JPRS*SSA285*082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

BRIEFS

UEM DIRECTOR RECEIVES SOVIET MEDAL--A few days ago, in the nation's capital,
the rector of Eduardo Mondlane University [UEM], Fernando Ganhao, received

the medal commemorating the 225th anniversary of the founding of Lomonossov
State University, in Moscow. Dr Vitaliy Karelin, director of the Preparatory
School of Lomonossov State University, undertook the presentation of the medal
at the request of the rector of that Moscow university. Founded in 1975,
Lomonossov State University is the leading higher educational institution in
the USSR devoted to both natural and human sciences. It consists of 17 schools.
Mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology and geology, included in natural
sciences, and philosophy, philology, law, psychology, economics, soils, history
and journalism, included in the human sciences, are considered fundamental
sciences in the USSR. The main difference between this university and the
others in the world is the fact.that medicine is not included in its schools.
At present, it is attended by over 30,000 students. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in
Portuguese 11 Jul 85 p 1] 2909

NIASSA DISTRICTS STUDY. COOPERATION--District delegations from Mecula and Marrupa,
headed by the respective administrators, met recently in Mecula, at a regional
gathering devoted to an analysis of the politico-military and socioeconomic
situation in that region of Niassa Province. The meeting took note of the
effort of the populations in those two districts to fulfill the decisions of

the FRELIMO Party's Fourth Congress, particularly with regard to the fatherland's
defense and the battle against famine. Hence, the meeting congratulated the
Mecula and Marrupa populaces, primarily the young people from both districts,

on their active participation in the politico-combat training courses, which
are making it possible to efficiently train groups of People's Militias and
local forces to ensure the defense and security of the communal villages and
other centers of economic and social concern in the two districts. The popula-
tions were also congratulated on the fact that, during this current agricultural
campaign, they raised production in the rural area; which, based on the conclu-
sions from the meeting, will afford higher indexes of fulfillment of the goals
for the present marketing campaign in both districts. The Marrupa and Mecula
district delegations also decided at this meeting to establish mechanisms that
would create facilities for the exchange of farm products between the two
district's populations. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 5]
2909

56


IJPRS*SSA=85°082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RENAULT, PEUGEOT TO MERGE

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES (BUSINESS Supplement) in English 28 Jul
85 p 3

[Article by Don Robertson]

[Text]

cso:

RENAULT and Peugeot are
almost certain to merge in
South Africa.

All that is needed Is the
blessing of the two boards in
France, expected before the
end of December.

However, the French Gov- «.
ernment’s decision to ban
new investment in South
Africa could have a bearing
on the rationalisation of Re-
nault and Peugeot.

Peugeot's market ac-
tivities have come to almost
a standstill and the single
South African representa-
tive, Pierre Michel Fauncon-
jer, is in France.

Peugeot and Samcor have

3400/859

agreed to severe their links,

‘Renault, however, does not
believe that the French Gov-
ernment’s move will disrupt
its operations. Renault
Africa is wholly owned
through Euro Motors by Ne-
fic, Nedbank’s long-term fi-
nancing division.

Johan Theron, public af-
fairs manager at Renault
Africa, says additional in-

120

vestment could be raised in
SA. Recently, R42-million
was raised to tool up for the
Renault 9. Equipment was
bought ‘rom tee and only
components came from
Frarice., | :

The next model launch
from Renault will be the 2/
Renault 19, but it is not ex-
pected until 1987.


JPRS#SSA2852082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

CABO DELGADO, INHAMBANE CITIZENS DECORATED
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] Last Sunday, the leader of Cabo Delgado Province, Army Gen. Alberto
Chipande expressed the view that there is no price that can repay the sacrifice
and dedication shown by the citizens whom the People's Assembly honored for
their merits in the armed struggle for national liberation, in combating the
armed bandits and in raising production. The Army general spoke at the ceremony
to confer the Orders of Eduardo Mondlane and Socialist Labor, and the Nachingwea,
Bagamoyo and Valor and Patriotism Medals on 24 citizens residing in Cabo Delgado.
Meanwhile, .in Inhambane, four citizens received various medals for distinguish-
ing themselves on various combat fronts, in two different ceremonies.

The. ceremony to confer decorations on the 24 citizens residing in Cabo Delgado
Province, headed by Army Gen Alberto Chipande, was attended by party and state
cadres, cadres from the democratic mass organizations and a considerable number
of residents of the city of Pemba.

Included among the citizens decorated were party and state leaders, members of
the defense and security forces, farmers, teachers and other workers who
distinguished themselves in various acts of love for the fatherland.

The Cabo Delgado provincial leader stated that the conferral of awards represent-
ed recognition of the confidence placed in them by the population.

General Chipande said:"There is no monetary price that can repay your sacrifice
and dedication. You must always continue to display this very important
dedication and spirit of sacrifice."

It should be stressed that, at the meeting of agricultural workers in Cabo
Delgado Province, over 78,000 meticals were donated to reinforce the country's
defense capacity.

Meanwhile, also on Sunday, the party committee. and executive council of ‘the
city of Pemba tendered a reception for the provincial leader on the occasion
of the 10th anniversary of the proclamation of national independence.

On this occasion, Army Gen Alberto Chipande was given a sum exceeding 67,000 :
meticals to be used to reinforce our ‘country's defense capacity.

22


NOTE

JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
{] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as {Text ]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, -the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques~-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.

The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.

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20402.

Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement
may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,
1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.



IJPRS*SSAP85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

EMIGRATION LIKELIHOOD COMPARED WITH RHODESIA
Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 1 Aug 85 p 12
(article: "Talk as an Antipode"]

{Text] Emigration and flight capital are inevitable side effects of a
situation like the one now prevailing here. . We have already experienced this
on previous occasions. It especially applies to people who have come here
from other countries in search of a better future. However, it would be blind
politics not to see. that giving in is also the subject of lively talk among
established and even loyal Afrikaners. The question is being particularly
asked whether we are not on the same road which led Rhodesia to become
Zimbabwe. We do not believe so. There are substantial differences, apart
from the fact we are a bigger white population and also a sovereign country.

South Africa possesses a formidable security force in its police and defense
force. They are quite capable of suppressing unrest, even an attempt at
revolution. As a matter of fact, the joint security forces have not come close
to displaying their potential yet. They have clenched their fists, but have
not really struck yet. However, it would be shortsighted to pin our hopes on
that alone. .

Our situation differs radically from that in Rhodesia by the manifold and
serious attempts at talk, understanding and dialogue. Attempts are right now
being made for a church deliberation. The Afrikaans Student Federation [ASB]
and Inkatha have reached a talking situation and the ASB is also trying to
hold discussions with other colored organizations. The talking situation is
proceeding on many levels. The recognition of black trade unions has created
a situation of conditions which compels the parties to greater mutual
understanding, and not only in the work situation. Dialogue is taking place
over a broad spectrum in the business world and black speakers are also making
their contributions at symposiums. Academics from Afrikaans universities are
going out of their way to bring about communication with the black community's
leaders. And, although with reservation, the opening up of Afrikaans
universities has also led to a new exploratory situation. The talk and
exploration are reciprocal, although it does not occur at the level of public
platforms.

It is these broad and increasing talks that make our situation radically
different from the pre-takeover period in Rhodesia. And this is also where
our strongest hope for a solution lies.

13084

cso: 3401/192

116


Dr Chester Crocker and the administration have pointed out that in spite of
the unrest in South Africa itself, the policy of constructive engagement still
has succeeded in improving general conditions in the region.

As examples of such success, they specifically referred to the Nkomati Treaty
with Mozambique and the Lusaka Treaty with Angola. In that manner they also
referred to South Africa's more relaxed relations with other countries in the
region.

Now the American government is bitter over what they consider a change in
South Africa's policy toward its neighbors.

To me it seems, however, that the Americans have either misinterpreted South
Africa's policy or they have been misled. The Americans apparently thought
that our government had laid down its arms after the Nkomati Treaty. South
Africa did not change its policy, however. It is always based on two
premises.

One is the use of pressure, military and economic, to protect South African
interests in the region, especially to ward off the ANC, and the other is the
use of negotiations--and also economic incentives--to persuade neighboring
governments to cooperate.

[Question] Can you give an example?

Our government, for example, stated that it had tried for many months to
persuade the Botswana Government to cooperate on the ANC problem before it
decided on the military action against the ANC in Gaborone.

Several statements by the South African Government over the past year included
warnings in that context. But apparently the Americans misread those
warnings, perhaps as a result of a certain degree of wishful thinking that all
the problems of the region can be solved merely through negotiations.

This shows that South African and American interests in the southern African
region do not always necessarily coincide--and this creates problems,
especially with governments.

[Question] Do you think that the disillusionment over the South African
policy on the part of the American administration will affect its attitude
toward the anti-South African actions of the Congress?

I doubt that the administration will change its basic standpoint against
sanctions and divestment.

The proposals of the Congress are primarily focussed on domestic conditions in
South Africa. The administration is still opposed to interference of that
nature because it would be ineffective and even counterproductive.

But it is possible that the administration might consider supporting anti-

South African decisions of the Security Council of the United Nations --
although I still doubt whether at this stage the administration would go as

65



tolerant, even open-minded. No doubt aware of the
dangers of his short fuse, he now deliberately exer-
cises self-control. He also has a remarkable capacity
to forgive (unpunctuality is an exception); he is nota
man who bears personal grudges. Yet he has an im-
pressive memory. Having spent a lifetime in politics,
he has acquired a store of knowledge on which he
can draw wich great effect when the occasion arises.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION

P W Botha towers above the new tricameral Parlia-
ment. Although it would be unfair to say that che
new constitutional ‘dispensation was built around
him, in practice it certainly revolves around him. In
the eyes of many coloured and Indian MPs, he has
become a father-figure. These new players in the
parliamentary game truly believe the State President
wishes ‘to share power with them, even if they still
have reservations on that score about several
Nationalist politicians.

Some politicians wonder, indeed, whether the
new constitutional system could continue func-
tioning without Botha. Meanwhile, the Conservative
Party, born out of opposition to the new constitution,
seizes upon Botha's standing as evidence of his hav-
ing traded the leadership of the vol for a colour-
blind national leadership.

Next to Botha, the most prominent political
figure in the new dispensation is Heunis. It is largely
due to Heunis’ tireless efforts that the coloureds and
Indians agreed to come into Parliament. Heunis has
acquired a reputation as a formidable persuader; he
is the govemment’s number one constitutional
salesman. But while coloured and Indian MPs
readily concede Heunis’ key role in getting the new
deal off the ground, his suave style has made some of
them weary. Heunis “oozes charm", one MP ex-
plained, “and he can easily lead you up the garden
path.” Critics of the new constitution argue that this
had indeed happened: coloureds and Indians were
enticed into joining Parliament without being made
fully aware of risks of “‘co-option”.

Architects of the new constitution maintain that ic
embodies key features of consociational democracy.
One is the idea of consensus, which in effect means
that the majority parties in the three houses of Parlia-
ment should seek agreement on “general affairs” be-
fore binding decisions are taken. A prerequisite for
the success of this process is that the participants
should reach consensus on the meaning of consen-
sus. But this may be easier said chan done, for con-
sensus means different things to ditferent people.
For one senior Nationalist, consensus means per-
suading the other party to accept one’s point of view.

According to members of the two new chambers,
Heunis similarly believes that consensus can be
reached by talking and talking — until the other party
agrees with him. There are, however, Nationalist
MPs who see consensus as the outcome of a process
of give and take. Most coloureds and Indians cer-
tainly see bargaining and compromise as essential
ingredients of consensus. For them, this kind of
consensus is a measure of the success of the new con-

stitutional arrangements. .

(It is often forgotten that the search for i inter-
racial consensus previously had a trial run of sorts,
albeit not in the realm of Parliament. Following the
recommendations of the Wiehahn commission of
inquiry inco labour legislation, the government tried
to reach agreement with trade union leaders of all
races on a new labour dispensation. Fanie Botha,
then Minister of Manpower, played a pioneering role
in bringing this about.)

The search for consensus between the ruling par-
ties in the three houses takes place at two levels.
The highest is the cabinet, of which the Rev Allan
Hendrickse, leader of the (coloured) Labour Party,
and Amichand Rajbansi, leader of che (Indian)
National People’s Party (NPP), are members... The
other level, composed of ordinary MPs from all
parties in the three chambers, involves 31 standing
committees. Although it is early days yet, the three
majority parties are satisfied with che working of the
committees. Some Nationalists even profess surprise
at the smooth functioning of the committee system.
The Labour Party’s and the NPP’s contentment thus
far with the standing committees implies that they
believe bargaining does in fact take place and the re-
strictive definition of consensus does not apply.

Legislation to date considered by. the standing
committees has mostly been of a rather non-contro-
versial nature. The only matter on which the three
major parties have been unable to reach consensus is
the provision of a special (secret) fund for the Police
under the budget vote. In terms of the constitution,
the dispute has been referred to the President's
Council for consideration. A contentious issue that
did produce consensus between the majority parties
was the scrapping of the Mixed Marriages Act and
Article 16 of the Immorality Act. The only contro-
versy was among white MPs, with the Conservative
ty insisting on the status quo.

The real test for consensus, and indeed for the
whole constitutional system, will come when the
Indians and coloureds begin so attack the pillars of
apartheid. For the sake of their credibility, if nothing
else, the coloured and Indian parties will in due
course have to press for the abolition of, or at least

76


JPRS#SSA2852082
4 September 1985

ANGOLA

AGRIBUSINESS COMPLEX MANAGER ON SUGAR HARVEST PROBLEMS

Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jun 85 p 3
[Article by Osvaldo Goncalves: "There are People Who Do Not Know What a
Sugar Harvest is Like''] .

[Text] This year's sugar harvest at the "1 May". agri~
business complex in the province of Benguela, is facing
various difficulties springing from many problems which
that production unit is experiencing, as Carlos Alberto
da Silva, the general manager, told JORNAL DE ANGOLA in
Catumbela,

Discussing the situation in detail, the general manager of what used to be
Cassequel told our team of reporters, concerning the lack of fertilizer,
that "many people do not know that preparation for a sugar harvest has to
be started the year before and that was the main problem."

Another problem that came up this year was the rise of the Catumbela River
water which caused flooding in the plantation. According to Carlos Alberto
da Silva, the damage caused by the heavy rainfall has been estimated at
about 12,500,000 Kwanzas,

The energy shortage, as was reported earlier, likewise during this year's
production at this particular production unit, made repair work that became
necessary in the factory even more difficult; this further delayed the start
of the harvest because the processing machines were not working.

Another problem besetting that production unit--which the manager referred
to as a major problem--is the delay in the payment of worker wages.

According to Carlos Alberto da Silva, the money to pay the workers of that
production unit comes from the general government budget since the production
of sugar and alcohol "causes enough of a loss" and since the government
approved a resolution giving priority to this sector in view of its impor~
tance, But some delays have arisen and right now a survey is being conducted
in the BNA [National Bank of Angola ] on the.records for the months of
February and March which, as the manager said, will "will solve some of

the problems."

12


* POLICE SAY NOT INTERESTED IN PRIVATE LIVES

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 1 Aug 85 p 4

[Text]

CSO:

3400/859

THE SA Police yesterday reaffirmed
its attitude that it was not inter-
ested in the private life nor person-
al views of people “unless such indi-
vidual’s actions involve the
security of the State”,

,Reacting to the adjudication by the

Media Council.on the complaint by
the police against The Star news-
paper, about the Boesak affair, the
SAP public relations division issued
a statement saying that the Com-
missioner of Police had taken cog-
nisance of the finding.

“The statement said: “The Commis-

sioner of the SA Police has taken

cognisance of the finding of the |

Media Council.
It was also noted that:

1, The finding confirms that neither
the SA Police nor any of its: divi-
sions were, as such, responsible for
the fabrication or dissemination of
the pamphlet or tape recording in
question; .

2, That two jurists, G Hugo and Pro-
fessor S A Strauss, who represe!
the public at the Media Council
hearing, did not in all respects
agree with the finding of the major-
ity of the council;

3, The SAP wishes to reaffirm its
attitude, as stated by the Minister

__ of Law and Order in Parliament,
that it is not interested in the pri-
vate life nor personal viewpoint of
any individual, unless such individ-
ual’s actions involve the security of
the State.” — Sapa.

125

JpRs-SSA285"082
% September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA



familiar fate of over-exposure, losing their appeal and
ultimately their credibility. Today, the concepts are
seldom if ever trotted out in public.
Finally, on the diplomatic front Prime Minister
- Botha could claim some major successes. Whether
he initiated the diplomatic achievements is open to
question, but he must have supported the initiatives
and in'the end crowned them with his presence. One
thinks particularly of Botha’s meeting wich Zambian
President Kenneth Kaunda in 1982 and his signing
the Accord of Nkomati with Mozambican President
Samora Machel in 1984. Many observers were taken
by surprise when Botha, given his “hawkish” repu-
tation, emerged as a regional. peacemaker.

FIRST EXECUTIVE STATE PRESIDENT
The constitution of 1983 abolished the post of Prime
Minister. Instead, the positions of head of govern-
ment and head of state were combined in the office
of State President. The incumbent is indirectly
elected by an electoral college composed of members
of the three houses of Parliament.

It was a foregone conclusion that Botha would
become South Africa’s first executive State Presi-
dent. In fact, he was the only candidate for the
office. President Botha was sworn in on 14 Septem-
ber 1984. The next day he announced his cabinet,
which included — for the first time in South African
history —a coloured and an Indian minister.

In January 1985 the new three-chamber Parlia-
ment met for its first full session. The House of
Assembly (whites), House of Representatives
(coloureds) and House of Delegates (Indians) delib-
erate in separate chambers, with joint sessions re-
served for particular occasions such as Parliament's
opening ceremony and the second reading of draft
legislation. The constitution makes provision, how-
ever, for joint discussion on so-called general affairs
through various standing committees that meet in
camera.

The new constitutional dispensation, as it is
popularly styled, was launched amid the most sus-
tained unrest ever in urban black townships. This
serves as a powerful reminder of South Africa’s major
unresolved issue, the political accommodation of the
black community. There is no doubt that the
government hopelessly misjudged the intensity of
black reaction against a system that intentionally
excludes blacks.

PWBOTHA’S POLITICAL STYLE
This brief overview of P W Botha's career provides
some pointers to his political or leadership style.

Some of the features mentioned need further con-
sideration, while others should be added.

Botha’s passionate interest in politics can be
traced back to his childhood days. He is by nature a
political animal, to quote Aristotle. (On Malan's
recommendation, Botha as young party organiser also
studied Plato’s Republic.) It is no coincidence that
Botha has spent a lifetime in active politics, knowing
no other profession. He was in fact the first pro-
fessional politician to become Prime Minister of
South Africa.

Malan seems to have had an abiding influence on
Botha. Botha today still regards Malan, who taught
him that Afrikaner identicy did not conflict with a
“broader nationalism”, as his political mentor.. In
several respects, Botha does not emulate his great
tutor. For one thing, Botha is a far more pragmatic
politician than Malan, who was a political fundamen-
talist. Also, Botha’s impatience contrasts sharply with
Malan’s political plodding.

One aspect of Botha’s style, on which both his
admirers and detractors agree, is his tremendous
capacity for work. This had already been apparent in
his days as party organiser and has since been main-
tained. His staff experience him as a “mover and
shaker”, a man who is always at the centre of action.
His impatient nature drives him to handle matters as
quickly as possible. Thus Botha’s habit of clearing
his desk before leaving his office. One is left with the
impression that Botha thrives on crises, much as
Verwoerd did.’ Verwoerd, it is said (with a dose of
exaggeration), first thing in the moming enquired
whether there was a crisis to be handled; if not, he
invented one.

On becoming State President, Botha’s workload
increased. for he combines the burdens of head of
state and head of government. All his life, Botha has
been remarkably healthy, never missing a day's
work, A close friend has remarked that work is
Botha’s hobby. He also keeps fit through walking
and horse-riding, and sleeps well and easily. None-
theless, since late 1984 there have been persistent
rumours that he is in poor health, raising questions
about his continued tenure in office.

Botha’s energy also finds expression in his organ-
isational skills. Cabinet ministers know him as an
accomplished manager who familiarises himself with
their departmental responsibilities. Though he
leaves them a large measure of discretion, he keeps a
watchful eye on their performance — which in his
book means effective organisation and action.
Botha’s handling of the cabinet differs profoundly
from that of his two predecessors. Verwoerd com-
pletely dominated his cabinet and interfered in the

71



However, Lourenco Licuco disclosed that during the first half of this year,
25 armed bandits were killed in that district, in several operations carried
out by the Mozambique Armed Forces (FPLM) stationed in that. district.

That official observed: "The success of these operations was due to the coopera-
tion from the district's population; reporting and locating the enemy's move-
ments and hiding places. He added: "We cannot disregard the role played by the
militia members who, with slight facilities, have proven their hatred for the
enemy by combating the latter forcefully."

2909
CSO: 3442/355

29



TUTU WARNS MANAGERS ABOUT BLACK COMMUNITY ISSUES

JPRS*SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES (BUSINESS Supplement) in English 28 Jul

85 p 7

[Text]

CSO:

| IN their own interest

business managers °

must bé concerned
with issues crucial to
the black community,
says Bishop Desmond
Tutu.

"Saami

Sie adn South i
sine or .
Fomeenine to 1, be judged de

and judged ‘a the’ ber

_ Struggle, *

Investment

“What did you do to ad-
vance the cause of liberation,
what did you do to hel; ais’
mantle the vicious policy of
apartheid?

“Business will have to in-

3400/859

100

vest in schemes to petal
blacks realise thelr

more fully. There al pay have

idging and enrich-

to be educational pro-

ammes to offest the devas:

apartheid system

“It seems that fo for a dong
time there will hay
‘what the Americans Seal ba
firmative action when people
will have to reverse di
nation in favour of blacks and
other disadvantaged classes.
suey sew have to be pur-

trod pgrossvely oc because

tahoe control of bualvess

will pill need to reflect more and
Teal-

ites ots South rica so that
whites do not occupy a dis-
jonate share of the
pacing Positions in their

. acho Tutu sald, however,
. that this had to be done care-

We must avoid tokenism

incompetent
black on falling will merely
set the clock of black at
vancement several years
back.”


