoever he may be; promoting the production of consum-
er goods; giving an incentive to commerce through the most diverse mechanisms;
making it possible for the high costs that the producer has.to pay for services
rendered by enterprises or entities to be conveyors of an overall action that
is starting to being the most fortunate results: and the measures of the
Council of Ministers must be upheld and executed throughout the national
territory, so that they may bring results.

What is important is that the producer produce, that the marketer market and

that the consumer consume. As for prices, they will be in direct ratio_to
the capacity that the state and cooperative sectors, and the honest private

24


* fect on urbanisation;

there will have to be co-.
operation’ with neigh-’
bouring states in devel-
oping an orderly and ef-
fective urbanisation stra-
tegy. 1
The committee also
recommends that a plan
for job creation in urban
areas should be devel-
oped as part of an urbani-
sation strategy.

“It should be aimed at

, Utilising the potential of
. Metropolitan centres to

provide employment in
both the formal and infor-
mal sectors, preventing
‘over-urbanisation’ and
unwholesome conditions
in urban areas and espec-
ially in large urban
centres, while promoting
employment creation in
and around peripheral
low-income _residential
towns.” — Sapa.

Features of Urbanization

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 13

[Text]

CAPE TOWN. — The le-
vel of urbanisation among
Blacks is “far higher”
than official statistics indi-
cate, the report by the
President's Council's
Committee for Constitu-
tional Affairs says.

The committee is unde-
cided on whether there is
under-urbanisation of
Blacks or not because of
obscurities arising from
the changing bases of of-

: ficial statistics,

Broadly speaking, how-
ever, the general level of
urbanisation in South
Africa correlates with the
level of economic devel-
opment, it says.

A striking feature of ur-

» banisation in South Afri-

ca was the tendency for
concentration of the pop-
ulation to take place in a
few urban complexes,

The report says that the
lowest level of concentra-
tion in metropolitan areas
is among Blacks and the
highest among Asians and 1
Whites. '

90

JPRS“SSA=85+095
4 October 1985


The entire Kompienga-Ouagadougou axis will be electrified. This will bea
very important step, because the presence of electricity will stimulate
social-commercial activity in all the provinces covered. In a general way,
the Kompienga project will enable us to achieve a saving of 10,500 tons of
fuel, or 2.3 million CFA francs.

In view of the importance of the project, several financial lenders are
interested. It will cost a total of about 38 billion, and construction is
expected to be completed in 1989.

Technical Aspects

Located 300 km from Ouagadougou, and 25 km from the Benin border and 8 from
the Togo border, the site is on the Kompienga, a tributary of the Pendjari.

The dam will have an earth length of 1,475 meters, maximum height of 50
meters, and fill volume of 2.91 billion cubic meters. Its top elevation will
be 182.75. meters, and top width 8 meters. The reservoir's minimum level will
be 165 meters and the maximum 180 meters. It will hold 2 million cubic meters
of water and have a maximum flow of 480 cubic meters per second.

The generating plant will be equipped with two 7.5 megawatt Kaplan turbines,
each operating with a water column of 30 meters and flow of 39 cubic meters
per second.

Kompienga's annual production will be 45 gigawatt hours, or 3,000 operating
hours.

The Kompienga dam will rank third in the country with 15 megawatts, behind
Numbiel (60 megawatts) and Bagre (16 megawatts).

It will be able to provide half the power consumption of the city of
Ouagadougou, currently estimated at 70 gigawatt hours.

Total coverage of the country will require an installation of 50 megawatts.
Two transformer stations will be installed, at Kompienga and Ouagadougou. In
view of the distance separating the two stations (270 km), a high-tension line
of 132 kilovolts will be used.

On completion of construction, SONABEL will assume responsibility for
operation of Kompienga.

Communication Routes: 800 Km of Roads

In the 2 years of the revolution, the CNR has tackled the important sector of
road construction over almost the entire territory. Almost 800 km of roads
have been constructed or are being improved.

In this key sector, Burkina is fairly well endowed compared to some countries
in the region. In fact, Burkina's road map gives cause for satisfaction. The
past emphasis on development of secondary roads reflected the obvious desire
to bring the commercial crops (cotton, peanuts) out of the producing areas.
As soon as those activities stopped, imperialism at the same time stopped
financing repair of those roads.



JPRS=SSA+85"095
_4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BLACK SASH VICE-PRESIDENT VIEWS SLABBERT'S CALL FOR CONVENTION

Johannesburg THE STAR in English 6 Sep 85 p 12

[Article by Joyce Harris]. _

[Text]

ee nn ry al
What exactly did Dr Van Zyi
Slabbert mean by his call tor
a national Convention to
thrash out the country’s prob-
lems? It should not be con-
fused with what the Govern-
ment calls “negotiation”,
writes JOYCE HARRIS
(right), national vice-presi-

- dent of the Black Sash, who in
; the accompanying article
* takes a look at the ful

1 impli-
cations of Dr Slabbert’s call.

LT

Reaction to the call by Dr Van Zyl
Slabbert for a National Convention
Alliance convey the impression that
the Government has succeeded so
well with its “Natspeak” that
communication has broken down
completely. It has so abused and
misused language with its semantic
games played .over the years that
words have lost their original
meanings and become loaded with
political and/or emotional bias, words
such as humanism, liberalism,
communism.

One of the latest words to have its
meaning altered is “negotiation”,
which the Government uses

interchangeably with “consultation”, *

although they have entirely different
implications. 7 .

Consultation implies talking
together between parties not
necessarily of equal standing,

instigated usually by the more :

powerful party, and with no obligation
whatsoever on it to do more than

listen. It is not in any way committed
to act upon the results of the.
‘consultation. Consultation,

Government style, has brought little

i joy. It is entirely different from

negotiation, not a substitute for it,
though the Government has succeeded
in fudging the difference. __
Negotiation implies discussion
between parties all of which have

- some clout, all bringing to the

conference table their particular
views, opinions and aspirations and all
prepared to bargain with each other
in order to reach some kind of
acceptable consensus which is then
acted upon. The readiness to negotiate
implies a commitment to put into

practice the fruits of negotiation, and

is therefore a commitment to listen,
to influence and be influenced, and to
arrive at conclusions which will
resolve the problems -under
discussion.

73

The less non-negotiables brought to
the conference table the more
successful negotiation is likely to be,
for non-negotiables could scuttle the
process before it is even begun.”
Negotiation provides an arena for the
hardest possible verbal bargaining
and, provided all the participants are
motivated to reach solutions
acceptable to all even though they are
unlikely to fulfil every need, it should
be possible to hammer out a modus
vivendi for South Africa.



{Article by Gary van Staden]

[Text] :‘ THE Progressive Federal

Party found itself under
attack this week from
both the Left and the
Right after the election
of controversial Lenasia
olitician Mr Dinkie Pil-
lay to its federal execu-
tive.

The decision has been;
criticised by both the Gov-:
ernment Press and extra-|
parliamentary spokesmen.
The Afrikaans ‘afternoon
newspaper Die Vaderland
and the black morning daily
The Sowetan carried arti-
cles highly critical of the
move. :

At the eye of the storm is Mr
Pillay’s long association with
organisations, political parties
and management committees.
regarded as part of “system”
politics. Mr Pillay, however,
believes he is doing the right
thing.

“Just who are these ‘credi-
ble’ black leaders everyone is
always talking about?” he
asked. “I have never claimed to
be a spokesman for my people.
I am just a. member of the
PFP.”

Die Vaderland carried lead-
er page comment under the
headline “Dinkie wie?” (Dinkie
who’). :

The article criticised the

r
!
;

79

PFP CRITICIZED BY LEFT, RIGHT FOR ELECTING DINKIE PILLAY

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 10

PFP for urging the Govern- -

ment to negotiate with “legiti-
mate” black leaders and then
voting someone such as Mr Pil-
lay on to its federal executive,
“Tf you have never heard of
him, that is hardly surprising,”
the article commented, adding:
“He lost in  Lenasia-East
against Faiz Khan in one of the
lowest percentage polls in the

country during the first House ©

of - Delegates elections - last
year.”

According to Die Vader-
land's article, coming second in
a 6percent poll did not say
much for Mr Pillay’s influence
in his community, and it ques-
tioned whether he would be of

_ any value to the PFP.

;

“Ts this one of the PFP ‘legit-
imate’ leaders?” it said.
The Sowetan carried as its

: main leader page story an arti-
? cle which said that the PFP

had harmed what little credi-

- bility it had left in the Indian
: community by associating it-
* self with Mr Pillay.

a

The article added that the
PFP was told in advance that
Mr Pillay was the least popu-

. lar of a group of unpopular

“system” politicians in Lena-
sia.

“Now, I get.on well with Din-
kie Pillay,” the writer of the
article, Mr Ameen Akhalwaya,
said. “But who is he?”

According to the article,
some nti-election leaders

JPRS“SSA“85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



” spps=ssA=854095
4. October 1985

BURKINA

MAJOR PROJECTS FOR FOOD, POWER, COMMUNICATIONS DETAILED
Ouagadougou CARREFOUR ‘AFRICAIN in French 2 Aug 85 pp 7-12

[Article by B. Hubert Pare: "The Major Projects of the People's Democratic
Revolution (RDP)"] :

[Text] Solution of the problem of food self-sufficiency is the key to any
real development. That is why the National Revolutionary Council (CNR) is
currently doing everything to satisfy the needs of the people in this very
important field. To achieve it, several major projects have been started,
including the Sourou, Kompienga, Tambao, as well as the railway task, roads,
and secondary airports.

Most of these projects are very old, some, such as the Sourou and Tambao
projects, dating back to before Burkina's political independence.

With the coming of the August Revolution, all. have become realities.

On 26 April 1984, the CNR began the Sourou project, then the first ground was
turned on 1 February 1985 for the great railway task, which will create new
socio-economic conditions for the Sahel. The third major project launched~ by
the CNR, on 8 June, involved construction of the Kompienga hydroelectric dam.

In 2 years of revolution, the profound aspirations of the Burkina masses have
moved from the stage of dreams to that of a living reality. All this was not
easy in such a short time, that is why there are cries and gnashing of teeth
by those who, accustomed to the ease of the past, have found themselves caught
up in the revolutionary whirlwind, which draws them inexorably toward a real
well-being, stripped of any imperialist tutelage.

A backward agricultural country, Burkina Faso is located in the heart of the
Sudano-Sahelian plateau. It long suffered the trials of the colonial and
neocolonial history. For a long time, the Upper Volta of that time, like the
other African countries, had based its development strategy mainly on the
“agricultural revolution.” It had thus envisaged developing the Sourou to
reduce the imbalance between food requirements and the national production.
In sum, a praiseworthy initiative.

In fact, this initiative remained a dead letter because the leaders of the
time totally lacked the will to follow up, and demonstrated a congenital



MINISTER SAYS NO TO WELFARE STATE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 17 Sep 85 pg

[Text] SOUTH Africa was not

cso:

and had no intention of
becoming a welfare state,
the Minister of Health
Services and Welfare, Dr
G de V Morrison, said
yesterday.
But, he said, there
sere indications that the
‘country might be moving
in this direction — despite
declared and firm Gov-
ernment policy not to be-
come a welfare state.
Opening the new Jona
Vaughan House for
handicapped children at
Amanzimtoti, on the Na-
tal South Coast, he said
that, there was cause for

concern in the fact that

the State was increasingly
financing the rocketing
costs of Social Welfare
and Health Services.

3400/1165

‘The same thing applied
to requests from the pri-
vate welfare sector that
more programmes be sub-

-sidised, or existing pro-

grammes receive bigger
subsidies.

“The increasing sup-
port by the State for such
services is resulting in
South Africa’s welfare
services’ becoming more
State involved;” said Dr
Morrison.

Now was the time for
the ‘volunteer to come
into his own — for more
use to be made of him in
providing welfare ser-
vices.

“As the worldwide
economic recession in-
creases, funds diminish
for social and public ser-
vices.”

107

IJPRS#SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



ARMS PURCHASES BY PRIVATE CITIZENS RISING

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 6

Gun Sales Booming

[Article by Susan Pleming]

[Text]

THERE has been a consider-
able increase in the sale of '
arms and ammunition as a re-

sult of the current unrest |

sweeping South Africa.
A survey of Reef arms
dealers revealed that in some

cases sales had ‘increased by _

more than 30 percent.

The chairman of the Arms
and Ammunition Dealers’ As-
sociation, Mr Nicholas Yale,
agreed there had been a
marked upswing in sales.

Mr Yale said that during the

past few weeks he had sold a
lot of arms and ammunition to

people living in the Eastern °

and the Western Cape.

Mr Raymond Manas of FN .
! Guns and Ammunition in Flori- *

da said sales were up 30 per-

of the unrest,” he said.

More women were buying -
arms and ammunition, accord- .

ing to Mr Johan Liebenberg of '

_ cent. “This is as a direct result

Hot Power Arms in Krugers- «

dorp.

ened and many women are
buying. We are selling a lot of:

+ pistols, revolvers and riot

guns,” he said.

Mr L Potgieter of The Pow-
der Keg in Melville, Johannes-
burg, said the publicity given to
“stone-throwing and other
acts” had boosted sales.

“We have found that far
more blacks are buying guns
than ever before. People feel

: they are in danger and so they |

want protection,” he said.

“People are getting fright-

JPRS#SSA*85*095,
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



Lever, H., 1978: “Attitudes and Opinions of Africans." In South African
Society. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball.

Lewis G., 1976: "The Structure of Support in Social Movements." British
Journal of Sociology. Vol 27.

Meer, F.S. and M. Mlaba, 1982: Apartheid--Our Picture. Durban: Butterworths.

Schlemmer, L., 1980: "The Stirring Giant." In Price and Rosberg, The
Apartheid Regime, Cape Town: David Philip.

Schlemmer, L. and V. Moller, 1982: Migrant Labour in South Africa, Centre for
Applied Social Sciences. University of Natal.

Southall, R., 1981: "Buthelezi, Inkatha and the politics of compromise," African
Affairs. Vol 80.

csO: 3400/1164

103


Mulder Did Not Sign

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 13

[Text]

, ONLY Dr Connie Muld-
er, the Conservative Par-
ty representative on the
18-man Committee for
Constitutional Affairs,
did not sign the report on
the urbanisation strategy
for South Africa, tabled
in the President’s Council:
yesterday.

Headed by Rand Afri-
kaans University’s former
director of the Institute of
Urban Studies, Dr AJ G
Oosthuizen, the commit-
tee consisted of 10 Nat-
ional Party councillors,
two Labour Party coun-

“cillors and one each from

the Progressive Federal
Party, National Republic
Party, People’s Congress
Party, National People’s
‘Party, Solidarity Party
-and Conservative Party.

The 427-page report
makes broad recommend-,
tions —- including the

scrapping of influx con-

trol, the reference book
for Blacks in favour of
one identity document for
all South Africans, and
major urbanisation policy
changes. — Sapa,

Legislation to be Introduced

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 13

[Text]

_ CAPE TOWN. — It |

was probable that !
some legislation would
be introduced before
Parliament in the com-
ing session as a result
of his report on influx
control and urbanisa-
tion, the commitee
chairman, Dr A J G
Oosthuizen, said yes-
terday.

Speaking at a Press
conference in Cape Town
called to clarify the Presi-
dent's Council Commi
tee for Constitutional Af-
fairs report on urbanisa-
tion strategy, he said that
although it was not in the -
council’s hands, he ex-

pected some aspects of
the report’s recommenda-
tions to be implemented
soon — especially in the
light of President P W Bo-
tha’s statements —_in
Bloemfontein this week.

Asked what he esti-
mated the flow of Blacks
to urban areas to be, Dr
Oosthuizen said estimates
ranged between one mil-
lion and three million or
between 17 and 32 per-*
cent increase in Black ur-
ban populations.

Dr Piet Koornhof,
chairman . of, the . Presi-
dent’s Council, who pre-
Sided at the conference
said it was his experience
that past estimates of in-

88

flux resulting from the re-*
lease of restrictions were
always “vastly exagger-
ated”,

“After the Rhikhoto
decision predictions made
than turned out to be
vastly exaggerated,” he
said. .

JPRS*SSA4854095
4 October 1985

Dr Oosthuizen stressed ©

that even though Section
10 Influx Control legis-
lation was removed, the
committee had recom-
mended residential quali-
fications. *

These, he said, were to
prevent situations such as
had occured in Durban
where a site for residen-
tial use had been planned,
but before the services
could be installed, they


protection of the dignity of the individual, This is the case with regard to
libel (there have been innumerable libel trials) and civil damages,

Right of Response

In cases of libel or civil injury involving a newspaper, who is criminally
responsible? The first responsibility lies with the managing editor, In his
absence it lies with the author of the offending article. If he has
disappeared, the publishing company or the printer can be charged. This caused
Mr Samb to remark that this could be called "trickle-down" responsibility. Such
@ phenomenon is not found in matters of moral responsibility where the
journalist is protected. :

In addition to these restrictions, there are two other exceptions to freedom of
the press, The first is contained in Article 47 of the constitution, which
permits the president to assume full control of the press in case of need. The
second exception is found in Article 58, which is applicable in case of state
of siege or emergency. These exceptions in no way detract from the liberal
press system, adds Mr Samb. They are explained by the fact that, like any
liberal system, ours is regulated.

The regulation of freedom of the press includes the right of correction
accorded to the guardians of public order if the news is reported incorrectly.
As for the right of response, it is a general concept which may be invoked by
any individual or corporate entity that has been named or mentioned. Along with
the right of response, the legislative authority has also established a right
of further reply that is of a preventive character, and is intended to raise
the moral standards of the profession. Our ethical training urges us to raise
the moral standards of the profession and protect the morality of our youth,
said Mr Samb.

In concluding the first portion of his presentation, Mr Samb said he believes
that the institutional system of the press in Senegal is a regulated liberal
system, and, because it is regulated, it is protected. The organs of
censorship, the second part of his presentation, are there for that reason. Of
the four organs of censorship, only two are functioning. These are the the
commissions for control of press organs aimed at young people and in the
national language. The latter has nevertheless an “illiberal" character, he
said, and therefore the "decree establishing it should be abrogated."

Before opening the meeting to discussion, Mr Djibril Samb said that "even
though we have a liberal system, it is even more liberal in practice. This
ultra-liberal character has engendered a certain backsliding by the press,
Three measures need to be taken, we think, to prevent an unduly dangerous
slippage, and among these is a redefinition of the journalistic profession."

In the discussions which followed, Mr Samb was showered with both praise and
criticism, He was reproached for having ignored audiovisual media and confining
himself merely to the written press. Mr Samb's response: "I was not trying to
sweep anything under the rug. This presentation, as stated in the theme of the
conference, was devoted to the press taken in the strict sense of the word,
that is the written press, At some other time I might study the audiovisual
media in as detailed a fashion as I have the written press." Does the

56



LACK OF SPARE PARTS KEEP VEHICLES OFF ROAD

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 p 16

[Brticle by Anthony 0. Asiadiachi7

Gfext]

THE scarcity of
motor vehicles spare”
Parts Las continued to
create serious problem
to the transportation
system in the country
Gespite the fact that
about N6OD million was
earmarked 1g the budet
for importation of
machinery and spare
parts this year.

At present, in the
absence of accurate

statistical data, the

number 6f vehicles in
the country has been
put at about one-
million units, conse-
quently at an average
cost of N8,000.00 per
unit which represents a
net vehicles asset of
about N8 billion.

The problem of motor
spare parts scarcity was
blamed on the govern-
ment’s inability to provide
enough, import licence,
though the amount issued

cso: 3400/1139

has been kept a secret to
satisfy Nigeria's market
needs. Consequent upon
this many serviceable cars
have been put off the
roads, until spare parts are
available for repairs.

Investigation, however,
revealed’ that when spare
parts were available, the
average life span of com-
mercial vehicles was put at
between 4-6 yedrs de-
pending on whether it
is a light or heavy commer-
cial vehicle while. far.
private cars, the. average
life’ span was put at 6
years,

For now, because of
inadequate supply of spare
parts, coupled with the

been seriously reduced.

In addition, in a situa-
tion where vehicles or
being” allowed WAS” Oat
country, understandably
becaue of our financial
situation, the existing

vehicle stands the rsiskof
‘being swept off the roads,

sooner then later.

52

JPRS*SSA=85+095
4 October 1985

NIGERTA

According to a motor
spare parts dealer, 4200,
million import licence will
put Nigeria motor industry.
now on the verge of
collapse on the road to
fitness. and save over 1.5
billion naira worth of as-
sets, He suggested that the
government should remove
vehicles spare parts from
general merchandise list to
‘either a special class of
its own or up grade it
to raw materials class.

Government will do
:well by identifying well:
‘established reputable,
‘motor . distributors and’
spare parts dealers’in the
country to be earmarked
for the issue of import
licences as distinct from
motor companies existing
‘only on paper.

The chamber of com.
Merce and industries can
‘assist in this and also by
issuing licences to those
companies identified as
stockists of spare parts
based on their perform-
ance in the last 5 years
or.more, he said.


Despite all these difficulties, our students have been genuine and worthy
ambassadors of our revolution to the foreign peoples who receive them. Even
though the governments of some countries have been systematically opposed to
the formation of CDR's on their territory, our students have been able,
through revolutionary discipline, to develop initiatives on their level to
organize, develop and publicize the ideas of the DRP within the Burkinabe
communities.

The assembly and presidium of the national conference congratulates certain
bureaus for the rigor and seriousness which they had demonstrated in promoting
the image of our revolution.

Study of revolutionary theory was one of the major concerns of these members.
Evening debates, meetings, establishment of newspapers, study books,
organization of exhibitions, revolutionary weeks, etc.; these were various
activities carried out on all the campuses. In this respect, special mention
was made of the CDR's of Ouagadougou, Dakar and Paris for the regular
publication of their struggle organs, RBD, L'EVEIL, L'AURORE and COMBAT, which
have greatly helped students and nonstudents in mastering ideological and
political problems.

Everythere, the comrades have fought not only against international reaction,
but also, and primarily, against national-populism, which has succeeded in
sabotaging some of their actions and which has tried to portray our country
abroad as the most fascist of our times. These dogmatists, because of their
barking, have ended up discrediting themselves in the eyes of their hosts
because of the determination and courage of the RDP fighters.

It must be pointed out, however, that in certain countries the lack of self-
confidence, coupled with the lack of a spirit of initiative, along with the
mentioned problems, has not facilitated the mobilization work. To this must
be added the passivity of some ambassadors cited by the comrades, the former
having done nothing to help them. For the members in certain Arab countries
such as Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, the basic problem they face is that
they are ignored by our authorities in the sense that they are there on their
own initiative, not receiving state scholarships.

In face of all these problems, the national conference, which began its
committee work yesterday, intends to find the necessary remedies. Three
committees have been established: general orientation, pioneer and school
movement, and finally student movement. All the comrade students who are
members of the committees are currently hard at work so that the conference
can achieve concrete results regarding the role of the student youth in the
RDP.

9920
CS0:3419/544

14


JPRS*SSA4854095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA

IITA DEVELOPS NEW FARMING TECHNOLOGY

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 p 16

Lexi]

CIENTISTS at the

International Ins-
titute of Tropical
Agriculture (IITA)
ibadan has come out
with a dependable
farming method,
“alley cropping”,
which is an_alter-
native to shifting
cultivation that
allows a farm land to
stay several years
unutilised, .

A. communication’s
associate at the institute,
Mr, Taye Babaleye, told
newsmen at Ibadan last
week that this new tech-
nology would make land
more productive for
farmers in Nigeria and the
continent at large.

Alley cropping is simply the
planting of food crops in
between rows of leguminous
trees or shrubs whose leaves
are’ periodically slashed to
supply nutrients into the soil.

In addition, it is a !ow-input
soil management technology

Cs0: 3400/1139

that can- sustain crop: pro-
duction where farmers’
cannot afford expensive
inputs and where increasing
pressure on land does not
favour the age-long shifting
cultivation. —_ Ntonetheless,
alley cropping retains the
same features of bush fallow,

‘Three scientists at the
tute, Drs. B. T. Kang, G. F.
Wilson and T, L. Lawson,
said that the trees and shrubs
in the alley farming provide
green manure or muich for
companion food crops. in
this way, plant nutrients are
recycled for deeper soil
layers.

A major advantage of alley
cropping over the traditional
shifting cultivation and bush
fallow system is that crop-
ping and fallow phases can
take place concurrently on
the same land, thus allowing
the farmer to crop for an
extended period without
returning the tand to bush
fallow. .

In the Savannah region of
“Benue State which is noted

43

for yam production, alley
cropping has been intro-
duced. Besides, the root and
tuber improvement pro-
gramme of the institute in ans
effort to strengthen its yam

seedlings distribution

to members of Nigerian Seed

Yam Growers Association

‘has ordered for thousands of
specially manufactured per-

forated water resistant fibre

board containers from the

ko based Original Box Co.

These containers will also
be used for yam propagation
and transport to other yam
farmers in Africa. These con-
‘teiners will be given to
farmers at the beginning of
planting season or earlier,
and will be retained by the
farmers for evaluation of their
produce during harvest.

With this development, the
storage problem being
encountered by - Nigerian
farmers, more importantly,
during planting and
harvesting seasons will be
minimised.



Non-co-operation of African oil producers had on a few occasions in the past
virtually brought OPEC conference deliberations to an abrupt and inconclusive
end because of divergent stance by the various OPEC African light crude producers
on price differentials. If a continental forum were to be existing, matters

like this would have been resolved before coming to the meeting. This will

also save OPEC more time for other burning issues.

There are other benefits to be derived from such a continental co-operation.
It would assist other developing comtries in Africa in particular in securing
development aids with soft interest rates and other favourable terms. This

is possible through setting up a special fund for development by the contin-
ental body.

Such a co-operation would also bolster Africa's voice and position in inter-
national economic co-operation agreements.

Nevertheless, there is an obstacle some energy observers have envisaged to
the formation of this continental body. This centres on getting the African
OPEC members of need for such a forum. How they are going to share their
loyalty is a puzzeling question to these observers.

This is only a minor problem since they have always co-operated in some other
developing nation's organisations apart from OPEC. Against this background,
there is every possibility that they would show positive interest in the
continental body. This is a sure hope indeed.

Since preliminary contacts for the continental co-operation are on now, it
is my considered opinion that initially its membership should include only
African OPEC producers. The essence of this is to lay solid foundation for
others to come in, all geared toward achieving a solid and dynamic body.

Crudes are finite resources, therefore, African countries endowed with these
should ensure that maximum benefits are derived from them through among others,
high bargaining power.

This can be meaningfully achieved through the formation of an African Petroleum
Exporting Countries, which existence has been show to be both feasible and
realistic.

It should be emphasised that the limit of any continental bodies or other groups
that OPEC member-countries belong to or are trying to form, should include that

they would not do any thing that should wreck OPEC, nor discuss issues that
are counter-productive to the objectives of the Organisation.

CSO: 3400/1137

47


" stances chosen by itself. Rather;
under circumstances directly
encountered, given and trans: |
mitted from’ the past. |

‘The root of township unrest
lies in the consequences of
‘apartheid. Mass mobilisation’
in black urban areas is only a
result of black people's con-
sciousness of common interests
and their appetite for political
recognition.
If enough attention is not
‘paid to the issues that saw the
Vaal in flames last September,
it would be premature to talk of
peace and stability in SA.

Continued confrontation be-
~ tween black people and the po-
lice and their Parliament :
across the barrel of the gin will.
be an everyday event ~ until a”
large bath is. filled with the
blood of innocent black South
Africans,

I say this because I find it
hard to withstand the pains af-
flicted by the obstinacy of a;
Government consisting of intel-
Tectuals who, not only in the »
moral but also in the religious |
domain, fail to use better calcu-
lations to avoid Hitler’s trends,

Its recent action of declaring
the state of emergency and the
banning of organisations such
‘as Cosas has clearly shown its
failure as a government. It has
« failed to use modern methods

of bending with the changing

environment — instead it has

‘depended on the old notebooks

of Verwoerd and other Afri-

kaner elitists of the past,

It_has misunderstood the!
meaning of history —“the study
of the past to explain the pre-
sent, so that the foibles of yes-
ferday and today cannot be re-
peated tomorrow”.

It declared the state of eme
gency with the hope of gaining |
momentum as did the past dec-
laration ~ but it committed the
mistake of comparing toda}
ith yesterday without consid-
. ering the changing atmosphere.

To avoid any further castro-;
phic consequences of apart

CSO: 3400/1165

heid, it would be wise for the
Goverment to dismantle it im-
mediately and divorce itself
from the idea of a tortoise-
paced reform which could take
a millenium to achieve,

-But besides the Government's
reluctance, black South Afri-
cans still call for a non-racial,
just and egalitarian

uth Africa in which
colour, creed and race
will form no point of

+ reference,

76


December 1983 of the chief of staff, David Oyite-Ojok, in a helicopter
accident. In April 1984, the team of Commonwealth military advisers, having
failed in its mission, yielded the job toa group of British instructors.
However, beginning in the spring of 1982, it was increasingly North Korean
instuctors who were training the UNLA units facing the guerrillas, which
Prompted growing concern in Washington, whose support, at least financial, is
essential for President Obote's regime. o

In May 1984, after a failed attack on the Mpoma telecommunications station,
the army reacted: with violence, killing more than 100 people in the
neighboring village of. Namugongo, the torture site of the Catholic martyrs of
the 19th century, visited by Pope Paul VI. There was a great emotional
response, particularly since a religious minister and a Muslim cadi were among
the victims, and religious places were deliberately profaned.

V. Effective Effort for Economic Recovery

The Christian Democratic Party (DP), led by Mr Ssemogerere, convinced that it
had in fact won the election, yet chose to limit itself to legality. However,
a minority of youth, responding to the call for armed struggle launched by the
party's assistant secretary general, Francis Bwengye, took refuge in Nairobi.
They were disavowed by Mr Ssemogerere, who on 18 May met with the new prime
minister appointed by President Obote, Otema Alimadi. Attacks and raids
multiplied, particularly in Buganda, where both the NRM and the UFM recruited
most of their troops. Their combined forces were estimated at less then
3,000, because of lack of weapons. In the north, the Karamajong stock thieves
were better equipped than the guerrilla movement. On 1 June 1981, President
Obote took the hard but salutary decision to let the Ugandan shilling float.
The result was an immediate devaluation of almost 1,000 percent in relation to
foreign currencies and a soaring of prices: beer increased from 25 to 90
shillings a bottle, a Kampala to Jinja trip by shared taxi from 250 to 1,000
shillings, and an Entebbe to Nairobi air ticket from 1,600 to 6,000 shillings.
Incidentally, the average salary of a government employee was then 2,000 to
3,000 shillings a month. However, the price of coffee (robusta) went up to 20
shillings per kilogram and reached 50 in June 1982. Merchandise was gradually
reappearing in the markets, attracting the farmers, who would resume
production of export crops (especially coffee, and to a lesser degree cotton)
to be able to again buy some manufactured products. Taxes would begin to come
in again. The economic machine was underway again.

Also, foreign aid was coming in strongly. The IMF announced (June 1981) $197
million in short-term credit and $95 million in more long-term loans for
reconstruction. On 24. June 1981, two Libyan diplomats were arrested in
Kampala, thereby making public what everyone knew, that Tripoli was giving
military aid to the guerrillas by delivering arms to it through Rwanda. That
helped to rally behind President Obote the bloc of Western aid donors.
Nevertheless, despite the fighting continuing in West Nile (Ombacci massacre
in June, 1981), despite the constant attacks in Buganda, and despite the
exodus of refugees (100,000 in Sudan, 40,000 in Zaire, 40,000 in Kenya),
Uganda succeeded in filling the annual quota of coffee allocated to it for the
year 1981 (2.9 million bags).

138



In the Ugandan political-tribal puzzle, one should not forget the main, legal
opposition party (until Saturday), the Democratic Party (DP) of Paul
Ssemogerere, a Baganda Catholic who has a lot of electoral influence. Uganda
is supposed to have legislative elections soon, and the strongest pressure is
being exerted on the DP supporters, to the extent that its leader is calling
for protection of the former colonial power, Britain. °

After one of the most troubled histories--two coups d'etat, a war with
Tanzania, and an interminable and bloody civil war, Uganda is entering a new
period of uncertainty. Without any guarantee of recovering a long-forgotten
stability and coherence. .

9920
csO: 3419/500

131



JPRS=SSA*85=095
4 October 1985

BURKINA

PROCEEDINGS OF FIRST NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF STUDENTS
Editorial on Importance ‘
Ouagadougou SIDWAYA in French 19 Aug 85 p 1

(Editorial: “For a Youth More Committed. to the Advanced Posts of the
Revolutionary Struggle]

[Text] Since 4 August 1983 a new era has dawned on the Burkinabe people: that
of dignity, prosperity and happiness for all. The coming of the People's
Democratic Revolution (RDP) laid the concrete foundations for building a new
society liberated from tutelage of any kind. As a result, the task is to
bring the people to exercise the power themselves and for themselves. This
clearly demonstrates that we are no longer in the period of organizing all the
country's dynamic forces to oppose the reactionary powers and the local allies
of international imperialism. It is a matter of organizing ourselves, of
organizing the people to exercise power. ‘To this end, the political
orientation speech of 2 October 1983 provided a clear and lucid orientation
without ambiguity.

Thus, the Burkinabe student youth, who had always professed their anti-
imperialism but who had long suffered from the intellectual terrorism and
hollow phraseology of the drawing room revolutionaries, adopted the concerns
of the people and responded to the appeal of the National Revolutionary
Council (CNR) by establishing, everywhere that youth were located, committees
for the defense of the revolution (CDR), and by cleaning out the campuses by
forcing the dogmatists swelled by populism and garbed in sectarianism.to jump,
tied hand and foot and with mouth sewn shut, into the trashcan of history.

This first national conference of Burkinabe students studying on all the
continents, under the theme: "The Role of.Youth Educated Under the RDP," is
the sign of the determination of the student comrades to march boldly with the
people in themselves defining the tasks that they must assume before history.
This is the occasion for them to see how to share the joys and trials of their
people, and to proclaim loud and clear their conscious and farseeing consent
to join the people's masses, thus allying revolutionary theory to the
resulting revolutionary practice. .

There is thus nothing in common between this national conference and the
interminable and “historic” congresses of a minority drunk with populism,



existed: Lule himself, Dan Nabudere, Omwony Ojok, Yoweri Museveni, and others.
However, among the intellectuals as a whole they were more or less marginal
politically and without a genuine popular base.

I. The Historical Heritage

In order to try to understand the confusion and violence of Ugandan politics,
a word must be said about the ethno-religious basis that determines it toa
large degree. The country is divided, ethnically and historically, into two
large zones, bordered by the course of the Nile and Lake Kyoga. To the north
the Nilotics, to the south the Bantu. This cleavage was strengthened during
the colonial period (1900-1962) by the British collaboration with the Bantus
of the south, and particularly with the Baganda, while the Nilotics were more
or less left to their fate or recruited into the army, which called for no
other abilities than physical, because all the officers were white. Also,
during the British administration the situation was complicated by internal
antagonisms in each of the major groups: thus, among the Bantus the Baganda,
who were virtual auxiliaries of the British, were the black colonizers of
Uganda, admired and hated by the other tribes, while the other kingdoms (Toro,
Bunyoro and Ankole) achieved an enviable position, though a little lower than
that of the Buganda. The nonmonarchic Bantu groups, on the other hand,
experienced various fates: the Basoga (Jinja region), near the Baganda, were
almost associated in their fortune, while the small groups in the east
(Bagisu, Bakedi) or the tribes in the west (Banyarwanda, Bachiga) found
themselves semi-excluded.

In the north, the same thing: while the Nilotic population was in a socio-
economic situation much inferior to that of the Bantus, colonization had
developed great differences among them: thus, the Langi and Acholi, who had
gradually become involved in cotton growing, had achieved some progress, while
to the northeast the Karamajong continued to live exactly to the ancestral
rhythm of the nomadic herder. Between the two, the West Nile groups (Madi,
Alur, Kakwa, Lugbara) had their military enlistment as a special means to open
up to the modern world. Idi Amin, a young Kakwa, enlisted in 1946 in the
King's African Rifles, which made him a cook.

The final cleavage is that of religion, and it is not the least important.
Defeated in Buganda in the outcome of the religious civil wars of the years
1888-1890, the Catholic party has always obstinately represented citizens "a
little less equal" than the others. Thus, until the fall of the monarchy in
1966, there had never been a single Catholic katikiro (prime minister), and
less-qualified Protestants had several times been given preference over them.
The Uganda elite at the time of independence was Baganda and Protestant. The
democratic-Christian DP thus assembled those who had been excluded, both in
the center (Catholic Baganda) and on the periphery (Catholic Nilotics, thus
doubly excluded). Mr Obote, by founding the UPC, assembled against the
Baganda Protestant and Catholic elites a new elite, also Protestant, that one
would be tempted to call "petty bourgeois," including the most advanced of the
Nilotics (Acholi and Langi, Mr Obote's own tribe) and the least well-off of
the Bantus (the small tribes of the east). The Nilotics of West Nile, without
great influence, divided broadly between the DP and the UPC depending on their
religious affiliation; their hour was really to come with the military

133


JPRS*SSA+852095
4 October 1985

| NIGERTA

LAGOS PORTS TRAFFIC DROPS

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 26 Aug 85 p 1

Lrext]

cso:

IGERIA’S’ busiest
ports, Apapa and
Tin Can Island, re-
corded an aggregate
drop. in cargo traffic.
during the first half of
this year.
A total of 3,622,249
tonnes of traffic. was
handled from January

to June this year as.

against 4,796,;889
tonnes recorded with-
in the same period last
year.

Traffic figures, at the.

Lagos ports, though had
the traffic at the con-
tainer ' terminal added
unto it,’ still fell below.
the figure for the corres-
ponding period for last
year when figures from
‘the ‘terminal were not
included. .

The decline was. a dis-
appointment because of the

3400/1136

ship-bunch at the Lagos
ports during the first four
months of this year. At.the

- Apapa and associated aréas
from January to June this

year, @ total of 2.5 million

tonnes of Cargo were
handled) as” against
3,812,991 tonnes- recorded
within the same period last

year,

Out of this traffic, im-
Ports. accounted for 2.4
million tonnes while exports
within the ‘pefiod were
91,211 tonnes.

Island port where the traffic
increased to’ 1,122,439
tonnes, January to June
this year, from 983,898
tonnes recorded. within the
‘same period last year.

At the: container ‘Termi-
nal, Lagos, 20,222 tannes
of cargo were‘ handied
within the same period from
210 ships, including a traffic
of 19,430 tonnes of exports.

51

A total of 516: vessels
brought goods to Apapa
ports while Tin Can Island
Port had 274 ships. Of the
3,812,991 tonnes of cargo
handied, as much as
3,735,982, tonnes were im-
Ports while exports accoun-
ted for a paltry tonnage of
77,009. Such was the pat-
tam at the Tin Can Island
port where imports figure:
stood at 964,129 tonnes
and exports 19,769 tonnes.

The situation report at
the ports is a testimony to
the fact that there has been
no significant change in the
fiscal policies of the Federal
Military Government. This
lid on importation, Mr. M.
K. Ibrahim, the. managing
director of the Nigeria Ports
Authority, NPA, said, has
adversely ‘affected the.

‘S$ revenue expec-
tations for the year. NPA,
derives the bulk of its earn-
ings from the volume of
traffic handled at our ports.



Idea That 'Covernment Is on Its Knees Is Nonsense'’
(Dawie; DIE BURGER, 31 AUg 85) ec ecccccc ee ccccececeevecetece

Report on Urbanization Strategy for Nation
(THE CITIZEN, 13 Sep 85) cececsccccceccssccccececccecvcecvee

Moves to Control Migrants Failed
Mulder Did Not Sign

Legislation To Be Introduced
Positive Urbanization Strategy Needed
Features of Urbanization

Preventing Cycle of Poverty

UDF Leadership Driven Underground
(David Breier; THE SUNDAY STAR, 8 Sep 85) ..sscscccccccecce

Stellenbosch Lecturer Fears for Family's Lives
(Karen Stander; THE SUNDAY STAR, 8 Sep 85) ...esesecscceces

Official Ideology, Members' Commitment to Inkatha Studied
(John D. Brewer; POLITIKON, Jun 85)...ccsccececccccccccecs

SADF's Special Committee on Misconduct Criticized
(Percy Qoboza; CITY PRESS, 8 Sep 85) ..ccccccsccccccccccccs

National Party's Call for Speeding Up Reform
(THE CITIZEN, 17 Sep [>

Most Indians Prefer Botha as National Leader
(THE CITIZEN, 16 Sep 85).....ceccceccesccecceeceevceucceus

Minister Says No to Welfare State
(THE CITIZEN, 17 Sep 85)....cccccecccecccscceeccevesccens

Slabbert Motives in Calling for Convention Alliance Questioned
(Editorial; DIE BURGER, 7 Aug 85).....cccccccccececececece

Upgrading of Homeland Planned
(DIE BURGER, 29 Aug 85). ..scesecceceecectececccecevcecees

Stellenbosch Rector Calls for More Colored Undergraduates
(DIE BURGER, 17 Aug 85)..........

General Malan Defends Non-White Troops Against CP
(DIE BURGER, 23 Aug 85) ..ccceceececercecaccececeeceecevens

Briefs
Loan for Bophuthatswana

94

95

104

105

106

107

108

109

110

113

114


Buthelezi: He should concentrate on his education and training. There is
absolutely no doubt that the blacks of South Africa will gain their freedom.
Apartheid will disappear. The young black must prepare himself for this
freedom. That was already the case in many African countries where it was
assumed that after independence was achieved the land would automatically flow
with milk and honey. Black South Africans must not ruin the foundations of
their future with their own hands. If we fight, it should only be in such
a way that we do not destroy ourselves and the freedom which awaits us.

ZEIT: What is the way out of the present crisis? "A dramatic gesture" is
expected from President P.W. Botha this week. What should it be?

Buthelezi: The first thing he must do is issue a declaration of intent which
clearly contains a commitment to distribution of power between whites and
blacks in South Africa. Secondly, the black ANC (the outlawed African
National Council) leaders like Nelson Mendela and Albert Sislu, who have been
sitting in prison for over 20 years, must be set free. Thirdly, the state of
emergency must be lifted, otherwise no black leader can participate in any
negotiations for a solution of the crisis without losing his credibility.
Whatever President Botha offers this week will be meaningless as’ long as the
state of emergency continues and the two other demands are not met.

ZEIT: Hasn't President Botha always spoken out resolutely against any such
distribution of power in the framework of a union or a federation?

Buthelezi: Yes, he declared that unequivocally in an interview before an
English television camera at the end of May. He announced that he was not
ready for a change in South Africa's existing power structure, whether it be
based on a united state or a federation. What in the world can you negotiate
and talk about with a man who says such things?

ZEIT: How can white South Africans’ deep seated fear of the oppressed black
majority and superior strength be removed?

Buthelezi: That only comes through compromises which blacks and whites must
be willing to make. Our "Inkatha" movement has prescribed a policy of
compromise for the well-being of South Africa. We recognize the unique nature
of the South African situation, the fact that we here, in contrast to
Zimbabwe or any other African country, are dealing with a large indigenous
white population. We want to begin where a beginning is possible. The
universal right to vote, one man one vote, of course remains our ultimate
ideal, but we must not destroy South Africa for its sake. We are prepared to
exercise patience and to undertake a long journey. ~

ZEIT: What should be the first steps of this long march?

Buthelezit: The plan Proposed by the Buthelezi commission for a mixed race
administration for the Natal/Kwazulu region would be sucha first stage. It
is based on the one-man-one-vote principle, which however would be mitigated
by strict proportional representation, and especially by a veto right for the
white minority. Three years ago the government rejected this proposal; today
it is being seriously discussed. The population of Natal/Kwazulu, which

68



After voicing praise for the Mozambican leader, they claim'that the rest of
the apparat has not accompanied them. And in this way they leave the matter
up in the air, so that we, poor unconscious ones, will conclude that he is
isolated.