JPRS*SSA%85>082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

AGRO-ALFA ENTERPRISE STUDIES POSSIBILITY OF EXTENDING NETWORK
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 12 Jul 85 p 2

[Text] Agro-Alfa, an enterprise producing farming implements, located in the
city of Maputo, is considering expanding the network for distribution of
animal-hauled plows to the northern provinces. The distribution of this
equipment is currently concentrated in the southern region, where the tradition
of raising cattle, and hence the use of animal hauling, is more entrenched.

A source from Agro-Alfa informed NOTICIAS that, in order to expand the distri-
bution of plows to other sections of the country, Agro-Alfa sent the first
shipment of 200 plows of that ‘type to Nampula, and plans to send another 400
shortly, through a distributing agent present in that part of the country.

In order to increase the use of that type of implement ‘in Zambezia Province,
this production unit will send that province 100 plows, the same source noted.

Manica Province will, in turn, benefit from a consignment of 400 animal-hauled
plows, with their distribution assigned to the local AGRICOM [Agricultural
Products Marketing Company]. .

According to the subject of our interview, the fact that some sections of the
coumtry, especially the northern provinces, do not have a tradition of raising
cattle and hence do not use animal-hauled plows was the main reason prompting
the enterprise's management to pay more attention to the southern part of the
country.

The same source noted that one of the reasons for the lack of cattle raising
in certain parts of the northern provinces is the fact that they are affected
by the tse-tse fly.

Guaranteed Plow Production
According to the source from Agro-Alfa, this enterprise has raw material for

producing plows up until June of next year. After this period, Agro-Alfa
will have at its disposal over 50,000 contos for the purchase of more material.

36


The increased SWAPO activities confirm the suspicion that the Lusaka treaty
between the government and Angola now has completely failed. According to
that treaty, concluded last year in the Zambian capital, the Angolan
Government would see to it that its territory is not used as a starting point
for terrorism against the Southwest. In exchange for that, South Africa had
to withdraw its troops from Angola.

The South African withdrawal from Angola took place after strong American
pressure on the South African Government. The government was informed by the
United States that withdrawal was a prerequisite for a "solution" of the
Southwest problem. Although the Angolan Government attempted to restrain
SWAPO, it was soon obvious that that government is unable to exercise any real
control over the terrorists. The South African Government still went ahead
with the withdrawal of the Defense Force, apparently under pressure from
Washington.

The consequence of this was that SWAPO recently was able to establish bases
just inside the Angolan territory from which attacks could be carried out
against the Southwest. According to reports the Defense Force had to

penetrate 15 kilometers into Angolan territory in order to carry out a
retaliatory attack.

8700

CSO: 3401/270

61



JPRS*SSA*85°082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

CONSTRUCTION, WATER WORKS MINISTRY TRAINS INSTRUCTORS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 24 Jul 85 p 2
[Article by Bento Niquisse]

[Text] To provide job retraining for workers..and super-
visory personnel in the construction industry, the ministry
of Construction and Water Works will start a training course
for instructors this year to be employed in training adults
as part of a program financed by UNDP at a cost of $1 million.
To give these course, the MCA [Ministry of Construction and
Water Works] has already been assigned six technicians from
that UN agency plus one technician from the ILO. In the
meantime, other training courses are being given in some of
the countries provinces for supervisory personnel coming
from the provincial directorates, enterprises, and other
sectors in that ministry,

Alfredo Mateus, national director of human resources at the MCA, explained
that the purpose of the program is to give the training centers of that
ministry a domestic teaching body with the ability.to impart sufficient
technical knowledge to its workers to do their job.

According to him, this instructor training program is being financed by the
UNDP through an amount of $1 million.

"We have been giving training courses for workers and other supervisory
personnel of the ministry since 1977; in 1980, the program moved into a
phase which, in order to be continued, required the kind of financing that
has been given to us by the UNDP," Alfredo Mateus said.

He added that, in addition to money, the UNDP made six specialists available
to that ministry in the field of construction; they will train the instructors
for these various courses, -In this connection, the ILO sent one of its
worker training specialists,

Present Course

Talking specifically about the second course, which is scheduled to start
on 20 August, lasting 6 months, Alfred Mateus told our reporter that course

32


JPRS=SSA85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

U.S. ACCUSED OF MISINTERPRETING RSA'S POLICY
Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 2 Jul 85 p 8

[Report on interview with Professor John Barrat, director general of the
Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg, by Otto Krause: "The
United States Has Misinterpreted SA Policy"; date not given]

[Text] Relations between the United States and South Africa have deteriorated
lately--especially on the American part.

Otto Krause interviewed Professor John Barrat, director general of the
Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg, on this state of affairs.

[Question] Do you believe the deterioration in South African-American
relations to be serious?

{Answer] In view of the general uncertainty in South Africa's domestic and
foreign relations, the deterioration in our relations with the American
government is very unfortunate.

South Africa is already under pressure by the American Congress. In other
words, the policy of constructive engagement of the Reagan administration is
being interfered with.

If relations with the United States deteriorate even further, the situation
may become serious. For example, it may start to influence economic
relations. It could also decrease the desire of the administration to veto
anti-South African actions in the Security Council of the United Nations.

(Question] How did this unfortunate situation arise?

[Answer] The general campaign for divestment and sanctions against South
Africa now is affecting the Congress. Moreover, the administration has
interpreted the recent actions of our government in Southern Africa as
contrary to the objective of stabilization of the southern African region.

One should keep in mind that the policy of constructive engagement is aimed at
the region as a whole and not only South Africa.

64


IPRS*SSA=85=082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

STATUS OF BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN LEADERS DISCUSSED

Bishop Tutu Criticized
Pretoria BEELD in Afrikaans 30 Jul 85 p 10
{article: "Stand Up"]

[Text] Other than what he thinks, Bishop Desmond Tutu is not telling us any
secret when he says that many young black people want to bring about a change
of government in South Africa by force. How can they think otherwise when
several of their leaders have impressed that idea in their heads with
continual forebodings about bloodbaths and the like if the whites do not do
this or that? And can Bishop Tutu state with a clear conscience that he
himself is entirely without blame for that?

The bishop recently took an encouraging stand against violence. However, it
will not further his credibility if in advance he throws his hands in the air
about the young blacks who will not listen to him and who will want to reject
his own "pacifist" leadership. It looks as if the bishop is surely having many
reservations before he will decide on which side of the fence to climb down.
Thisisonly again confirmed by his insistence on talkingwithPresident P.W.
Botha all alone instead of as part of a delegation from his own church. What
he perhaps does not realize is that such a wavering display of leadership will
least of all impress moderates in the country, but even less the activists and
violent ones. And if Bishop Tutu goes on like this much longer, he indeed has
good reason to fear that the rebellious young generation will reject him. He
is probably too modest about the leadership which can emanate from him, but.
then he should leave no doubt about where he stands, although it will
undoubtedly be more difficult to win his people over to moderacy than it was
to get acquiescent acclamation for bloodbath stories. The bishop, however,
must be realistic enough to know that he has no other choice, unless he wants
to passively sound the retreat in the face of those who are merely
promulgating a message of chaos. If he does not want to see that happen, he
is the one black leader who must now have the courage of his conviction to
stand up and be counted.

101



JIPRS*SSA=85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

DISADVANTAGES OF FLOATING EXCHANGE RATE DISCUSSED
Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 1 Aug 85 p 6 —
[Editorial]

[Text]

cso:

he international value of the rand
plunged to within a whisker of a new

low yesterday when it hit $0,4350 be-

fore recovering to $0,4580. It did this
despite a quite substantial increase in the
price of gold, which under normal circum-
stances would have seen the currency rise in
value, entirely because of market rumours.
One advantage of having a floating ex-
change rate is that when capital is likely to
leave the country in some quantity what-
ever the reason may be, the: price of the
currency falls and takes the strain off the
country’s store of reserves, which’ would

otherwise be dissipated in defence of a fixed

exchange rate.

This enables the economy to adjust in an
orderly way to more straitened circum-
stances, thereby sowing the seeds of an
eventual sustainable recovery.

The other side of the floating coin is that .
market-determined currency values are .

subject often to violent short-term fluctua-
tions as arbitrageurs (international specula-
tors to you and me)
situation:
Yesterday this hard truth was brought
home to South Africans many of whom have
only been exposed to the cold winds of com-

e advantage of the -:

petitive foreign exchange markets for a rel-.’

atively short time.
Essentially what happened yesterday was

3400/856

‘to have been reimposed

that we paid the price of our own political
upheavals. We would have had to pay, of
course, regardless of whether we tad the
imaginary protection of a fixed rate of ex-
change. But not only the means of payment
would differ, so would the economic conse-
quences. :

A fixed rate of exchange yesterday would
have meant that the central bank shelled out
millions of dollars from the reserves. The
chances are our trade surplus would have
been eroded and the recession would have
had io be deepened for who: knows what
period. :

Instead the value of the rand was reduced
by the market. This means imports will be
more nsive and the slide in interest
rates will probably be inhibited in compen:

at

‘sation, It is an orderly adjustment
i should not shock the economy and it will
“retard the recovery to much less an extent.

If the rumoured exchange controls were
on non-residents,
the plunge in the rand’s value would prob-
ably have been greater. For over the past 18
months South Africa has gained more from
share transactions than it has lost. If any
hindrance were placed now on the repatri-
ation of the proceeds of these deals, it is a
dead certainty that share purchases from
abroad would not just be temporarily inter- |
rupted by the emergency. They would dry up
completely. ° “

123



JPRS#S8A985-039
September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

CHOKWE GREEN ZONES DEVOTED TO RICE, CORN
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 11 Jul 85 p 2

[Text] Divided between two main crops, the green zones in the city of Chokwe

now have nearly 7,500 hectares, as our reporter was informed by the chief of

the green zones sector in'that area of Gaza Province. Most of this expanse is
devoted to rice and corn crops, occupying 1,906 and 3,106 hectares, respectively,
in the zone of influence of the Chokwe agrarian enterprises.

The distribution of this area began during the 1982-93 agricultural campaign,
a time when it was decided that all the under-utilized land, particularly that
co vered by irrigation, should be turned over to the population for proper
use, with the intention of minimizing the effects of the famine with which
the district has been beset.

An intense effort was immediately carried out to mobilize the population to
realize the. need for each family to own a small farm for self-consumption; an
activity which, according to the chief of the green zones sector. in Chokwe,
met with success, because the entire population responded positively to this

appeal.

The use of yokes of oxen for the farm work was one of the points stressed at
all the meetings held by the green zone sector's brigades with the local
populations.

"We explained to the populations that they must rely on their own forces to
work on the land, and that they ‘should not rely on tractors; because, in
addition to the fact that the district has but few, the country is beset by
a fuel shortage," he remarked; adding that the population agreed readily to
working under these conditions, because the use of animal hauling was already
a habit in that part of Gaza Province.

In cooperation with the party, the Chokwe green zones office then started the
work of distributing land to the city's population. Some of it belonged to
the Josina Machel Agricultural Cooperative, and another part to the former
CAIL; that is, the area included between the city of Chokwe and the locality
of Chalucuane.

42


restriction of turmoil depends upon the nature and
pace of structural reform, and consequently on the
effectiveness with which a broadening of partici-
pation in the South African polity is engineered.

The prospects of bringing this task to fruition are
not as gloomy as some believe and others would like
them to be. The South African Government is com-
mitted to reform. This commitment was clearly
stated by the State President in his opening address
to Parliament. It is, furthermore, underscored by a
new style emerging in South African politics, a style
based on an acceptance of negotiation as the only
effective means through which a settlement of South
Africa’s political dilemmas can be attained.

Admittedly, some serious obstacles and problems
still exist, militating against a more successful drive
towards restructuring the South African polity. A seg-
ment of the white voting public is still prisoner of
ideological illusions of the past. Its presence on the
political scene poses some serious problems to the
execution of fundamental reforms and does not
enhance prospects for stability.

“The disinvestment campaign against South
Africa has strengthened its political zeal, and
provided it with the argument that changes that
recently took place in South Africa were of no avail as
far as the international world is concerned; that
nothing short of total white capitulation will satisfy
international demands.

The deep distrust among blacks of the real inten-
tions of the government provides another obstacle,
especially as far as the process of negotiation is con-
cerned. Blacks are, by and large. unwilling to partici-
pate publicly in negotiations. They want to see some
tangible evidence of the intentions of the govern-
ment, giving them good reasons for participation.
This mood among blacks should be taken seriously,
especially if future stabilicy is a priority and public
acceptance of the principle of negotiation is sincere.

Part of the tangible proof blacks want to see is the
unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. A majority of blacks also favour a
national convention on South Africa's constitutional
future.

The prospects for socio-political stability will be
enhanced significantly if some of these demands
could be met in one way or another, or included in an
agenda for initial negotiations. In this respect a nego-
tiated agreement with blacks on a formalised mech-
anism, facilitating the process of constitution-making
should be regarded as a priority.

The general perception among blacks that the
government does not really want to negotiate and
thar it does not pay any black to opt for negotiation

84

should be altered within the shortest space of time.
This reluctance can be overcome only through
furtherance of mutual trust and confidence between
the government and those blacks who do see nego-
tiation as worthwhile and resulting in positive
change.

OPPORTUNITIES OUTWEIGH
OBSTACLES

Influx control measures and pass laws provide an ex-
cellent opportunity to this end. Far from having had
a stabilising effect on relations between blacks and
whites, these measures have, more than anything
else, produced some seriously destabilising results.
They have affected the lives of blacks from morning
till night and from workplace to dwelling-spot. Their
political costs have been extremely high, for they
have caused a high degree of resentment and anger
against the existing order and its rules.

The experience of being controlled and policed
has contributed substantially towards blacks’ percep-
tion of themselves as “the oppressed” and of whites
as “the oppressors”. If one wants to pinpoint an area
in which structurally-generated unrest and dissatis-

* faction exists, influx control measures and pass laws

provide an excellent example.

To adapt these measures, making the criteria of
control more flexible, will not resolve the political
polarisation stemming from the experience of being
totally controlled. The destabilising political effects

_ which existing measures have had cannot be neutral-

ised by a “softening” of contro] measures, especially
if these measures are to apply to blacks only. Blacks
will still, and quite rightly so. perceive them as dis-
criminatory — whether they are based on the avail-
ability of jobs and housing, or on anything else.

A scrapping of influx control measures, substi-
tuting for it a policy of positive urbanisation, built not
upon the idea of rigid control but upon the principles
of good management, will enhance the prospects for
stability significantly. If these policy changes were to
be the outcome of negotiations with blacks, allowing
them to share in the credit for it publicly, a huge step
towards a more stable future would have been taken.

The allocation of freehold-title rights for blacks,
envisaged by the government, will provide another
firm step towards relative stability. The taking of this
step, in conjunction with the abolition of influx con-
trol, should be an immediate priority. Ways and
means must be found to bypass red-tape and techni-
cal problems obstructing the implementation of this
important policy change. The same goes for the par-
ticipation of blacks in central business districts.

Prospects for relative socio-political stability and


Holden Roberto's.mask fell completely in 1975 when, after the establishment
of the transition government, he did not want.to: come to Angola, I must
say, regarding the period of the transition government. that, although almost
all of the FNLA leaders were present in Luanda, the-decision-making center
remained in Kinshasa where Holden Roberto had sayed, Holden Roberto decided
to enter the Angolan capital only after the evacuation of Luanda by the FNLA
forces; he worked hard to recruit American and Portuguese mercenaries,
allying himself with racist forces of South Africa which at that time
supported UNITA with which the ephemeral government of Huambo was forced.

On returning to Kinshasa in January 1976, I addressed a letter to President
Antonio Agnostinho Neto, proposing a kind of historical compromise’ in which
the most effective leaders of the FNLA stated that they were at the service
of the party in power, the MPLA, for national reconstruction, As was to be
expected, that proposal produced a burst of indignation from Holden Roberto
and his aides. The only ones to support the idea were the members of the FNLA
general staff who later on established the COMIRA [Military--Committee of the
Resistance in Angola] and who today have returned to Angola. Holden Roberto
was afraid to admit the failure of the movement because of his blind policy,
his dictatorship, and his unnatural compromises with fascist circles; above
all he tried to shift the blame for his faflure on others and he even wanted
to send innocent individuals taken from among the people to their deaths.

This is when I decided to dissociate myself from him and from the FNLA
progressively.

Question: What did the Spinola plan consist of specifically?

Answer: I can talk about that problem because I accompanied President
Mobutu to the meeting with Spinola. Spinola presented his plan. which was
to establish a so-called federation of multiracial states in the Portuguese
colonies, including in Angola, with a certain degree of autonomy although
Portugal would handle foreign relations, defense, and economy.

Question: And did he want support from the FNLA for this plan?

Answer: From the FNLA and from the puppet groups that were being created in
Angola.

Question: What about the MPLA?

Answer: He excluded the MPLA.

Question: Were there any more contacts with: the Portuguese after independence?
Answer: Yes, there were contacts with various delegations. But I do not

have any details on that. I only know that Col Santos e Castro was the link
between Holden Roberto and those Portuguese.



NAMIBIA

Government Urged To Accelerate Fight Against SWAPO
(DIE AFRIKANER, 10 Jul 85) cescecceseeccccesecceccececces

HNP Member Criticized for Advocating Separate Education
(DIE AFRIKANER, 31 Jul 85) weccccccecsceccccccvceececeees

SOUTH AFRICA

U.S. Accused of Misinterpreting RSA's Policy
(John Barrat Interview; DIE VADERLAND, 2 Jul 85) ...sseee

Botha's Presidency, Constitution, Prospects for Succession
(Deon Geldenhuys, Hennie Kotze; LEADERSHIP SOUTH AFRICA,

No 2, 1985) csccceccccccevcecscececvcussccseseceseseseaes

Professor Assesses Potential for Political Stability
(Willie Esterhuyse; LEADERSHIP SOUTH AFRICA, No 1, 1985)

Australian Opinion Turns Against Country
(Marshall Wilson; BUSINESS DAY, 2 Aug 85) ..sssesceeeseees

Comments on Botha's Threat
(Editorial; BUSINESS DAY, 31 Jul 85) ..eceeeecesceevoeeee

Botha Urged To Talk to Tutu
(Editorial; BUSINESS DAY, 31 Jul 85) ..scccceveececceeves

SABRA Leaving FAK
(DIE AFRIKANER, 3 Jul 85) sscessescceccccccccevececeseces

White Organizations BBB and AWB at Odds
(DIE TRANSVALER, 9 Jul 85) cesceceseeeeeces

Controversy Over Colored Housing Project in Newlands
(Karin Brynard; DIE VADERLAND, 11 Jul 85) ....

Boycott of White Stores Starves Black Children
(BEELD, 19 Jul 85) cscceeeecevoeees

Conservative Party Proposal on ‘White Homeland' Rejected
(DIE TRANSVALER, 19 Jul 85) ..

Sanctions Seen Aggravating Racial Strife
(Klaus Natorp; FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE, 23 Jul 85) ..

Mugabe Criticized for Berating Zimbabwe Whites' Voting Behavior
(DIE. AFRIKANER, 24 Jul 85) .

ee eeenee

60

62

64

67

81

86

87

88

89

91

92

94

96

97

99


According to Augusto Militao, it is expected that, with the creation of the
Union Committee at EMOPESCA,' all these anomalies will be overcome in the near
future. The same’ opinion was expressed by a worker who declared during the
meeting: "We have confronted several: problems due to thé lack of this struc~
ture in our enterprise. However we hope that the Union Committee that has
just been established will be able to help us, in fact, to resolve all the
concerns."

Augusto Militao remarked, in this connection, that the Union Committee would
not replace the enterprise's administrative organ, and explained that it
was a structure for the workers'to solve their problems and those involving
production.

The new structure is operating with 44 members, headed by Alberto Bata and
Jorge Milagre Manhica, secretaries.of the Union Committee and the Control
and Discipline Committee, respectively.

Augusto Militao told our reporter that the creation of the Union Committee had
been preceded by an effort to conscienticize the workers in all sectors of
EMOPESCA's activity, with the exception of the seamen who were not included
in the process, owing to their specific activities.

2909
CSO: | 3442/355

39



Botha had become deeply involved in the issue of
political rights for coloureds and Indians. He chaired
a cabinet committee that investigated the matter and
reported in 1977. Its recommendations — at the heart
of which was three parliaments for whites, coloureds
and Indians - were rejected by the other two groups.

By the time Vorster resigned the premiership in
September 1978, Botha was the senior cabinet minis-
ter. His portfolio was a key one, What added to
Botha’s influence was that he had been Cape leader
of the National Party since 1966. The four provincial
leaders of the National Party are traditionally mem-
bers of the cabinet, where they carry considerable
weight. Botha is known to have been a headstrong
minister, determined and forthright in cabinet meet-
ings. On more than one occasion, the impatient
Botha, apparently not having got his way in cabinet,
afterwards in exasperation told his staff that he
should resign from the government.

PRIME MINISTER, 1978-1984

Vorster's resignation sparked off a fierce succession
struggle. In the race were P W Botha, Dr CP
Mulder, Minister of Information and Transvaal
leader of the National Party, and Pik Botha, the
youthful Foreign Minister who had Jess than two
years of cabinet experience. Mulder, widely
regarded as the front-runner, in the end lost to
Botha. The Transvaal strongman’s chances were
dashed by the darkening clouds over his department.
Also, nearly all the supporters of Pik Botha, who
drew the least votes in the first ballot, switched their
support to Botha in the second round.

The new leader faced an uphill struggle to con-
solidate his power in the National Parry. There was a
strong (and traditional) Transvaal bias against a
“Cape man”. Botha had. moreover long been the
target of a sustained campaign of slander — which
largely overlaid the provincial animosities. Mulder’s
subsequent departure from the party, and the right-
wing break-away some years later, greatly strength-
ened Botha’s position.

Botha was elected Prime Minister just before the
full extent of the Information scandal was publicly
revealed. Against this background, the new head of
government not surprisingly made great play of the
need for “efficient, clean administration”. One of
Prime Minister Botha’s first major achievements was
a thorough-going restructuring of the decision-
making machinery. The existing twenty ad hoc cabi-
net committees were reduced to five (subsequently
four) permanent cabinet committees, one of which
was an upgraded State Security Council. The Office

of the Prime Minister was expanded and a cabinet
secretariat established for the first time. Next in line
for an organisational overhaul was the civil service.
The existing 39 government departments were
reduced to 22. While Botha did not initiate the
restructuring of the bureaucracy, he certainly had the
political will to implement it with speed and vigour.

Four further themes stand out in Botha’s
premiership. One is the need for political reform, to

“adapt or die”. His reform strategy ~ initiated

some years earlier by the Theron Com-

mission which recommended a new political

deal for coloureds — focused on the political

accommodation of the coloured and Indian

communities. The upshot was the new

constitution of 1983, endorsed by two-

thirds of the white voters in a referendum in
November 1983.

The second theme is that of a constel-

lation of states. Although not a new idea or

term, Botha gave it a prominence and sub-

stance previously lacking. Initially, it was a

grandiose design for an association of up to

10 states in Southem Africa, including South

Africa and its independent homelands. There

were, however, no takers among. the inter-

nationally-recognised black states. Pretoria was

left to scale down its constellation plans to a

grouping comprising only South Africa and

the former homelands. Since then the concept of a

constellation has largely disappeared from the official

vocabulary. Instead, reference is made to “multi-

lateral co-operation in Southern Africa”. In official

circles this association, with its various formal struc-

tures, is frequently compared with a confederation of

states.

Both the reform strategy and the constellation
design formed part and parcel of a “total national
strategy”. As Minister of Defence, Botha had been
an enthusiastic exponent of a total national strategy ~
a concept officially introduced in the 1973 Defence
White Paper — but it was only after becoming Prime
Minister chat the idea was actually implemented.
The strategy was designed to counter a “toral
onslaught” on South Africa. This was seen as an
orchestrated international-cum-domestic assault on
four power bases: political/diplomatic, social/psvcho-
logical, economic and security. As Defence Minister,
Botha had already made good use of the total
onslaught theme; as Prime Minister he made even
greater use of it. Perhaps because the twin themes of
a total onslaught and a total national strategy were so
assiduously propagated, they tended to suffer the

70


from a defined strategy. They see the ultimate, long-
term objective as black majority rule. A first step will
be parliamentary representation for urban blacks.

It is safe to conclude that the new constitutional
dispensation, whatever its initial successes, is des-
tined to become a transitional arrangement ~ perhaps
on the road to an eventual historical compromise
between white and black.

Botha is well placed to lead South Africa towards
such an accommodation. The kingpin of the new
constitutional dispensation, he is presently the only
leader who enjoys the credibility and support in all
three houses of Parliament to embark on a process of
legitimate negotiation with black leaders. Botha has
proven himself a reasonably pragmatic politician, not
dogmatically wedded to the policies and practices of
the Nationalist past. The State President does not
regard himself as a “visionary” or prophet, but pro-
fesses to adhere to the demands of morality, peace
and order in politics.

If Botha were to initiate a process of serious,
open-ended negotiations with blacks, he obviously
fhas to consider che (white) political risks. Ic is
entirely conceivable that he could be faced with a
second right-wing revolt in Nationalist ranks. Today
there are no outward, signs of disaffection in the
National Party, but strains are likely to develop as
concessions to blacks begin to’ “bite”. A further loss
of support from Afrikaner ranks may Jeave Botha
with no option but to broaden his power base to
include the white “left-wing” opposition as well as
coloured and Indian parties. This wil] have the ironic
consequence of the National Party moving for thé
first time towards a truly national party. These con-
siderations may of course be equally applicable to
Botha’s successor.

In the public service, political restiveness has
been notable ever since the formation of the Conser-
vative Party. There have been repeated claims of
political obstructionism in the bureaucracy. If the
limited political reforms to date generate such resist-
ance, the civil service could act as a brake on further
change.

Given the daunting challenges facing P W
Botha, and his determination to confront several
problems head-on at the same time. some of his sup-
porters fear that he may go down in Afrikaner history
as a “tragic hero”. He runs the risk of trying to do
“too much too soonTM. This is of course the very anti-
thesis of the familiar charge that Nationalist leaders
do “too little too late”.

Finally, for how much Jonger will Botha remain
at the helm? There are two scenarios. The first is

79

that Botha intends to retire by the end of 1986. He
believes that he has completed his principal task,
namely “resolving” the problem of coloured and
Indian political rights. It is for his successor to find a
formula for the political accommodation of blacks.
Botha also wishes to give a successor ample time to
consolidate his position before the next general
election is held in 1989 at the latest.

The other scenario is that Botha will stay in office
to Jead the National Party into the next general elec-
tion, perhaps before 1989. As a dedicated National-
ist, he would not want to be seen leaving the party in
the lurch at a critical time. He will therefore resol-
utely tackle the issue of black political rights to allow
the government to present the voters with a more or
less worked-out formula at the next election.
Alternatively, Botha could decide to submit his
“black package” to a white referendum, as he did
with the new constitutional dispensation in 1983. A
success on this front would cap Botha’s career and
richly earn him his retirement.

Whether or not Botha’s retirement is on the
cards, the succession race already seems under way.
The four front-runners are ministers Heunis, Pik
Botha, Gerrit Viljoen and F W de Klerk. It is hardly
a coincidence that two of them — Heunis and Viljoen
- hold portfolios assuring them prominence in the
constitutional debate. Viljoen is Minister of Co-
operation, Development and Education, portfolios
dealing with blacks only.

The reality of provincialism in the National Party
caucus may work to the detriment of Heunis, a
“Cape man” like Botha. The Transvalers, the largest
provincial contingent, probably consider it their tum
for the Jeadership. Some Nationalists also fear that if
Heunis were to succeed Botha as party leader and
State President, he would be unable to hold the
National Party together. This is not only because of
provincial considerations. Heunis has the reputation
of a “liberal”, which is not a recommendation in
party circles. Moreover, his personal style is not
exactly endearing; “Heunis is his own worst enemy”,
in the words of a fellow Nationalist.

The other three contenders are all Transvalers.
De Klerk. Minister of Home Affairs and of National
Education, and National Party Jeader in the Trans-
vaal, could count on strong provincial backing in the
caucus. However, ver/igte MPs. also from the Trans-
vaal, have reservations about De Klerk's commit-
ment to political reform away from apartheid. Viljoen
only became a serious candidate this year. His hand-
ling of his difficult twin portfolios is increasingly
impressing National Parry MPs. Viljoen also has



ant

JPRS-SSA-85-082
4 September 1985

Sub-Saharan Africa Report

REPRODUCED BY
NATIONAL TECHNICAL
INFORMATION SERVICE

US. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
__ SPRINGFIELD, YA. 22161

FBIS| FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE

ON STA’

for public release; }



The blacks can frequent their own retail shops of course but these frequently
charge excessive prices and mst--however paradoxical it may seem—go to
white wholesalers to obtain their wares.

Angry policemen begrudge the black peneficiaries of the consumer boycott
their profits, In Alexandra near Port Elizabeth, they fired tear gas into a
store several times because the black owners were making too much of a pro-
fit since the white stores were being boycotted. In Fort Beaufort, they ar-
rested the owner of the largest black supermarket, his staff, his relatives
and finally even his aged parents so that no one was left to run the business.

"The wanton power of the security forces under the state of emergency is un=
limited," says Molly Blackburn, a member of the political opposition. For
this reason, the Progressive Federal Party (PEP), the white opposition in
parliament, is calling for an immediate end to the state of emergency.

PFP chief Frederik van Zyl-Slabbert put forward a five-point plan to help de-
fuse black-and-white polarization. The plan calle on the government tos

+ enter into immediate negotiations with church and civil
rights leaders to put an end to violence;

+ appoint a "national council" to investigate the causes
of the unrest;

+ make a firm promise to the effect that racial diserimina-
tion will be abolished;

+ offer the prospect of a constitution which will grant
full civil rights to all inhabitants of South Africas

+ free all political prisoners, including African National
Congress (ANC) leader Nelson Mandela.

The National Party government of President P. W. Botha, the white opposition
fears, will dismiss the plan out of hand.

"he South African government," said Conservative British Minister of State
Malcolm Rifkind, “appears suicidally resolved to alienate even those who
wigh the best for their country."

The U.S. government feels alienated from the Pretoria regime ever since
South African commando units attacked U.S.-owned industrial facilities in
neighboring Angola, claiming to be in pursuit of terrorists.

Ronald Reagan ordered his ambassador home "for consultations." France and
other EC countries followed suit. Last Wednesday, Carl Iahusen, the FRG's
ambassador left South Africa, The ambassadors of Paraguay and Israel as
well as the’ chiefs of mission of the internationally unrecognized homelands
of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei stayed behind,

105



Construction, Water Works Ministry Trains Instructors

(Bento Niquisse; NOTICIAS, 24 Jul 85) cscsccececceceecees

Apiculture Gets Under Way With Foreign Help

(NOTICIAS, 12 Jul 85) .ecccccccccccccccevccecsencceeseees

Agro-Alfa Enterprise Studies Possibility of Extending Network

(NOTICIAS, 12 Jul 85) ..scccecccecccecccesceevceessaveees

EMOPESCA Urged To Be Fair to Workers

(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) ..ccccscceccececcececsscevceveecees

OJM Finishes Matundo Construction Project

Chokwe

Maputo

(NOTICIAS, 15 Jul 85) ..ccccccccccecsccecenceccvcecescees

Green Zones Devoted to Rice, Corn
(NOTICIAS, 11 Jul 85) .ccaccccceccccececceceucevevceesecs

Agricultural Cooperatives Increase Production
(Antonio Souto; NOTICIAS, 23 Jul 85) ..cecececececccsevce

Fish From Chicoa Production Complex To Feed Tete

(NOTICIAS, 11 Jul 85) .occcccccccccccccsccccccscecscecece

Tete Governor Praises Fishermen for Production Effort

(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) .occccccccccccceccccescececncsceees

Managerial Training Course Completed by Workers

(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) ..cccccccecccceccecevcrcescecsecess

First Political-Military Training Course in Lichinga

Eleven

(NOTICIAS, 17 Jul 85) cecccceccvccccceccecetceceececeess

Co-Ops Benefit From Training Center in Cabo Delgado
(Antonio Sitoe; NOTICIAS, 20 Jul 85) ..cecececececccvcves

Zembe-Centro Locality Changes Districts

Briefs

(NOTICIAS, 20 Jul 85) ceccecsccccceccccccsesceecuseeecens

UEM Director Receives Soviet Medal
Niassa Districts Study Cooperation
British Technicians in Niassa

AGRICOM Trains Workers

Political Commissars in Training
Mogovolas Cashew Figures

Mechanic, Electrician Training Successful
Murrupula District Cashew Figures

OTM Secretary Training Course

Set Chooses Youth for GDR

-b-

32

34

36

38

40

42

44

47

49

50

52

53


In public at any rate, President Botha maintained his Boer brand of doggedness.
"T will let no one outside this country tell me what to do," he said. "We
kmow very well how the situation can be kept under control."

But at the same time, he let his foreign minister, Roelof Botha, go to Europe
—to hold a confidential meeting with the American President's security ad-
viser Robert McFarlane in Vienna and to attend talks with government repre-
sentatives in London and Bonn, "It seems slowly to be dawning" on the South
African regime "into what kind of a situation it is moving," said a Demo-
eratic congressman in Washington.

Last week, the unrest spread to Natal province, an area over which the state
of emergency had not been imposed,’ Following a funeral procession for mur-
dered black lawyer Victoria Mxenge, youngsters attacked homes and shops owned
by Indians. 500 Asian families fled the suburbs of Durban.

Once again, the security forces in their armored vehicles moved in, firing
live ammunition, By Friday, the hospitals were reporting 50 dead.

More funerals will follow and inevitably there will be protests by black
mourners and confrontations with whites, who will have to realize that an
end to this cycle of violence is not in sight.

The more insecure the regime gets, the harsher the measures it takes will be-
come. The scenes of suppression in tum frighten away investors and cause
foreign firms to shut down their operations in South Africa,

Every shot that is fired and every wire photo which demonstrates the regime's
inhumanness to the world pushes South Africa into deeper isolation. The Ame=
rican Congress plans to ban sales of Krugerrands in the United States. The
export of nuclear equipment and computers to South Africa is to be banned
and bank transactions are to be suspended,

The more the black majority realizes that the government may be able to kill
the demonstrators but that it cannot intimidate the black masses——in spite
of the state of emergency—-the more it is encouraged to resort to protest
actions. South Africa, said Reagan's press spokesman Larry Speakes, " is

in an extremely difficult position."

9478
cso: 3420/81

106



JPRS*SSA=85=082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

MARRACUENE DISTRICT RECOVERS RAPIDLY FROM FLOODS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] Five months after the rains which flooded and devastated extensive areas
of agricultural and livestock development,.causing great material and human
damage, Marracuene district, in Maputo Province, has achieved a considerable
economic recovery, particularly in the 1984-85 agricultural campaign; currently
serving as one of the leading suppliers of green vegetables to the city of
Maputo. Located in an area under the armed bandits’ influence, Marracuene

is bent on transforming its economy into a war economy; and for this purpose
has decided that nearly 90 percent of the green vegetables produced there will
be sent to the city of Maputo. Administrator Lourenco Licuco remarked: "This
is a way for us to cooperate in eliminating armed banditry."

According to statements made to our newspaper by the party's first secretary
and administrator of Marracuene, Lourenco Licuco, during the last rainful in
February of this year, Marracuene district lost over 2,000 hectares of various
crops out of the 8,000 that had been prepared in the state, private, cooperative
and family sectors at the start of the 1984-85 campaign.

The Marracuene administrator said: “Our district has nearly 4,500 inhabitants
and nearly a quarter of this population lives and farms along the Nkomati River,
which.caused this population to be hurt during the rainfall because it was
deprived of its possessions and its farming property was destroyed."

In fact, Marracuene district, one of the most fertile and economically strategic
in Maputo Province, benefits from the Nkomati water to irrigate its farms, over
an area estimated at nearly 50 kilometers. Moreover, the farmers use the
lowlands along that river to grow drought-resistant crops, such as cassava and
sweet potatoes.

Lourenco Licuco explains: "Right after the rain, we devised an emergency
program of action, attempting to extricate the district from the precarious
situation that it was in"; adding that the program devised .attached priority
to the growing of drought-resistant crops, utilizing the shores of the Nkomati
River.

27



JPRS*SSA285"082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

AUSTRALIAN OPINION TURNS AGAINST COUNTRY

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 2 Aug 85 p 7

[Article by Marshall Wilson]

[Text] wpo.BOURNE — The state of emergency »
appears to have swung Australian thinking ‘ :
against the rebel cricket tour and weaken Middleton’s column was headed “South ;
a rightwing push for a re-think on ties with . African clamp aids Moscow”. He said the
South Africa. irony of the situation was that in any eco-

Newspaper editorials and letter columns nomic squeeze on Pretoria, the Soviet Union
were consistent in arguing that Kim Hu; would emerge the only winner.
and his players should think again about Middleton said Southern Africa would be
what they were doing. the greatest prize of the decade if the Rus-

“Cricket rebels get off lightly” was the — sians could get their hands on it. He suggest-
headline of an editorial in the Melbourne ed that Red agitation in the region should be
Age. It said that Hughes and his men would _ seen as an effort to destabilise the Botha
be Playing directly into. the hands of the government.

South African government. - Stone used the analogy of Iran as the peg

“Whether they like it or not, they will be on which to hang a similar theme.
helping to give jouth Africa the legitimacy . While the late Shah’s reign had not been
and credibility it craves, but which it is all good, that of the Ayatollah Khomeini
denied by its racial policies.” was far worse.

The Melbourne Herald took a similar Stone said South Africa’s “impending de- .
view. It said that while public opinion may _ mise” should be viewed in the same context,
have been with the cricket rebels over their with only Russia standing to gain from any
Tight to play where they wished, ithad gone ~ eventual apocalypse.
into reverse in a climate in which blacks In Canberra, a UN report identifying 24
were being arrested without trial and Australian companies with operations in
gunned down in sufficient numbers tomake South Africa has been circulat

laily headlines. The report could embarrass both the op-
Political commentator Drew Middleton Position iberal Party and the Australian
_in New York and former head of the Austra- ocratic Party since it identifies com-
‘lian treasury John Stone made similar panies with links to political figures promi-
points in their widely-read columns. nent in both . :
cso: 3400/856

86



JPRS=SSA°85~082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

PROFESSOR ASSESSES POTENTIAL FOR POLITICAL STABILITY

Johannesburg LEADERSHIP SOUTH AFRICA in English Vol 4 No 1, 1985, pp 73, 74,

76, 79
{Article by Willie Esterhuyse]

[Text]

Since the latter half of 1984, South Africa has been
caught in the vortex of the worst socio-political tur-
moi] this country has experienced for many years.
Various parts of the country, including some rural
areas, have been affected. A variety of issues has trig-
gered off the unrest; eruption of widespread violence
and loss of life have become daily news items.

The turmoil coincided with the disinvestment
campaign and added fuel to sanctions fires. In South
Africa, serious questions surfaced in newspapers and
among the people in general: Is a revolution on the
cards for South Africa? Is South Africa on the verge of
a period of cyclic violence, propelling the country to-
wards unmanageable chaos and disorder? Are South
Africa’s black townships ungovernable?

To gain some understanding of the underlying
causes of current turmoil, an observation by Alexis
de Tocqueville is useful. Reviewing democracy in
America, he observed: “If men are to remain civil-
ised, or to become so, the art of associating together
must grow and improve in the same ratio in which
equality of conditions is increased.”

The phrase, “the art of associating together”, has
a direct bearing on the issue of socio-political stab-
ility, for it emphasises the necessity of political com-
munity and the creation of institutions facilitating
such community. This “art” raises a number of ques-
tions,

Among them are: Are existing institutions
adequate for the integration of new, emerging social
forces? Do the political will and art of innovation
exist sufficiently to change existing institutions,

81

enhancing political community and the creation of a
common sense of purpose? Do existing institutions
have the flexibiliry to minimise the gap between
rising expectations and reality?

Relative socio-political stabiliry goes hand in
hand with the effectiveness with which the “art of
associating together” takes place. It depends in the
last resort on the question whether institutions can
be established which integrate social forces effec-
tively, giving concrete expression to the wants,
needs and aspirations of people. If this “art” is found
wanting, socio-political instability appears to be
unavoidable.

Admittedly there are identifiable living con-
ditions, such as overcrowding, increased transport
costs or rents, which can spark off unrest and tur-
moil, but one has to distinguish carefully between
incidental unrest and structurally-generated unrest
and turmoil.

Incidental unrest stems from specific and isolated
issues and dissatisfactions. It occurs from time to
time in any community and stimulates the process of
bargaining.

Structurally-generated unrest is a different
phenomenon, constituting the real issue in any dis-
cussion of the prospects for socio-political stability in
South Africa. In the medium to long term, such
unrest can only be dealt with effectively within a
strategy of reform.

In the final analysis, socio-political instability
generated by structural problems is rooted in a
distorted balance between the “art of associating



of the RPA [Angolan People's Republic]: "I am ready to
defend the fatherland at any. moment, to’ comply with: the
Constitution and the laws of People's.Republic of

Angola, and to defend the gains of the Angolan revolution."

In the interview he gave O DIARIO, in his home in the city of Huige, Alfonso
Tonta said that he feels "perfectly integrated."

He took the oath on the flag as a soldier of the FAPLA and has already par-
ticipated in delicate political and military missions specifically in the
southern part of Angola. As officer of the Angolan Army, Alfonso Tonta
also talked about the enemy who must be fought today.

“UNITA no longer exists, It was a creation of.colonialism to prevent the
independence of Angola and it is today being exploited and manipulated by
the South Africans, Savimbi only tells lies to justify::the funds he gets
from South Africa. Since he can only tell lies, this means that his end is
near. He says that UNITA wants to liberate, But liberate whom--if UNITA
kills 01d people and children and destroys the economy? Liberate from whom
if UNITA does what the South Africans order it to do to prevent peace in
Angola and the evolution of the Angolan people?"

As for the ex-FNLA and COMIRA, Afonso Tonta is quite peremptory: "They no
longer exist."

In Portugal, however, under the cover the impunity which the Portuguese
government has granted it, the FNLA is still visible or somebody who speaks
out in the name of the FNLA, The former chief of staff of COMIRA knows them
only too well; "They are the opportunists who escaped in 1976, after the
defeat, such as Jose Rebalo, who gives interviews and issues announcements
to survive, They keep on dreaming. The FNLA of those who speak out in
Portugal, in Paris, and in the United States exists only in the papers."

Historical Reintegration

It is not common for a war to end with the victor opening

his arms to the vanquished and to receive him and give him

a place in society, This is what is happening in the northern
part of Angola as a result of the reintegration policy.

This village remained unconquered during all wars, Camouflaged in the dense
forest of a mountain area in the northeastern part of the province of-Uige,
it was the location of the central FNLA base since the 1960's, Today, a
senior officer of the FAPLA general staff and the former chief of staff of
the ex-FNLA/COMIRA meet in Kuilo-Kuango, shake hands and say: "We are
together,"

On 5 May, Col Dino Matross, the state security minister of the RPA, graduated
17 officers and 29 sergeants of the FAPLA and five community commissioners
of the MPLA-Labor Party all of whom had come from the former FNLA, The
ceremony marked the high point in the first phase of the reintegration policy



That . official added: "The enterprises must give a response to the initiatives
of the National Planning Commission; by undertaking a judicious selection of
the workers to be sent to the courses of this type."

2909
CSO: 3442/358

51



The chairman repeatedly had to ask for order, and Mr Pretorius had a difficult
time making his speech and answering questions due to the rowdy interjections.

He once again explained that the area in which the flats are being built has
been a Colored area since 1968 as a result of a proclamation of the Groups
Area Act. It is cut off from the white living areas by buffer zones. He also
said that large numbers of Coloreds who currently live illegally in white
areas such as Hillbrow and Jeppe want to move there voluntarily.

He explained that under a Supreme Court ruling of 1982 someone can be removed
from a specific living area as a punitive measure for his presence there if
there is an alternative place for him to stay.

In the midst of outcries from the audience that the Coloreds would burn down
the school in which the meeting was being held, the Esperanza Primary School,
because they "breed like rabbits" and the flats would shortly be inadequate,
the government was also accused of "being afraid of Coolies and Bushmen."

Mr Van der Merwe predicted that Dr Andries Treurnicht, as State President
"shortly" after the KP came to power, would declare constitutional matters to
be white private matters and in that way abolish the new constitution. He also

blamed the government, however, for the fact that the next general election
perhaps won't take place until 1994.

8700

CSO: 3401/267

93



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72


preparation work is currently in progress, consisting essentially of a screen-
ing of interested individuals.