This is an act typical of spreading ‘confusion.

In the first place, the people exist and are fighting against the bandits out
of dire necessity, because of the fact that they, the people, are the main
target of the bandits. Therefore, the action by. the president and the party
is echoed quickly and extensively by the entire society.

Secondly, FRELIMO exists and has ‘a political line cultivated by millions of
Mozambicans. It cannot be confined ‘to one person.

Thirdly, the government exists and state institutions exist: an apparat exists.

Claiming that only the president is advancing and that the apparat is not
operating means trying to create a split between the two, so as later to
annihilate both the president and the apparat.

Let's take the example of the Armed Forces. One very often hears it claimed
hereabouts that our Army is not fighting. We ask: who substantially reduced
the banditry in Inhambane, Gaza and Manica Provinces? Who is combating the
bandits every day in Zambezia, Sofala and other areas? It is our troops =
and officers.

There is an interesting phenomenon in all this: A handful of infiltrated
individuals want all the troops and officers to pay the price of being accused
by the people, This internal enemy organizes the disorganization and later,
hypocritically, foists the blame on the troops. As for us, as informational
professionals, we have already seen enough not to succumb to this kind of trap.

Hence, the problem is not the apparat. The problem lies inside the apparat.
It is not the members of the party, the government, the Armed Forces and the
other state institutions, as a whole, who are not operating. Many of them
are finding, every day, obstacles originating among individuals also inside
the apparat whose function it is to boycott the operation of others. We are
witnessing the exacerbation of that phenomenon known as infiltration. It is
against this that we must fight, while at the same time fighting the armed
bandits.

Being clearly aware of this means ensuring the first step toward preventing
the enemy from using our voices against erroneous targets; .this is the first
condition for conquering to the greatest extent this difficult. phase in our
history; because the alternative would mean another 100 years of domination.

2909
CSO: 3442/407

23



JPRS#*SSA+85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BUTHELEZI: CONFLICT AMONG BLACKS HINDERS LIBERATION
Hamburg DIE ZEIT in German 16 Aug 85 pp 5,6

{Interview with Chief Mangosuthu Gatscha Buthelezi conducted by Andreas
Kohlschuetter, date and place not given: "We Must Not Destroy Ourselves"]

(Text] Chief Mangosuthu Gatscha Buthelezi is the proud leader of 6 million
Zulus, the largest black tribal unit in South Africa. In the Natal Province,
as chief minister of Kwazulu, he rules over the largest of those ten homelands
that the apartheid regime has established for black settlement. As president
of the "Inkatha" organization (1 million members) he has command of a
militarily strictly organized mass movement and his own combat force armed
with the traditional short spears of the legendary Zulu warriors.

The 56-year-old Buthelezi is struggling against the white apartheid system,
which he is attempting to dismantle politically from within, through
compromise and negotiations. Black antiapartheid activists reproach him for
lacking militancy, label him "traitor" and "puppet", The predominance of the
Zulus causes historical anxiety in the members of the other black tribes.

Buthelezi is a loner. Nevertheless, without the agreement of the Zulu chief,
a political solution to the racial crisis in South Africa is inconceivable.
In the interview Buthelezi conducts himself coolly, precisely and as convinced
of himself as convincing in his argumentation. He only reluctantly allows
interruptions in the flow of his speech: the Zulu ruler loves the monologue.

ZEIT: What triggered the current unrest in South Africa?

Buthelezi: The blacks are bitter because in the new constitution which went
into effect last September they were quite simply shut out of the decision
Process in Parliament. This is a degrading situation since blacks make up 72
percent of the population. They are treated as if they did not exist. Those
white South Africans who do not see the connection between the new
constitution--with its tricameral parliament reserved for whites, Coloreds and
Indians-~and the increasing black embitterment are blind to the realities from
which this latest violence stems. It is wrong when blacks express their rage

66


INTERVIEW WITH NRA FIELD COMMANDER

JPRS*SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

UGANDA

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 1 Sep 85 p 19

{Text ]

UGANDA is in stalemate. The peace initiative that
began with last month’s coup has stalled halfway
between settlement and a second, bloodier eruption
of civil war.

In the short time since President Milton Obote
was overthrown, the junta of General Tito Okello
has made significant political gains. But it is the
rebel National Resistance Army of Yoweri Muse-
veni that has made the military gains.

‘The NRA has disarmed the regular soldiers in he

large towns of south-western Uganda and has all

but admitted infiltrating its guerillas into Kam-
a.

Should it carry out its threat to continue the 4%-
year war, it may still not triumph but could para-
lyse the southwest and launch a bloody street bat-
tle for the capital itself.

General Okello, for his part, has managed to
coax into the cabinet the leaders of all four politi-
cal parties, absorb the troops of two minor rebel
factions, and enter into amicable negotiations with
a third rebel group.

But he has failed to get the co-operation of the ,
one faction that really matters — the NRA and its :

political wing, the National Resistance Movement.
Uganda’s new Foreign Minister, Mr Olara Otun-
nu, has met Mr Museveni privately in Nairobi.
The problem is that Museveni’s precondition for
talks is so weighty it makes the negotiations relati-

vely meaningless: he wants an equal share in the *

control of the defence force and civil service.

“Even at this late hour,” said Museveni in a

Press statement issued after the abortive meet-
ing with Mr Otunnu, “we are willing to negotiate an
equal formula.

“(But) if this is not done, the NRM will continue
the armed struggle ever more vigorously and, I can
assure you, countrymen and women, total victory
is close at hand.”

It was fiery stuff, and so is Museveni, But there

is speculation here that the former defence minis- :
ter in the post-Amin government of 1979 is actually :
‘worried that Okello has been doing his job too '
well and that the general’s success in forming a

142

‘

government of “national reconciliation and unity”
has put him on the crest of a wave.

If this theory is true, then Uganda is now in a
waiting game where each side waits for the other
to make mistakes before committing itself to the
negotiating table.

Both sides have potential trump cards. The junta
hopes to create a government whose image is so
favourable that popular support for rebellion will
wither.

The NRM knows that the support the junta
enjoys from the political parties and the public is

. conditional on its ending the war. If the NRA re-
commences firing, and can sustain its war, then
Okello will increasingly appear no different from
Obote and the goodwill towards the junta will
evaporate.

.... - How long Museveni can hold out for his present
demand depends much on the capacity. and motiva-
tion of the NRA. Last week I interviewed the top
NRA field commander, Salim Saleh Rufu, in a War-
wrecked school at a village called Kassaga 50 km
northwest of Kampala.

Asked if the ousting of Obote had not stolen the’
NRA’s thunder, making Uganda’s 14 million people
less inclined to support him, he said:

“We are not against Obote as an individual. We
are against a dictatorial, corrupt system.”

If the junta did not change the system, the NRA
would fight on and “time will tell” where the peo-
ple’s inclination lay, he said.

The NRA had welcomed the coup as a “positive

“move” and had stopped firing to “observe the
Ugandan army and see what they do”. But if the
peace negotiations failed, it would “definitely” re-
sume fighting. Similarly if the general elections the
junta has promised in 12 months’ time are not fair,
the NRA will fight “because that is what we fought
for to begin with”. . .

Commander Salim, who used a nom de guerre as
he is believed to be Museveni’s younger brother (a
relationship he will neither confirm nor deny), *
stressed the NRA wanted the peace talks to suc-
ceed.


The state is too busy gambling away the
lives and future of our people — for no
prize but the paltry payment of five by-
elections.

They must proceed to meet the appeal
of organised commerce and industry to
negotiate with acceptable leaders of the
community — including those in jail.

I must add, lifting the bans on black
political movements and, deregulating

ack politics will goa hell of a long way to
create a climate conducive to all men and
women to tackle our crisis in a purposeful
way.

Time, unfortunately, is a critical ele-
ment. .

cso: 3400/1143

59



JPRS“SSA*85=095
4 October 1985

MALI

UDPM DELEGATION OBSERVES WORKERS COLLECTIVES IN MOSCOW
Bamako L'ESSOR in French 20 Aug 85 p 3
[Article by Sissoko, correspondent in Moscow]

[Text] A delegation of the Democratic Union of Malian People (UDPM), led by
Nangozie Ferdinand Berthe, secretary in charge of relations with the National
Union of Mali Workers (UNTM), visited the USSR from 13 to 20 July at the
invitation of the CPSU Central Committee. During its friendship visit, the
Malian side learned about the Soviet experience regarding the party's
participation in the country's economic and social development. .

The role of the workers collectives was the focal point of the discussions.
This innovation, which dates from 1982, has become an essential factor in the
society, a special instrument for strengthening socialist ownership of the
means of production and for planned development of the economy.

The founding basis of the collectives is the concern to harmoniously ally the
interests of the state, society, and the individual. In enterprises, the
workers are directly involved in the operation of the unit and contribute with
full awareness to its smooth functioning. They are organized into brigades
and teams that commit themselves voluntarily to fulfilling a contract. The
respect for this commitment is beneficial both for the enterprise (increased
productivity) and for the worker himself (resulting material interest).

The method results in greater democratization of the management process.
Also, it requires of the workers a spirit of responsibility and above alla
sense of discipline. Berthe's delegation was very interested in this
practice, which it likened to the observer and civil education cells
established in our various services and which represent an effective party
presence in the country's economic life.

The UDPM went on to Azerbaijan, where it met the republic's political leaders,
and it also laid a bouquet of flowers on the Lenin Tomb in Moscow.

9920
CS0:3419/553

16


INDUSTRIALISTS AWAIT GOVERNMENT'S DETAILED PROGRAMS

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 2 Sep 85 p 1

[Brticle by Jackson Imafidon/

[lest]

‘IGERIAN business

.organisations = are
keeping a studied silence
over last week’s change
of leadership in the
country.

A_ Business Times-
opinion survey in Lagos
revealed that business
houses are assuming a
“wait and see” posture
for the meantime.

* A senior official of the
Manufacturers Associa-
| tion of Nigeria said that
\'MAN, has no detailed
information on. the
policies and programme
of the new dispensation
and was therefore not in
position to make any
meaningful comment. *
*.On' what MAN’s
.6xpectation are, he said,
: that. the association has
for about four years
from the civilian adminis-
Aration to the last Buhari
government, being
ihighlighting the same
problems affecting ‘the
manufacturers | ii
country., wit

Dr. O. O. Fafowara,
‘the executive director of
‘MAN, was however not
available to either
comment on:the.change
‘of leadership or what,
‘MAN expects from the’
‘new leadership.

the *

33

Only recently. MAN’
submitted an interim
report on raw materials,
to the Buhari administra-
tion for possible consi-
‘deration, MAN a body of
‘manufacturers in the
organised private sector,
thas had problems
winning concessions for
dts members as the
‘economy recessed daily.

Manufacturers in the
chemical and metal
‘sectors of the eci
have a running battle on
the issue of sourcing raw:
materials locally, .

Their fate they have
argued, was tied to the
take-off of the petro-"
chemical and iron, and:
steel projects.

Agro-allied companies
wave . also highlighted
problems . they

encounter as they made-

efforts towards
backward integration.

. Acquisition of lands and

obtaining import
licences for bringing into’
the country agricultural
machinery:
“Manufacturers have
consistently said that
they were producing
below capacity because
according to MAN they

JPRS=SSA85+095

_.4 October 1985

NIGERIA



BIKITA MINE LITHIUM DEPOSITS 'UNIQUE'

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 Sep 85 p 25

cso:

[Text] THE opencast Bikita Mine, 70km

east of Masvingo, brings over $5
million in foreign currency into
Zimbabwe every year. Although
there are other known lithium ;
deposits in the country, the Biki- i
ta deposit is unique. It is the
highest quality mine of its type in
the world. The only other com-
parable mine is in Canada.
Lithium is the third lightest ele-
ment. As hydrogen and helium are
gases, it is the lightest element capa-
ble of being made into a metal,
although it is unstable in that state |
and requires careful handling to pre-
vent spontaneous combustion on
contact with oxygen.
Technological developments have
made it possible to combine lithium
with other metals. It is now being
used in the aircraft industry and it

is estimated that a jumbo jet made
from an aluminium lithium alloy ;
weighs 25 000kg less than a con-. |
ventional jumbo, which would in- |
crease the aircraft’s pay load by the |
same amount.

Lithium is not a rare mineral. It
is found all over the world in vary-
ing degrees and is most often used
as a chemical mainly in the alumini- |
um smelting industry. It causes the :
aluminium to melt at a lower tem- |
perature, thus saving energy, im-
proving flow and inhibiting
oxidation.

The elemient is also an ingredient
in pills to treat manic depression.
Itis widely used in the manufacture
of greases, artificial rubber, swim-
ming pool chemicals and,the aer-
ospace industry wherte-it is:a vital
ingredient in the nose cones of space
re-entry vehicles, ‘

3400/1148

Speciality glass and ceramic
manufacturers purchase the product
from Bikita. It is also used in tele-

’ vision tubes and enamels,-and forms

an important constituent in the
manufacture of a flux to help in the
continuous pouring of steel. Zim-
babwean lithium thus finds its way
into a remarkable variety of
products.

The major use of Bikita’s miner-__

als however, is found in kitchens
worldwide. Twenty-five million
pieces of Corningware are produced
annually in the US and each piece
contains’a large percentage of Bi-
kita petalite.

‘At the Bikita Mine the ore is quar-

“ried either from the Bikita quarry,

opened in the early 1950s, or the ad-
joining Al Hayat quarry, purchased
in 1959.

Since 1960 the company has sup-
plied many thousands of tonnes of
high grade petalite and leplidolite

| ore to customers all over the world.

! Bikita’s products are renowned for
' their consistent chemical qualities,

high lithia oxide and low iron con-

; tent, Large proven reserves of high

gtade lithium ores will enable the,
company to meet customers’ de-
mands well into the twenty first

century.

‘The’ ore is generally sold as
ground material as fine as face pow-
der. It is packed in 25kg or 50 kg
kraft paper sacks, or 1 tonne woven.
polypropylene sacks, the latter be-
ing known as ‘‘bulk bags”. A less-
er amount is sold as lump. Bikita’ "s
entire production is exported, apat
from.a small amount of ‘eldpar
sold to the glass works in Gweru.

In the last financial year, $1,1
million was spent on capital projects
and expansion. Mr John Graylin,
managing director, reports that ex-
penditure will exceed this figure in
the current year. ‘‘Next year we an-

153

JPRS*SSA=85+095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE

ticipate the installation of a heavy
media separation plant, which will
revolutionise the method of produc-
tion,”” he said. ‘The three year cap--
ital expenditure programme will run
into several million dollars. We will
have to improve certain items, but
most of the plant will be fabricated
in Zimbabwe.””

The majority shareholders of Bi-
kita Minerals (Pvt) Limited, found-

ed in 1952, is BP Minerals Interna-

|

tional Limited, a wholly owtied sub-
sidiary of British Petroleum. “‘We
receive tremendous support,”” said
Mr Graylin, ‘‘and enjoy the advan-
tages of top international consultan-
cy services and advice on the latest
technological developments. Two
experts flew in recently and solved
a grinding plant problem which
could have caused: serious
downtime."”

‘The total profits from Bikita, with
the exception of a small dividend

. paid out in 1962, have been rein-

vested in the mine and have direct-
ly contributed to development in the
area. Mr Graylin reports that a large
number of employees have worked
on the mine since it was opened.

Training programmes have
offered employees the opportunity
to benefit from the company’s tradi-
tional policy of promotion on merit.
Bikita is the only substantial em-
ployer of labour in the area, Recent-
ly the labour force was increased by
70 to 292.

Schools and clinics are open to
the whole community and grounds
for a secondary school have Teenty
been ‘donated.

‘ Bikita Mine provides a most in
teresting example of how technol:
ogy is increasingly developing the
use of resources in new fields.
Although Zimbabwe's mineral
deposits are not extraordinarily rich,

‘ onthe whole, they cover an impres-

sive range and, given the dramatic
innovations in both exploration
techniques and product develop-
ment, future exploitation of addi-
tional mineral deposits is a very real
possibility.



JPRS*SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA

BRIEFS

EAST BLOC EASES CREDIT--Nigeria's difficulties in obtaining credits from
Western banks--which will probably continue until an agreement is reached
with the International Monetary Fund (IMF)-~are being used by East Bloc
countries, filling the ensuing gaps through deliveries for which they
offer financing at the same time, According to the Afrika-Verein in
Hamburg, Bulgaria recently offered a 120-dollar credit line [sic] for the
purchase of Bulgarian agricultural and water supply equipment. In
addition, two Bulgarian trade firms will also supply training and
educational material in the amount of $42 million. An agreement on a
Hungarian credit line of $120 [sic] was concluded, and also a total package
in the amount of $45 million offered by Czechoslovakia. The GDR, which in
1983 had offered a credit of $290 million to finance construction of a
machine tool foundry, is negotiating a blanket credit line of $100 million.
A barter deal on the purchase of cocoa and other agricultural "cash crops"
may also be concluded. The Afrika-Verein also reports that Nigeria is
increasingly effecting oil deliveries as barter deals. It is said that
Italian state-owned ENI has concluded a purchasing agreement in the amount
of $400 million for delivery of goods. The French ELF is also mentioned
in connection with barter deals. [Text] [Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER
ZEITUNG/BLICK DURCH DIE WIRTSCHAFT in German 9 Aug 85 p 2] 9917

cso: 3420/83

53



JPRS*SSA4854095
4 October 1985

MALI

UNJM DELEGATION MEETS WITH GDR YOUTH
Bamako L'ESSOR in French 20 Aug 85 p 6
{Article by P. M. Kote]

[Text] In the framework of the good relations between the German and Malian
youth, a friendly meeting was held on Tuesday 30 July 1985 between 20
representatives of the German Free Youth (FDJ) of the GDR and leaders of the
National Youth Union of Mali (UNJM).

The two sides, led by FDJ bureau member Hendrich and by Seydou Coulibaly,
secretary for press and information of the national executive bureau of the
UNJM, began their meeting with an exchange of speeches. First, Mr Hendrich
expressed pleasure at the opportunity given him to convey on behalf of the FDJ
central council their support for the noble ideals of independence, peace,
solidarity and fraternity that the UNJM upholds.

Mr Hendrich reviewed the various achievements of the German Youth and the
resolutions that will be taken during the 12th Congress of German Youth. He
concluded by affirming the FJD's desire to guarantee peace and solidarity with
the struggling peoples.

In his reply, Seydou Coulibaly recalled the good relations between the UNJM
and the FDJ. He said that all youth movements across the world are working
for the same objective: to maintain continuing relations and work on the
development tasks that are assigned to them,

He said that outside of meetings the youth should be able to communicate
between themselves. They should join efforts for progress on the path of
justice and freedom.

After this exchange, Mr Hendrich presented to the UNJM on behalf of the FDJ a
check for 5,000 DM. A friendly exchange of ideas and experience between the
youth of the two countries concluded the evening.

9920
cso: 3419/553

19



This was the miracle of foreign aid and coffee. Between April 1979 and the
beginning of 1984, about $1.5 billion flowed toward Uganda, while, helped in
part by the producer price increase (120 shillings per kg for robusta, 220
shillings per kg for robusta) and in part by the armed violence, the
government succeeded in "persuading" the Baganda farmers, who had been
reluctant to deliver their coffee to it. Coffee represents 95 percent of the
public revenue, and until his death David Oyite-Ojok combined in a very
Symbolic way the functions of chief of staff and chairman of the Coffee
Marketing Board. . .

This way of making the Baganda farmers, and to a lesser extent the Banyoro and
Basoga, forthcoming, facilitated the operation of the NRM guerrillas, who
occupied Hoima without opposition on 2 June 1984. Two days later, it was the
UNLA "liberators" who looted the town abandoned by Museveni's men. The
violence of the repression, and no doubt also the growing importance of the
North Korean instructors, prompted Elliot Abrams, the American secretary of
state for human rights, to openly criticize President Obote's regime in August
1984, An investigating commission was even set up by Congress, and on 4
September, Chester Crocker, in charge of African affairs at the State
Department, went to Kampala for conversations with the Ugandan president.

VI. Urgency of Regaining Control

Mr Obote understands that if he wants to be able to continue to rely on the
good will of the Western financial lenders, he has to urgently put an end to
the action of the armed wing of the opposition represented by the guerrillas.
Even moreso because the Catholic-based underground is slowly reorganizing,
and, trying to draw the lessons of the UFM fiasco, is creating a new movement.
the FEDEMU, younger and more "internal." The legal opposition of Mr
Ssemogerere's DP continues to observe the British parliamentary rules of fair
play and is wasting away progressively. Four DP deputies were persuaded to
defect to the UPC, four others were removed from office, and two were
assassinated by unknown persons. There remain only 41 Democratic-Christian
representatives facing the 78 UPC members, and the Baganda youth has great
difficulty identifying with the worthy prudence of the DP. The main obstacle
to effective control of the country by President Obote's regime thus continues
to be the presence of the armed movements, and correspondingly the large role
of the UNLA, which causes as much destruction and as many civilian deaths as
the guerrillas.

The end of 1984 thus marks a dual effort on the part of the Ugandan
government: on the one hand, regaining of control of the UNLA by its reliable
leadership; and on the other, a large-scale offensive against the underground.
There is a growing appeal for military aid from the Eastern countries, less
concerned about legalism and human rights in their military training
activities. On 21 September 1984, Colonel Terentiev of the Soviet military
mission was wounded by NRM gunmen as he was leaving his residence. The Soviet
action that followed was carried out in coordination with that of the Koreans,
who landed numerous reinforcements from Ethiopia at Entebbe at the beginning

140


A further contributing factor will be the restoration of order. The riots
have set back reform initiatives; they will be able to be carried out more
effectively in greater peace and quiet. But even without it there can

be no waiting.

True Leaders

The country is going through an epoch-making time of testing, a situation
that somewhat reminds one of A. N. Whitehead's profound observation: "The
great advances in civilization were processes that practically destroyed
the societies in which they took place."