"The basic requirement for applicants is an 8th class: diploma with reading
and writing skills and 5 years of job experience, They must .also take a
test to determine whether or not they can be admitted to this course," said
Alfredo Mateus.

Applicants must be individuals or employees of the enterprises or other
government agencies and private outfits and must meet requirements in the
following special fields: Carpenters, stone masons, pipe fitters, electricians,
civil engineering construction painters, tractor drivers, milling machine
operators, grading and paving technicians, diesel mechanics, and harvester
operators,

In the meantime, 18 instructors were trained during the first course of this
kind given last year; at this time, they are preparing manuals and training
programs and these will later on be distributed through various training
centers operated by this ministry to train and retrain the respective workers
and supervisory personnel of the ministry.

In the meantime we have been able to learn that some of the trainees are
returned to their places of origin to provide equitable and standardized
operation and to speed up the training programs in the various sectors or
enterprises of that ministry.

Other Courses

Alfredo Mateus also talking about the supervisory personnel training process
in his ministry at various levels, He announced that this agency at this
time has four training centers, two of which are located’ in Maputo, one in
Inhambane, and another one in Manica, while the fourth one’ [as published],
for the water department is also located in Maputo. The first two, located
in the country's capital, concentrate on training skilled workers for the
constructor sector.

Discussing the advantages of these courses in terms of the nation's develop-
ment, our source emphasized that they are particularly important because the
trainees are taught at the grass-roots level and in contact with real life
in the country; they therefore donot need any time to adjust to the working
conditions and difficulties which, in his opinion, they are already only too
familiar with.

5058
CSO: 3442/359

33



An official of the General Union of Cooperatives told our reporter that it is
hoped that the farm output.this.year will.be 1,700 tons while 400. tons of
miscellaneous meat products are expected. "We will continue to grow in this
way and to assume an ever more important role in supplying the country's
capital and above all in changing the living conditions of our peasants."

One very important indicator in getting an idea of the role played by the
rural cooperativization movement in Maputo is the contribution which it has
made to the supply of the capital.

In 1984, the movement supplied about.406 tons of vegetables and fruits for
the city's commercial establishments, as well as more than 100 tons of meat,
mostly pork, This contribution was channeled mainly to the social centers of
the enterprises and services.

This contribution to the capital's supply also has another important aspect
which resides in the local consumption by the cooperative farmers themselves.
Out of their farm output, the peasants consumed more than 700 tons’, plus

110 tons of meat.

Since there will be about 8,300 cooperative farmers in 1984, corresponding

to an identical number of families, one may conclude that these.peasants will
guarantee--for themselves and their families or, in other words, a population
of approximately 45,000. persons--an annual consumption of about 85 kilograms
of farm products per family, as well as more than 13 kilograms of meat for
each peasant family, In addition we must keep in mind the scores of thousands
of persons. who, in 1984, in the country's capital, were getting vegetables
and meat at cost from this peasant movement, thus consuming products which
they shipped for commercial sale.

The movement's economic dynamism has. also found an important social expression
in the fact that it is working against the general trend which is emerging in
the country toward a decline in the number of cooperatives and cooperative
farmers,

The data contained in the annual report from the General Union show that there
were 24 cooperatives in 1981 with 1,150 cooperative farmers; in 1982, the
cooperatives increased to 33 and the number of peasants went up to more than
2,100; in 1983, there were 81 cooperatives and 4,700 cooperative..farmers;

last year, there were 151 cooperatives with about 8,300 peasants,

The example which these peasants have set with respect to the others as
regards the specific improvement of their living conditions is a powerful
and constant means of mobilization, This is why the trend in social growth
continues.. This year, in 1985, we already have 181 cooperatives with about
10,300 peasants working toward a more decent life.

Asked to comment on the reasons for. this’ social-economic success, an official

from the General Union said that "There are many reasons and they certainly
deserve greater attention from some of the party and government officials;

45



JPRS*SSA85082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RIGHTWINGERS DEFEATED IN CULTURAL ORGANIZATION
Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 13 Jul 85 pp 1, 2
[Report "From Our Political Editorship": "FAK Rightwingers Beaten"]

[Text] Bloemfontein.--Candidates with far-right sympathies were decisively
defeated at yesterday's elections to the executive board of the FAK
[Federation of Afrikaans Culture Unions] in Bloemfontein, which means that
within a year moderates have entirely taken over control of the FAK.

Last year's confrontational congress in East London, where a group of
rightwing members of the executive board were voted out, was followed by the
defeat of the right-leaning Professor Marius Swart and Professor J. C. Lombard
in yesterday's voting.

After the election it was speculated in the lobbies that the verdict of the
congress was much more decisive than that of last year's congress. There was
talk of vote totals that indicate a noteworthy unity of sentiment among
cultural leaders as regards the FAK's future role.

The three members of the executive elected with absolute majorities yesterday
are Mr Hendrik Sloet, managing director of Saambou, Professor Jan Senekal,
professor of Afrikanns at the University of the Organge Free State, and Rev
Henno Cronje, Transvall information chief of the NG [Dutch Reformed] Church.

Mr Sloet, managing director of Saambou, was vice-chairman of the previous
executive board. His term had, however, expired.

The three who were defeated are Professor Swart, Professor Lombard and Mr D.
J. (Gannie) Viljoen. A seventh candidate, Mrs G. Malan of Johannesburg,
withdrew before the voting.

Professor Swart is professor of history at the UPE [expansion uncertain:
University of Potchefstroom?], Professor Lombard is professor of Bible study
at the UV [expansion uncertain: University of the Orange Free State?] and Mr
Viljoem is a past director of the Bureau of Development at the UV.

Professor Lombard was a board member. The third vacancy filled yesterday

arose earlier when Professor Carel Boshoff, leader of the Afrikanervolkswag,
resigned from the board.

114


JPRS#SSA%85"082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

MANAGERIAL TRAINING COURSE COMPLETED BY WORKERS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 2

[Text] Last weekend, workers from various agencies, totaling 19, completed a
training course in managerial planning sponsored by the National Planning
Commission. The closing ceremony was directed by the acting planning minister,
Rui Baltazar.

Sources from the National Planning Commission told our reporter that the course,
given by advisers selcted from various sectors of activity and cooperants
serving the National Planning Commission, lasted 4 months, during which the
course attendees received technical and practical instruction, in addition

to making study visits to certain enterprises.

As we could observe, most of the participants are engaged in planning and
management activities in their sectors.

In the opinion of some participants, the course contributed not only to their
training but also, and primarily, to the enhancement of their academic standing.

One of the course members remarked in this connection, "Although the duration
period was short (4 months), the instruction given here will enable us to work
in accordance with what is intended."

Training of Cadres Is Critical

The acting minister of planning, Rui Baltazar, who officiated at the course
closing ceremony, in his informal. remarks, cited the training as critical to
the present phase of the battle against underdevelopment.

He stressed the importance of this activity, recalling that is is associated
with the combination of many others aimed at solving the problems with which
the country is struggling, particularly in the area of cadres.

After noting that the training of cadres in.the various sectors of activity is

a requirement imposed by the need to improve the quality of work, Rui Baltazar
called attention to the responsibility of the enterprises.

50


but the main aspect is that the cooperatives. in Maputo are directed by. the
peasants. themselves and not by officials; that: creates many problems and
conflicts: because of the interests of the opportunists’ but,: tothe extent
that we manage to defend ourselves against these difficulties which they
made for us,.we managed to grow."

5058
CSO: 3442/359

46


top bureaucrats, General A ] van Deventer, head of
the SSC Secretariat," Dr Jannie Roux, Secretary
General of the State President's Office, and Dr L D
Barnard, head of the National Intelligence Service,
ere thought to hold the inside track.

As leader of the National Party, Botha has put a
personal stamp on the partys parliamentary caucus.
The caucus has a fixed agenda, but the details are
seldom made known to members in advance. Botha
impresses Nationalist MPs with his willingness to
allow wide-ranging caucus debate. He is known for
his powers of persuasion which, in turn, can be
related to his ability to simplify and explain complex
issues. This, however, does not mean that the
caucus plays an initiating role in policy-making: that
has traditionally been the preserve of the head of
government and his cabinet.’ What strikes a new
member of the caucus is, in fact, the dominant role
plaved by Botha and his ministers.

Botha is clearly in charge of the caucus and he
does not hesitate to give a firm lead. Before the
defection of the Treurnicht group in 1982, Botha did
not enjoy the same unassailable authority. The night-
wingers’ breakaway left a caucus more controlled in
another fespect. too: calculated leaks to the Press
have apparently ceased.

A party stalwart, Botha is keenly aware of the
need to maintain close contact with the National
Party rank and file. Part of his success as a party poli-
tician can be attributed to his finely-tuned pol
antennae. Although some Nationalist MPs would
have preferred South Africa’s first executive State
President to be above party politics, Botha opposed
the idea. He may have feared that a formal severance
of this link would undermine his power base in
Parliament and also alienate him from grass-roots
supporters.

The National Party's four annual provincial con-
gresses provide the official platform for “popular”
participation in the discussion of the party’s pro-
gramme and actions. The congresses however do not

* Jn a surprise move, Van
Deventer was in May 1985
appointed as South Africa's
ambassador to Cisket. Van
Deventer has, however, for
‘some time been talking of
retiring from his position in
the SSC. Given recent strains
in South Africa’s relations
with Ciskei - not least
concerning military matters ~
PW Botha perhaps wants @
tried and trusted officer to
Joak after Pretoria’s interests
there.

initiate policy; instead. they provide useful oppor-
tunities for the government to inform, explain and
drum up support for its policies. It would appear that
the congresses’ already limited influence is being
further eroded by such diverse factors as Botha’s sys-
tem of government by committee and the govern-
ment’s deliberate use of radio and television to con-
vey its message to the public.

Perhaps because of these developments, Botha
seems to be placing renewed emphasis on the role of
his MPs in maintaining continuous grass-roots con-
tact. “Chasing MPs back to their constituencies” is
particularly important in the Transvaal, where the
1982 split in the National Parry severely damaged its
constituency organisations.

A feature of Botha’s leadership style is that he.
values the contributions of outside experts in the pro-
cess of policy-making. Best known are his two highly
publicised meetings with the top-brass from the
business world. Academics. too, have suddenly
found themselves coming in from the cold to which
Vorster had relegated them. A fair number — nearly
all Afrikaners — have joined the key Department of
Constitutional Development and Planning: and
there are two former academics in the State Presi-
dent's Office. Botha seems to be nurturing a strong
connection with a group of Stellenbosch academics,

known for their outspoken cer/igre views. Being

an astute politician, he is obviously aware

of the value of academics in generating

ideas, serving as sounding boards and
also as kite flyers for policy changes.

Any consideration of outside inputs
into policy making must take cognisance
of the Broederbond.. That Botha’ and

nearly all members of his cabinet
belong to this-secret elitist Afrikaner
organisation points to a special relation-

ship between it and the government.
And indeed there is. The Broederbond
does not prescribe to the government; nor
does it initiate policy. But it is especially
valuable as a sounding board for the govern-
ment and as a legicimator of official policy.
With over 10 000 members, many in
key professions, it is obviously well
placed to spread the official message. Like the
National Party, the Broederbond was also torn by
the right-wing rebellion in 1982. This, together with
Botha’s system of government by committee, are
likely to have lessened its influence in public

policy.

Several close observers have noted that Botha has

mellowed over the past seven years, becoming more

75



cso:

3400/866

for restriction of unrest to manageable proportions
depend, in the final analysis, upon the “art of asso-
ciating together” on the constitutional level. Exclud-
ing blacks from the process of political decision-
making will have the same effect on the prospects for
socio-political stability as a dagger in the heart of a
human being.

If one is serious about the democratic objective of
creating stability on the basis of authentic and legiti-
mate institutions, constitutional reform in the direc-
tion of black participation is inevitable. Without
legitimate black participation in political decision-
making processes, the future stability of South Africa
will remain at stake despite coercive actions intended
to safeguard it.

This point is of particular significance to govern-
ment actions against the forces of unrest and dis-
order. Insofar as these actions stem from a power
structure from which blacks are excluded, they will
not gain black support.

Taking such steps will obviously require delicate
political: manoeuvring and courage. Signals sent out
by its spokesmen indicate that the government
admits the mistakes of the past and is seriously
looking at ways and means to rectify them, despite
the political risks involved. Pro-reform coalitions are
emerging and significant changes in policy principles
have been announced: acceptance of the perma-
nence of urban blacks, the right of blacks to freehold
title and the necessity to review influx control
measures.

The opportunities for a negotiated settlement of
South Africa’s political dilemmas outweigh the ob-
stacles. Time has not run out for the achievement of
relative stability. Indeed, it is now ripe for its attain-
ment. South Africans with vision, concern and the
capacity to contribute should commit themselves to
the achievement of this goal.

85



JPRS*SSA*85+082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

OJM FINISHES MATUNDO CONSTRUCTION PROJECT
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 15 Jul 85 p 1

[Text] The Mozambique Youth Organization [0JM] symbolically turned over the
Matundo housing project in Tete Province to the Ministry of Mineral Resources.
The construction work had to be stopped for lack of materials. The presenta-
tion ceremony took place at the CARBOMOC [Mozambique National Coal Company]
Cultural Center in Moatize last Friday. For this event, the OJM secretary
general, Zacarias Kupela, and the national director of geology and mines,
Francisco Soares, representing the Ministry of Mineral Resources, went to that
part of the country. .

The ceremony was attended by members of the provincial government and the Moa-
tize district government, CARBOMOC workers, OJM members and brigade members
from the German Free Youth (FDJ) association.

In the speech delivered after the signing of the terms of delivery, the secre-
tary general of the Mozambique Youth Organization remarked that the construc-
tion of those houses by the 0JM volunteer work brigade members, in cooperation
with the FDJ brigade members, was a major task in the country's reconstruction
and the enhancement of the conquests of national independence, thereby contri-
buting to the improvement of the workers’ housing conditions.

Zacarias Kupela commented: "The country needs everyone's participation, especial-
ly that of us, the youth, who still have energy for national. reconstruction.

It was on the basis of this principle that we, the youth, have used that energy,
performing a concrete job for the benefit of our society."

That member of the FRELIMO Party's Central Committee called upon the youth
to become involved in the fatherland's defense, by joining. the ranks of. the
Armed Forces of Mozambique, without waiting for compulsory military service,
“because the fatherland is calling for us."

Near the end of his address, Zacarias Kupela expressed. thanks ‘for the work done
by the FDJ brigade members who, alongside the OJM, proved their people's soli-
darity with our country.

The representative of the minister of mineral resources, in turn, stressed the
role of the Mozambican Youth Organization in the construction of that project

40


JPRS“SSA=85=089
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BRIEFS

RENAULT NOT FROZEN--The French government decision to freeze new investments
in South Africa would not interfere with Renault Africa's planning and ob-
jectives, managing director Bernard Vernoux said today, As Renault Africa
was a wholly-owned SA company, total capital investment and expenditure re~
quired for the tooling for the Renault 9 and Renault 11 model ranges had
been sourced locally, while CKD purchases from Renault France were financed
through normal supply credit arrangements, he said. [Text] [Johannesburg
BUSINESS DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 3]

UNREST HITS HOMES PLANS~-A major R65m housing scheme started this year on
Woodbridge Island, Milnerton; Cape Town, has been halted as a result of the
political unrest and slump in the property market, This was confirmed by
Harry Fuchs, MD of Woodbridge Island Development Company, which is 50% owned
by D&H Industrial Holdings, Building has been postponed until June, Fuchs
said, He added that the decision had been difficult to take as the site was
now ready for a start to be made on building the first of the 344 expensive
houses earmarked for the scheme. "We have already spent R10m on civil works,
including the building of a bridge linking the island to the Milnerton main.
land," Fuchs said, Fuchs said that he would use the postponement period to
consolidate the marketing drive. Work will also be continuing with the
civilwengineering works, tree~planting and landscaping, building of electri-
cal substations and the island's gatehouse, [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS
DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 4]

HSRC WARNED.-Minister of National Education F W deKlerk has warned the Human
Sciences Research Council that at all times it must ensure the "invisible
line" between research and policy-making was respected, [sentence as pub-
lished] De Klerk said it was important a research organisation like the HSRC
should not be drawn into the political arena by forces outside, adding that
the media had a "grave responsibility" to report objectivély and in a balanced
way when it came to research findings, [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in
English 1 Aug 85 p 4]

WHITES MUST LOWER STANDARDS--The director of the Bureau for Economic Research
at Stellenbosch University, Professor Attie de Vries, said that White South
Africans have high economic expectations but would have to scale them down,
DeVries said the SA economy had almost reached the low point of the recession
and there would be some sideways movement before the upswing started during
the first half of next year, [Text] [Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English
1 Aug 85 p 4]

126


JPRS*SSA=85"082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

STATE OF EMERGENCY WILL NOT AFFECT REFORM POLICY
Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 25 Jul 85 p 20
(Editorial: "Are They Afraid?"]

[Text] It is so easy to say that the declaration of the state of emergency is
a sign that the government has decided to say goodbye to its policy of
political reform and "to shoot its way out of the state of unrest," as the PFP
[Progressive Federal Party]'s group on law and order put it so vividly that
week, true to the negative character of the party.

To say that is easy, in fact, for people who on the white side have so far
always tried to put a spoke in the wheel of the reform process, and for those
who on the black side continue to shy away from the demands of responsible
leadership.

Inasmuch as they stood have aloof and peered over their shoulders at the
extremists on their side, what right have they to make such accusations
against the government, which has demonstrated its good faith by putting
through extremely far-reaching measures despite opposition from its own rank
and file? Isn't there rather a responsibility now on the part of those who
stand on the sidelines and shout to demonstrate their own good faith for once?

Only those who are wilfully blind will fail to grasp that the state of
emergency is a necessary evil to which the government was obliged to turn if
the climate for reform was not to be entirely ruined. And it is sufficiently
clear that that was the aim of the steps the government had to take, with
undoubted reluctance.

And for those who still could not understand this, Minister Gerrit Viljoen
gave another intimation only yesterday in BEELD that reforms in all areas will
be tackled with "new momentum" as soon as the emergency measures have had
their desired effect. But apart from that he gave the assurance that, to the
extent that they have not been handicapped by the state of unrest, current
initiatives have in no sense come to a standstill.

Why in any case is it necessary to doubt this? The government is busy
following a course that good sense indicated to it--a course that everyone
blessed with even the most limited amount of good sense ought to recognize as
the golden mean between extremism of left and right.

110


FRENCH BELIEVE SANCTIONS WILL HAVE LITTLE EFFECT

JPRS#S8A~850082
4 September 1995

SOUTH AFRICA

Johannesburg SUNDAY TIMES (BUSINESS Supplement) in English 28 Jul

85 pl

[Article by Brendan Ryan]

[Text]

CSO:

FRENCH businessmen
believe the disinvest-
ment measures an-
nounced so far will
have little effect on
their South African op-
erations.

However, the implications
would be serious if the
French Government moved
to curtail trade.

France is one of the largest
European consumers of SA
coal, importing about 5,8-
million tons in 1984, French
electronics and: engineering
companies have won major
contracts in SA, particularly
with Escom.

Buck passers

French exports to SA in

* 1984 are estimated at 4,3-bil-

lion francs (about R935-mil-
lion). SA exports to France
last year are estimated at
£95 Billion francs (R1,3-bil-
ion).

forts to confirm these -

figures failed, the French
trade mission in Johannes-
burg and the French Consul-
ate in Pretoria passing the
buck between them. Neither
would give figures.

Bernard Lafitte, managin
director of Total SA an
president of the French

mber of Commerce and

3400/859

Industries of Southern

Africa, believed the reason

for the French Government's

action lay in next year’s elec-
S.

“The Government faces an
election in March and its po-
sition at present does not look
good. Maybe they think they
can win votes by this action
against South Africa.”

Big gap

Total SA exports about 3,5-
million tons of coal a year
and has another 500 000 ton a
yer export entitlement for

Phase 4 ramme.
ME Lalitte said Total had
al 1@ mon
needed For that expansion
and did not require funds
from its parent for the fore-
seeable future,

SA shareholders held 44%
of its operations in this coun-
try. Funds raised in SA by
Total for expansion would
not be affected by the French

nt’s ruling.

“There is also often a bi;
gap between what a politi-
clan says he will do and what
he actually does.”

The French Chamber of
Commerce and Industries,
the South African branch of
the French National Com-
mitte of External Trade and
the French man-to-man com-

mittee of the SA Foundation,

119

are all Grotestin ig to the
French Government on its
move against South Africa, :
They say French com-
panies have played an impor.
int role in bringing t
social change in SA and the
embargo on new investment
will lead to more poverty.
Peter Gray, senlor eneral
manager of the French Bank
of SA, said the bank’s busi-
ness would continue as usual.


JPRS=SSA-85u089
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

URBAN FOUNDATION MD CALLS FOR REFORM ALLIANCES

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 2

[Article by Peter Wallington]

[Text]

CSO:

THE forging of reform alliances to
bring pressure on forces uphold!
the status quo was the cruel:
step in managing reform, Urban
Foundation MD Robin Lee said yes-

He Yas speaking at a Social Responsi-
bility Mana; it Association meeting
in Johannes! on “Reform and the
social lity of the private sec-

While organised commerce and indus-
try had made calls for feform in recent
months, reform sho depend on
statements of what t to be. Reform
was a manageable social, economic and
Political Process, he Said

form envisages change occurring

in sequential fashion rather than simul-
taneously, and not requiring any prere-
oe

e key prerequ managing re-
form, he said, were: ‘
O The identification of key areas of need
in which positive change seemed attain-
able and would have important multipli-
er effects in the society,
Ollssues that needed to be addressed
were: a willingness to change on the part
sche deminer, he ele
al st policies to cope with pre-
sent problems: re to change, both
external and i; and concrete pro-
posals on what changes were necessary

3400/856

and how these could be made;
OResoures for must be mar-
shalled and, in Particular, reform alli-
ances must be forged.

Lee said the realisation that reform
was a process that could be managed
gave cause for hope.

“Tt is not the case that can be
done... that we must simply wait for the
substantial progress canbe made eae
substantial progress can
cially if the © private sector throws its
weight behind this process.”

He said each company and association
could reinforce its concern with social
inequality by channelling its social-re-
sponsibility commitment to the goal of
reform and pooling resources for
maximum effect.