That means that the attention of far-sighted leaders must now be focused
more sharply than ever on finding lasting peaceful solutions.

Good sense will have to triumph among leaders who must reach out to one
another across color lines and other differences, who want to see an end
to violence and to practice the politics of negotiations in a meaningful
sense.

12906
CSO: 3401/313

86


FUNDS EARMARKED FOR 5th DEVELOPMENT PLAN

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 p 16

Zrticle by Nau Ughamadu/

Grext]

TOTAL planned
xpenditure of
N65 billion is to. be
spent by. the Federal
Government under
the Fifth — National
Development: Plan,
1986-1990, taking off.
next year.
This figure was relea-
sed by the Minister of

Petroleum and Energy,

Professo? Tam David-
West, in a gold medal
lecture in Lagos last
week,

He stresseu that oil reve-
nue expectation was the
most important element in
the country’s national
development effort.

Professor  David-West
contended. that in the first
national development plan,
1962-68, two billion naira
was earmarked, in the
‘second plan, 1975-80, 43.3
billion and the fourth plan
1981-85 N82 billion,

Comparing the marketing
practices of OPEC member-
‘nations, in another develop-
ment, the Minister reveal-

CSO: 3400/1139

40

JPRS“SSA4854095

ed that in the month of
June and July this year, all
OPEC countries, with the
exception of Algeria,
Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and
Venezuela produced above
their officially . assigned
ceiling.

Professor David-West
identified seven OPEC
member-countries that
were invoived in barter or
counter trade deals 28
Algeria, iran, (raq, Libya,
Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and
United Arab Emirates
(UAE).

On spot sales of crudes
and condensates, the
minister declared that six
OPEC -member-countries
were culprits. He said these
countries were Algeria,
Gabon, Iraq, Qater, Saudi
Arabia and UAE.

He stressed that Nigeria
would gain more by its con-
tinued membership of

OPEC then quitting adding:,
demonstrated

“OPEC hes
since the inception of this

administration its readiness.

“to understand Nigeria's
current economic
\ ”

4 October 1985

NIGERIA



IPRS+SSA=85~095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

STRUGGLE FOR CONTROL OF INFORMATION DEPARTMENT
Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES in English 8 Sep 85 p 4
(Article by Stephan Terblanche]

[Text] “EFFORTS in Govern-

ment circles to revive the
former Department of In-
formation to repair South
Africa’s badly tarnished
image abroad, has led to
considerable behind-the-
scenes jostling for control
of the new department.

Two groups-are said to be
lobbying for the job of infor-
mation boss to go to either
Deputy Minister Louis Nel or
Deputy Minister Adriaan
Viok and that it be attached
to the office of the State
President.

Unfair
It is understood that

powerful people in Govern- '

ment are opposed to the allo-
cation of te portfolio to a
senior Cabinet Minister who
alone would have full control
over it.

‘They believe that it would
lend an unfair ropaganda
advantage to sucha
who could use the position to
promote his own chances as a
successor to President P W
Botha.

When the former Informa-
tion Department was dis-
banded its functions were in-
corporated into the Depart.
ment of Foreign Affairs
under Minister Pik Botha.

According to the sources -

the strongest opposition to
the revival of the old depart-
ment has come from Mr
Botha who fears a repetition
of covert operations.

It is also understood that
Mr Botha believes splitting

3400/1143

inister ;

the functions of his depart-
ment could harm its work
overseas.

“But Mr Botha accepts and
supports the need for a co-
ordinated information drive

* to present a more accurate

picture of the country to the
outside world. To him it is

more a question of control,””

‘one official closely in-
volved in reviving the de-
partment.

' "It is understood that the

question was first raised with
the Government by the State

| Security Council and that

strong support has since
come from members of the
Cabinet.

But, the sources say. be-
cause it is widely believed
that President Botha will re-
tire in a few years’ time, sen-
ior Cabinet Ministers do not
want to allow any single Min-
ister to control such a depart-

ment.

“They fear that if a senior
Cabinet Minister controls the
department, he could use it to
further his own chances of
succeeding President Botha,”
says one source.

ubsequently a strong
group is pushing for the job to
given toa junior Minister
under the control of the State

;President’s office.

“Two groups have
emerged, one promoting Mr
Nel for the job and the other.

| Mr Vlok,” says a source.

81


PERCY QOBOZA SAYS TIME RUNNING OUT FOR GOVERNMENT

Johannesburg CITY PRESS in English 1 Sep 85 p 5

[Commentary by Percy Qoboza in column "Percy's Itch"]

[Text]

WE are in a state of chaos.

Of this there is no doubt at all.

For all who have eyes to see and ears
to hear, the agony all of us are going
through is probably unprecedented in
the history of this land.

Yet, over and over again, the Govern-
ment refuses to recognise, or honestly
evaluate, the root causes of our prob-
Jems.

They stick to their stereotyped guns —
-namely, that at the root of the endemic
unrests stand agitators who are playing
havoc with people’s lives.

As Jong as that analysis of our problems
remains the pillar of their beliefs — or their
‘eoprout ~ the crises will linger on.

, One is heartened amid all the gloom
and despondency by the growing voices of
reason coming from leadcrs in the busi-
‘ness sector.
It reaffirms strongly the
{things we have been saying
to this government for at
cleast three decades.
_ The latest to enter the
debate is none other than
+ Dr Anton Rupert, who owns
* the giant Rembrandt group.
Speaking to the Press
Cape Town this week, he
said: “Time has run out”.
“This is the Govern-
* ment’s final opportunity to
correct past wrongs and in-
troduce the sort of reforms the country is
_ strongly signalling it needs so urgently.”
* Dr Rupert pointed out the Government
had ignored the warnings of Sharpeville
-and the Soweto riots in 1976.
He warned they could not afford to do
athe same with the current unrest.
«; Anglo American chief Gavin Relly was
“quick to point out that the present poor
‘state of the economy was caused by politi-
cal and not economic factors.

““Any economic measures the authoti-
ties may introduce will have no more than
ig short to medium term effect unless they
“are also accompanied by a new political
dispensation,” he said.
+ Adding to their voices, comes the col-
lective statement by organised commerce
‘and industry urging the Government to

- "reverse the present political crisis “by

negotiating with all acceptable black lead-
ers including those in jail”.

‘The emphasis on both “acceptable” and
“including” are my own — because I am
particularily impressed that at last this
message has gone through the heads of

People.
Ihave been knocking my head on a wall
trying to convince the Government and
many of their supporters that negotiation
with the annointed leaders of Pretoria is
futile and endangers the security of us all.
These leaders do not represent the
genuine interests of their communities
and they enjoy nothing but scorn from the
people they represent — or allege to repre-
sent.
That businessmen have by their own
free will — based of course on self-interest
and admittedly a late awak-
ening — have set in motion a
possible face-to-face discus-
sion with the African
National Congress, is cause
for hope.

The meetings, which I
hope for and genuinely en-
courage, are due to be held
in Lusaka in the next few
weeks.

‘We sincerely hope that
they will convey what the
hear there to State Presi-
dent PW Botha, with all the

forcefulness and urgency they can mus-
ter.

JPRS#SSA485+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


REPORTER ATTENDS HNP CONGRESS, REPORTS CONCLUSION

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 10

[Text]

THE banner on the wall of
"the Pretoria City Hall carried.
a quotation by Dr HF Ver-
woerd in big black letters on
a white background: “Create
your own future.”

If only the good doctor had
been here today to see just what
kind of a future his policies did
create for South Africa...

The Herstigte National Party
(HNP) had gathered in the hall
for its annual congress during
which members discussed their
role in the political development
of the country.

It was one of the rare times
when Dr Voerwoerd is men-
‘tioned these days — at HNP.
meetings. In the words of lead-
er Mr Jaap Marais, who was re-
elected unopposed for the eighth
year in a row, the HNP sees no

heed to change its thinking.

“We haven't changed our po-
licies, we haven't revised our po-
sition, there has been no need :
to,” Mr Marais told the cheering
congress delegates. oo

The township conflict which is
tearing the country apart is all
the fault of the National Party
Government, according to Mr *
Marais.

He lays the blame on the Nats *

* because they are reforming, not
because they are doing too little
20 years too late.

It was agreed by the congress
.that the HNP reference to a
“white South Africa” would in-
clude all those areas which were
unoccupied by black people when

the white, man arrived at Afri- |

ca’s southern tip. ,

The congress also agreed that
those areas which were occupied
by “natives” included only the
Transkei, Ciskei, Botswana, Swa-
ziland and portions of Venda. All
the rest, congress decreed, be-

longed to the whites — and that -

:included Namibia/South West
“Africa.

’ The ‘congress adopted a reso-

lution condemning “those organi- '

‘sations who wanted to establish

“‘Boerestate’ in South Africa”. *

The white man’s claim, they
said, was far wider than that.
There was bad news, too, for
the coloured population of South
Africa. It has long been HNP pol-

icy that a coloured “homeland” ‘
must be created to accommodate *
the political aspirations of those :

people. «

Now the HNP is to review this
policy in line with a congress de-
cision that the coloureds of South

82

JPRS=SSA+85*095

4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Africa don’t really belong here
anyway. :

“T suggest that we give the
coloureds (bruinmense) limited
representation at local level
only, and exclusively in those
‘group areas they now occupy,”
, One delegate said.

So the HNP leaders may de-
cide to take away the coloured
homeland before they even get
to move in. :

There is always the chance
that this could be reinstated
later, however, because the HNP .
apparently also has ambitions to
add extra land to “white” south-
ern Africa and there may be
some space available there. .

A resolution was put foward
in support of the idea that the
Zambesi River (Zimbabwe's
nothern border) be restored as
the “border of white southern
Africa”.

That resolution too, however,
| Was referred back to the party
: executive for further discussion. .

One congress delegate felt that

if the resolution was suggesting :
an invasion of Zimbabwe to re-*
store white rule under Pretoria,
j then the issue should be discus-.
sed in a little more detail before
+a decision was taken.


ITALIAN AID DISCUSSED

JPRS“SSA“854095
4 October 1985

TANZANIA

Dar es Salaam DAILY NEWS in English } Sep 85 P3

[fext7 ITALY intends to ex
fishing industry, roa

schools for the handicapped and trainitig centr
This was revealed in

lore possibilities of helping’ Tanga fh
i th UY

communications, from nor;

lian Ambassador to Tanzania, Marquiz Fabrizio Lon
interview with newsmen at the Dodoma Regional
sioner’s residence, Shihata reported.

He said Tanzania must first
identify projects which required

or artisans,
loma on Monday night by the Ita-

immediate action. He gave an
example of road communica-
tions which, he said, could speed
up development especially in the
agricultural sector and other
industries.

Commenting on road con-
struction and improvement
within Dodoma, he said priority
would be given to major roads or
those with heavy traffic.

When asked about Dodoma/
Arusha Road, surveyed by an
Italian firm about a year ago, he
Promised to contact the com-
pany to find out what steps had

en taken.

Longhi said that his country
and other European countries
would see to it that construction
of railway line from Arusha to
the shores of Lake Victoria
became a reality.

On training of artisans, he

CSO: 3400/1127

117

hy
Bhi, in an
mmis-

, Tevealed that it was necessary tor

"Italy to look into the possibility
of ‘establishing two' training
centres on the Isles and the
mainland.

Italy would also extend its
commitment to the social ser-
vices by. fatablishing schools for
the handicapped. le also satd
that.the Italian medical team in

+ the country would be expanded

by providing experts to indetify
dumb children at an age of
three months, he said.

During his four-day visit to

odoma, the envoy will meet
the Italian medical team working
at the Dodoma, Regional Gov-
ernment —_ hospital, Roman
Catholic | fathers and sisters
emeaged in the repearing of vin-
eyards,

He will also tour Sadelmi, an
Italian firm constructin power
lines from Iringa to loma via

itera.


CSO:

° pany ~+a subsidiary of Broken

ill Proprietary “ :Company
(BHP) whith ‘is a large
ustralian jenterprise! ‘with
activities oil and i gas
development mining,

. Manufactuiing and commerce —

would each hid 30 per centi
The statement said the farm-in

was designed to enhance explo-

ration activities in the licence

3400/1127

120

area by making additional tech-
nical ‘and ' financial resources
available from BHP. :

A ministry official said the
drilling of thé well located bet-
ween Bagamoyo and Chalinze in
the Coast Region was expected
to start this morning and the.
company was expecting tospend
some 1! /- om it.


which the meeting took place, with the participation of the cooperative members
themselves in the methods which were to be assessed, so that they could analyze
and decide on the possibilities of their use.

Simple, Effective Technologies

For example, one of the technologies.which drew the most attention from the
farmers was that for making clay stoves. operated with coal’ or wood. In this
demonstration, as well as others, the farmers assumed a participatory role,
involving themselves in the making of those resources and in the use thereof.

In the case.of the "rafiki" type wood-burning stove, the cooperatives found out
for themselves that, with clay and wooden forms simple to make, it was possible
to build a stove which, to produce the same amount of caloric energy as the
usual fires, could reduce the consumption of wood to less than a quarter, in
addition to other advantages of particular importance in the vicinity of the
urban centers, as in the case of the fire safety problem.

Using scrap, the participants also found out how easy it.was to make coal stoves,
or wood-burning stoves as well which, in addition to providing similar enormous
energy savings, could readily be transported with the pots and pans inside them,
providing heat for a'considerable period of time. This stove was mentioned by
several peasants as a practical means for solving the problem of ‘a hot meal
during the period of working in the fields.

The pottery demonstration given by members of the Hulene Pottery Cooperative
also galvanized the attention of the. participants, who observed ‘how the problems
of a tableware shortage could be solved.

The proper way of using the mule as a means for hauling without fuel expenses,
and the complex problems of maintenance, solving transportation problems, was
considered by many of those present to be the ideal solution for these problems
involved in removing their products. In the opinion of some of the participants,
the combination of the mule with the already available means of transportation
would be the most suitable solution, because it would allow for the concentra-
tion of products on certain sites, where the connection would be made with the
carts and trucks.

The making of soap, inasmuch as it addressed one of the peasants’ most. serious
problems, was among the demonstrations in which they became most involved.
However, despite the ease of its manufacture, they noted that there are diffi-
culties stemming from another major requirement, namely, oil. ‘Some of those
present stressed in this connection that the only alternative for having more
oil and soap, simultaneously, would be to pay greater heed to the production
of'oil seeds; expressing assurance that, if the basic techniques were mastered
for extracting the oil from those crops and. subsequently making the soap, they
would have one of the basic problems solved.

27


Mberengwa, Kyanite mining and
its further processing and market-|
ing, development of a copper,
lead and zinc mine in the Sanyati|
area.

(b) The establistiment of a gold
refinery, the feasibility study of
which has reached an advanced
stage.

(c) Increasing the capacity of
the gold roasting plant to cope
with the increased production of |
complex gold ores and concen- *
trates.

(d) Rehabilitation of the
Hwange coke ovens in order to
maintain profitable export
earnings.

(e) Planning for the develop-
ment of production of low sulphur
coal at Sengwa to save foreign
currency.

(f) Comprehensive study on the _
possible large-scale production
and beneficiation of tungsten.

(g) Research into the possible
production of refractory bricks for

- use by the metallurgical industry,
to replace costly importation.

(h) Promoting exploration by
government and private sector in’
order to expand the industry. In
this respect it means more explo-"
ration funds and involvement by :
government, through the Zim-
babwe Mining Development
Corporation.

(i) Government to continue to |
provide technical and financial ;
support to small-scale mining ac- :
tivities and cooperatives by utiliz- |
ing and expanding the Mining In- |
dustry Loan Fund.

@ Amendments to the Mines i
and Mineffls Act to promote |
more local participation and to ;
discourage wasteful mining ;
methods, '

(k) The promotion of joint ven- :
tures between the private sector‘
and government with the aim of
further developing new mines and
Processing minerals to an even,
higher degree than we are doing
at present.

cso: 3400/1148

152


This project is thus a national project, a priority one, to which each
Burkinabe must give ascendancy, because we must break with the policy of the
outstretched hand. Achievement of this project, in addition to giving us food
self-sufficiency, will at the same time liberate from our status as forever
being helped. It is the attitude of the Faso president that we will not
associate ourselves with certain African countries in crying our hunger to the
world. “We will be stoics,” he emphasized.

Also, everyone should take his turn to go there and work, with the work
carried out in an organizational framework directed by the CDR's.

Progress Status of Construction

European Development Fund Project (EDF):
--Study of a priority 50-hectare block completed,
--Availability of implementation plans by the end of July 1985.
~-Beginning of construction: 15 September 1985,
--Location of the whole project (500 hectares) on site.
--(Beginning of studies in January 1986).

West African Development Bank ADB) Project:

--Location of 200-hectare project on site,

~-Beginning of implementation studies in January 1986, at the same time
as those for the EDF 500 hectares.

Textile Fiber Company (SOFITEX) project:
--Mechanized food and seed production on 180 hectares (all sown). Food
production, cultivated by oxen, with farmers on 30 hectares (sown).

Location of the economic operators:
~-Topographic surveys underway for parceling out the land.

Guiedougou (Lanfiera) area:
--Food production on 288 hectares (totally cultivated).

Status of Acquired Financing
--Algeria: agreement to finance 200 hectares at Kounbara.
Total: 1 billion CFA francs.
Romania: agreement to develop 500 hectares in the Debe sector.
--Beginning of construction: 15 October 1985.

The various types of aid should now “help us get rid of aid,” for in future no
aid should contribute to keeping Burkina in the backwardness of the former
Upper Volta. Yes, in regard to necessary aid (machinery, tractors, etc.)
That is why the confidence of all the people in this project reflects the new
determination aroused by all protagonists of the national political life.
This confidence indicates the good choice of the project that reflects their
aspiration. The profound rightness of this initiative also derives from the
the revolutionary approach that must in future govern all our actions and
behavior, and which bans forever improvisation, resignation and lack of
political awareness. The dynamism of the current policy is thus guided by the
concern that the agricultural campaigns be based on the logic of directing all
our thinking to the great majority of our people, the rural population. Thus,

3



secret resister under Amin who returned weapon in hand to Kampala, and defense
minister. While advancing with the Tanzanian army, each had recruited troops
during the 1978-1979 campaign, and each had taken care to choose men directly
loyal to them, and this made the UNLA (Ugandan National Liberation Army) a
profoundly divided body, on tribal and personal bases.

The provisional president, poorly obeyed by his ministers, incapable of
controlling an army that only obeyed (when it did obey) the chiefs of
factions, also had to face a disastrous and stalemated economic situation.
The state's coffers were almost empty, and the shortfall in paying the foreign
debt was about $100 million. Since 1970, prices had increased an average of
4,500 percent, while wages had only risen 54 percent.. The result was a flight
from the currency that led to a return to the subsistence economy and barter,
thus preventing the establishment of any tax source. The Commonwealth experts
estimated that short-term financial need to achieve a modest economic recovery
would be about $800 million.

Finally, there was the issue of the ethno-political heritage of Idi Amin.
Assembled at Kitgum, an Acholi militia of 12,000 men (or, as many men as the
UNLA) insistently demanded to be allowed to cross into West Nile to take
revenge for the excesses of the dictatorship on the peoples of the northeast,
whom they regarded as collectively guilty. When in January 1980, President
Binaisa talked about dissolving the militia, it threatened to march on
Kampala, and the head of state had to yield.

It was in this climate of economic catastrophe and political tension that
preparations were made for the December 1980 elections. President Binaisa,
resolved to try his luck, had demoted Yoweri Museveni from the defense post to
that of regional cooperation in 1979, which prompted the latter to approach
the Obote people out of spite. Binaisa, who paid a visit to Nairobi on 10
March 1980, sought in Kenya a counterweight to the Tanzanian influence, which
he feared might be exerted in favor of Mr Obote, who was still in Dar es
Salaam and very close to President Nyerere. There was still an expeditionary
corps of 12,000 Tanzanian soldiers in Uganda. President Binaisa's attitude
was doubtless the factor that precipitated the events of May 1980. In fact,
either through endorsement by the DP, or as an independent candidate, the
president of the provisional executive had a good chance of winning the
elections to which the UNLF committed itself after the fall of Amin. To very
large elements of Uganda society (the Baganda and in a general way all Bantus
of the south, but also the people of West Nile who feared revenge, and quite a
few Catholics everywhere who wanted to avoid a return of the Protestant UPC),
Obote was a figure of a past not of good memories. It was he who had put his
foot in the stirrup of General Amin. Binaisa took the chance of winning as an
anti-Obote candidate, more than by his personal merit, which he had hardly had
the opportunity to show. On 7 May 1980, former president Obote suddenly
announced his decision to return to Uganda to take part in the elections.
Three days later, President Binaisa took the decision to dismiss Col. David
Oyite-Ojok, chief of staff and minister of defense. The latter, a Langi, was
an all-out supporter of Mr Obote and suspected of being able to use, in
concert with Paulo Muwanga, the armed forces to influence or even take over
the electoral process. All the more easily since Yoweri Museveni, frustrated,
had established a tactical alliance with the pro-UPC forces. Col. Oyite-Ojok

135



cso:

3400/1088

“We shali always try ‘Oui best to rerfiove the
obstacles that might make the talks fail.” But he
made it plain that he was utterly loyal to the posi-
tion of Mr Museveni and the NRM executive. *

He produced the correspondence exchanged be-
tween him and Major Eric Odwar of the Military
Council as to the arranging of a ceasefire meeting
which took place on August 12 in Luwero district.
The letters showed he was anxious to avoid any
overtures that might drive a wedge between him
and the NRM in Nairobi.

He declined to give the size of the NRA, but from
conversations with civilians in the area and with
Western diplomats I estimate its total forces num-
ber about 10 000.

The Uganda Army numbers about 40000. Ac-
cording to the rule that one needs 10 conventional
soldiers for every guerilla, the Uganda National
Liberation Army is, therefore, undermanned.

The NRA had two sources of weapons, the com-
mander said: “Those it captured and those given
secretly by sympathisers in the army. There is de-
finitely a fifth columm in the UNLA”.