By co-operating with other like-mind-
ed organisations the private sector could
help to bring a united and strengthened
front demanding legislative change, Lee
said. -

He added that it was important to take
advantage of the ent’s willing-

ness to effect reform, “for black suffer- *

ing is already acute, polarisation is
ing ground and ‘ibstantial volves

change is crucial to defuse the current
situation”,

124


ANGOLA

JPRS-SSA- 85-082

4 September 1985

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

ConTENTS

Minister of Interior Delivers Anniversary Message
(Alexandre Rodrigues; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 23 Jun 85) ..

Former FNLA Official on Organization, Holden Roberto
(Johny Eduardo Pinock Interview; DIARIO DE NOTICIAS,

22 Jul 85) cecvcececerccccccccsccesecvessrceeseescesseseeee

Agribusiness Complex Manager on Sugar Harvest Problems
(Osvaldo Goncalves; JORNAL DE ANGOLA, 23 Jun B85) weceseeeee

'

Briefs
UNTA Meeting in Cabinda
Transport of Merchandise
Permanent Brigades for Registration, Identification

MOZAMBIQUE

New Impetus To Claim Soviet Scholarships :
(NOTICIAS, 11 Jul 85) weccecececcccceccccceccccesssunssceee

Representative of Polish Friendship Group Speaks
(NOTICIAS, 17 Jul 85) crvecsccevscccccccceccererseececseeee

Cabo Delgado, Inhambane Citizens Decorated
(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) .cecevceeeeeeccecrccrcrerecseceereese

Guebuza Praises Defense, Increased Production in Nampula
(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) cesccecccecceececrvecescerensesecsees

Marracuene District Recovers Rapidly From Floods
(NOTICIAS, 17 Jul 85) cesccccccccceccceeeeeaecssesesseceres

New Indian Equipment for Fiber Project
(NOTICIAS, 16 Jul 85) .csecccecccccvccscececccncecnceaveeee

12

16

16

16

18

20

22

25

27

30


JPRS*SSA°85=082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BLACK STRENGTH SEEN IN EFFECTIVE BOYCOTTS, STRIKE THREAT
Hamburg DER SPIEGEL in German 12 Aug 85 pp 84-85
[Unattributed article: "South Africa: 'guicidally Resolved'"]

[ext] Blacks are boycotting white stores; foreign firms
are withdrawing; in more and more areas of the country
the fines of rebellion are burning. South Africa's apart—
heid regime is under pressure from many quarters. Now,
even the workers in the all-important gold and coal
minee are planning to go on strike.

The man in the safari suit and the moustache clipped short in the Boer manner
was pointing to the overfull shelves of his hardware store, And then he poin=
ted resignedly at the empty aisles of his store. Normally, it would be full
of black customers. But now the situation was "like the Kaffir War."

South Africa is not—-yet—in a state of war. The two sides are too unequal
in strength for that, The whites are firing their guns; all the blacks can
do for the time being is march and mourn.

But still—the blacks have discovered weapons to which the South African
regime can react neither with police truncheons or army bullets: customer
poycotts and strikes.

If the blacks really succeed in boycotting white shops throughout the coun-
try for any length of time, the regime is likely to face a far more diffi=
cult situation than if the Western industrialized nations instituted a
trade blockade.

For 4 weeks now, blacks have not been puying anything in white shops in
the Cape Province where the port cities of East London and Port Elizabeth
are located. As a result, 43 shops in the North End section of Port Eliza—
beth have suffered declines in sales ranging from 30 to 100 percent. Two
of the shops were forced to close down. "The boycott hurts," the Johannes~
‘burg FINANCIAL MAIL wrote.

103



Mr Krugel's letter springs from the agitation now prevailing in Southwest
because of Proclamation AG 8. According to that measure, education is the
jurisdiction of second-level ethnic authorities. Non-white members of the
National Assembly have already asked that AG 8 be deleted. Concern among
whites about the future of white education has already grown to the extent
that the chairman of the white executive committee and leader of the SWANP
[Southwest Africa National Party], Mr Kosie Pretorius, had to issue a
statement about it. Mr Pretorius said that white education is "unnegotiable."
Later, however, other spokesmen for his party said that AG 8 is not a "golden
ealf."

It is clear from the first series of discussions in the National Assembly that
AG 8 is quickly becoming a serious point of contention. During a recent
discussion a representative of Swapo-D said that the second-level authorities
are comparable to the colonial system and that bribery is used to "oppress"
blacks. Group rights are advocated in order to continue racial discrimination
and preserve white domination. "We demand an equal distribution of the
country's wealth, equal pay for equal work, the right to live where we want,
the right to do business where we want, universal education for our children,
the right to give and the right to take. Racism is the result of white
hypocrisy," said the Swapo-D member of the National Assembly.

13084
CSO: 3401/191

63



IJPRS*SSA=85°082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

TETE GOVERNOR PRAISES FISHERMEN FOR PRODUCTION. EFFORT
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] A few days ago, Eduardo Arao, first secretary of the Provincial Committee
and governor of Tete, called upon the workers at the Nova Chicoa Fishing Complex
in the district of Cahora Bassa to realize the need for preparing themselves
for their self-defense both politically and militarily.

The top-ranking party and state leader in Tete Province praised the positive
work being done in fishing production, stressing that this progress must be
permanent and increasing.

The party's provincial first secretary’also said that a party cell should be
formed in that production front, and courses in literacy and adult education
must be introduced.

During the extensive visit that the Tete governor paid to the Chicoa Fishing
Complex, he was informed about several construction jobs and projects under

way in that region, and was given a general account of the fishing potential
of that area, and the respective production facilities used by the fishermen.

Eduardo Arao was similarly informed that, during the first half of this year,
the fishing complex produced over 70 percent of the planned volume, thanks to
the aid received in the form of products of prime necessity, primarily salt,
flour and some amounts of clothing.

Moreover, Eduardo Arao, accompanied by the provincial directors of transport
and communications, industry and power, and agriculture, and the substitute
for the resigned administrator of Cahora Bassa, visited the Fishing School
Center located 2 kilometers from the Fishing Complex.

On this site, the governor of Tete praised the initiatives of the workers who,
relying on the local resources, are building housing and water tanks for
consumption, cutting wood and making other useful items for their work.

Eduardo Arao advised the workers at the Fishing School Center to enhance the
quality of. their production and, in. cooperation with the PESCOM enterprise, to
make a survey of the incentive products to ensure an increase in fishing activity
in the Nova Chicoa area.

During the course of the visit the governor of Tete Province inaugurated two
pre-fabricated houses located at the Nova Chicoa Fishing Complex in Cahora
Bassa.

2909
80: 3442/357 49



greater political participation in their own affairs and those of the country
as a whole. Sanctions and, to boot, ones which obviously are motivated by
internal politics (pacifying black Americans and other blocks of voters from
the anti-apartheid front), will only harden the attitude of many white South
Africans and make it more difficult for President Botha to continue in peace
with his policy of limited reform.

Now as before, the reins of power are all in the hands of the white South
Africans. When they finally will make up their minds to share this power with
the other ‘sections of the population, and how much of their power they then will
be willing to give up, depends on them alone. Botha might well be willing to
accommodate the blacks quickly and to a large extent. He has already granted
the Cape Mulattos and the Indians certain rights within the system of white
supremacy. Something similar is conceivable for the blacks--say, in a federal
system with the black states that already exist and a special solution for the
“white" regions and the "urban blacks" living in the crowded industrial areas
around the big cities. But, despite his very extensive presidential powers,
Botha is no dictator. He has to answer to a parliament, and this parliament is
dependent on an electorate that has differing views of Botha's goals, which
still have never been precisely defined, and of the speed with which they can be
achieved.

It is not only among the blacks that a power struggle is in progress for the best
starting positions for the time after an agreement on the new order in South
Africa; among the whites, too, there is considerable disagreement concerning
where Botha's path is leading. The worst thing that could happen to South
Africa would be a battle with everyone against everyone: black against white,
black against black and white against white. In some Places the signs of such

a development can already be discerned. Botha must stop this at all costs, if
he wants to maintain himself at the head of the state and not be washed away one
day by what is happening. That would perhaps be the hour for the armed forces.
But what would be gained by that?

In the long run, there is no path that can avoid the necessity of negotiating a
solution acceptable to all segments of the Republic of South Africa's popula-
tion. Botha declared his ‘readiness to do this, but he was not precise enough,
for fear of those white citizens who feel that he already went too far with the
three-chamber parliament and the announcement that next the blacks were to be
politically “satisfied.” and perhaps he delayed too long in starting a dialogue
with the leading representatives of the blacks. Now that a state of emergency
rules in the principal black residential areas, scarcely anyone from among them
will want to speak with Botha.

12507
CSO: 3420/76

98


Inhambane Decorates Four Citizens

In Inhambane, at a ceremony held at the National Railroad School and headed
by the provincial director of transport and communications, two citizens were
decorated a few days ago with the Valor and Patriotism Medal, first class.
They are Carlos Manhica, a driver, and Daniel Isaias Maculuva, a teacher.

The former, a worker in the Department to;"Prevent and Combat Natural Disasters
in Inhambane, was awarded. the Valor and Patriotism Medal, first class, for
the courage displayed in the exercise of his duties.

Carlos Manhica, a driver by occupation, was twice the victim of attacks by
the armed bandits, as he was driving a vehicle from that department. Despite
having suffered serious wounds, he managed to withstand them during the
journey, in this way preserving the goods that he was carrying and the vehicle
that he was driving. a

7 + .
Daniel Isaias Maculuva, ian elementary schoolteacher from Inhambane Province,
for his part, was also awarded the Valor and Patriotism Medal, second class.
This citizen suffered atrocities on the part of the armed bandits on several
occasions, but did not cease his teaching activity.

According to a report provided on this occasion by the OJM [Mozambique Youth
Organization] provincial secretary, Daniel Isaias Maculuva was named by the
provincial committee preparing for the 12th World: Festival of Youth and
Students to be. among the members who will join the Inhambane Province delega-
tion to this event in Moscow.

Recently, Governor Jose Pascoal Zandamela awarded medals of honor to Sebastiao
Dengo, Tafere Magala Tire, Basilio Jeque Manhica and Veronica da Conceicao
Machava, who distinguished themselves .on warious combat fronts,

Sebastiao Dengo, provincial director of agriculture, received the Veteran of
the Armed Struggle for National Liberation Medal for being an. outstanding
militant with clandestine status, forming cells of the Mozambican Liberation
Front during the 1960's.

Tafere Magala Tire, an agricultural technician, was also awarded the Veteran
of the Armed Struggle for National Liberation Medal, for his acknowledged
merits on the battle front against colonialism and the development and consoli-
dation of the revolutionary conquests.

Basilio Jeque Manhica, a farmer from the Zavala district, received the Medal
of Socialist Labor, third class, for his involvement in combating famine.
With yokes of oxen and hoes, Basilio Jeque tilled an area of 120 hectares on
which he planted several crops, the marketed production uoutput of which was
worth 7,000 contos.

Veronica da Conceicao Machava, a nurse-midwife, was awarded the Valor and
Patriotism Medal, second class, for her courage in performing her duties.

23



and distributed as follows: 105 for the higher course, and three for the
finishing course for graduates of Soviet higher educational establishments;

the same number for the post-graduate course; two for the scientific-pedagogical
internship; and two for courses to train basketball coaches.

Of the 115 aforementioned grants, 30 are provided by the Council for Economic
Mutual Assistance (CEMA); 20 by the Ministry of Fisheries to train specialists
in that field; and five for training cadres to work on joint Soviet-Mozambican
cooperation projects. .

A total of 48 grants are provided by the USSR's democratic mass organizations,
with 20 given by the Union of Associations for Friendship and Cultural Relations
With Asian and African Countries (OSSPAA); five by the Central Council of Soviet
Trade Unions (CCSS); and 10 by the Central Council of the Union of Consumer
Cooperatives (CCUCC).

UEM Enrolls 800 Students

The. optimism of the Soviet representative concerning the total use of the grants
provided to the People's Republic of Mozambique results partly from the Mozam-
bican Government's effort to train specialized labor and, onthe other hand,

the increase in the number of those enrolled in higher education.

In that professor's opinion, most of the students whose schooling began in 1975
will complete secondary school next year. This will allow for an increase in
university students and, consequently, in students given. grants to continue
studying abroad.

By way of example, Eduardo Mondlane University, according to a source from that
educational establishment, for the first time this year, enrolled nearly 600
students in the various schools, as opposed to 400 in previous years.

According to the subject of our interview, there has also been an improvement. in
the number of Mozambican instructors in the schools at Eduardo Mondlane Univer-
sity. Whereas in 1975, it had only four native instructors, at present the same
educational institution has 120. .

In the opinion of our subject , the tendency toward using the grants is improving,

in view of the fact that, whereas in 1984 only 40 students were benefited, this
year 120 have already enrolled.

2909
CSO: .3442/355

19



JPRS*SSA*852°082

Mandela Cannot Be Released 4 September 1985

Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 28 Jul 85 p 12
[article: "The UN and Mandela"]

(Text] It would be naive to deny that South Africa is under extraordinary
pressure. The existence of a state of emergency internally and the resolution
of the UN Security Council abroad over the weekend are indications of how high
and fiercely the fires are burning. As can be expected in such circumstances,
all kinds of demands are now being made on the Republic -- domestically with
the apparent aim of advising the Government on how to cool the atmosphere
here, and abroad with the obvious aim of steering the country on a course that
will satisfy the radicals.

Just as suddenly, the "unconditional" release of Nelson. Mandela becomes in the
process a condition for holding talks -- a refrain in which the Progressives
also joined over the weekend.

South Africa must now be careful that the goal behind the negotiation
initiatives does not totally disappear in the clouds of dust which are being
kicked up. The goal still remains to involve the moderate elements here in a
talk about a new future for the blacks. Mandela cannot be a part of that talk
because he does not want to renounce force and thus does not qualify as a
moderate. He can hardly be "unconditionally" released under the
circumstances, without also giving his organization, the ANC, and the latter's
leader, the Communist Party, a voice in the talk.

13084
cso: 3401/190

102



Subbian told our reporter that he had been in this line of work (small-scale
Indian industry). for the past 30.years. He came to Mozambique to provide
technical support for the operation of these’ machines.

5058
CSO: 3442/359

31



JPRS*SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

RELATIONS BETWEEN AFRIKANER TEACHERS, OTHERS
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 9 Jul 85 p 4
{Report "From Our Correspondent": "Afrikaner is Necessary" ]

[Text] Cape Town.--Members of the teachers’ unions of the various population
groups were told yesterday that they should not alienate the Afrikaner in
their search for a solution to the teaching problem.

The chairman of the Association of Afrikaans Teachers' Unions, Professor
Hennie Maree, gave this warning after other speakers at the conference of
teachers' unions at the University of Cape Town expressed criticism of
government policy and the Afrikaans teachers’ unions.

Mr Franklin Sonn, chairman of the Union of Teachers’ Associations (UTASA) said
inter alia that they experienced problems in working with the
Afrikaans-speaking teachers because of those teachers’ desire to maintain
“apartheid education."

Professor Maree said that the alienation of the Afrikaner must be guarded
against, because future historians might possibly find that the Afrikaner was
not so unjust and perhaps compared well with the most righteous in Africa and
the world.

Moreover, for all his faults, the Afrikaner has set an example in that he had
"worked and not burned” when he had found himself in a similar position.

12906
cso: 3401/275

112


JPRS*SSA=85~082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

ZEMBE-CENTRO LOCALITY CHANGES DISTRICTS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 20 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] The town of Zembe-Centro, which previously belonged’ to the District
of Chimolo, Province of Manica, several days ago was transferred to the
District of Sussundenga, This was done by the provincial government because
several difficulties were discovered in supplying daily necessities.

This correction in the administrative division springs from the recommendations
made by the provincial government and adopted during one of its recent working
sessions.

MG Tobias Dai, the Manica province military commander, who presided over the
transfer ceremonies for the town of Zembe-Centro from the District of Chimolo
to the District of Sussundenga, explained that this will permit the town to
be properly supplied and supported politically.

Tobias Dai noted that, before it was decided to transfer Zembe-Centro to the
District of Sussundenga, the local population had serious difficulties in
procuring food products, above all, since the district government did not
always find it easy to exercise effective control over the political activi-
ties in the area, nor were they able to render proper assistance to the
local inhabitants on various levels.

Geographically, the town of Zembe-Centro is closer to the District of
Sussundenga than to its old administrative region (Chimoio). According to
Tobias Dai, this among other things was the main cause that forced the
government of the Province of Manica to take this step in an effort to
improve the social situation of the town inhabitants,

In addition to the Manica provincial military commander, the ceremony was
attended by the first secretaries of the FRELIMO Party and the district.
administors of Chimolo and Sussundenga, Miguel Rabo and Alberto Sarande,
respectively, as well as party and government cadres from that province.

On that occasion, the population of the town of Zembe-Centro gave the second

secretary of the FRELIMO Party in Manica an amount of 6,000 meticals to be
used to support. the country's defensive capacity.

5058
CSO: 3442/359

55



JPRS*SSA°85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MARAIS CALLS FOR USE OF ARMY IN UNREST
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 24 Jul 85 p 1, 16
[article: "Black Areas: Order Falling Apart; 'Use Defense Force,' Says Jaap")

(CExtract] Order and authority are falling apart in many of South Africa's
black residential areas. With disturbances which have already continued
incessantly since last September, it is now accepted that South Africa has to
deal with the most serious threat to internal security ever.

When he addressed the Orange Free State regional congress of the HNP
[Herstigte Nasionale Party] last week, the party leader, Mr Jaap Marais, made
a sharp attack on the government's handling of the disturbances. Mr Marais
said that authority and order in the black residential areas have been almost
completely destroyed. The rioters have chosen the black police and members of
local black management boards as their targets, and have succeeded to such an
extent that these authority figures have either been driven out or made
powerless. The rioters have now taken over authority in many black villages
and appointed persons who act as substitute authorities.

Mr Marais said that by its weakness the government has allowed these villages
to now become bases of terrorism. "The riots have been allowed to grow into a
war. In the meantime, Mr P.W. Botha has been silent about this extremely
alarming and serious state of affairs," the HNP leader said. Mr Botha has not
even once in public expressed a word of sympathy over the murder of a white
woman at Nigel nor a word of abomination at the murder gangs.

Mr Marais said that military operations in Angola will not do anything to this

growing internal destabilization. "Why doesn't the government use the Defense
Force to restore law and order?" Mr Marais asked.

13084
cso: 3401/191

109



detailed working of departments. Vorster, in con-
trast, had a laissez-faire attitude, generally preferring
not to be bothered by departmental matters.

An early feature of Botha’s premiership was the
way in which he drew bureaucrats into top-level pol-
itical decision-making. This was done through the
various cabinet committees and their subsidiary
organisations. Best known of these committees was
the State Security Council. (SSC), which had a vast
network of supporting institutions. Various expla-
nations have been offered for Botha’s reliance on the
inputs of expert bureaucrats or technocrats in politi-
cal decision making. First, the Defence Force
probably convinced him of the value of a team effort
in decision-making, with professional experts sup-
plying information and advice.

A second and entirely different explanation
portrays Botha’s “government by committee” as a
substitute for decisive leadership. Botha, so the argu-
ment goes, is afraid of stepping out and giving a firm
lead; he is obsessed with having his “back covered”
by others, both politicians and professional bureau-
crats (there is, however, ample evidence to refute
this charge; decisiveness is a hallmark of Botha’s
Jeadership style).

A third explanation of Botha’s style of govern-
ment relates to his legendary quick temper. The

argument is that the system of government
by committee may go some way towards
preventing rash decisions being taken in
moments of ill temper.

Finally, Botha is said to be over-
awed by people with high academic
qualifications. This is then related to his
own lack of academic qualifications,
which leaves him with an inferiority
complex. Botha, the critics maintain,
finds himself “in a job too big for
him”. To compensate, Botha has sur-
rounded himself with staff sporting
doctorates. In the State President's
Office, for example, three of the four
top officials have doctorates. But
this, too, is a questionable ex-
planation for Botha’s leadership
style. While he may be duly
impressed by the expertise of
this bevy of doctors, he
doesn’t hesitate to challenge

them in debate.

Botha’s preoccupation with planning extends
well beyond the various formal structures already
outlined. On a personal level he tends to be painfully
methodical, particularly in preparing speeches —

Vorster, in contrast, would make impromptu
speeches from a few hastily prepared notes — for
official meetings and other encounters. Because he
fears being caught unawares, Botha approaches
potentially confrontational meetings with a plan of
action. Part of this strategy may well include a dis-
play of ill cemper designed to impress, if noc intimi-
date, his adversaries. On other occasions Botha's loss
of temper is quite spontaneous — but may have the
same result.

A celebrated recent confrontation was with a
delegation of maize farmers. An unyielding Botha re-
fused to heed the farmer's demands. Afterwards. the
leader of the delegation described him as a “tough
customer” who had given them a “rough” reception.
It was one of the “most unpleasant” meetings in his
life, the farmers’ leader said.

The showdown with the maize farmers points to
Botha’s decisiveness, even ruthlessness, when he
believes the occasion demands it. This trait of Botha
fits in with his impatience and his “clean desk”
approach. Decisions nearly always involve risks, and
Botha has certainly taken some major gambles in
recent years. One need only recall his confrontation
with the right-wing rebels in the National Party in
1982, leading to a split in the paity. The decision to
submit the government's constitutional proposals to a
white referendum in 1983 also carried considerable
political risks.

Botha’s willingness to make tough and quick
decisions, and to run the accompanying political
risks, stands in sharp contrast to Vorster’s caution,
often indecisiveness. Vorster was hamstrung by the
ever-present spectre of right-wing resistance to
policy changes. And he seemed to suffer from a loss
of political will and direction, particularly towards the
end of his premiership. Had Vorster still been in
office, reform initiatives such as a mixed Parliament,
a new labour dispensation and the scrapping of sex
laws, would probably not have been taken.

Two crucial political issues that have still noc
been resolved by Botha, after nearly seven years in
power, are independence for Namibia and the polici-
cal accommodation of black South Africans. It may
well be that the government is undecided on both
questions. Clearly, these matters cannot be left unre-
solved indefinitely. In line with his impatient nature,
Botha has already said that he wants to resolve the
question of black citizenship during his period in
office.