As to its source of funds: “We hit UNLA salary
convoys, we hit banks, and we get from the peo-

The impression the NRA made was one of disci-
pline and a low-profile organisation. The interview
under the schoolyard tree was repeatedly inter-
rupted by a guerilla who, saluting smartly, passed
Commander Salim the latest radio signals,

How far Commander Salim would get if he or-
dered ‘his troops on to the offensive tomorrow, I
could not tell. But I left the NRA quietly im-
pressed. It is not to be underestimated, least of all
by the junta.

143


JPRS*SSA*85*095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE

STRENGTHENING OF ZIMBABWE DOLLAR SAID UNWELCOME TO EXPERTS

Harare THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE in English 6 Sep 85 p 5

[Text]

cso:

THE Zimbabwe dollar strength- |
ered appreciably (by something
like three cents) this week against
the basket of major currencies
quoted, so throwing exporters into
disarray.

However, a Harare economist
said on Wednesday that the
strengthening of the local currency
was probably only a temporary
result of the instability caused by the
recent collapse of the South African
rand and various currency readjust-
ments being made abroad. The Zim-
babwe dollar was expected soon to
“float gently”’ down again.

“A weak Zimbabwe dollar is in
‘our country’s favour. A stronger
‘Zimbabwe dollar causes worry, be-
cause in that case our exports can-
not earn the greater income ex-
pressed in Zimbabwe dollars which
we badly need at present due to ris-
ing costs,”” he said.

NOT NEW

“But the devaluation, or floating ;
downwards of our dollar, has been
with us for seme time previously
and I think it will continue when
these temporary short-term curren-
cy adjustments settle down again.””

‘The economist stressed that as
Zimbabwe had drastically increased
its domestic costs such as wages and
other items recently, at a time when
exports were unable and unlikely to
earn sufficient increased revenue,
the country’s only other avenue for
the needed increased earnings in
Zimbabwe dollars lay in the local
currency being weaker against that
of its majo. trading outlets.

“We were all very worried (in the
financial world) when the rand fell
below 40 cents last weck. So it is
a relief that it is now being |
stabilised."”

3400/1148

He said the rand was a major fac-
tor in Zimbabwe's economy, as
South Africa was a major export
market (taking some 20% of our to-
tal exports) and he added that ‘‘in-

. stability in some currency usually
leads to instability elsewhere”’.

“For some time now Zimbabwe's _

currency has been weakening
progressively against all other major
currencies except for a brief.tem-
; porary recent change. I think this
+ floating-down trend will continue
soon,”” he said.

“It is in our favour, We must earn.
more in Zimbabwe dollar terms for
our exports. It is the only way we
can pay for the greater costs within

! our country now — and we can at
| present only earn more for those ex-
| ports if we have a weaker currency
\ than that ruling in our major trad-
| ing markets abroad.”” :

As a “‘layman’s guide’’, he said
that costs in Zimbabwe's copper in-
dustry, for instance, had risen high

this year. But the price of exported
; copper abroad was only some
‘ $2000 a tonne, as against the
=-$2 300 needed to micet the increased
' costs.

“So, as the world price for cop-
per has not increased to that neces-
sary level, the only other way this
country can earn the extra revenue
needed in Zimbabwe dollars is for
‘our currency to be weaker than cur-
rencies in the copper-buying
markets.”

Confirming this view, another
economist said that it was only the
relatively weak Zimbabwe dollar,
as against other major trading cur-

149

} rénctes, which has enabled the min-
ing industries in Zimbabwe to sur-
vive during the past year or two.

He believed that the Reserve
Bank’s policy of allowing the Zim-
babwe dollar to “float” downwards
and find a realistic level against
other major currencies was a wise
and flexible method of devaluing the

-local currency.

“Call it what you like, itis all in
the name,"’ he said. ‘“‘It is devalua-
tion, whether it is called floating
down, revaluing or adjusting one
currency against another.”


CSO:

3400/1138

He said that his company
produces on orders from:

However, preference for:
the foreign fabrics was not
itraceable to superior quality
over local ones. Mr.

Ramasivamy said that the
situations has become more
feverish as the purchasing
of members of the;
public continue to fall as a;
result of the economic situa-:
tion in the. country, in which
case, buying of clothes was:
No longer done on frequent’
basis.
; The production manager
| was optimistic that with the
approach of moslem festivals
and Christmas, sales might
pick up, aftér which. sales
| would drop again.
| Nigerian textile
manufacturers, in the face of
smuggling, are still optmistic

42

about the potentials of the
Nigerian market. Mr. Murthy,
‘said that the Nigerian market
was still dynamic. He noted
that textile technology in
Nigeria has reached a level it
can compete effectively with
that of any other country,
given the necessary inputs.

* Machines used by Nigerian
textile mills are just the same
if not better than those of the
sources of smuggled fabrics/
he added. He said the!
industry has highly trained
and efficient manpower to
produce‘ high quality textile
products.

‘Speaking for his company,
Mr. Murthy, said’ that. many
Of his “machines lie. idle
because there were no
sufficient raw materials to
keep them running. This
year, for instance, he said,
the company received import
licence sufficient only for 22
per cent of the cor
installed capacity. mpany's


deficiency in regard to a coherent agricultural policy.

Indeed, how can one leave it entirely to foreigners to solve a basic issue
such as that of hunger? It is because of refusal to understand that real
development is first of all from within, that is, a development approved by
all the sons of the country, and thus primarily undertaken by them, that so
much remains to be done in Burkina.

Starting with the principle that the people can only be mobilized on the basis
of their interests and after being able to instill sufficient energy in
everyone, the CNR attacked the problem of food self-sufficiency, To this end,
women, men, children, old people, in short, all the socio-professional
elements of the country, felt themselves involved by the titanic tasks
undertaken by the August Revolution. Since 1973, the grain shortfall has been
huge (163,000 tons) following the continuing decline in rainfall and the
related problem of rural exodus. This explains the decision to develop the
Sourou valley, which will provide to our people 24,000 hectares of irrigated
land.

Sourou Active Phase

On 26 April 1985 the Sourou project entered its active phase. The project is
part of a broad program that is to ultimately develop 41,300 hectares of land,
of which 24,000 will be irrigated. The future objective is to be able, with
this beginning, to produce 124,000 tons of grain per year. This represents
about 10 percent of the national requirements. The project involves several
stages of development. Initially, the task will be to fill the Sourou from
the Volta-Noire. This will enable development of the large Sourou plain.
Then it will be necessary to build a dam at Samandeni.

In the south of the Volta-Noire (Lanfiera and Di) a sugar plant was built,
which produces good-quality sugar but does not process it, for lack of a
factory. The harvested cane is thus thrown away, which makes the people
unhappy. Since the beginning of the construction, this sugar plant has been
shut down. Grain is also grown in this area. Also, it is the main cotton—
growing area in our country, with 33,000 tons per year, or half the national
production. In this respect, a study has already been prepared by officials
of the Ministry of Equipment, to be financed by the Aid and Cooperation Fund
(FAC), for a grant of 225 million CFA francs with a supplementary credit of 40
million for reconstruction of the Bobo-Dedougou road (the cotton road). In
view of the wealth of the Sourou, and in view of the objective of food self-
sufficiency, the CDR of the region have stood firm: “Since the Burkinabe land
was always used to benefit the imperialists (money crops) and their lackeys,
the Sourou valley should be used exclusively for food crops."

Participation by All

The Sourou project is the fruit of the spirit of sacrifice shown by our
people. The petty bourgeois element, composed mainly of civil servants, made
its fulfillment possible by agreeing to give up their allowances. This action
falls in the category of those that the Faso president has described as the
“socio-economic burdens" that each of us bears.



ROMANIA PLEDGES AGRICULTURAL AID

lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 2 Sep 85 p ah

[Brticle by Ted Odogwu/

Glext]

OMANIAN  Govern-
ment has indicated
its. preparedness to assist
Nigeria in her current
campaign to revolutionise
the agricultural sector in
‘order to ensure
continuous bumper
harvests.

This fact was disclosed
by the country’s charge D”
Affairs, Mr. Vasile ‘Stoian
while addressing a press
conference held at’ its
embassy in Skoyi recently
to mark Romania’s 41st
Anniversary celebration,

Mr. Stoian stated that
what is been awaited now is’
for the Federal Government
to reciprocate its gesture to
enable it ship in the necessary
machinery and equipment.

He however pointed -out
that Romania's ‘agriculture
has __been undergoing
Continuous ‘process of
. 2atiog based on priority pro-

grammes aimed at increas-
ing soil fertility at any

CSO: 3400/1136

36

weather condition,

Furthemore, he remarked
that Romania has achieved a
tremendous. success in_its
farming operation “while
ploughing, sowing, and
harvesting have been fully
machanized.

All these experiences, ‘and
many more in agro related
projects will be shared with
Nigeria and possibly transfer
the technological know how
to enable Nigeria achieve that

same success, Mr. Stoian
delcared.

What Romania is asking
the Federal Government of
Nigeria to provide for now is
land and seedlings for
«experimentation purposes.
‘Mr. Stoian further declared.

Already, Mr. Stoian discto-
sed that Romania is engaged.
in a small scale agricultural
project with Cross River and
Kwara states repectively but
is now seeking a large scale
participation in Nigeria's
agricultural development
‘Programmes.

JPRS*SSA*85*095
4 October 1985

NIGERIA


cso:

3400/1101

to the ANC by the Tari:
zania government,
Mohamed Tilly, the col-
lege director, said that In
South Africa oppor-

tunities for African
students to follow
mathematical or  scien-

tific studies are  ex-

.tremely Hmited, Minimal

attention is paid to Eng-
sh language studies and
Afrikaans Is stressed as
the principal medium of
instruction,

Cde Tikly said that
through Somaf Co pro-
grammes the ANC has
opened the doors of
learning which were
‘etosed in Soweto, The
movement is providing
South Africans of all .
ages access to their own
history and culture while
endeavouring to ‘riige »
the gep between mental ©
and manual labour,

Tham Gqweta, a
Somaf Co student, said
that the college has
managed ‘to establish
stable schoo] life ang con-
ducive learning —_con-
ditions.

Cde Gqweta said most

-of the youths who fled

South Africa after 1976
did so with Iittle know-
ledge of the nationalist
struggle and ANC objec-
tives, But, “while here, I
realised that the ANC
was internationally
recognised and was able
to accommodate and as-
sist its members in
achieving their needs”.

A Somaf Co librarian,
Chris Ngwenya (26), said
the uprising against |
apartheid and spirit of
revolt. would persist until
apartheid has been de-
feated.

He said: he was for-
tunate to he sccom-
modated in the ANC
after the 1976 student
revolt. .

Anxious to get educa-
tion, Cde Ngwenya was
brought to Somaf Co
where he completed Form

116

«cording to

V in 1980, He is to go for
further training in’ elvil

engineering abroad.
WAGE

Mpho Gwangwa, a

22-year-old Form v

student, sald women
should come out of their
kitchens ang wage the
liberation struggle along-
side mates,

For many years, she
told IPS, she grew up,
alone with her mother in
South Africa as her
father, on active member
of the ANC, was always
outside the country on
missions for the move-
ment,

Between 1978 and 1982
Cde Gwangwa went to
school in Botswana, ‘Then
she Joined Somaf Co two
years ogo, Since learning
what the ANC stands for
and having made her own
analysis of her father's
long absences from home,
she expresses a profound
determinntion to defend
the ANC and its alms.

Dumisant Nkosi hos
just. celebrated his 24th
birthday but he jg only in
Form Ii. He left his
parents in South Africa
in 1977 and fled to
Swaziland where he
Joined the ANC,

“Sometimes I feel like
erying when I remember
my parents, but I hepe
we will meet in 2 free
and democratic South
Africa one day,” He sald,

Since coming. to Somof
Co last year, he admits:
“I have learnt that we
‘are a community with al!
.racial groups of South
: Africa, Our school aims
{at brotherhood.”

; Attempts % pursue the;
{struggle against apart-
;held by peaceful means
‘won't yield results, ac-
Barne
Mogane (22), a Form
student, He participated
‘in many ANC activities
in South Africa befor
leaving for exile, — IPS.



JPRS#SSA¥85+095
4 October 1985

MADAGASCAR

TSS TAKES REVENGE ON KUNG FU FIGHTERS
Paris THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER in English 24 Aug 85 p 4

[Text]

Following the destruction by the armed forces of the headquarters of
Antananarivo's kung fu movement and the killing of its leader, Pierre
RAKOTOARIJAONA, alias Pierre BE, last August 1 (see I.0.N. N° 193), the
great rivals of the kung fu fighters, the TTS, are again active in the
Malagasy capital, committing acts of violence and intimidation. It
appears that the TTS, some 100 of whose members were massacred by the
kung fu adepts last December, have decided to settle old scores and
Tegain control of the city, where for the past six months their opponents
had been in command in many districts.

The TTS, unemployed youths organised by the AREMA party of president
Didier RATSIRAKA, are now openly showing themselves and are telling their
victims they are from Ambohitsirohitra, the district where AREMA's
offices and the presidential palace are located. THE INDIAN OCEAN
NEWSLETTER knows details of at least two examples of their actions: a .
midwife from the Antananarivo suburbs was tied to a post and killed, and
the wife of a political activist, who was alone at home when a TTS group
arrived seeking her husband, was tortured then left bound in the middle
of a room which was set on fire.

It is evident that a struggle is now underway for the control of the
capital, whose inhabitants showed their hostility to the government at
the last presidential election. The kung fu fighters may have lost their
leaders, but the authorities cannot be sure they will not re-emerge soon.

cso: 3400/1118

15



JPRS*SSA85+095
4 October 1985

revolutionary in words but reactionary in deeds, that fraudulously passed
itself off at a given moment in history as the avant-garde of the people's
struggle. And who yesterday, today, tomorrow and always will write: "The
situation is troubled and complex,” incapable of a correct and scientific
analysis of the struggle. This national conference is taking place at a time
when the situation is as clear as a full moon. In a clear situation, clear
tasks present themselves. That is why our students, to avoid floating in the
twilight like our enemies, have come together after 2 years of political,
attitudinal, and socio-economic revolution to analyze what has been done, what
remains to be done, and what they should do.

The fruits of these activities should be useful support and resulting
strengthening of the development strategy that the people chose to define in
their first 5-year plan, and from the start they will provide the bases for a
unity of action with the student youth, whose ideological unity around the
political orientation speech of 2 October 1983 needs no demonstration. That
is very important, because as Lenin said: "Unity of action cannot be achieved
unless there is genuine unity of conviction on the necessity for an action."

Full success to the work of the first national conference of the students of
Burkina Faso.

Details of Opening Session
Ouagadougou SIDWAYA in French 19 Aug 85 pp 1,4
[Article by Wind-Lananm Ramde]

[Text] "The Role of Youth Educated Under the RDP" is the theme of the first
national conference of Burkinabe students that opened Saturday 17 August 1985
at 1000 hours at the House of the People in the presence of Capt Blaise
Compaore, representing the Faso president; Capt Pierre Ouedraogo, national
secretary general of the CDR; Capt Henri Zongo, the Faso coordinator; members
of the CNR; directors of ministry offices; the diplomatic corps; and many
students from all continents. Also participating in this opening ceremony was
a delegation of the national bureau of Burkinabe students and of the Benin
National University. We should also point out that the national gendarmerie
orchestra played to an enchanted public.

This national conference assembles all the CDR's of students studying in
foreign countries as well as those of Ouagadougou.

Speaking on behalf of the committee of the University of Ouagadougou, Comrade
Felix Kabre, university delegate, first welcomed all the comrades who had come
from all continents. He then stated that this conference “is opening in a
world context. characterized by a general crisis of the imperialist capitalist
system, which, in order to assure its domination, subjects the peoples to the
most varied forms of oppression.” This creates a revolutionary situation
throughout the world and makes all progressive peoples confident of certain
victory for all those struggling against imperialism.

He then recalled that since the victorious uprising of 4 August 1983,
organized into its assault units, the CDR's, the Burkinabe people have

10


TANZANIA

ANC Opens First Educational Institute
(Anaclet Rwegayura; THE HERALD, 4 Sep 85)....+.seeseeeeee

Italian Aid Discussed
(DAILY NEWS, 4 Sep 85)..-ecesecccecerceeee

Canadian Aid for Port
(DAILY NEWS, 4 Sep 85)..ceevescecsccevsvecescscvcccceeres

Australian, Norwegian Oil Agreements
(DAILY NEWS, 3 Sep 85) ..cccceccccccccrccceccccererccceoes

Development of Small Scale Irrigation Schemes Discussed
(Paul Chintowa; DAILY NEWS, 5 Sep 85)..seeeeeseecececeeee

Tarecu Purchases Crops
(DAILY NEWS, 3 Sep 85) .ccceecccccscverccccccceesessrecess

TOGO

Briefs .
New Appointments, Reassignments

UGANDA

History of Bloodshed, Torture Unlikely To Change
(Pierre Haski; LIBERATION, 29 Jul 85)..-..eeeeeseseeeeeeee

Political Prospects of Okello Regime Analyzed
(Pierre Haski; LIBERATION, 29 Jul 85)....+eeceeeeeeseesere

Situation Since Fall of Idi Amin Reviewed
(Gerard Prunier; AFRIQUE CONTEMPORAINE, May-Jun 85) ......

Interview With NRA Field Commander
(THE SUNDAY STAR, 1 Sep 85).cecceseecceresececcsccrcceeces

ZIMBABWE
Trade With U.S. Drops
(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 6 Sep [ey
Non-State Groups Warned of Engaging in Political Activities

(THE DAILY NEWS, 23 Aug 85)...sseececeeeceeccsseesecceseee

White Population Higher Than Expected
(THE STAR, 31 Aug 85)..ceeecccccccccccceceecrcccensscesees

115

117

118

119

121

124

126

127

129

132

142

144

145

146



The Americans came up with their own morbid evaluation, and the assistant
secretary of state for human rights estimated last year that there had been
100,000 to 200,000 victims in Uganda in 3 years. Milton Obotets government
strongly protested, and itself admitted some...15,000 deaths.

Very recently, Amnesty International published a damning report, accusing the
Ugandan army of systematically torturing its prisoners, and practicing
arbitrary action and terror. The incontestable evidence provided by the
humanitarian organization gives an idea of the fate of prisoners in Uganda.
Among the tortures practiced is hanging a burning car tire over a tied-up
prisoner. The drops of melted rubber fall on the prisoner, a treatment
repeated for hours, even days.

In its campaign against the Opposition guerrillas, the Ugandan army has not
used gloves. The "Luwero triangle" north and west of the capital, the
stronghold of the rebellion, has for 3 years been the scene of fighting and
massacres. More than 750,000 people have been forcibly moved, and at one time
more than 120,000 of them were being kept in detention centers disguised as
refugee camps.

Guerrilla attacks, reprisals, political and tribal rivalries, arbitrary action
and repression... Uganda has not stopped its journey to the end of hell.
There is nothing to make one believe that General Okello will do better than
his predecessors.

9920
CSo: 3419/500

128


MOST INDIANS PREFER BOTHA AS NATIONAL LEADER

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 16 Sep 85 p 8

[Text] DURBAN, — Most Indians —

cso:

and to a lesser extent —
Coloureds prefer the State
President, Mr P W Botha to lead
South Africa, but a large majori-
ty of Africans want jailed ANC
leader Nelson Mandela as nat-
ional leader.

These are some of the findings
of a survey into the recent Natal
unrest by the Institute of Black
Research, released in Durban at

. the weekend by the Institute's
director, Professor Fatima Meer
of the University of Natal.

A total of 488 people in Afri-
can, Indian and Coloured
townships in the greater Durban
metropolitan area were sampled

after the unrest and riots early in *

August.’

While more Coloureds (25
percent) preferred the PFP lead-
er Dr F van Zyl Slabbert for the
number two choice of national
leader, Africans chose UDF pat-

3400/1165

106

ron Dr Allan Boesak as the sec-
ond choice.

‘While Coloureds (11 percent)
and Indians (3,7 percent) picked
Mandela as third choice, Afri-
cans picked the Anglican Bishop
of Johannesburg, Bishop Des-
mond Ttut.

KwaZulu leader Chief Mang-
osuthu Buthelezi was preferred
as number: four choice by 4,8
percent of Africans and by 0,6
percent of Indians sampled in
the survey.

Not one of the 100 Coloured
respondents picked Chief Bu-
thelezi for any one of the six
choices of South African leader
and only three percent of
Coloureds chose Dr Boesak,
himself a member of the
Coloured community.

Indians (11,2 percent) chose
Dr Slabbert as second choice
against a massive 53,4 percent
for Mr Botha for number one
choice. — Sapa.

JPRS*SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


tion to include communities in“?
the decision making ‘pro- -;
cesses.” .

‘This could be so much pie in. - *
the pious sky, but hopeful pun-
dits are optimistic he is reflect-
ing some of the Government's
behind-the-scenes talks and de-
cisions towards arriving at a
workable solution to the coun-
try’s political and economic .~
plight.

Also blurring the issue is the
President's most recent state-
ment to the EEC Ministers in
which he said the Government .
is proceeding with its reform
programme which will provide
a political say for “all com-

. munities at ail levels in mat-
ters of national or common ;

“concern.” He was’ willing, he *

said, to talk to. anybody on an :
‘open agenda as long as they
‘ renounced violence. ‘
More particularly, the Gov- °
: ernment is reaping even criti-
cism from such a tradititional
ally and economic luminary as
Dr Anton Rupert, chairman of
the massive Rembrandt Group.
: At his. company’s annual

* meeting he said practices of .;
the past may readily be
weighed and found wanting by
leadets engaging in negotiation
in virtually every field.