What perhaps improves the prospects for pro-
gress on the two issues ~ assuming of course he
remains in office for a few more years — is Botha’s
proven flexibilicy. Botha admittedly recognises

73



JPRS*SSA°85"082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

GUEBUZA PRAISES DEFENSE, INCREASED PRODUCTION IN NAMPULA

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 1

[Text] The minister of the presidency, Armando Guebuza, who was in the city of
Nampula from 9 to 12 July, congratulated the partyand state structures, those
of the defense and security forces and the province's population as a whole,
on the decisive action that they have taken to neutralize the armed bandits
in this part of the country.

Armando Guebuza noted that the armed bandits have used Nampula Province as a
starting point from which they are attempting to jeopardize the progress of
the Mozambican revolution and the country’s economic development. He stressed
that the lefty spirit of patriotism shown by the local population’ succeeded in
changing significantly the state of terror which was being experienced at the
end of last year and the beginning of this year.

The minister of the presidency made these comments while speaking at a meeting
held by the provincial government for the purpose of achieving an assessment of
observations made during the course of the visit that he paid to various sectors
of light industry, and others, in the provincial capital of Nampula.

Armando Guebuza seemed particularly impressed by the work being done in connec-
tion with self-sufficiency andjprimarily in the foundry section of the Agostinho
dos Santos Enterprise where, after a stoppage of 8 years, various items are
being manufactured, ranging from water tanks to pots and pans, plates, knives,
forks and spoons, among other implements quite useful to the population.

Minister Armando Guebuza stressed: "This shows a proper attitude, applying the
principle of relying on our own forces to meet our needs"; and then praised
the exemplary cooperation in the sector between the People's Republic of Mozam-
bique and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Governor Feliciano Gundana, in turn, speaking on this occasion, gave a brief
explanation of .the present situation in Nampula Province. He underscored the
importance of the province in the production. of consumer goods, not only for
its population but also for populations of ‘other neighboring provinces. That
official also said that certain negative factors have limited Nampula Province's

25



JPRS*SSA*852082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

WHITE ORGANIZATIONS BBB AND AWB AT ODDS
Johannesburg DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 9 Jul 85 p 3

[Report: "BBB (White Liberation Movement) Warns Terre'Blanche (of AWB
{Afrikaner Resistance Movement]) after newspaper report"]

{Text] Johannesburg--The Afrikaner Resistance Movement of Mr Eugene
Terre'Blanche was warned by the unknown far-right secret organization the
White Liberation Movement not to cause a confrontation.

In a letter to Mr Terre'Blanche, a copy of which was sent to the papers, the
BBB reacts sharply to a statement of Mr Terre'Blanche about the BBB to DIE
TRANSVALER.

Mr Terre'Blanche recently reacted sharply to words which were recently painted
on the wall of the Westdene reservoir in which a connection was implied
between the two organizations.

According to the BBB, it was not responsible for the "graffiti" on the wall--
the site of the Westdene bus disaster.

In the letter, Mr Terre'Blanche is accused of "scathing attacks" on the BBB.
According to the letter, written by an anonymous so-called "chief secretary"
of the BBB, no member of the BBB is a member of the AWB. .

Mr Terre'Blanche is told: "Contrary to what you say, the BBB does not feed on
the misery around the death of the children of the Westdene bus disaster, but
merely does its duty as a responsible White by not allowing the truth to be
covered up with respect to the attack on Whites on the roads of South Africa."

This duty, according to "the chief secretary," is not performed by any of the
so-called rightist or conservative movements, including the AWB.

Emphasis is put on the fact that the BBB has no desire whatsoever to join the
AWB, but also that it has not singled out the AWB as an enemy.

Mr Terre'Blanche is warned, however, that if he continues to insult the BBB,
it (will) "undoubtedly lead to a confrontation." Mr Terre'Blanche is
requested to "clear up the matter."

8700
CSO: 3401/267

91



FNLA No Longer Exists

Question: Does the FNLA still exist all of this? What is there left of the
FNLA?

Answer: I can tell you quite truthfully that the FNLA no longer exists. Not
because it was kicked out of Kinshasa, which was its traditional headquarters,
It does not exist because of the determination of the majority of the members
constituting the movement. Of course, an individual or even a handful of
individuals might continue to say that they belong to the FNLA or there

might be a leader who might say that the FNLA goes on.

But initially the FNLA essentially was a liberation movement, It made mis—
takes, it had shortcomings, but, after all, it was fighting. However, the
moment it stopped fighting, I think the movement ceased to exist, It cannot
exist simply because of the will of one or two individuals, 6,000 kilometers
from here, or because of the will of the Americans who continue to support
Holden Roberto, 14,000 kilometers from here. This happens only perhaps to
justify the funds which they have received,

But, in all sincerity, FNLA no longer exists. There was former militants,
former cadres, and former leaders who do not want to return, some because
of their bitterness and others out of fear of having to face the country's
reality, But I know that they will return sooner or later,

Question: But they continue to show up in Portugal speaking in the name of
the FNLA,

Answer: First of all, this is due to the ambuguity of the political position
of those who run Portugal today, It is my opinion that Angola's independence
and the socialist option of the MPLA turned them into men full of hate, men
who are still at war, something which is still in the hearts of many
Portuguese, It is up to those Portuguese men in power to root these feelings
out of their mentality and nostalgia and face the situation such as it is in
reality,

I bélieve that Portugal must make a major and intelligent effort to ensure
the centuries-old bonds of friendship that exist between the Portuguese
people and the Angolan people, This tragic reality which is represented by
the quasi-official support given by Portugal's present leaders to these
puppet grouplets, that spoils relations between Portugal and Angola. It is
sad that, 10 years after the downfall of fascism, certain Portuguesé leaders
act as if Angola were still a colony, ‘This is unacceptable. I think that
they have the obligation completely to prohibit the actions of those indi-
divuals who operate freely in Portugal against Angola, It is a waste of
time to try to impose neocoloniast regimes on the Angola people, They’ will
not prevail.

Question: Looking at the individuals.who are operating in Portugal in the
name of the FNLA, specifically, for example, a man such as Mateus Santos,
whom do they represent anyway?


certain ideological parameters, but he is a far less
orthodox Nationalist than any of his predecessors.

In dismanding elements of apartheid Botha has
come to be regarded by some Nationalists as merely
a “reluctant liberal”, a man who is grudgingly
undoing his political past. But such a view implies
only the force of circumstance and makes no allow-
ance for the various other factors influencing Botha’s
actions,

In facing up to the daunting challenges of leader-
ship, Botha is said to be sustained by his optimistic
outlook on life. His staff portray him as an optimist
by nature, who rarely becomes despondent. That is
not always evident in his public utterances; repeated
warnings of a total onslaught against South Africa
could hardly have inspired (white) confidence in the
fucure.

Many other aspects of Botha’s personality remain
hidden from the public view. He has, for example,
strong religious beliefs, is a regular churchgoer and
finds solace and inspiration in the Scriptures. His
convictions find expression in public references to
love, morality and justice. Of course, an emphasis on
Christian values is not hard to find in South African
politics: consider the utterances of such diverse
figures as Prime Minister Malan, Dr Beyers Naudé,
Bishop Desmond Tutu, Dr Andries Treumiche and
Dr Allan Boesak. Nelson Mandela, the imprisoned
ANC leader, is also a committed Christian — but
none of his utterances may be made public. Clearly,
the demands of Christianity are interpreted differ-
ently by different people.

Close associates observe that Botha does not
suffer from the insularicy of many other South
African politicians. As Defence Minister, he made
several open and secret visits abroad, some to African
states. In 1984, while still Prime Minister, he paid
an extensive official visit ‘to Western European
countries. His frequent portrayal of world politics as
an all-consuming struggle between communism and
anti-communism may, however, raise doubts in
many minds about his understanding of the incri-
cacies of international relations.

An intriguing aspect of political leaders is
whether they have role-models. In the case of P W
Botha, there is precious little to go on. Reference has
already been made to Malan, for whom Botha had a
particular regard. The fact that Botha has a painting
of President M W Pretorius, leader of the Transvaal
Republic, in his Pretora office might indicate some
admiration for him. Prime Minister Hertzog is
another South African leader he holds in high
esteem.

Hertzog’s famous slogan of “South Africa first”

has left a lasting impression on Botha. His right-wing
critics maintain that Botha uses the slogan to pro-
mote the idea of a non-racial South African national-
ism at the expense of Afrikaner nationalism. As far as
foreign heroes are concerned, it is known that Botha
was greatly impressed by Dr Anténio Salazar, the
Portuguese dictator, whom Botha visited in 1967,
Salazar first alerted Botha to the dangers of a “red
belt across Africa”, from coast to coast.

In his long years in politics, P W Botha has had a
pillar of support in his wife, Elize. She shares his
interest in politics and was involved in the Cape
National Party organisation for over twenty years. As
wife of the Minister of Defence, Mrs Botha went to
great lengths to give moral support to the armed
forces. Botha is deeply attached to his wife. When
she became gravely ill in mid-1978, he seriously
considered retiring from politics. However, she re-
covered and Botha was elected Prime Minister a few
months later. The Bothas can rightly be described as
South Africa’s “most experienced political couple”.

There is considerable doubt about who comes
near Botha. It is said that, among cabinet members,
Foreign Minister Pik Botha stands closest to him,
followed by Chris Heunis, Minister of Constitutional
Development and Planning. Pik’s poll position is
variously explained as a reward for his supporting
Botha in the second round of the Jeadership contest
in 1978, and because Pik, who is very much the
(white) “people’s politician”, can in a sense compen-
sate for his leader’s lack of charisma: Pik’s flam-
boyant. even theatrical, style and his rhetorical skills
(in both Afrikaans and English) contrast sharply with
his leader's often dour public image and rather unim-
pressive articulation (particularly in English). It
should also be borne in mind that Pik Botha holds a
key portfolio which necessarily involves continuous
close liaison with the head of government. The latter
consideration applies equally to Heunis.

Another politician in P W Botha’s inner circle is
his long-time intimate friend, Koot van Staden, a
nominated Nationalist MP. Van Staden, too, is an old
Cape National Party organiser and today serves as
the State President’s eves and ears in the National
Party, both in Parliament and beyond. Among the

74


CSO:

3400/866

other important attributes. He is a former head of the
Broederbond. As an Afrikaner intellectual (albeit of
decidedly conservative orientation in earlier years),
this former Rector of the Rand Afrikaans Liniversity
has long been highly regarded in the National Party
and beyond. Pik Botha. the only one of the four to
have previously contested the leadership, enjoys
wide public support but has never been able to
develop a meaningful power base in the caucus.

There is clearly no positive correlation between
Pik Botha’s public visibiliry and volubiliry and his
caucus support. Nor would his close relationship
with P W Botha help him when the proverbial chips
are down. Botha. an old associate insists. would not
“play favourites” in any succession contest. Fol-
lowers of the various contenders are nonetheless con-
stantly on the outlook for “signs” of favourites on
Botha’s part.

Although the State President is chosen by an
electoral college, the National Party’s numerica) pre-
ponderance in this body ensures the success of its
candidate.

Having begun this article with a quotation about
greatness, it is perhaps appropriate to conclude with
Charles de Gaulle’s view of the matter: “Greatness is
a road Jeading towards the unknown”. Does South
Africa have a De Gaulle?

A NOTE ON SOURCES

For the section on PW Botha’s early life and political
career, Dirk and Johanna de Villiers’ book, PWN. (Tafel-
berg, Cape Town, 1984), was an indispensable sourceé.
Piet Meiring’s Waagmoed Beloon: 50 menings oor
P.W\-plan (Perstor, Johannesburg, 1985), contains some
interesting additional pieces of information.

The discussion of Botha’s leadership stule is based
largely on the authors’ interviews with a large number of
serving and retired politicians and officials as well as

Journalists in Cape Town and Pretoria in May 1985. This

research was sponsored by Leadership.

80


that disturbed the. country's internal order, ‘The 6 years of existence of
our ministry were really not easy since objective and subjective factors
were combined in a manner unfavorable for the normal development of our
activities,

However, and in spite of the difficulties we faced, significant results were
achieved in the accomplishment of-our tasks in the political, educational,
and party areas; here we must underscore the action and dynamism of the
party's base organizations, the JMPLA [Youth of the Popular Movement for
Liberation of Angola] Party Youth and the party commissions attached to

the national political directorate’ and the Provincial political directorate
of the ministry, presently engaged in the process of growth of the party and
of party youth and in the perfection of its organization so that the guide-
lines and decisions of our vanguard party, the MPLA-Labor Party, may be
carried out completely.

Looking at the specific area of concern of our ministry, which is the central
organ of the state machinery, charged with developing and executing the
policy charted by the party and by the state concerning prevention, investi-
gation, and repression of criminal and antisocial conduct, responsible for
the maintenance of public order and peace and the exercise of control over
the population as well as the re~education of criminals, protection of
community and private property as well as human lives, defense against fire
and other disasters--these were carried out satisfactorily by the various
agencies, regarding their respective tasks, under the conditions determined
by the rather disturbed political, economic, and social situations which
the country which the country has been going through as well as the shortage
of resources,

On the other hand, we must single out the efforts and the fighting spirit
which our entire personnel force has in general been displaying in an effort
to overcome the difficulties with which we had to struggle at each and
every step.

The spirit of sacrifice and self-denial revealed by the personnel force of

our ministry has indeed been laudable; even under difficult conditions, our
personnel spared no efforts in order faithfully to discharge their obligations,
both at their assigned posts and on the battle fronts, side by side with the
valiant fightingmen of our glorious FPLA in the progressive breakup of the
armed puppet bands which, in the pay of Pretoria and international imperialism,
have been trying to hinder the advance of our revolutionary process.

The 6th anniversary of our ministry's establishment is taking place during
a year in which the entire nation will mark one of the most highly signifi-
cant historical dates for our people, our party, for Africa and for the
world, that is to say, the 10th anniversary of the proclamation of the
independence of the People's Republic of Angola, the same year during which
the Second Party Congress was held. Other important events have taken place
or will take place throughout this year, Here we might mention the first
national conference of the MPLA-Labor Party and the Ministerial Conference
of the Nonaligned Countries which is scheduled to take place within a few
months,


Dialogue also means listening to the other party's position. Discussions with
advocates of violence do not, therefore, necessarily presuppose approval of
their position.

Mr. Henk Stoker (PU) said that those in favor of discussion with advocates of

violence expect the ASB to talk to “people who seek to make the country
ungovernable by attacks on others.”

12906
cso: 3401/275

108


houses are painfully aware of the legitimacy crisis
they face in their own communities. One need only
recall the abysmally low voter turn-out in the
coloured and Indian parliamentary elections in 1984.
‘The legitimacy problem may also explain the quality
of members attracted to serve in Parliament. The
Labour Party itself recognises that it is burdened
with a sizeable number of MPs who “simply don’t
make the grade”, (All but 4 of the 85 mem-
bers of the House of Representatives be-
long to the Labour Party.) In the House
of Delegates, where the NPP and
Solidarity are fairly evenly balanced,
the problem of quality seems less
acute. This might be explained in
terms of the Indian community’s
urbanisation and their relatively high
educational standards, compared with
the coloureds.
The coloured and Indian
Parties maintain that the like-
liest way of overcoming the
legitimacy problem in the
short term, is by “delivering
the goods” to the grass-roots.
This may be a daunting
task, given South Africa's
many economic ills. At a sym-
bolic level, the Labour Party and NPP already claim
success with the abolition of the ewoso-called sex laws.

TOWARDS AN UNPLANNED FUTURE
A truly remarkable feacure of present-day South
African politics is that no significant political group-
ing, whether white or black, right or left, is satisfied
with the status quo. Even the government accepts
that the new constitutional dispensation is not the
final answer to- South Africa’s political problems.
Botha has publicly stated that a constitution is not a
final, static document; instead, it is adjusted by new
generations to meet new situations. The new consti-
tution has highlighted che main item on the country's
unfinished political agenda, namely political rights
for the black majority.

Given this realisation, South Africans under-
standably ask whether the government has a plan or
strategy to deal with the pressing issue of black pol-
itical accommodation.

There are certain bottomlines or non-negotiables
to which the government is committed. The crucial
consideration is chat political participation should be
group-based. This involves the protection of
minority groups’ rights (read: whites, coloureds and
Indians) against majority (read: black) domination.

78

Also in the social sphere, “group identity” is em-
phasised — meaning separate residential areas and
schooling.

In the government’s view, political reform
involving blacks can only proceed on the basis of
“negotiation” with black “leaders”. In the mean-
time, the government is faced with a serious chal-
lenge in black urban areas. Its response appears to be
ad hoc, resembling crisis management; it is an exer-
cise in political fire-fighting. In dealing with the
many “fires”, the government has resorted to both
political and security measures. There is, however, a
patent lack of co-ordination in the use of concession
and coercion.

The process of negotiation between the govern-
ment and black leaders has hardly begun. Several
obstacles first have to be overcome. First, all rep-
resentative black leaders have to be drawn into nego-
tiation if the process (and its outcome) is to enjoy
legitimacy in the black community. Second, nego-
tiation, like the concept of consensus, is variously
interpreted. It would appear thar many Nationalists
still confuse negotiation with consultation. Nego-
tiation involves bargaining and concession; consul-
tation in the South African context means that the
government presents blacks with a “cold turkey
offer”, Third, the agenda has to be agreed upon.
Non-negotiables on any side may reduce negotiation
toa non-starter.

We have already noted the parameters within
which the government wishes to steer the reform
process. The question now is whether the govern-
ment has a reform strategy that goes beyond these
bottomlines. Is there, in other words, a worked-out
plan with clear objectives, defined means and a
specific time-frame? Also, are the non-negotiables
truly non-negotiable, or has the government pre-
pared a ranking of “preferred ouccomes” chat would
guide it in making concessions?

In National Party circles, there is no evidence of
a Verwoerdian-type political blueprint. Nationalists
make great play of the party’s willingness to “nego-
tiate” with blacks, but immediately qualify it by
listing their non-negotiables. Except for the Conser-
vative Party, members of all the other parties in the
three houses of Parliament agree that the govern-
ment has no definite reform plan or a hidden agenda.
The government’s action with regard to the black
question is variously depicted as exploiting short-
term advantages, playing an “up and under” game
(kicking the ball - Mandela release offer, black
forum ~ into the air and watching who takes it) and
muddling through. The Conservative Party, by con-
trast, believes that the government does indeed work


On 25 August, the workers at 18 gold mines and 11 coal mines are planning to
go on strike. The mines affected by the prospective strike produce 70 per=
cent of all the gold which in turn provides almost half of South Africa's
export income. The miners are demanding a 22=percent pay raise as well as

holsdey to the state of emergency. In addition, 1 May is to be made'a legal
0. .

"The blacks are resorting to the only weapon they have," Helen Suzman, a
member of the liberal opposition says. "The threat of a countrywide black con—
sumer boycott no longer is just the nightmare of paranoid retail store
owners," the magazine FINANCE WEEK wrote.

fhe 22 million blacks have no political rights, to be sure and mst live
in areas strictly segregated from the whites. But the 4.8 million members
of the white master race depend on them economically as they do on the 3.7
million coloreds and Asiatics. The regime must now find an answer to the
question of what to do to the blacks who refuse to buy.

The fact is that most white businessmen earn most of their income from
black customers. At the railroad stations and near the big bus terminals,
e.g. on the western edge of Joubert Park in Johannesburg, the white store
owners earn lots of money from the black workers on the way back to the
dismal townships to sleep.

But now the "consumer boycott committees" are telling the blacks: "do not
buy in the cities" and "shops and government, that is the same damned
thing." Buying in white stores is no longer without danger.

Blacks in strike-torn East London who bought laundry detergents, corn meal
or clothing for their children last week were faced with punishment by their
fellows. Young black revolutionaries, called "executioners in school uni-
forms" by the black newspaper SOWETAN, checked the bags of the commters at
the bus and railroad terminals, burning goods purchased at white shops right
on the spot. Time and again, those who had bought them had to run for their
life.

Cheeky Watson, the owner of a textile shop in the eastern Cape Province
affected by the consumer boycott, has been doing a booming business even
though he is white. Watson, a former champion rugby player, turned down a
career on the national team and joined black teams instead. He was there
fore considered a hero by the blacks and so the boycott controllers did not
bother anyone who could show them a sales slip, proving that he had made
bis purchase at Cheeky Watson's.

On Thursday morning, the police forbade Watson to make out any more re-
ceipts.

104



JPRS*SSA»85~082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SABRA LEAVING FAK
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 3 Jul 85 p 2

{Report: SABRA [South African Bureau of Racial Affairs] left FAK [Federation
of Afrikaner Cultural Associations] over Party Politics]

[Text] SABRA has withdrawn from the FAK because of that organization's party-
political bias.

That decision was announced in a press statement after SABRA's most recent
council meeting in Pretoria.

SABRA says it made the decision in the light of FAK's recent tendency to
consider requests for affiliation on party-political grounds. "The FAK thus
can no longer be considered a federation of autonomous Afrikaner
organizations," SABRA explains.

According to the statement, SABRA is not happy either about the silence of the
FAK on integration, abolition of the prohibition on mixed marriages, and the
many "reforms" threatening ethnic relations and endangering especially the
future of the Afrikaner.

"The impression SABRA gets from that is that the FAK approves of integration
and considers opposition to it as party politics, that it wants to introduce
and guide the Afrikaner nation into a mixed society and that thus it wants to
supply cultural support in that context."

SABRA says that it strives for good relationships with leaders, enterprises,
institutions and associations which have the same final objective as SABRA in
mind. Such relationships are of the greatest importance for an effective
distribution of work in Afrikaner ranks, and for complementing and supporting
each other's activities.

SABRA further says that it will emphatically look for cooperation with

associations which choose separate development as a basic premise. The
results of SABRA's research and reflection will be shared with them.