Now some are even predict-
ing that Dr Rupert may be so
concerned with the economic
situation that he might be per- :
suaded to do a Tielman Roos. ;
Political scholars* will recall |
Britain was forced off the gold ©
standard in 1931 and South’ TM*
Africa faced severe financial - ’
difficulties when the Hertzog
Government refused to follow

suit. Mr Roos descended from {

the Appeal Court bench and in-
itiated’ a personal campaign
which forced the Government
to abandon the gold standard
as well. oi

Other strong words from the .--
economic sector have come in:

a statement by Assocom, FCI

and Nafcoc, cn
They say unequivocally: “No

real negotiation is possible

without normalising the securi- ‘

ty situation through lifting the
partial State of Emergency as;
soon as circumstances per

mit...equally essential a
commitment by Government.

cso: 3400/1151

65

that it will deal even-handedly ~
;' with the accepted leaders of —

the black community, even if
some of these are currently in

; detention.”

3}. ‘They also want the Govern-
ment to provide a clear assur-
ance that it is to move away
from racial discrimination —

. which is exactly what Mr Pik
Botha said this week.

» ~ So what’s going on? Said one

., political academic: “It looks as

if the Government is a juggler
with a bunch of variables. They

; (Cabinet members) say what

,. they have to when they have to.

, The Government is becoming

+ increasingly aware that it has
to take opinions into ac-

: count... but at the same time

no Government. _can bow, to
“pressure.”

- And another: “PW has to
-worry about the voters. Pik has
to speak to his colleagues all
over the world. No wonder
there are two messages.”

And yet another highly reli-
able source this week said:
“Essentially the hand at the til-
Jer (PW Botha’s) is getting pro-

: gressively weaker. It is only in
the last week that he has rea-
lised how seriously he has mis-
calculated with the Durban
speech. He has had everything

explode in his face. His aura is-

irrevocably destroyed and his
own ambitions have narrowed.
“As a result you now have a
+ political vacuum at the centre,
He has neither given. his Cabi-
net colleagues more freedom,
nor has he stopped them. In es-
sence they are running around

-trying to stake out a bit of the
turf” :

He likened the situation to
the last days of the Vorster re-
-gime, when Dr Connie Mulder
. — as Crown Prince — acted as
if he were running the country.

The source predicted the
President would work towards

;an election in two years time

which the National Party
would fight on his reformist po-

licies. He would hope for a -

massive majority and bow out
to his successor as a successful
elder statesman.


JPRS#SSA=85+095
4 October 1985

MALI

DIALLO MEETS WITH MALI STUDENTS IN MOSCOW, POLAND
Bamako L'ESSOR in French 20 Aug 85 p 7
{Article by Moscow Correspondent Sissoko]

[Text] In connection with the 12th World Festival of Youth and Students,
Amadou Daouda Diallo, secretary general of the National Youth Union of Mali
(UNJM), held an information meeeting with representatives of the UNJM
committees in the USSR and Poland. The event was held on the premises of the
Mali Embassy to the Soviet Union in the presence of Ambassador Abdoulaye
Amadou Sy; Messrs Danioko and Kansaye, respectively office director and
technical adviser of the Ministry of Sports, Arts, and Culture; and Messrs
Abdoul Sy and Kanoute, members of the UNJM national executive bureau.

The first speaker, His Excellency Abdoulaye Amadou Sy, expressed. satisfaction
at the excellent relationship between students and officials residing in the
USSR and Poland. He recalled that they had participated in the legislative
and presidential elections of 9 June, thereby demonstrating their commitment
and militant attitude.

The students, for their part, emphasized that the arrival of the new Mali
ambassador had had a beneficial effect on their conditions of life and study.
A frank and open dialogue had been established between the two parties, and no
one any longer had the feeling of being rejected.

The final speaker, Amadou Daouda Diallo, warmly congratulated His Excellency
Abdoulaye Amadou Sy on his methods of operation, and he went on to give a
review of the political, economic and social situation in Mali during the past
few months. He stressed in particular the efforts being made by the people to
combat the afflictions of drought and desertification.

In this respect, he mentioned the initiatives by the people of the seventh
region, who have established rice-growing areas, thus taking up the challenge
of food self-sufficiency. Amadou Daouda Diallo called on the audience for
ingenuity and self-denial, for, as he said, quoting Gen Moussa Traore, "No one
but the Malians will build Mali."

9920
CSO: 3419/553

20


In February 1982, President Obote announced measures. for compensation of the
Indians robbed by Idi Amin at the time of their expulsion in 1972. This
helped to strengthen his support by the United Kingdom, where about 30,000 of
them had found refuge. However, that did not prevent the attack on Lubri
barracks, near Kampala, by the UFM on 23 February, an operation in which the
guerrillas eaptured large quantities of arms. The reaction was extremely
violent. From February to April 1982, vast sweep operations were earried out,
during which checks of identity were accompanied by pillage and violence. On
25 April, Amnesty International launched an appeal "for an end to the
massacres and torture committed by the Ugandan army."

On 18 and 19 May a Ugandan government delegation presented to the Club of
Paris President Obote's new economic recovery program, for which he requested
$600 million in financing over 5 years. He obtained straightaway’a commitment
of $135 million from the World Bank, $220 million from the EEC, and $18
million in bilateral British aid, without including the investment promises of
about $180 million from private groups, in particular the large Indian
consortiums Mehta and Madhvani, which got back their sugar production
facilities at Lugazi and Kakira. The 1982-1983 budget, presénted on 24 June
1982, confirmed the economic improvement because the deficit in the balance of
payments had decreased by 33 percent and because it was possible .to count on a
21-percent increase in the value of exports (coffee, tea, and ‘cotton, in that
order); producer prices would be increased by 42 percent on average, and the
government introduced the original system of the dual exchange market;
importers would be able to buy exchange on a free market in which the rate
would be set independently of the official rate of exchange. This contributed
to weakening of the shilling, which fell from 78 to 90.5 per dollar, but
facilitated imports. :

Yet, the economy continued its improvement, though with difficulty. The
recovery plan presented in Paris in May 1982 was revised upward for financing
of $736 million. In October 1983, Minister of Economy Sam Qdaka reported that
$622.7 million had already been found, but that the results had not really
measured up to expectations. The floating shilling was sinking in a growing
inflation: it was 105 to the dollar in April 1983, but 285. in October and 330
in November. That fed a vicious spiral of prices and earnings. ‘Wages rose 50
percent at the beginning of 1984, but a bunch of Matoke bananas, the staple
food of Baganda, then cost 800 shillings in Kampala while the monthly civil
service salary was 1,700 to 14,000 shillings. The parallel economy, or
"magendo," was developing to face the shortages in the official system.

The economic situation is completely paradoxical. Industry has not really
succeeded in taking off-again: the use rate of fixed installations increased
from 12 percent to 23 percent between 1979 and 1983, however ‘it stagnated at
that level. In 1983, the debt service represented in value 51.6 percent of
export revenue, while military expenditure alone consumed 28 percent by
official claim, and 43 percent of the imports went to the army. In June 1984,
the minimum salary in the public service went up to 6,000 shillings, or a 20-
percent increase, yet without catching up with the surge in prices. Despite
this, the trade balance continued to improve, going from a deficit of only $92
million in 1982-1983 to a surplus of $34 million 1983-1984. °°

139



The development of road infrastructure also relates to our country's
geographic location, Burkina is a hinge of the subregion, which makes it the
transit point for movement from one country to another. The reactionary
regimes were able to profit from this geographic advantage, but were not able
to give this sector the dynamism that it should have had. Thus, most of the
roads exist today only in name.

The road repairs must thus enable us to have roads that measure up to our
country's current level of development. To this end, more than 700 million
CFA francs in grants has been committed to road construction studies. The
most important are the following: Bobo~Dedougou, to be financed by the FAC
(265 million CFA francs); the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) and Burkina will
jointly finance, for a total of 278 million CFA francs, the study of the Yako
to Mali border road; the African Development Fund (ADF) will finance the Dori-
Tera-Niamey road study for 110 million CFA francs. Most of this financing has
already been obtained.

In regard to the active phase, the Ministry of Equipment, in the framework of
the PPD, has designated seven projects, for most of which the studies have
been completed. First, there is the Piega to Niger border road, 109 km, to
complete the Abidjan-Niamey cross highway. Construction will be financed by
the Arab Bank for African Economic Development (BADEA), the Kuwaiti Fund, and
Burkina. The total is 6.2 billion CFA francs.

The second road, already begun, is Ouaga-Yako (already completed) passing
through Ouahigouya on the Mali border. The first segment is 109 km and it has
been financed by the EDF, a total of 5.2 billion CFA francs, The road will be
extended to camp CRS, It is usually called the “fish road." The 132 km Fada-
Pama-Tindangou road, at a cost of 4 billion, will be constructed of very
“modernized” earth and later tarred.

The primary concern in this construction is to facilitate the dam work by
completely opening up the region.

It may also link Benin to our country, thus increasing our independence in
respect to the port of Abidjan.

The Bilanga-Tarpako road, 117 km, will be financed by the ADB, a total of 3
billion. It is an ordinary earth road, intended to open up this whole region.

After these four main achievements come the projects of the fourth road plan.
This construction, for a total of 5,115,000,000 CFA francs, will be financed
by the World Bank. It is mainly directed at reconstruction and maintenance,
For example, there is the Yako-Koudougou-Sabou-Tekourou road, 180 km. The
Ouagadougou-Koupela road (137 km) is an important connector and its
interruption could be harmful to our commerce. It has suffered deterioration
during its 13 years of existence. Its bed is rutted so badly that it can no
longer carry heavy traffic. The surface will have to be completely redone.
The cost of the maintenance will be 1.9 billion CFA francs.

These all-directional actions by the Minister of Equipment include the streets
in the Burkina towns, and particularly in Ouagadougou. The task is to make


IV. Permanent Civil Disorders

From 1981. on, a group of military advisers of the Commonwealth countries tried
to instill a minimum of discipline in the UNLA, which continued its
depredations, particularly in West Nile, where more than 50,000 refugees were
added to the 100,000 already assembled in Sudan. President Obote explained
that the low pay of the army and the violence of the guerrilla movement
combined to create a situation of insecurity, which, ‘however, he was trying to
reduce. On 22 October 1982, a special 8-page supplement of the FINANCIAL
TIMES emphasizing the economic successes and minimizing the violence of the
repression served..as a kind of good report by the business world, at least as
far as the British were concerned.

However, the brutal decision in November 1982 to expel 50,000 Rwandan refugees
started the polemic again. Many of. these refugees had in fact been born in
Uganda, where they had been settled for almost 20 years. Along with them were
deported thousands of Banyankole and even Baciga of thé southwest, suspected
of sympathy toward Yoweri Museveni... The Kigali government refused to accept
this human mass, who thus found themselves hemmed into camps where they remain
to this day..(January 1985), often prey to the extortions of the soldiers,
despite the increasing involvement of various international charitable
organizations (Doctors without Frontiers, International Committee of the Red
Cross,:to be readmitted in 1983).

At the beginning of 1983, the situation remained critical. In Buganda, the
UFM undergound were in decline after the leader of the organization, Balaki
Kirya, had been abducted in Nairobi in July 1982. - Leadership of the
guerrillas, now under Lutakome Kayiira, was showing itself militarily
ineffective and financially corrupt. The same was not true of the NUM, which
was actively keeping up the fight, despite the absence of any outside aid,
after the Tripoli government finally perceived that Idi Amin's return and the
promotion of Islam were. certainly not among their war aims. In London, the
former president Lule, who had rejoined Yoweri Museveni in a rather suprising
tactical alliance, was handling public relations for the Protestant guerrilla
movement. In face of this relentlessness, the Kampala government was
resorting to major measures: camps opened in the districts of Mpigi, Luwero
and Mubende to eventually accomodate up to 120,000 people. Amost 300,000
others to be forced to move to make room for UNLA units, which.-no one was any
longer really able to control, either the on-duty strength or behavior.
Kampala admitted 20,000 or 25,000 men, while experts estimated at least
35,000, perhaps 45,000 or 50,000, including the militia. All these receiving
ridiculously low pay (1,200 shillings a month for a regular soldier, when beer
was 300 shillings a bottle) and virtually condemned to pillage in order to
live. Between April and June, several mass graves. were discovered.

In the north, in Karamoja and West Nile, brigands, guerrillas, and stock
thieves, sometimes from Sudan, Ethiopia or Kenya, created a constant
insecurity that further increased the number of refugees. ‘

On 20 February 1984, the NRM briefly. captured the town of Masindi, ‘where it

seized a large military haul. Within the army, serious tensions developed
between the Acholi and the Langi, particularly following the death on 2

137



sector had to-assume , through competition, which cannot ‘consider quantity
alone, but which must take quality into consideration.

Dynamism, aggressiveness and the entrepreneurial spirit must be alive. . There

must be an end to the traumatism of apathy, defeatism and the false image of
our incapacity and latent bureaucratism; whatever the cost may be.

2909
CSO: 3442/407

25



SOUTH AFRICA

STELLENBOSCH LECTURER FEARS FOR FAMILY'S LIVES

Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in English 8 Sep 85 p 3

[Article by Karen Stander]

[Text]

cso:

CAPE TOWN — A Stellenbosch Uni-
versity lecturer who is a.member of
the area committee of the United Dem- .
ocratic Front has become the victim of.
attacks which have led him to fear for ,
the safety of his family.
‘In three separate incidents, grass on
Mr Rob Gaylard’s front lawn was
doused in petrol and set alight, his car
was sabotaged and a rock was thrown
through the window of his lounge.
! He has also become the subject of a
Vicious pamphlet campaign.
\_ Mr Gaylard, a lecturer in the univer-
bity’s English. department, said -there
had been a sustained campaign on .
campus to expose, identify and intimi- °
pate members of the UDF. ~~ ---> = —~
\ Mr Gaylard’s wife, Ms Miki Flocke- 5
ymann, is.a lecturer in the English de-
artment at the University of the ’
Western Cape."“** +5" “
|. They have a seven-month-old son,
Joshua. Mr Gaylard has three other
children by his ex-wife in Cape Town.
\ He said of the terror campaign: “It’s
not only myself that I have to take re-
sponsibility for. I have to think of the
safety of my wife and children.” :
Ms Flockemann said she was partic- >
larly concerned about the other three
fhildren, Mathew (16) Anna (13) and Jo
seph (11) who were old enough to feel
Something of the effect the actions 4
were having onthem. . * . j

1." Fears for baby :

i
' “Obviously I am afraid for the safety ~
of my baby as well but he is too young
to be frightened of noises in the night.”

3400/1151 94

| Smear-pamphlets had been pub-
lished and distributed, alleging links

between the UDF, the African National —

Congress and the Communist Party.

'iMr Gaylard said the first smear |

pamphlet mentioning his name had
een distributed.at.the end of the sec-
pnd term.

* This pamphlet said: “The UDF has
decided that a new phase in mass pro-
test action must be introduced.

1 “The planned All Black tour in South
Africa will be the first target of such
an action. Protest’ will be held in the
Streets, at airports and rugby sta-
diums.”

'-In the first week that the students
were back after the June vacation the

Tugby tour was cancelled, Mr Garlard
id .

paid.
1 A link had been created in the minds
pf the “average unthinking student”,

‘ Ahother pamphlet mentioned Mr :

Gaylard and other academic staff by
hame and questioned whether they had
thrown their ethical and professional
Huties overboard”, .

| Mr Gaylard’s car was sabotaged in,

his garage one night with a series of.

oles drilled in the radiator. This re- *

ulted in damage of R2 400.
1 Two weeks ago, the night after a
meeting addressed by Dr Allan Boesak

was held to launch a consumer boycott, :

Mr Gaylard woke to the sound of a

bang. He found his sitting room co-*

vered in glass. A stone had been
thrown through the window.

+ “A new smear pamphlet appeared
yesterday which questioned the inte-
gity of Mr Gaylard and several.other
academics. °


rejected his dismissal and, in cooperation with Museveni and Muwanga,
overthrew Preident Binaisa on 12 May. No blood was shed because the
provisional chief executive had no troops that were personally loyal to him.
In Dar es Salaam, the Tanzanian Government recognized the coup. On 27 May, Mr
Obote returned to Kampala, where the ruling military committee received him
cordially.

III. Elections of 10 December 1980

Museveni found himself very isolated within this body. The only non-Obotist
and the only civilian along with Paulo Muwanga, he appeared as the pluralist
guarantee by the military and the UPC.

The summer of 1980 was particularly hard. The famine in Karamoja, caused
partly by drought and even more by the use of modern weapons (12,000 weapons,
including mortars and rocket-launchers stolen from the arsenals at Soroti and
Moroto in April 1979), had transformed the livestock raids into murderous
civil war in the northeast. Simultaneously, in the northwest, Amin's former
soldiers who had taken refuge in southern Sudan exploited a partial withdrawal
of the Tanzanian troops to invade West Nile in October 1980. The remedy was
almost worse than the illness, because in order to push them back it ended up
giving the green light to the Kitgum Acholi militia, alongside an already very
little disciplined UNLA, seeking vengeance for the murders and disappearances
of the years 1971-1979. The result was a very violent tribal repression.

Even in Kampala, the clashes between supporters and opponents of Obote, the
flagrant crimes, and the revenges produced victims daily (600 deaths counted
officially for October 1980 alone).

It was against this backdrop that the elections of 10 December 1980 were held,
and they were smirched with serious irregularities. From the outset, the UPC
claimed 17 seats out of 126 by refusing to register opposition candidates in
those districts. Ballot box stuffing, violence, intimidation, and the result
announced after a mysterious delay in the counting=-74 seats for the UPC, 51
for the DP, and 1 for the UPM, the small movement improvised by Yoweri
Museveni--doubtless did not amount to much more than an exercise to put on a
good face to the financial lenders as the elected Uganda government. On 7
January 1981, Mr Obote was for the second time named president of the Uganda
Republic. On 9 February, the first guerrilla operations began. From the
beginning, following a scenario that was to become elassical, the forces
opposing the new president scored successes in the field, were unable to
exploit them politically, and withdrew, leaving the peasants exposed to an
extremely violent repression. Also from the beginning, the guerrillas showed
themselves divided between a Protestant branch (MOSPOR, renamed National
Resistance Movement or NRM) led by Yoweri Museveni, and a Catholic branch
(UFM) [Uganda Freedom Movement] led by Balaki Kirya. A difference in style,
with the leftist guerrilla leader staying in the field while former minister
Kirya tried to direct operations from Nairobi. During this period, Amin's
former soldiers fighting in West Nile broke (officially) all ties with their
former chief and renamed themselves Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF), under
the leadership of an old acolyte of the ex-marshal, Moses Ali.

136


JPRS+SSA85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

REPORT ON URBANIZATION STRATEGY FOR NATION
Moves to Control Migrants Failed

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 13

[Text] CAPE TOWN. — Rapid

urbanisation is a world
phenomenon which will
continue for a long time
and increase, according to
the report of the Commit-
tee for Constitutional Af-
fairs of the President's
Council.

Under the heading “ur-
banisation as a world phe-
nomenon, with special re-
ference to Africa”, the
committee found that al-
though some successes
had been achieved with
urbanisation, - coercive
measures to keep mi- ;
grants out or to remove

* them have in most cases
not achieved the desired
end.

Removal measures had
often given rise to greater §
problems than they at-
tempted to solve.

The same applies to
measures aimed at merely «
destroying informal |
“squatters’ houses without +
providing immediately for j
alternative housing.

Incentive —_ measures.
coupled with the creation
of new towns, could how- |
ever, make a major con-
tribution.

French experience with
the creation of satellite
cities was “illuminating”,
the report said. :

“This should be accom-
panied by a well-consider-
ed and practical national
urbanisation policy, cor-*
fect siting, strong infra-
structural support by the
central government, a
solid labour foundation, a
bold regional planning
programme, _flexibible
planning, adequate social
and welfare facilities, a vi-
tal city centre and civic
centres, aesthetic en-
vironment planning and
effective co-ordination
between all interested
parties.

“Upgrading of the rural
standard of living does
not as yet have a good re-
cord, especially in Africa,
but could nevertheless to

-some extent have a posi-

tive effect.

“Measures to absorb
migrants could succeed if
undertaken in a positive
spirit of goodwill, avoid-
ing past mistakes and tak-
ing examples of success
into account. Urbanisa-
tion should not be re-
garded as an evil. It
should be used as an op-
portunity to utilise one of
a country’s greatest as-
Sets, namely its people, in
such a way that the end
result for all will be an im-
provement in the quality «
of life.

87

“To sum up, the litera-
ture indicates that no sin-
gle set of measures can
prevent people from be-
coming urbanised. All
measures can make a con-
tribution towards reduc-
ing or slowing down the
flow, but their cost-effec-
tiveness should always be
weighed against ... the
advantages of utilising the
flow of migration.” —
Sapa.



them wider, more pleasant for traffic, and less subject to flooding in the
rainy season.

Improvement of Ouagadougou's streets has become a necessity, because some of
the major thoroughfares have not been finally constructed, and those already
tarred have not had periodic maintenance. The sometimes nonexistent drainage
means that some thoroughfares are passable only with difficulty after a rain.
The deterioration is of all kinds (channeling, corrugation, cracks, water
penetration, buckling, pot holes, etc.).

These roads generally have a right of way varying between 20 and 60 meters.
The roadbed is 6 to 7 meters wide. Maintenance is carried out by the town,
which, because of lack of material, financial and personnel resources, is not
able to perform regular followup.

The seriousness of the problem was grasped by the CNR, which immediately
following 4 August 1983 put road reconstruction at the top of the many
projects carried out in the 2 years.

Thus, Rue Nelson Mandela, 6 km long, was one of the CNR's first tasks. This
street, costing 869 million CFA francs, was entirely constructed from the
national budget.

Avenue General de Gaulle followed almost immediately. Financed by the FAC,
this 1.6 km street cost 662 million CFA francs. There was also the highway
Quidi (sector 11) Tampoui. Along with these highways, bridges will be
constructed, such as dam No 2 (Tanghin).

Secondary Airports

In general, thanks to its geographical location, Burkina has benefited from
extensive road infrastructure. However, it should be noted that the lenders
are only interested in roads of immediate interest to them. They are very
reluctant when it is a matter of developing road infrastructure for the sole
purpose of opening up “nonprofitable" areas.

Development is a succession of coordinated achievements. The construction of
secondary airports follows this logic. Four airports have been constructed
during the 2 years. This is a record for a country such as Burkina, Gaoua
airport was opened in December 1984, during National Culture Week. Orodara
airport, being completed, will demonstrate the fruits of our orchard to the
rest of the country. At Fada, the airport will not only serve to open up the
Gourma area, but will rapidly transport onions of the region to other areas
where growing of this crop has not been developed.

The fourth airport at Po responds to strategic factors. Anyone who is aware
of the importance of this town in the carrying out of the revolution needs no
explanation of the importance of protecting it.

Finally, with the expansion of the runway at Bobo-Dioulasso airport, one can
say that the CNR is in the process of demystifying the airplane, and intends,
as it has done for the bus, to make it available to the largest number of
Burkinabe. These Burkinabe have understood that no one is going to come and



So, with the disappearance of its top
leadership, it was merely a matter of,
general council meeting tochoose an.
interim committee. my

Enough activists

Mr Jaffer said that, even if the sec-
ond-tier leadership were arrested,
there were enough activists to give
direction to the “people’s anger”.

Even if the leadership were to be
immobilised, the direction of the peo-

Je’s anger had been set and could sus-
tain its direction for a considerable,

period.

The “brutality” of the police in sup-
pressing protest had played a major
role in fuelling the anger of the people
and in spreading the action, he said.

Mr Jaffer said white people had
nothing to fear from the protest action.

“The anger of the ‘people is not:
aimed at whites, it is aimed at apart-
“heid,” he said. . .

It was possible that the consumer:
boycott might be redirected in the near
future. At present, it was a boycott of

- white-owned businesses — but this
might change to a boycott of major
white-owned shopping centres occupied,
by big conglomerates.

Small white-owned “corner cafe-
type” shops might not be strongly tar-'
geted. :

‘The boycott was aimed at big capi-‘
tal in an attempt to pressure it to push

_ for structural: changes in the Govern-
ment.

cso: 3400/1151

93



In fact, the rejection of political violence was manifested throughout the
sample as a whole and transcended all social variables, with 91.8 percent being
opposed to its use. The opposition to: the use of political violence was even
greater among Inkatha members, Even if there was a tendency to under-represent
the support for political violence because of the fear of expressing such views,
this figure does confirm the wealth of previous research which shows there is
a considerable constituency within the Black. communities which desires a peace-
ful solution, at least as an immediate goal. Inkatha's commitment to non-
violence distinguishes it from many other Black opposition forces and this
allows Inkatha to successfully tap this constituency, As far as the data go,
it is shown that on this issue there is a large degree of coherence between
Buthelezi and his ordinary members in the sample.

One of the other distinguishing features of Inkatha is its views on the role of
ethnicity in politics. Southall (1981: 446-447; 1983: 110-112) describes it

as an ethnic movement, while Schlemmer (1980: 115) feels that broader political
goals are the source of Inkatha's main attraction to members. Inkatha's
position is not simple or clear cut. Its role as the governing party of Kwa-Zulu
forces Inkatha to manipulate a Zulu ethnic base, while its social movement

role in wider South African politics requires it to shed itself of ethnicity.
Inkatha has shown a shift from a cultural to a political liberation movement
and, in this way, many of the earlier references in its constitution and

policy statements to Zulu ethnicity have been deleted. But while it remains

the governing party of an ethnic territory, it cannot successfully purge the
traces of ethnicity. So its overall position is ambiguous (Brewer, 1981: 104;
forthcoming: chapter 6): The cathetic symbols which Inkatha utilizes are one
example of this ambiguity. The symbols, values and standards of a movement are
important in developing support to it and some of the cathetic symbols of
Inkatha are Zulu--its flag, tribal dancing, impis and so on. As if to emphasise
its ambiguity, however, its'uniform is in the old colours of the ANC, an
organization which epitomizes modernity in Black politics,

The ambiguity does not reflect in the attitude of Inkatha members in the sample.
They are less conservative than Buthelezi in this regard, for they are ahead

of their leadership in rejecting Zulu ethnicity as having a political role.
Tables 1 and 2 show that the overwhelming majority of Inkatha respondents saw
the encouragement and forging of Black unity as the main issue facing Inkatha.
Their motivations to join reflected an interest in wider political goals and
showed no traditional, tribal or charismatic following for Buthelezi.

In response to the question of which group they saw it as Inkatha's role to
help, nearly three-quarters of the Inkatha respondents said ‘all races,' rather
than 'all Blacks' or 'only Zulu.' This support for an ethnically neutral role
for Inkatha among its supporters in the sample held true across all social
variables, although it was even more pronounced among the young and better
educated.

98


JPRS“SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

LOAN FOR BOPHUTHATSWANA-—Mafikeng--The Development Bank of Southern Africa has
signed a R23-million loan agreement with the Bophuthatswana Government. The
loan, signed in Mmabatho yesterday, is to be used for the further development
of the Odi Manpower Centre. Speaking after the signing ceremony, the Manpower
Minister, Mr S.L.L. Rathebe, said developing countries had to approach manpower
development in a new way so that it could contribute meaningfully to industry.
The chairman of the DBSA, Dr S. S. Brand, said the signing of the loan agreement
was an indication of the bank's contribution to the improvement of education
and training.--SAPA. [Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 15]

cso: 3400/1143

114


[Question] Does it seem proper, considering the way you view your official
position, for a reverend to use such revolutionary talk?

[Answer] I am not speaking about revolution. I am merely repeating what this
country's churches have been saying for years: We need radical social, polit-
ical, and economic changes. If the church does not concern itself with these

things because of continuing oppression, then we might as well close our doors.
The government will have to learn how to put up with nonviolent demonstrations.

[Question] Is the black consumer boycott a method of breaking the power of the
white minority?

[Answer] The consumer boycott is a useful, direct, and nonviolent action, here
the Blacks are able to demonstrate their power. The pressure exerted on the
economy will be transferred to the field of politics. Here we have everything
under our control.

[Question] As a co-founder of the UDF you are a radical to the government.
Aren't you afraid of being neutralized by those in power?

[Answer] I do have some protection. I am not unknown abroad. If the govern-
ment attempts to neutralize me, it will have to pay the price internationally
as well as within South Africa.

[Question] Have you taken precautions in case you're arrested?

[Answer] Yes, to be honest. Somehow, of course, the continued existence of
my family needs to be guaranteed--I have four children.

[Question] There are repeated rumors about atrocities said to have been com-
mitted by the police and the military in rebellious areas since the imposition
of the state of emergency. Do you possess evidence of the charge that govern-
ment opponents were intentionally murdered?

[Answer] We have piles of statements from witnesses, the most terrible stories.
It is extremely difficult to compile such statements because of the state of
emergency. People are exceedingly afraid. The police are beyond legal recourse
and they can do what they want. But for the sake of the future, we want to have
a record in print of the things being done to our people during these days.

In Steytlerville, for instance, a small place in the eastern Cape, they arrested
a 12-year old boy. A doctor made the determination that he died of head
injuries. He had been beaten to death. His uncle was likewise picked up by
the police. He was shot and killed with a pistol at a range of 15 centimeters.
These are murders in cold blood.

[Question] The government claims that the unrest is being instigated by a
small minority; the silent black majority, on the other hand, is supposedly
glad at the protection offered by the police and the military.

[Answer] Mr Botha should try his theory out at the polls sometime. Then he'll
be able to prove how much my people love him and support his policies. I

61


in murderous and destructive violence. It is a greater error when whites
cling to a political system which excludes blacks from power, hardens their
hearts and drives them to despair.

ZEIT: Was the economic recession not also a contributing factor?

Buthelezi: It is an fundamental factor. Thousands, tens of thousands of
blacks have lost their jobs; many companies have been forced to close. All of
that takes place against the backdrop of a 3-percent growth in black
population. Half of this population is 15 years old and younger. We are not
only politically, but also economically the most disadvantaged sector of the
South African population.

ZEIT: What is the difference between the black uprisings of 1960 in
Sharpeville, of 1976 in Soweto and today's unrest?

Buthelezi: There are in fact great differences. In the case of Sharpeville
there was a peaceful mass demonstration against the racist pass laws which
prohibit blacks from moving freely, settling or seeking work in South Africa.
The police were quite clearly responsible for the ploodbath and the violence
at that time.

In Soweto, the police fired on peacefully demonstrating black children
protesting the introduction of Afrikaans as a required language of
instruction. Hundreds of blacks lost their lives there. In Sharpeville and
Soweto, it was a question of violence by the police and the army against black
Africans.

But today we are witnesses to a confrontation which is more frightful and
uglier, and precisely because blacks are killing, maiming and burning each
other. Because blacks are pursuing and stoning other blacks whose businesses
and houses are in ruins as "collaborators." We are witnesses to the burning
alive of a young black woman by blacks, witnesses to dreadful acts of
vandalism and barbaric atrocities of black South Africans. It is tragic that
in the UDF (United Democratic Front, the opposition movement: editor) there
are people who use the term struggle for liberation when black Africans are
engaging in murder and violence against other black Africans with brutal
force.

ZEIT: Do these blacks not become sacrifices to the black popular rage since
they serve the white system?

Buthelezi: Still, it is a struggle of blacks against blacks. One must not
kill people simply because they have different opinions. That is the essence
of democracy and freedom--that people with varied opinions mutually agree to
accept and respect each other. For this reason, intimidation, violence and
force as they are now being used by blacks against blacks here seem to me to
be unadulterated barbarism.

ZEIT: Then how should a black react to the apartheid regime which oppresses
him inhumanely?

67



JPRS“SSA+85~095
4 October 1985

However, he also noted, as stated by the Faso president on 4 August 1985, that
the exercise of people's power has not been sufficiently correct.

Thus he said: "We recognize our errors. However, what do they amount to in
comparison with the monstrosities that the masses endured under the
reactionary regimes? What are they in comparison with the consequences of the
exploitation and servitude under the capitalist bourgeois system? Let all who
are loudly applauding or secretly jubilating over the saving measures and
success of the RDP know that they owe these above all to the CDR's, the
spearhead of the RDP." He then explained that it is thanks to our ideological
unity around the political orientation speech that we have won all these
victories, and this conference must be an opportunity to strengthen this
unity. Since they have facilities for access to the theoretical
accomplishments of the great educators of the proletariat, the student youth
should set an example by an ever more concrete commitment. He concluded by
expressing his confidence in the students: "We are assured in advance that,
inspired by the main theme of International. Youth Year and conscious of the
great battles that our people are currently waging, you will have constructive
debates that will make this national conference a source of definite
enrichment for the discussions on the people's first 5-year development plan.”

After declaring open the first national conference of Burkina Faso students,
he proceeded to installation of the presidium of the conference, composed of
six members, with Mamadou Traore of the CDR national general secretariat as
chairman.

At 1400 hours the students assembled at the ISP [expansion unknown] to hear
the reports of the various delegations, which lasted until 0700 Sunday, and
continued on Sunday afternoon. The next task was formation of the committees,
By hearing the various reports, the students were mutually enriched by the
experiences of others in the various universities and all the continents.

Since 0630 hours this morning, all the conference participants are at the
Wayen collective fields to link theory with practice and thus participate in
the battle for food self-sufficiency. The conference will probably end next
Saturday.

Further Report
Ouagadougou SIDWAYA in French 6 Sep 85 p 1
[Article by Wind-Lananm Ramde]

[Text] The national conference of Burkinabe students that began on Saturday
continued its work, including yesterday. After hearing and discussing for 2
days the reports of the delegations, yesterday the students put down their
pens and notebooks to go to the Wayen collective fields, where they made their
contribution to the struggle undertaken by the CNR for food self-sufficiency,
thereby demonstrating their firm will to always struggle at the side of the
masses to bring down a peg or two all the opportunists who call for compulsory
work, but also, and above all, to disprove the theory that students are only
talkers, incapable of applying what they say. The students gathered in large
numbers and with boundless enthusiasm on Monday morning at 0600 hours outside

12



JPRS#SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

OFFICIAL IDEOLOGY, MEMBERS' COMMITMENT TO INKATHA STUDIED
Johannesburg POLITIKON in English Jun 85 pp 57-63

[Article by John D. Brewer, member of the Department of Social Studies at the
Queen's University of Belfast]

[Text] Abstract

The size, loyalty and commitment of Inkatha's members is seen as a vital element
to Inkatha's importance in current South African politics. It is claimed to
strengthen Buthelezi's bargaining position with the state and to differentiate
Inkatha's support from the much less committed support of affiliate-based organi-
zations like the United Democratic Front. Yet this assumption about Inkatha's
lay members cannot be taken for granted, given the paucity of the empirical data
on Inkatha membership. One measure of this commitment is the extent to which lay
members have internalized the movement's official ideology. It is thus evident
in the degree of coherence between official ideology and the beliefs of lay
members. This paper reports on empitical research amongst a sample of Inkatha's
members in KwaMashu in order to assess this coherence.

Introduction

Inkatha and its leader Chief Buthelezi arouse strong emotions, but it cannot be
denied that they play a prominent role in South African politics. With a paid-
up membership of 700,000 (Kane-Berman in IRISH TIMES 21 June 1985) Inkatha is
confirmed as the largest political organization in South Africa's history. The
United Democratic Front challenges this assessment and points to an affiliated
membership of over two million. However, one of the criticisms made of the
United Democratic Front is that, as a popular front, its affiliated members may
lack a commitment to the umbrella organization and its policies (Welsh, 1984:
147-162). This criticism is based on the common observation in the literature
on social and political movements that it is not total numbers of supporters

that is important but. the extent to which they have internalized the movement's
official ideological goals and policies. There is an assumption behind this
criticism, which is that the United Democratic Front cannot be guaranteed of this
among its affiliated members, while Inkatha can from its paid-up members.
Unfortunately, we know very little about Inkatha's membership and this assumption
cannot be taken for granted.

95



 JpRs«SSA=85+095
4 October 1985

MALI

ACTIVITIES OF DELEGATION TO MOSCOW YOUTH FESTIVAL REPORTED
Bamako L'ESSOR in French 17-18 Aug 85 p 7

[Article by P. M. Koite: "12th Youth and Students Festival: III, Fruitful
Contacts by the Malian Delegation"]

[Text] In addition to the program activities of the 12th Festival, the Malian
officials had useful contacts with young people of the Komsomol of the USSR.

In this connection, on 2 August a Malian delegation led by Diadie Danioko,
office director of the Ministry of Sports, Arts and Culture, paid a visit to
Dimitrov, a town some 600 km from Moscow where there is a textile industry
that has for 18 years been the USSR's leading producer of children's clothing.
The youth of the town gave the Malian delegation a fraternal and warm welcome.
To the factory managers, the responsibility that parents have toward their
children means that the youth working in the factory (they compose 60 percent
of the work force) make great creative efforts to meet the clothing needs of
the children.

A visit to view the products followed the fashion parade presented by the
personnel, and an artistic evening concluded this meeting. The town of
Dimitrov, founded in 1859, has some 800 people and was a strongpoint of
resistance to foreign invasion during World War II. Mr Danioko also placed a
wreath of flowers on the monument to the dead.

The Malian delegation of 100 members went to Byelorussia on Sunday 4 August
and stayed 4 days in Minsk. On its arrival in the Byelorussian capital it was
warmly greeted by a Komsomol committee, whose leader, after welcoming our
delegation, expressed the great pleasure of Minsk to receive the guests of the
12th Festival. :

In reply, Amadou Daouda Diallo said that the struggles of all youth in the
world are the result of their aspirations. He concluded by stressing that the
National Youth Union of Mali (UNJM), like all youth organizations, has set as
its objective the tasks of development in a world of peace, fraternity and
mutual understanding.

In the afternoon of the same day, Amadou Daouda Diallo went to the
headquarters of the Leninist Komsomol in Minsk, where he had contacts and
exchanged opinions with the political and administrative leaders of Minsk, to

17



Fourthly, OPEC implicitly recognises the dynamic role of oil bodies or blocks
of which some of its members belong as will be seen later.

Ordinally, about nine countries for now are major producers of crude oil in
Africa namely: Algeria, Angola, Congo, Egypt, Gabon, Libya, Nigeria, Tmisia
and Zaire. The OPEC members are: Algeria, Gabon, Libya and Nigeria.

A striking feature of all these African countries is that they are also exporters
of crude oil. The formation of a continental co-operation, no doubt, will
enhance their bargaining power in the oil market.

For another reason, most of the crudes of these comtries are under the light
grade category and contain little sulphur. ‘These qualities » generate high
demand for the crudes in the market.

With the formation of OPEC in 1960 it has remained the strongest Third World
Organisation. Within OPEC, however, there are four mofficial blocs. The
Arab, African, Latin American and Far Eastern.

Members of the Arab bloc for example, are United Arab Emirate » Saudi Arabia,
Libya, Algeria, Iraq, Kuwait » Qater with Iran taking sides with them, The
African bloc is made up of Algeria, Gabon, Libya and Nigeria.

This shows that Algeria and Libya belong to two unofficial blocs. But when
it comes to policy matters in OPEC » they always identify themselves with other
Arab member-countries because of their membership of an Arab body known as

the Organisation of Arab Petroleum Exporting countries (OAPEC) formed in 1968
with the aim of coordinating member-countries' activities in the oil industry.

Though many OAPEC members are in OPEC and some non-members like Egypt, however,
OAPEC, for sure, has remained a strong link among the Arab oil producers.
Since this has not wrecked OPEC » the possibility of a continental oil body
doing so, as some have put forward, is very remote.

This argument is necessary, though OAPEC is not a continental body, because

its aims are virtually the same as that of a continental body. It stands >
therefore, that a continental body will bring unification to OPEC because issues
to be discussed relate to the oil market.

More importantly, through it, non-OPEC African producers can bring their price
and production structures in line with those of OPEC. Some of these countries,
buyers still dictate to them prices they pay for their crudes. They can always
get the cooperation of OPEC in putting a stoppage to this exploitation through
@ continental body.

Moreover, many African non-OPEC producers had show interest in the activities
of OPEC in the past because they know that the success of the Organisation

is indirectly theirs. For instance » Egypt had on few occasions attended OPEC
meetings as an observer so are some other oil producing Third World Countries.

46



Preventing Cycle of Poverty

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p 13

[Text]

cso:

AN effective social infra-
structure to help new mi-"

grants in towns was essen-
tial to prevent a cycle of
poverty, the committee
investigating urbanisation
has found. -

On the social consider-
ations in urbanisation, the
report finds that “residen-
tial stability” for new mi-
grants is important for the
creation of social ties and
social responsibility
“which is the foundation
of social order.”

“The danger that a cyc-
le of poverty among new-
comers to the city will be
perpetuated can be effec-
tively reduced by the es-
tablishment of a satisfac-
tory social infrastructure
and the promotion of
economic activities in the

formal and informal sec- °

tors.”

This would also help to
promote a tertiary sector
and offer employment op-
portunities for women.

3400/1149

91

Health services capable
of dealing with changing
illness patterns found in
the urban environment
could improve the quality
of life in urban areas.

The report finds that
security. of residential
rights, transport, clean
water, personal safety,
schools and markets are
among the highest priori-
ties for new migrants.

“Community develop-
ment programmes have
the potential to make de-
cisive contribution in de-
termining. the success
achieved in meeting the
challenges posed by high
rates of urbanisation, but
only if adequate scope is
provided for the realis-
ation of reasonable aspi-
rations identified by the
‘programme.

“If this is not done, the
potential for frustration
and conflict will be in-
creased,” the report
found.

JPRS*SSA*85=095
4 October 1985



SWAPO MAY BE FORCED INTO MAJOR OFFENSIVE

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 10 Sep 85 p 12

[Article by Keith Abendroth]

[Text]

SECURITY Forces in
the South West Afri-
can war against Swapo
believe that they are
now winning their big-

gest battle — for the.

hearts and minds of the
local population.

In military terms, the
war is at a low ebb, with
the Kako veld, Caprivi
and Kavango zones —
bordering on Angola —
completely clear of Swa-
po’s military wing, Plan
(Peoples Liberation
Army of Namibia).

Intelligence from
sources within Angola in-
dicates that Moscow is be-

coming increasingly impa- -
tient with the terrorists’ |

lack of success and it is
expected that they will be
pressured into making a
major effort against the
“boere”.

So far this year Securit}
Forces — now comprising

mote than 60 percent of »
South West African mul- ;

ti-racial units — have
killed about 500 terror-
ists. Armed encounters
now total 230.

A low key has been
reached and it is believed
that. sabotage attempts
are being planned. This
task is made more diffi-
cult for Swapo infiltrators
as they have to keep on
the move.

Tie local populace re-
port them to the military
if they spend more than a

.day or two in an area.

Latest intelligence in-
formation is that only 40
Swapo insurgents are now

* active in Ovamboland —

the focal point of the war.

A massive.collection of *

arms, including some of

- the most sophisticated yet

made in the Eastern Bloc
and Russia, have been
captured.

Major General George ~
Meiring, Officer Com- ;

marding the Security

Forces in South West’

Africa, told The Citizen
at the weekend: “The
home-grown SWATF se-
curity forces have now be-
come one to be reckoned
with. :

“They are being in-
creasingly accepted as be-
ing part and parcel of
South West Africa —
ready to supply. the
necessary military pres-
ence when independence
is achieved.” ~

Ninty percent of the .

war is being fought in the
northern area of: South
West Africa — and nearly
100 percent of this in
Ovamboland,

29

“Swapo is becoming in-
creasingly jumpy. Poor
military results are ship-
wrecking the Communist
political message the or-
ganisation is trying to put

- across, Gen Meiring said.

Swapo is being ham-
pered by: the fact that a
considerable part of its
available fighting —_re-
sources are to be used to
shore up the rapidly col-
lapsing FAPLA military
force in Angola — to
keep the MPLA govern-
ment happy so as to allow
Swapo to continue oper-
ating from Angolan soil.

Nearly 31000 Cuban
personnel in Angola are
being used mainly in de-
fensive positions — and
not against the increasing-
ly successful anti-Marxist
forces of Dr Savimbi —
and as a symbolism of
Soviet support for “the
cause”.