89



JPRS*SSA*85~082
4 September 1985

BRITISH TECHNICIANS IN NIASSA--A technical team from Great Britain, arriving
from the Republic of Malawi, recently worked in Metangula, headquarters of
the district of Lago, in Niassa, in connection with the implementation of the
SADCC [Southern African Development Coordination Conference] programs, Our
correspondent ‘in Lichinga said that this team, consisting of two consultants,
went to Metangula to start planning the execution of a project to be carried
out in the district of Lago, aimed at raising fish production. .The source
added that this project, the accomplishment of which will involve Mozambican,
Tanzanian and Malawian. authorities, will be executed on the waters of the “upper
lake," with a view toward making total use of the potential resources of Lake
Niassa which have not been properly utilized up until now. The execution of
this project by the Mozambican side is assigned to the Metangula Fishing
Complex. Meanwhile, a few minutes before returning to Malawi, the British
team which remained in Metangula 2 days in order to discuss matters relating
to this project, was received by the acting head of the Lago District Govern-
ment, Marcos Buanamussa. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 1]
2909

AGRICOM TRAINS WORKERS--The provincial director of home trade in Niassa called
upon the participants in the training course for warehouse comptrollers, market~
ing agents and treasurers to better organize the accounting sector of the
province's agricultural enterprises, in order to afford stringent control of
production.. Jose Maiane Matavele spoked at the conclusion of that course,
which involved 26 members selected from Niassa agricultural enterprises; adding
that, even though the warehouse comptroller is an individual associated with
accounting, he must nevertheless be involved in . motivating the population to
take part in the marketing campaign. The course lasted 21 days, and in it
subjects relating to accounting, planning, marketing and the preservation of
farm products were taught. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 11 Jul 85 p 2]
2909

POLITICAL COMMISSARS IN TRAINING--Yesterday morning, in Maputo, the first course
for political training of the military companies’ political commissars began.
This course was sponsored by the political commissariat of the Maputo Provineial
Military Command. The opening session was chaired by the provincial political
commissar, Lt Amancio Cumaio. Nearly 40 individuals from various sub-units

of the military companies of Maputo Province are taking part in this course.
During its 20 days of duration, the participants will receive instruction
relating to the subjects of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, psychology, pedagogy,
history of Mozambique and history of FRELIMO, political economics and politico-
educational work. As our reporter.learned, the courses associated with subjects
will be given by a total of six advisers. In his remarks, Lt Amancio Cumaio
explained that the moral issue and the political. consciousness of the popula-
tion and’ the troops are a critical factor decisive to the final victory over the
armed bandits. He commented: "For. this reason, there is an urgent need to
provide training for. political cadres capable of engaging in. widespread politic-
al mobilization among the population and combatants, as a means of intensifying
the unity between the Army and the people." [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese
13 Jul 85 p 8] 2909

57



gprs-SSAe85°082
4 September 19

MOZAMBIQUE

ELEVEN CO-OPS BENEFIT FROM TRAINING CENTER IN CABO DELGADO

Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 20 Jul 85 p 3
[Article by Antonio Sitoe]

[Text] The CRED (Regional Experimentation and Cooperative
and Family Development Center) is stepping up its material
and technical support for the peasants in the area through
technical-agricultural training courses involving hundreds
of cooperative farmers and peasant families. Based on the
communal village of Mapululo, District of Montepuez, in
Cabo Delgado, the project is being operated not only in
Mapululo but also in the towns of Meza and Mecuti, rendering
assistance to 11 agricultural cooperatives and six communal
villages, with a total of more than 10,000 persons.

Located about 18 kilometers from the city of Montepuez, in the direction
toward Chipembe, the Mapululo CRED, as it commonly known, starting operating
in November 1982 andhad acenter where’ peasants, cooperative farmers, and
family members were able to learn and perfect the most varied agricultural
techniques ranging from the increase in crops, production and storage of
seeds, handling a team of oxen, as well as other draft animals, along

with new animal handling techniques.

According to Patricio Polupo, the CRED director, the project "invites" the
peasants to attend and participate directly in the experiments whose ultimate
purpose basically is to guarantee greater profitability in the various crops.

"For example, there is a kind of peanut seed that comes from Nampula whose
cultivation was initially challenged and.even rejected by most of the local
peasants, But, after some careful experiments, with the direct participation
of those farmers, they were able to get an exceptional yield of 4 tons. per
hectare; this made the peasants really enthusiastic. It might be mentioned
in passing that this seed variety was widely cultivated by most of the
peasants in the two sectors, the CRED director emphasized.

53



of the "1 May" sugar refinery, who addéd; "The outlook is much worse because
of the difficulties I.mentioned earlier." ”

According to this official, the lack of fertilizer, the flooding of the
Catumbela River, and the excessive theft of cane greatly reduced the output.
In this way, the complex expects to drop from the figure 70 tons per hectare
to only 45 tons per hectare; this is a considerable productivity drop as
compared to the 1977-1978 index when the figure was about 22,000 tons of cane;
it is quite difficult to reach the same figures last year which had been
calculated at only 17,000 tons.

5058
CSO: 3342/365

45



JPRS*SSA*85°082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

MAPUTO AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVES INCREASE PRODUCTION
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 23 Jul 85 p 2
[Article by Antonio Souto]

[Text] In 1984, the agricultural cooperatives of Maputo
increased their total gross output compared to 1983 by
about 60 percent, This increase can be broken down into
a rise in farm output from 706 tons to 1,117 tons and-an
increase in meat production from 125 tons to 209 tons.
Analyzing these and other data, an economist familiar
with the country's development problems told our reporter
that "The agricultural cooperatives of Maputo, directed
by the General Union, reveal uneven-.growth indexes in
the context of the national economy, in other words,
absolutely abnormal growth indexes which call for re-
flection." In this connection he thought that it was a
good idea that "various government agencies should study
the annual report prepared by the General Union."

This growth however does not point to an exceptional situation when compared
to what happened between 1983 and 1984, .On the contrary, the--growth rate
last year indicated a dip in growth indexes in relative terms.

According to data contained in the annual report from the General Union,

the growth rate has been quite considerable ever since 1981 as a result of
the organization of the support sector for the cooperatives of the office of
green zones and, later on, the establishment of the General Union of Agri-
cultural Cooperatives of Maputo, which carried out a cooperativization effort
with a minimum of management facilities,

In 1981, the total gross output was only 156 tons, including only 8 tons of
meat, The next year, meat production went up to 62 tons and farm output
rose.to 350 tons, giving us an overgrowth rate of about 136 percent. A
comparison between 1983 and 1982 shows an increase both in farm output and
in livestock production amounting to something like 101 percent, since the
former went up 706 tons and the latter increased 125 tons,

4h


Kelfati Mahachi remarked: "I can assure you that the fish from here is even
of export quality. You see, nearby, in Zimbabwe, people like our’ fish very
much"; adding: "The fish in the largest supply, and considered to be the

best quality is 'penda’."

Nothing Is Wasted

Whereas, in the capital city of Tete it is not easy to buy a bottle of edible
oil, it would be much less likely to expect this product to be in Chicoa.

But those young people, putting their imagination to work, discovered that,
from a certain type of fish, known locally as "xenga," the fat can be extracted
and converted into oil, thus replacing industrial oil.

We were told: "The experiment caught on and many peasants here can now fry
their fish using the fat from the 'xenga.'" And we. added that it was another
problem solved for people who, to tell the truth, have not known for years
what edible oil is. And even more may be said: The principle that nothing
in nature is wasted, and everything is transformed, has been applied there,
even in everyday life.

Because the lack of a cold storage facility for preserving fish, in fact,
represents a dilemma for the fishermen. They told us that there are prospects
of procuring such a system very soon; because they are now striving for this.
However, until this occurs, the alternative is. the process of drying fish,
with the use of salt, a product which is also very scarce in Tete Province.

It is added that, since its existence began, the complex has had good funding,
and has already sent part of it to'the respective management unit in Maputo.

The Fishermen Does Not Live on Fish Alone

At present, the Chicoa Fishing Complex employs a moderate number of fishermen
capable of leading their community life there. As we noted on the site, the
steps taken in this direction have been good. They have now progressed from
intentions to deeds. Two prefabricated houses have already been built in the
area where it is intended to found the future fishermen's district in Chicoa.

According to information gathered from the members of the management, more
houses will be built in the district, using local materials, namely, tiles,
limestone, straw and other items.

As if to say that the fisherman does not live on fish alone, Antonio Dazanga
told our reporter that one of the future projects to start soon is the increase
in raising small-sized animals, which, we think,will help to diversify the diet
of the fishermen, not to mention the fact that at least the fish supply has by
now been resolved.

2909
CSO: 3442/358

48


major amendments to, such laws as the Group Areas
Act and the Population Registration Act.

The standing committees. it should be men-
tioned; will also meet. during the parliamentary
recess. Provision has already been made for them to
meet in the Union Buildings in Pretoria.

The new constitution is not kind to the minority
parties in the three houses of Parliament. They
cannot, for example, affect the: voting in standing
committees, since members vote per house. The
opposition parties can nonetheless play a construc-
tive role in the committees, where they are free to
present their views. The (white) Progressive Federal
Party (PFP) has on occasion been helpful to the two
other houses’ members of standing committees.
alerting them to the implications of legislation.
Given the Indian and coloured MPs’ lack of experi-
ence in the process of legislation, they may inadver-
tently overlook the finer points in bills. The PFP is
nonetheless kept at arm’s length by the Labour
Party. The party still resents the PFP’s opposition to
its participation in the new deal. Labour Parry MPs
depict the PFP as a “celebriry party” and accuse it of
a patronising attitude, of arrogating to itself the right
to speak on behalf of the “non-whites”.

The fact that all legislation on general affairs now
has to be considered by a standing committee before
the second reading debate, for the first time offers
MPs the opportunity of discussing draft legislation in
detail. Previously, the making of laws was largely
confined to a particular minister and his top officials,
and then approved by the cabinet, with Parliament
usually — because of the National Parcy’s majority —
passing legislation without major amendments.

The standing committees are empowered to
summon ministers and officials to explain legislation.
The committees may also ask outsiders, for example
businessmen, to present submissions or to testify in
person. What may facilitate frank discussion and
compromise in the standing committees, is that they
all meetin camera.

Another forum in the search for consensus is the
President’s Council. The Council provided for in the
1983 Constitution differs substantially from its pre-
decessor. The earlier President's Council was mainly
concerned with devising a new constitution that
would accommodate coloureds and Indians in Parlia-
ment. The present Council has by law both an
advisory and a decision-making function. The Coun-
cil must advise the State President on any matter he
tefers to it for this purpose. The Council may also in

77

its own discretion advise the State President on any
other matter (except draft legislation). The decision-
making function is directly related to disagreements
that may arise between two or-all three houses of Par-
liament. The latter function involves the President's
Council in the legislative process.

Unlike its predecessor, the new President's
Council is heavily politicised. Most of the 60 white,
coloured and Indian members of the Council owe
their positions to the parties represented in Parlia-
ment. Close ties exist. between Council members
and their respective parties in Parliament. In fact,
members of the President's Council attend their
parties’ caucus meetings in Parliament. .

The political character of the President’s Council
may hold serious implications for its role as consensus
builder’ between the various component groups.
Council members’ party political affiliations may
place constraints on their willingness to explore new
ground and to reach consensus. The party differ-
ences in Parliament may thus simply be transmitted
to the President's Council.

To be fair, the new Council is still in its infancy
and has so far kept a remarkably low profile. The
Council's. role can only. be judged once it has had
several opportunities to discharge its advisory and
decision-making functions.

On the whole, the new constitutional dispen-
sation has so far received a favourable reception from
the major parties involved. In- the National Party,
there is a sigh of relief that the coloureds and Indians
are “plaving along” very nicely, not upsetting the
applecart. The majority parties among the coloureds
and Indians find themselves in the invidious position
of simultaneously being in government and in
opposition,

The declared objective of both parties is to dis-
mantle apartheid “from within”, while at the same
time serving in the highest councils of the “apartheid
state”. Their participation in the new dispensation,
particularly their membership of the cabinet, has led
to taunts that the Labour Party and the NPP have
been co-opted into the system of white domination.
They have clambered aboard the “gravy train”, it is
said. Labour Parry MPs have been branded “brown
Nats”.

There are already signs of restiveness in the
Labour Party, with some younger members criticis-
ing the party leadership for a too compliant attitude.
The Labour Party from the outset said that its
involvement is (initially) for five years only; further
participation will depend on progress made in this
time to meet its demands.

The ruling parties in the coloured and Indian



implemented by. the. MPLA-Labor Party in.keeping with the policy of clemency
ordered in 1978. by President Agostinho Neto. The reintegration process takes
10 months but all those who attended the ceremony in Kuilo-Kuango were aware
that this event closed a much longer phase in the Angolan revolutionary
process and was a unique historical moment, .

"We are all Angolans and it was not good for us to continue the war, in other
words, to continue to kill each other, especially now that there are no more
colonizers and colonized and that the RPA is threatened by enemies manipulated
from the outside," said the former chief of staff of the ex-FNLA/COMIRA,

the former Commander [Major] Alfonso Castro Tonta, who had already taken the
oath as an officer of the FAPLA and who, together with former commanders
Salva and Timoteo, will be taking a senior officer course in a country that

is friendly to the RPA.

“We are Angolans and as Angolans we must work together for national unity
and the country's reconstruction," said former Commander Zage Calenda
Borges, of the former FNLA, who recently reported to the Angolan authorities
with his aide, the former Commander Mendes Santana, .and another 25 military
personnel plus 290 civilians who had lived with them as refugees in the
forest of Pumba Sai, in the township of Dange.

In 10 Months

Initial contacts were established in the nothern part of Angola in. July

1984 between leaders of the MPLA-Labor Party and elements of the ex-FNLA/
COMIRA with a view to their reintegration, After 10 months of intensive

and persistent political work, about 20,000 civilians who’ live in the

forests and 1,500 military personnel of the ex-FNLA/COMIRA, some of whom
obtained advanced training in China, India, and Tunisia, have been integrated
into Angolan society. Only a few individuals traditionally tied to the

FNLA and to Holden Roberto are left in the forest but they do not want to
engage in any military activities; they confine themselves to hoping for a
"Mr Sebastian" dressed in Khaki and wearing dark glasses.

The first returnees took the oath as members of the FAPLA in November 1984;
some of them have already participated in operations against UNITA. Now
they have formed the ist Tactical Battalion of the Northern Military Region,
commanded by 1st Lt Pedro Messias, who is likewise a returnee,

But the reintegration policy is not confined to military objectives. In the
areas covered, over these past 10 months, 25 schools have been opened and
will be attended by 6,470 pupils, along with 17 health stations with services
staffed by male nurses; access roads. are being built and support is given

to construction work, the sale of farm products has been started and stores
have been opened; political and ideological. training and refresher courses
are about to be given; the five community commissioners. who were sworn in

at Kuilo-Kuango have already graduated from this course. During the ceremony
they swore "to respect and to see to compliance with the constitutional law
of the People's Republic of Angola to defend the independence, sovereignty,
unity, and integrity of the fatherland,"

10


JPRS*SSA*852082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

FIRST POLITICAL-MILITARY TRAINING COURSE IN LICHINGA
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] The first course in political-combat training for militiamen from the
First Urban Locality and the Barragem District of Lichinga concluded recently
in the provincial capital of Niassa. .

The closing ceremony was directed by the first secretary and administrator of
the First Urban Locality of Lichinga, who was accompanied by the provincial
political commissar of the People's Militias in Niassa, as well as cadres from
the party and state on the local level.

On this occasion, the militiamen submitted a message in which they. reaffirmed
their combat readiness in the defense of the fatherland and the revolution.

The first secretary and administrator of the First Urban Locality of Lichinga,
in turn, called for a reinforcement of discipline among the militiamen and
complete fulfillment of the tasks assigned to them.

Meanwhile, seminars for improved teaching skills concluded in all the teacher
training zones of influence in the city and district of Lichinga, Niassa, on
12 July.

At these seminars, held essentially for primary schoolteachers, an evaluation
was also made of the rate of fulfillment of the programs established for the
first school semester, mainly concerned with the third grade manuals.

At the same meetings, which were backed by district and city bridages, especial-
ly trained for this purpose, a quantitative and qualitative assessment was also
made of. the process of instruction and learning during the first semester, on
the level of Lichinga district and city.

The holding of these combined meetings and seminars is associated with the

fulfillment of the general compulsory tasks and instructions from the Ministry
of Education for the current academic year.

2909
CSO: 3442/358

52


Tutu Warns Managers About Black Community Issues
(SUNDAY TIMES, 28 Jul 85) ...

Status of Black South African Leaders Discussed
(BEELD, 30 Jul 85; DIE TRANSVALER, 28 Jul 85) ......

Bishop Tutu Criticized
Mandela Cannot Be Released

Black Strength Seen in Effective Boycotts, Strike Threat
(DER SPIEGEL, 12 Aug 85) ....

ASB Opposes Political Violence
(DIE BURGER, 19 Jul 85) w.sceseeeee

Marais Calls for Use of Army in Unrest
(DIE. AFRIKANER, 24 Jul 85) .....005

State of Emergency Will Not Affect Reform Policy
(Editorial; BEELD, 25 Jul 85) ..

Relations Between Afrikaner Teachers, Others
(DIE BURGER, 9 Jul 85) .....eeee

Lack of Contact Between Afrikaans, English-Speaking Students
(BEELD, 16 Jul 85) .......

Rightwingers Defeated in Cultural Organization
(BEELD, 13 Jul 85) we.eeee

Emigration Likelihood Compared With Rhodesia
(DIE VADERLAND, 1 Aug 85) ..

ASB Investigates UDF
(DIE BURGER, 19 Jul 85) .....

French Believe Sanctions Will Have Little Effect
(Brendan Ryan; SUNDAY TIMES, 28 Jul 85) ..

Renault, Peugeot. To Merge
(Don Robertson; SUNDAY TIMES, 28 Jul 85) ..ceesecseeeees

Paulus at Odds With NP Representative Over Mine Labor Policy
(DIE AFRIKANER, 31 Jul 85) ..cccccesccsscceccceceeccees

Disadvantages of Floating Exchange Rate Discussed
(Editorial; BUSINESS DAY, 1 Aug 85) .scsceececcscescencs

Urban Foundation MD Calls for Reform Alliances
(Peter Wallington; BUSINESS DAY, 31 Jul 85) .....ceeeeee

100

101

101

102

103

107

109

110

112

113.

114

116

117

119

120

121

123

124


Botha was surprised about the move, telling
Verwoerd that he had had virtually nothing to do
with the military since being a school cadet. What
aggravated matters for the new incumbent was that
neither of his cwo Nationalist predecessors in the
portfolio had been particularly successful. Botha in-
herited a Defence Force that was singularly ill-
equipped for its task and demoralised by political
purges and bureaucratic infighting.

Botha lost no time in acquainting himself with his
new task. He spent days and weeks visiting military
bases in all parts of the country, handled weapons
and sampled the experience of taking off in a fighter
plane and going down in a submarine. The Minister
of Defence built up a relationship. of trust with the
new generation of officers. Many of them products of
the Milicary Academy at Saldanha, they formed a
kind of think-tank assisting Botha in rejuvenating the
Defence Force. Within a few years the Force had
been transformed into a highly efficient fighting
machine. Apart from organisational restructuring, the
Defence Force was greatly expanded with the intro-
duction of national service.

The Defence Force’s own management style
merely strengthened Botha’s proven organisational
abilities. He was impressed by the military's em-
phasis on discipline, order, planning and team work.
The Defence Force, in turn, appreciated their politi-
cal master's dedication, loyalty and willingness to
make quick decisions.

Probably one of Botha's greatest contributions as
Minister of Defence was his role in developing South
Aftica’s arms industry. The Armaments Corporation
of South Africa (Armscor), a state corporation, is the
official and sole procurement agent of armaments for
the Defence Force. In the early Seventies, an esti-
mated 70 per cent of the defence budget was spent
on arms imports; a decade later it was only about
15 percent.

Today, South Africa enjoys a high degree of self-
sufficiency in armaments and Armscor has entered
the export market. What no doubc provided an
important impetus to the Jocal arms industry was the
UN Security Council’s mandatory arms embargo
against South Africa in 1977. This cut South Africa
off from its last major arms supplier, France. South
Africa's important French connection had in fact’
been cultivated by none other than Botha, who had
established a close accord with several French
leaders.

During Botha’s tenure as Minister of Defence,
South Africa became militarily involved in a number
of foreign conflicts. There is some evidence of secret

69

South African involvement in Portugal’s colonial wars
in Angola and Mozambique. South African forces
were openly sent into Rhodesia. South Africa cov-
ertly supported the Biafran rebels in the Nigerian
civi] war. And then, in 1975-76, South African forces
intervened in the Angolan civil war.

The key political decisions regarding South
Africa’s involvement in the Angolan war were
apparently taken by only Botha and Prime Minister
Vorster, with Botha very much the initiator. Botha’s
reliance on the military instrument of foreign policy
gave him the reputation of a “hawk”, a hardliner who
seemed to have little faith in diplomacy as a means of
resolving regional conflicts and safeguarding South
Africa’s security.

The Angolan war must have been a traumatic
experience for Botha. On the one hand, the South
African public was deliberately kept in the dark
about the country’s involvement in the conflict. On
the other hand, the public was informed of a growing
list of South African casualties somewhere in the so-
called operational area. The secrecy inevitably
spawned rumour upon rumour, shaking white
morale. Botha is known to have been deeply moved
by the South African loss of life in Angola and this
consideration certainly weighed heavily with him
and Vorster in the eventual decision to withdraw
South African forces from Angola in March 1976.

Botha’s hawkishness probably brought him into
repeated conflicts with his cabinet colleague, the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. This would have applied
particularly to South Africa’s regional relations, with
the foreign ministry typically emphasising diplomatic
or non-violent méans of resolving conflict and warn-
ing about possible international repercussions of a
militant regional strategy.

The Minister of Defence also had his share of
differences with Prime Minister Vorster. One of the
causes was the role Vorster allowed General H J van
den Bergh, head of the Bureau for State Security, to
play in both domestic and foreign policy matters.
Vorster’s principal confidant, Van den Bergh has
been depicted as “the power behind the throne”.
There was no love lost between the two of them.
Botha also found himself at odds with cabinet col-
leagues about the way state funds were secretly
channelled to the Department of Information for its
clandestine propaganda activities.

Finally, he became increasingly frustrated about
Vorster’s lack of movement, towards the end of his
premiership, on burning domestic issues. By then,



During an attack made by the armed bardits on the Cambine maternity facility

in Morreumbene, where she was working, Veronica Machava was found assisting

a delivery. She did not allow herself to be intimidated,: and assisted the
woman giving birth until the child was born, despite the insulting remarks

made by the bandits. She was seized and beaten, and left limp on the ground.
After recovering, she returned to her work station, to continue her professional
activities.