Intelligence sources say
41 percent of Swapo

JPRS*SSA*85*095
4 October 1985

NAMIBIA



JPRS=SSA*85+095
4 October 1985

UGANDA

POLITICAL PROSPECTS OF OKELLO REGIME ANALYZED
Paris LIBERATION in French 29 Jul 85 pp 18-19
[Article by Pierre Haski]

[Text] Not a single store undamaged in Kampala: the soldiers of General
Okello, the new master of Uganda, celebrated their victory in their own
fashion. The Ugandan capital suffered 2 days of systematic pillaging
following the fall on Saturday of Milton Obote's regime. AP reports that
finally yesterday afternoon officers intervened, ordering the soldiers to
return the stolen objects and to stop firing in the air. A number of drunk
soldiers who refused to obey were reprimanded. In the "euphoria," the Ugandan
AFP correpondent left his watch... .

Taking power was not difficult for the rebel troops led by Brig Gen Bazilio
Olara Okello, previously commander of the northern brigade of the regular
army. In 48 hours, the mutiny that had broken out in the north, initially
over tribal rivalries, had reached the capital, caught in a pincer movement by
two columns of rebel troops. At 1100 hours Saturday morning the first trucks
and buses loaded with rebels and weapons made their entry into Kampala, while
Milton Obote--overthrown for the second time in 15 years--fled with some of
his colleagues toward Kenya, where they arrived safe and sound. The few
gestures of resistance by loyal troops, who tried to take hostages ina
barracks, were quickly ended. The number of victims in Kampala appears to
have been small.

In his first radio speech on Sunday, General Okello promised, as every coup
leader starts out by doing, to restore democracy and hold free elections. He
said he had assumed power to restore national unity, adding that the Ugandans
had suffered too much. In their first proclamation the new leaders promised
to "all the tribes of Uganda that we will not persecute them, and will not
launch any reprisals against innocent Ugandans because of their ethnic,
religious or political ties. We will not engage in reprisals and we will not
persecute the innocent civil servants or the members of the security forces,
civilians or members of the overthrown government." .

The first measures of the new regime were also classic: suspension of the

constitution, closure of the borders, curfew, assembling in the mess the
officers of all the former ministers, police prefects and officers, and prison

129



JPRS«SSA#85~095
4 October 1985

the headquarters of the CDR national general secretariat armed with dabas to
go out and tackle the collective field at Wayen, the now famous place where
the petty bourgeois intellectual is in the process of getting to know the
land, now after the beginning of the rainy season.

Having left Ouagadougou slightly late because of the inadequate number of
vehicles, they arrived at the field reserved for the CDR national secretariat
general at about 1100 hours. Despite the sun beating down, the students went
right to work, and continued until 1700 hours. During the 6 hours, they
finished working the field where they were to lay the fertilizer. The work
was done with joy and gaiety, to the extent that some wanted to go on and work
neighboring fields, so great was their enthusiasm at working the earth, which
many had not touched for years. By this action, the students proved once
again, following their participation in the Sourou projects, the railway
battle, reforestation, and other, no less important, tasks, their total
commitment to working to build a new, worthy and prosperous Burkina. This
also proves, to the displeasure of national and international reaction, that
the students will always respond to any appeal by the CNR in the interest of
the people's welfare.

On return from Wayen, the conference resumed its work yesterday evening by
hearing the reports of CDR's of students in the Arab countries (Kuwait, Qatar,
and Saudi Arabia). The work in committees is to begin this morning. Let us
hope that all will be able to maintain the tempo of the conference.

Reports, Committee Work
Ouagadougou SIDWAYA in French 21 Aug 85 pp 1,3
[Article by Wind-Lananm Ramde]

[Text] “It is not enough any more to say revolutionary, one must penetrate
further into the profound meaning of the revolution of which one is the
fervent defender. That is the best way to better defend against the attacks
and distortions that the counterrevolutionaries will not fail to mount against
it.” It was on the strength of these statements made in the political
orientation speech of 2 October 1983 that the Burkinabe students studying in
various places established CDR's in order to better publicize the struggle of
our people.

On conclusion of the reports of the delegations of Benin, Cameroon, Algeria,
Libya, Senegal, France, Ivory Coast, USSR, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, etc., the
main problem that emerged was that of information. All, without exception,
criticized the inadequacy of information distribution between the CDR national
secretariat general and the CDR bureaus. This is a very important problem, in
that the militant comrades abroad, cut off from their countries, have great
difficulty countering the reactionary statements and other distorting images
of our revolution circulating in these environments.

In addition to these information problems, the students did not fail to
denounce the demagogic actions and statements by certain of their
administrative authorities; actions and statements that have often had a
disorganizing effect and deserve to be combated under the RDP.

13



Senegalese press reflect the various currents of thought existing in our
country? Yes, says Mr Samb, “and if you want proof look at the newspaper
kiosks." If all these freedoms exist, why are the Islamic journals ignored in
the press reviews? "That is not normal," he replied, just as respect for the
religious convictions of others does not allow one to make targets of them. As
for the right of ORTS [Senegal Radio and television Broadcasting Office] to
respond, it is not recognized by the legislature and is a lacuna, one which the
director of information will certainly have noted.

The thorniest issue was about Senegal's independent radio stations. They are
not contemplated in the law, explains Mr Samb, but all the same "I am for them.
Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten that French law did not authorize the
existence of independent television stations until 1981." The growth of
audiovisual technology being such as it is, it goes without saying that one day
it may force the hand of the nation's authorities, as it did in France,

The debates, like the presentation, were instructive, and the personality of
the chairman, his able repartee and his investigative style--though young he is
practiced--certainly counted for something. Conferences of this intellectual
caliber should be held more often.

9516
CSO : 3419/5214

57



IJPRS*SSA#85+095
4 October 1985

TOGO

BRIEFS

NEW APPOINTMENTS, REASSIGNMENTS--Yesterday morning, the president and founder
of the Togolese People's Assembly, President of the Republic Gen Gnassingbe
Eyadema, named several persons to the presidential staff and to head the
information services assigned to the presidency by the appropriate ministry.
The appointments are as follows: Solitoke Esso has been named press attache
to the presidency of the republic, replacing Kegbegnou Nabede. Koffi Panou
was named director of television, and Combiete Combey, director of Radio
Lome. In addition, by another decree signed by the chief of state, Amah
Abayi Manguiwekim, prefect of Yoto, was relieved of his duties, as was
Assiongbon Foly, aide to the prefect of Yoto. The last-mentioned individuals
have been placed at the disposal of the minister of national education and
scientific research. [Text] [Lome LA NOUVELLE MARCHE in French 27 Jul 85
pl) 8735

CSO: = 3419/520

126


JPRS*SSA4854095
4 October 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

STELLENBOSCH RECTOR CALLS FOR MORE COLORED UNDERGRADUATES
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 17 Aug 85 p 11

[Article "By Our Political Editorship": "US Rector Requests New Approach
to Coloreds"]

[Text] The University of Stellenbosch [US] has never taken the path of
retreat or isolation. A further broadening of the basis of the university
in these changing times is necessary, but with the preservation of its
essential character.

So said the rector of the US. Professor Mike de Vries, yesterday evening
in an address to student leaders, in which he asked for wider admission
of colored undergraduate students to the US.

Speaking on the topic of "The Formation of Young Leaders at Our Universities:
Educational Requirements," he said that he wished to refer to another function
of a university, beyond the educational requirements it has to meet. It

also has the task of nurturing, a task Professor De Vries believes should

be highlighted more sharply than in the past.

The task of nurturing can be seen in the broad context of culture, socio-
political requirements and civilization's needs.

"The US, especially as the oldest Afrikaans-language university and as
the dynamo of Afrikaner thought, continues to have the task of projecting
a glimpse of the future, a vision--you can even call it a dream--of the
tomorrow we would like to see for the Afrikaner. The umbilical cord that
binds Stellenbosch to the Afrikaner cannot be untied, and Stellenbosch
has taken upon itself the enormous task of nurturing and building on the
best in Afrikaner culture and traditions."

Mistakes

Professor De Vries said that he saw it as one of the educational requirements
that must be brought home to youth leaders as students of the university
that they should recognize and respect the human worth of people on all
levels in their actions. As far as this is concerned, as also in some

other areas, the past must be forgotten and a new beginning made.

110



"It is hard not to notice the needs of the colored, indian and black communi-
ties in the area of education. These needs extend to the tertiary level.

If we lay claim to being a university that upholds internationally accepted
and recognized standards, we must not regard it as the exclusive right

of only some of our country's inhabitants to receive such an education

and upbringing."

Professor De Vries said that fortunately the US was no longer following
such a course. The experience of admitting Coloreds over 8 years was
fortunate, and Stellenbosch was not weaker in its nature, its mystical
character, for its-rather even stronger.

The policy of admitting any student to courses on the post-graduate level
(including B. Th., LL.B. and B. Ed.) simply on the basis of merit, he believes,
is more or less generally accepted today. On the undergraduate level

students are only admitted if the courses they are following or their

combined majors are not offered at that population group's "own" universities.

"I am, however, aware that there are for many reasons also students that
need to study at Stellenbosch who don't fit in with this policy. I am
convinced that we ought to broaden this policy to accommodate the students
who respect the values of Stellenbosch and wish to be exposed to them."

Character

The rector said that after a modest beginning in 1866 the basis of the

US had been considerably broadened over the years. It had never been ashamed
of what it was, or is or wanted to be. It had kept its individual character,
and it had known its way forward. That had never been a path of retreat

or isolation.

Different lines cannot be drawn for students who are accepted at the US.

He is therefore also campaigning for the Group Areas Act to be differently
applied on university campuses so that the treatment of students, especially
also where accommodation is concerned, can entirely be regulated by the
university council. The highest governing body at the university could

thus make its own rules. A university's autonomy on its own campus could
thereby be fully realized.

Professor De Vries said there was hard work in store for everyone. The
present difficult situation must be a departure point for hard work on
relations in the country.

"My vision, my dream for the future is a society where we acknowledge our
diversity, trust and accept one another, nurture the things that unite
us and do not live ‘in isolation whether out of free will or by regulation.

"I look to a US that willhold out the message of a stable future, of faith,
of hope, supported by level-headed thinking and action, and that is ready
to pioneer the uncharted paths of the future.

"As student leaders there is work waiting for you. As the administration we
can help open doors, but you must go through them," he said.

12906

CSO: 3401/316
112


Contacts Reportedly Taking Place Between Mugabe, ZAPU
(Robin Drew; THE SUNDAY STAR, 1 Sep 85)........ccceeecece

Four White Detainees Freed

Strengthening of Zimbabwe Dollar S.

(THE CITIZEN, 17 Sep

(THE FINANCIAL GAZETT

85) ....e eee

E, 6 Sep 85)

Asbestos Production To Improve

(THE FINANCIAL GAZETT!

E, 6 Sep 85)

aid Unwelcome to Experts

Mood of Optimism Prevails in Mining Sector
(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 6 Sep 85)

Bikita Mine Lithium Deposits 'Unique!
(THE FINANCIAL GAZETTE, 6 Sep 85)

Briefs

China Promises Planes

147

148

149

150

151

153

154


had found squatters had
already taken it over.

“This had necessitated
finding alternative accom-
modation for the squat-
ters so that the develop-
ment could be completed.

“This is a total waste of
time and money and a
considerable incon-
venience to everyone con-
cerned.”

This was at the source
of the residential avail-

ability qualifications in
their report.

He said also that fears
of mass migration to ur-
bari areas and the lack of
employment _ available
causing other problems

“ were contradicted by ex-

periences elsewhere.

“Urban areas are al-
ways better equipped to
provide employment op-
portunities, especially in
the informal sector than

” JPRS4SSA“85+095
4 October 1985

rural areas. For this
reason I do not think that
the removal of influx con-
trol would create excesive
additional problems.”

He said only one com-
mittee member did not
sign the report although
he had taken part in the
discussion “right up till
the last moment.”

The only member not
to sign was Dr Connie
Mulder of the Conserva-
tive Party. — Sapa.

Positive Urbanization Strategy Needed

Johannesburg THE CITIZEN in English 13 Sep 85 p13

[Text]

CAPE TOWN. — South
Africa needs a “positive
urbanisation strategy”
aimed at —_ economic
growth and the creation
of employment, accord-

ing to the Committee for '

Constitutional Affairs of

the President’s Council.
In its report on an ur-

banisation strategy for the

Republic, released here !

yesterday, the committee
says this strategy should
also aim at the enhance-
ment of the quality of life
of those who are already
urbanised, and the ac-
commodation of future
urbanisation.

“This urbanisation stra>
tegy should be an integral
component of a compre-
hensive development plan
in terms of which market
forces are taken into ac-
count and which is aimed
at a more even distribu-
tion of economic activity
and population in South
Africa.” .

The committee would
like to point out that:

@ The cost of such
planning. intervention
should constantly be

monitored and evaluated;

89

“ omically viable, which

@ Urbanisation should .
be stimulated in those
areas in which it is econ-

means that far fewer
growth points should be
the focus of concentration
and that these should be
vigorously promoted to
the point where self-gen-
erated and sustained
economic growth is poss-
ible; and

@ Added _ incentives
should be considered in
deserving cases, so as to
direct the spatial pattern
of urbanisation, to stimu-
late comprehensive devel-
opment instead of just in-
dustrial development,
and to enhance the possi-
bilities of making a living
in rural towns.

Such incentives should
also apply at the intra-ur-
ban level, for example, in
and around Soweto.

Urbanisation should,
“where desirable”, take
place by using the infra-

structure of existing
towns.
The committee says it is

convinced that, because
of the operation of the
South’ African economy

* across national bounda- ,

ries and the resultant ef-



CSO:

were not being granted
enough import licences
to import raw materials.
and spare parts,

At the Lagos Chamber
of Commerce, the
executive director, Mr.
M. A. Oke’ said that-he
would not comment on
the situation in the coun-
try: as it affects his
members, He would not
also talk on the expecta-
‘tions of the chamber
from the new adminis-.
tration.

However, when the
council of ‘the chamber
“meets this week, it is
expected that its feelings
.and expectations would
be discussed.

However, members
are anxious ‘to see if
there would be new
effective guidelines in

the issuance of import’

‘licences. The organised
private sector has always’
agitated it be allowed
fepresentation on the
‘import‘licence issuance
Committee in the Federal
Ministry of Commerce
and industry.

Areas where the
business | community

3400/1136

34

would however want
more light shed are, the
International Monetary
Fund, (IMF) loan, the
issue of unemployment,
the counter trade and
the servicing of our

-foreign debts.
Measures that might
ensure that in-

dustries have smooth
‘flow of raw materials
and spare parts would.
gladden the hearts of the’
industrialists.

The labour movement
in the country (NLC)
‘while welcoming. the
change in leaderhip was
quick to point out that
the army .of . the
fumemployed should be.
given priority attention.

Policies aimed” at
resusciating the eco-
nomy which in turn,
would generate a’ ré-
absorption of retrenched
workers and at the same
time creating new.
‘employmemt opportuni-
ties are what the,

leadership of the Nigeria
‘Labour Congress - is
looking forward to,


JPRS+SSA+85=095
4 October 1985

ZIMBABWE

BRIEFS

CHINA PROMISES PLANES--Harare-+Communist China is to supply Zimbabwe with mili-
tary aircraft under a deal negotiated by Prime Minister Robert Mugabe on his
visit to Peking this week. More than 100 pilots and technicians are to be
trained by the Chinese in a programme which Mr Mugabe said would transform the
air force. Mr Mugabe did not disclose how many aircraft or what type would be
supplied or what they would cost. But Mr Mugabe said China had agreed to give
Zimbabwe an interet free loan of $37 million to help finance the new five years
development. plan to. be launched next year. Mr Mugabe said, "Our old markets
were never our friends. We must promote more trade with our friends than with
those people who take us merely as business partners and make profits from our
raw materials." [Text] [By Robin Drew] [Johannesburg THE SUNDAY STAR in
English 1 Sep 85 p 3]

END

154


JPRS#SSA*85~095
4 October 1985

TANZANIA

DEVELOPMENT OF SMALL SCALE IRRIGATION SCHEMES DISCUSSED
Dar es Salaam DAILY NEWS in English 5 Sep 85 p 4
[Brticle by Paul Chintowe, Shihata Staff Writer7

[Text/ Faced with the problem of recurrent droughts most African countries
are realising the folly of relying on rains for their agricultural production.
The majority of them including Tanzania are now turning to small-scale irri-
gation schemes especially for food-crop production. The Usangu Village Irri-
gation Development Project in southern Tanzania is one such scheme.

Development of small scale irrigation projects could be an answer to the
persisting food shortage in developing countries especially Africa, where millions
are starving because of overdependence on erratic rains.

Like many other developing countries, Tanzania has spared no efforts in
developing small-scale irrigation projects intended to raise food production
as well as reduce dependence on unpredictable rainfall.

For the last three or so years, the country has been experiencing food short-
ages brought about by drought and has had to spend precious foreign exchange
to import food.

Implementation of the 78.8 million Usangu village irrigation development project
in Mbeya region jointly financed by the government and the United Nations Devel-
opment Programme (UNDP) through the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
is one of the projects intended to make the country self-sufficient in food.

With an area of 15,000 hectares currently wider irrigation 12,000 under peasant
farms and 3,000 hectares owned by the National Food and Agriculture Corporation --
NAFCO, the Usangu Valley has all the qualities and potentially for successful
irrigation farming.

The development of the Usangu plains has been the subject of several surveys

beginning in 1961 when FAO carried out an assessment of the area's irrigation
potential as part of the Rufiji Basin study.

121



It is easy to understand why we have so little data on Inkatha's members.
Political interest in Inkatha has grown along with its rising political
prominence, although academic analyses of the organization lag some way behind.
Understandably, what academic focus there has been, has taken its cue from this
political importance, for it has concentrated on what role Inkatha currently
plans in South African politics and what role it is likely to play in the future.

These sorts of analyses are important and necessary, but one of the elements which
is lost sight of in all of this, is the membership of Inkatha. It is the
membership, after all, which is claimed to provide the organization with some

of its strength. The membership is seen as vital to Inkatha's overall strategy,
for the size, unity and strength of Inkatha's membership is crucial to
Buthelezi's bargaining position with the government, making it a force which
cannot be by-passed in any future negotiations. It is also the commitment of
Inkatha's members to the movement's official ideology that is said to distinguish
it from its main political rivals. Yet, previous studies have eschewed any
detailed consideration of membership in favour of analysing Inkatha's political
role.

Notes on Methodology

The present state of our knowledge on Inkatha membership is unsatisfactory and
does not reflect the prominence of the organization in the current political
scene in South Africa. To correct this void the author undertook a sample
survey of Inkatha membership in the township of KwaMashu in 1980. Samples are
only representative of the wider universe from which they are drawn. The wider
universe from which the sample is drawn is Zulu males with legal residence rights
in KwaMashu. Multi-stage sampling by area was used to achieve randomization.
Inkatha members were identified by a filter question in the midst of a standardized
interview schedule relating to political attitudes. The filter question asked
which organizations respondents were members of. Additional questions were asked
of those respondents who mentioned Inkatha. Thus, a sub-sample of Inkatha members
was obtained which could be directly compared to a wider parent sample of non-
members which acted as a control group. One of the major problems with such
research is that, even with randomization, it is only possible to make
generalizations from a sample to the wider universe from which it is drawn and of
which it is taken to be representative. Therefore, the data do not furnish
insights into the nature of support among non-Zulu, women, migrant workers or
rural dwellers. Nonetheless, urban areas are important in current politics for
a.variety of reasons, and the urban areas will have to be won over if Inkatha

is to extend its power base beyond rural Kwa-Zulu. Therefore, the attitudes and
motivations of Inkatha's urban members do warrant investigation.

Of the 255 respondents, 105 were prepared to admit to hokatha membership, a pro-
portion of 41.2 percent. This figure would support Kane-Berman's estimate

(IRISH TIMES, 21 June 1983), that Inkatha membership will top one million during
1985. The data fromthe sample have been analysed in detail elsewhere? and further
details about the research design and the problems involved in research like this
can be found there. In this paper, analysis of the Inkatha respondents will be
restricted to one issue which bears upon the membership of social and political
movements: the extent to which lay members have internalized the beliefs,

policies and goals contained in the movement's official ideology.

96


[Brticle by Nau Ughamadu/

[ext] THs is ‘the final

instalment of @
four-part analysis of
the Nigeria Labour
Congress (NLC) ‘aiter-
natives’ to the nation’s
recovery. The: source
of the points analysed
was the New Nigerian
issue of July 5, 1986.
Please read on.

An_ effective, efficient
and all-purposeful defence
system for a country,
according to a ‘school of
thought, is @ necessary
condition for sustained
social, _ politi
economic development
consequently, they
argue, defence
spending will continue’ t6

tise. .
Through such an
increasing expenditure, «
country’s defence will be
ever-ready to protect its
natural, material, human
and technological resources
against external eggression.
Their demolition, according
to this school, can set 8
country back in the position
have attained in their

path to development.
Accordingly, many
countries of the world heve
always allocated a huge
proportion of their annual
and development - plan
budgets, both in real and
ety terms to defence.

37

LABOR CONGRESS' ECONOMIC RECOVERY ALTERNATIVE ANALYZED

Lagos BUSINESS TIMES in English 19 Aug 85 p 7

Neverisores, «0 another
school of thought rising
defence spending is a
burden rather than an
engine of development and
defence should never be
‘accorded any preference.
Rather, emphasis of a
country, more importantly
developing countries of the
world, should be on the
basic needs of life: food,
shelter and clothing. .

However, to the NLC,
the country’s defence
spending had been quite
‘out of proportion with our
development needs. in
Most of the years, even
after the civil war, defence
spending had been higher
than those on education
and health combined.

The Congress observed
that in 1978/79, after the
civil war, the Federal
Government's expenditure
to the health sector was
#569.6 million, while
defence had 1,474.6
million including internal
security and that defence
spending remained above
while that for the health
sector was never ich
above #400 million in the
same period.

The NLC did not state if
these expenditures. to the
sectors listed had been
commensurate with the
results they have achieved

JPRS*SSA¥85«095
4 October 1985

NIGERTA