2909
CSO: 3442/355

24


JPRS*SSA285°082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BOTHA'S PRESIDENCY, CONSTITUTION, PROSPECTS FOR SUCCESSION

Johannesburg LEADERSHIP SOUTH AFRICA in English Vol 4, No 2, 1985 pp 30
32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 41, 42, 45, 46, 49

[Article by Deon Geldenhuys and Hennie Kotze]

[Text]

A true test of the greatness of men of action, some-
one suggested, is the absence of any lukewarmness
towards them: they are either despised or adored.
P W Botha is certainly a man of action. And his
personal style tends to produce just such extreme
reactions among many people. Yet others regard him
as something of a political enigma, a man of many
parts who can be alternately charming or abrasive,
inspire confidence or cause despair.

Although in power for over six years now (as
Prime Minister, 1978-1984, and subsequently as
executive State President), Botha is still an aloof

leader. He has neither the easy public rapport of his,

predecessor, John Vorster, nor has he become a
“people's politician” like Foreign Minister Pik
Botha. P W Botha has, whether by design or not,
remained a very private person.

In May 1985, for the purposes of this article, the
authors interviewed a wide range of people who are
in close contact with Botha or had worked with him
over many years. Botha emerges as a complex figure,
combining fine qualities of leadership with negative
personality traits. It is easy to see why so many
people cannot remain lukewarm towards him, while
others find him confusing.

THE MAKING OF A LEADER
P W Botha’s leadership style is not merely the
product of his premiership or subsequent state
presidency; its origins can be traced far back.

Pieter Willem Botha, born on 12 January 1916, was
the favoured son of a farming couple in the Paul Roux
district of the Orange Free State. Pieter Willem senior

67

was a fairly prosperous farmer, known for his thorough-
bred horses. Although a “bittereinder” in the Anglo-
Boer War, Botha senior was for his time a remarkably
open-minded man of the world. Hendrina Botha, his
wife, was a woman to be reckoned with. She, too, ex-
perienced the trauma of the Anglo-Boer War — in a
British concentration camp. A deeply religious
woman, she wanted Pieter Willem junior to take up
theology. Hendrina Botha’s father was a Member of
Parliament in the old Free State Republic, and this
might have shaped her independent political mind.

Not surprisingly, young Pieter Willem developed
an early interest in politics; it soon became a passion.
He accompanied his father to political meetings and
even held his own, addressing motley bands of whize
friends and black farm hands, At school, first in Paul
Roux and later Bethlehem, he made his mark as a
student leader; however, as a scholar he performed
rather disappointingly.

In 1934 Botha enrolled as a law student at Grey
University College in Bloemfontein, intending to be-
come an advocate. In his second year he dropped law
and switched co politics and economics, subjects that
had a greater appeal. It was at college that Botha first
became known as “P W” — so named by his English
lecturer.

The early Thirties marked a turbulent period in
Afrikaner politics. Following the fusion of General
JBM Hertzog’s National Party and General J C
Smuts’s South African Party in December 1934, to
form the United Party, a number of rebel National-
ists under Dr D F Malan opted for the continued
separate existence of the National Party, then re-
named the Purified (Gesuzwerde) Party.



JPRS*SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

NAMIBIA

GOVERNMENT URGED TO ACCELERATE FIGHT AGAINST SWAPO
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 10 Jul 85 p 5
(Report: "Lusaka Treaty Failed; Wipe Out SWAPO Now, says Sarel Becker"]

{(Text] The highest priority of the South African
Government should be that of definitively winning the war
against SWAPO--especially now that the Defense Force itself
says that it is in the process of gaining a victory over
SWAPO.

Those are the words of the secretary of the HNP [Herstigte Nasionale Party] in
the Southwest, Attorney Sarel Becker. Attorney Becker was asked for
commentary on a statement by the head of the Southwest territorial force,
Major-general George Meiring, that the Defense Force "is in the process of
winning the war against SWAPO." General Meiring made the statement at a news
conference in Windhoek which was attended by a great number of local and
foreign journalists.

Attorney Becker said that the government should immediately let go of its
policy according to which the war against SWAPO is being waged to gain time
for political "changes." The latter include the risky experiment now taking
place in the Southwest with a transition government. "The Defense Force has
demonstrated clearly that it can win the war against SWAPO and its hand must
be strengthened in this," according to Attorney Becker.

Attorney Becker said that time had proven that the current policy of the
government is not beneficial to the Southwest. In spite of all its
concessions, foreign countries have made it very clear that they will only be
satisfied with a SWAPO government in Windhoek. Therefore not even the
multiracial transition government is acceptable to them. Now the Defense
Force must be allowed to wipe out SWAPO completely so that the problems of the
Southwest can be solved in peace, Attorney Becker declares.

General Meiring's statement was followed by a statement of the Defense Force
that another 16 SWAPO terrorists had been shot by the Defense Force. This
brings the total number of terrorists killed last week by the Defense Force to
61.

60


officials of the National Directorate of Registers, Notariat, and Identifi-
cation are going to travel throughout the Province of Uige where it will

be necessary to organize a brigade which will be able not only to register
and identify a large portion of workers who do not have any papers but

which will also be able to take care of those people who have returned

so far and who cannot show any papers proving their identity and citizenship.
Last year, the identification services issued 344,782 identity cards, During
the first quarter of this year, 78,519 identity cards have already been
issued, [Text][Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jun 85 p 2] 5058

CSO: 3442/365

17



JPRS=SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

APICULTURE GETS UNDER WAY WITH FOREIGN HELP
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 12 Jul 85 ps8

[Text] The Apiculture Program, associated with the development of -honey, has
since its founding in April 1983 trained over 200 bee-keepers on various levels
throughout the country, in an activity linked with the sector's rehabilitation
and publicizing. Concurrently, the Swedish Agency for “International Develop-
ment (SIDA) is interesed in giving the apiculture sector financial aid, and
for this purpose has requested of the program a list of its material require-
ments. Meanwhile, the mobilizing commission for creation of the Association
of Bee-Keepers of Mozambique is engaged in preparing the respective by-laws,
and it is expected that this association will be made official shortly.

The head of the Apiculture Program, Jose Alcobia, discussed the main activities
carried out by the sector during the 2 years of its existence, stressing that
it was one of the sectors virtually neglected during colonial rule.

Jose Alcobia commented: "Apiculture in Mozambique is one of the sectors which
concretely experienced the benefits of independence. It had been practiced
only on a primitive, family basis."

Discussing the activities carried out by the sector since the proclamation of
independence, Jose Alcobia told us that, during the past 2 years, the Apiculture
Program engaged in various types of action, noteworthy among which are min-—
courses for training and intensive courses in nearly all the country's provinces;
in which over 200 bee-keepers were trained, including professionals and those
engaged in bee-keeping as a supplementary activity.

According to Jose Alcobia, at the present time an intensive course is under way
at the Marracuene Apiary Training Center, with the participation of 10 bee-
keepers from enterprises and social sectors. To take part in this course,

the candidates paid the sum of 500 meticals at the time of enrollment. This
money was used to defray the expenses of the course.

Foreign Aid and Financing

Moreover, Jose Alcobia said that thé Apiculture Program has been receiving
direct backing from some United Nations organizations, such as the FAO and

34


Concentrated Training Efforts

To enable the CRED technicians to’ keep helping the farmers in their production
effort, the technicians are given minimum training since they have already
taken various other courses. In those courses, the future technicians learn
the basics of agriculture and animal husbandry; for this purposes, their is

a center which has a minimum of support facilities; the most important part

is the experimental field where tests are conducted in growing plants and
raising small animals, such as chickens, ducks, and rabbits, where the
peasants can familiarize themselves with the ways of handling these animals;
some of these are not exactly traditional in that area.

"We plan to introduce hog raising shortly," said Patricio Polupo, adding that
rudimentary techniques are being used in raising these animalsfor the purpose
of imbuing the peasants with a creative spirit, in other words, to get the
local resources needed for the feeding and care of the animals,

Use Local Resources

-The utilization of local resources in carrying out certain projects is an
important chapter that consists of training technicians along with special
training courses for peasants, given periodically at the CRED,

Excellent results have already been obtained in practice, including especially
the installation of an artisan-scale peanut oil refinery with a capacity of
extracting 7 liters of oil from 20 kilograms of peanuts. The use of

lagoons or natural pools for the construction of small dams to be used in
irrigation is another example worth mentioning.

“We must also report the existing of a likewise artisan-scale factory that
turns out ceramics and construction items, especially panels, tiles, bricks,
and other items to provide an incentive for the peasants in building their
own homes, "

Support for Cooperative Sector

The project provides the most aid however in the cooperative sector although
the family sector also gets technical and material assistance,

According to Patricio Polupo, the project currently supports 11 agricultural
cooperatives located in Meza, Mecuit, and Mapululo. This assistance extends
from continuing technical support for cooperative farmers all the way to
internal organization, logistic support and management,

"In the area of logistic support, for example, we are helping those farm
production units in procuring hoes, seeds, fuel, fertilizer, and other
production factors and in the shipment of products through contacts with
other agencies, such as the Provincial Agricultural Directorate and the
400,000-hectare project," our source added,

5058
CsO: 3442/359

54


JPRS*SSA*85=082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

REPRESENTATIVE OF POLISH FRIENDSHIP GROUP SPEAKS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] An association for solidarity and friendship with Mozambique, named
APOIAMOC, was recently created in Poland, in order to foster there the disse-
mination of information on our country and to coordinate the initiatives in,
support of the Mozambican people. The association.is headed by Eugeniusz
Rzewuski, former professor at Eduardo Mondlane University [UEM] (2977-83), and
currently instructor in the African Language and Culture Department of Warsaw
University.

The meeting to establish APOIAMOC was held in Warsaw on 28 November 1984, as

we were told by Jolanta Koziorowska, secretary of the solidarity association.
Taking part in that meeting were 40 individuals with direct or indirect
knowledge concerning Mozambique, namely, former cooperants, diplomats, journal~
ists, students of Africa, industrial technicians, researchers and scientists.

"All those of us who worked in and liked Mozambique always intended to create an
association, because we didn't want to lose that contact," we were told by
Jolanta, herself a former cooperant, having worked for 4 years (1978-82) in

the National Musuems and Antiquities Service. She is currently working as a
museums study technician-:at the National Museum of Ethnography in Poland.

Jolanta Koziorowska has been in Mozambique for a few weeks at the invitation
of the UEM to develop an ethnographic project, using the occasion to report
on the creation of the APOIAMOC. Hence, she distributed circular letters to
various entities and institutions concerning the association's activities,
and held dialogue with officials from the AMASP [Mozambican Association for
Friendship and Solidarity With Poland].

She told our reporter: "The results of these contacts were very positive, and
AMASP tendered an invitation to APOIAMOC to send a delegation to visit
Mozambique." She also disclosed to us that her association offered four
study grants for Mozambican students in higher education. ‘APOIAMOC is
collecting educational materials and clothing in Poland to be sent as an
offer of solidarity toward the Mozambican peopte>, as well.

20


COMMENTS ON BOTHA'S THREAT

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 6

[Editorial]
here is reason to understanding Presi-'
[Text] T dent P W Botha’s inclination fo fight
fire with fire by threatening to repatri-

ate black foreign workers in the face of
economic sanctions. But it’s cost to the re-
gion would be severe indeed.

On the other hand, it needs to persuade the’
international community that sanctions,
boycotts and disinvestment will hurt South-
ern African blacks the most,

The UN — and individually vociferous
anti-apartheid governments and groups — ;
have either failed to consider, or are blithe- ;
ly, blindly and perversely ignoring, the seri-
ous threat that economic measures against
this country pose to the very people that the,
measures are misguidedly designed to sup-

rt.
Pofow better to spell it out than in a threat
to cut off neighbouring states from their
regional economic lifeblood —. the. South
African industrial nexus?

‘Pretoria. is alternately aggressive and

_ apologetic.

i This begs the question: Was the repatri-~
ation threat ust a rattling of the sabre? We
guess so. And so will no doubt many of those
advocating sanctions. But because of it the
well-meaning but misguided may be more.
aware of the consequences of their sanctions

reats, sos aa ‘

cso: 3400/856

87

IJPRS*SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


for the country's benefit, noting that, although it has not been completed,
for lack of construction materials, it represents the immense effort on the
part of our youth in the struggle to improve housing conditions in Mozambique.

Francisco Soares said: "This is a historic event for the Mozambican Youth Organi-
zation in this province."

Ready to Reconstruct the Country

The message from the brigade members, submitted on this occasion, underscores
the youth's readiness for the tasks of national reconstruction and defense of
the fatherland, threatened by imperialism.

The message also emphasized the backing from the central agencies of the party
and government of Tete Province for the accomplishment of the work on the
Matundo housing project.

The document cited, in addition, the difficulties encountered in the course of
the work, which, however, were surmounted with the passage of time.

Goals of the. Project

The Matundo housing project in Tete calls for the construction of 200 dwellings
for the miners at the CARBOMOC enterprise, with financing from the Ministry of
Mineral Resources. However, the goal of the project was not attained, owing
to the lack of construction materials on the domestic market.

The project work was assigned to the Mozambique Youth Organization and the
German Free Youth association, based on agreements signed for this purpose;
and the work started in 1981, upon the arrival of the volunteer work brigade
members from the OJM and FDJ in that province.

Because..of the aforementioned difficulties, only 21 dwellings have been built,
including some which are semi~finished.

According to reports supplied by ‘the participating entities, the completion of

the semi-finished houses has currently been assigned to the Tete Integral Con-
struction enterprise.”

2909
CSO: 3442/356

41



together” and the social forces operating within a par-
ticular society. In this case, instability indicates that
institutions and public policy are incapable of inte-
grating social change and of accommodating the
demands and aspirations related to social change.

If such an institutional lag exists in a particular
society, frustrated expectations give rise to conflict,
confrontation and turmoil. Conversely, socio-political
stability implies adaptability and flexibilicy of public
policy and institutions in the face of changing cir-
cumstances. In this article, 1 wish co point out that
South Africa is experiencing unrest and turmoil gen-
erated by structural problems and the ineffective
execution of the “art of associating together”.

Over the past couple of decades the country has
experienced rapid social change, generated by the
processes of industrialisation and urbanisation, the
impact of education, exposure to mass media (es-
pecially TV) and economic forces. The impact
urbanisation has had on South Africa's black popu-
lation is dramatic — if not revolutionary. Traditional
values have been eroded. A new class has emerged.
Political consciousness has become more sophis'
cated. Economic, political and professional demands
and aspirations have multiplied and intensified. The
cities have become the meeting place of people trom
the First and Third Worlds, concentrating within the
boundaries of South Africa the global tensions that
exist between countries of the First and Third
World.

Public policy and existing institutions have failed
to adapt effectively to these changes and, in conse-
quence, a huge gap has developed between existing
institutions and the social forces, wants, needs and
aspirations created by the urbanisation of blacks.
Reforms in the area of labour relations and union
movements, giving the latter bargaining power, have
succeeded in filling some of the gaps, but they have
not, for obvious reasons, adequately met socio-politi-
cal demands and aspirations.

Nor did the well-intended introduction of local
authorities suffice in providing for this need. Urban
blacks developed their own organisations to give
formal expression to heir political consciousness and
aspirations. In these organisations, from the local to
the national level, black opposition and frustration
became institutionalised, contributing to the gap
between government-created institutions and black
aspirations. In short, the “art of associating together”
— as far as officially established institutions are
concerned — did not keep pace with emerging black
aspirations, wants and needs.

Current unrest and turmoil in black townships
underscore this point. Admittedly, a variety of

82

empirical causes can also be adduced to explain the
unrest: the economic recession, scarcity of jobs, edu-
cational grievances, intimidation and hooliganism.
However, at the root of the unrest lies the gap be-
tween existing institutions and the political and other
demands of blacks. To remove at least some of their
grievances would be commendable, but this would
merely amount to superticial relief and the treatment
of symptoms. Fundamenually, the grievances of
blacks go deeper, culminating in an awareness of
being excluded from the existing socio-political
system.

This becomes clear when one cakes a close look
at some aspects of current turmoil. In one way or
another, current unrest challenges the legitimacy of
the present socio-political system and its institutions.
This fact assumed tragic dimensions in the acts of
violence and arson directed against those blacks who
opted for participation in government-created insti-
tutions such as local authorities.

Blacks turned against blacks, with those taking a
moderate line of approach becoming the victims of
retaliation and frustration. Some paid with their
lives. Others were compelled co resign. It has be-
come a dangerous enterprise for blacks to participate
in institutions lacking legitimacy among fellow
blacks.

The challenge to- the legitimacy of government-
created institutions, displayed during the course of
the present unrest, lies in the extension of a
tend which has surfaced in South Africa on other
occasions. The new constitutional dispensation met
with widespread opposition. Elections for local black
authorities recorded a low polling percentage. Blacks
in leadership roles expressed a reluctance to accept
the important invitation by the government to par-
ticipate in negotiations.

In short, blacks do not want to be seen as collab-
orators with the present system. For this very reason
the intimidation and conspiracy theory does noc suf-
fice to explain the popular support mobilised during
the unrest.

ART OF ASSOCIATING TOGETHER

Reflection on the prospects for socio-political stab-
ility in South Africa should take serious note of the
problem of legitimacy or, to phrase it somewhat dif-
ferently, the effectiveness of the “art of associating
together”. In a democracy, one of the main
objectives of this art is co establish institutions with
legitimacy and authority. Legitimacy is related to the
degree of support a particular socio-political system,
including its institutions, manages to generate. It
generates legitimacy when people identity with it in


JPRS*SSA285°082
4 September 1985

OTM SECRETARY TRAINING COURSE--A training course for secretaries of the Mozam-
bican Workers Organization [OTM] engaged in organization has’ been under way
since 8 July at this socio-occupational organization's facilities in the

city of Maputo. This course was organized bythe OTM Secretariat in Urban
District No 1. According to information collected by our reporter from a
source in OTM, the promotion of this course is aimed essentially at training
the participants in trade union subjects; because, as we learned, many of

the course attendees are engaging in their activities without the minimum
trade union training. During the 25 days of its duration, the 45 course
members will be subjected to learning subjects associated with trade union
matters, such as organization, socialist emulation, political economics,
Marxist-Leninist philosophy, hygiene and safety, as well as labor legislation.
According to. Jorge Quimice Gomes, secretary for organization in Urban District
No 1, the participants. in this course were selected from various productive
sectors located in that zone of the city of Maputo. Jorge Quimice Gomes also
added that this is the second course of its kind to take place in that urban
district; because the first one was held in the middle of this year, 1985.
[Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 2] 2909

SET CHOOSES YOUTH FOR GDR--A few days ago, the State Secretariat of Labor
[SET] began recruiting youths to be sent to the German Democratic Republic
for purposes of employment and occupational training, in the context of the
agreements signed between that country and the People's Republic of Mozam-
bique. According to a memorandum from the State Secretariat of Labor, sent
to our editorial office, the following are necessary requirements for the
candidates’ enlistment: Age between 18 and 25 years; must be a resident of
Maputo city and province; and must have minimal reading and writing ability,
on the fourth grade level. Hence, all those interested have been informed
that they may register in the Labor Directorate of the City of Maputo, and
the provincial one, located in the nation's capital. For more detailed
information, those interested should contact the Labor Directorate in the
city, or the provincial directorate in Matola. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in
Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 2] 2909

CSO: 3442/355/356/357/358

59



the belief that the system gives expression to cheir
aspirations, wants and needs, delivering the goods
expected from it.

This usually entails: acceptance of the values and
ideology underlying a particular socio-political sys-
tem and its public policy; identification with the
structures of the system in the belief that they are
just; and confidence and trust in the people operating
the system.

Legitimate institutions are a sine qua non for
stability. If a state fails to generate legitimacy, it
has to resort to force and coercive measures to estab-
lish a measure of stability. Hence there is a close
relationship between the lack of legitimacy and the
use of force. The degree of coercion a state has to
employ to ensure stability provides one with a fairly
reliable index as to the degree of legitimacy that par-
ticular state enjoys.

As far as urban blacks are concerned, one has to
concede that the present legitimacy reading for
South Africa’s socio-political system does not give
cause for optimism. This somewhat bleak obser-
vation gives rise to the question: Does the current
instability and the failure of existing institutions to
integrate emerging social forces among urban blacks
imply that a revolution is in the offing for South
Africa?

TIGHTROPE WALKING
Despite the fact that South Africa is walking a politi-
cal tightrope between the ideal of stabiliry and the
forces of instability, it is safe to assume that a rev-
olution is not inevitable and for the following
reasons:
G Lack of legitimacy does not necessitate a revol-
ution. To say that the existing socio-political sys-
tem lacks legitimacy among urban blacks does not
imply that the power of the state is in jeopardy. As
far as the presenc South African state is concerned,
it is an indisputable fact that its power-base is still
intact, sophisticated and formidable.
Divisions within the black population also militate
against revolution. The main actor in this field is
the ANC, which enjoys considerable popular sup-
port among South African blacks. It is, however,
not in a position to overthrow the South African
state by violent revolutionary means for it does not
have the military muscle, access rouces and bases
to do so. The most it can achieve is to create low-
intensity security risks, making life somewhat un-
comfortable. In short, the ANC can be contained
by South Africa’s sophisticated security system.
The UDF, an umbrella organisation, publicly
rejects the use of violence. It does not provide the

a

83

tramework for massive revolutionary mobilisation.
Recently it has been at loggerheads with another
black organisation, Azapo, and its affiliates. Azapo
represents the idea of black consciousness while the
UDF stands for multiracialism.

Inkatha, the organisational power-base of Chief
Buthelezi, takes a strong and consistent stand against
violent means. In areas and at schools where this
movement is active, unrest has been limited.

An analysis of black opposition to the present
socio-political system indicates that it does not stem
from a cohesive revolutionary strategy. It lacks a
centre of power from which opposition can be effec-
tively co-ordinated and orchestrated with the aim of
eroding the power of the state. A significant pro-
portion of blacks is, moreover, still in favour of a
negotiated settlement.

If a revolution is not on the cards for South
Africa, does ic imply that socio-political stability will
not be at stake?

In view of what has been said about scructurally-
generated unrest, incidents of unrest and turmoil
cannot be excluded from a short- to medium-term
projection of the future. Resolving scructurally-gen-
erated unrest, especially on the political level, is not
the outcome of a single and dramatic act of creation.
It depends on sustained efforts of reform, bargaining
and compromise.

Furthermore, it should be emphasised that a
strategy of reform tends to generate its own incidents
of conflict and unrest. Reform, particularly on the
structural level, makes a socio-political system less
rigid, enabling forces of disorder to surface. It is com-
monly accepted by scholars that a very delicate bal-
ance exists between reform and incidents of unrest.

Reform, moreover, creates expectations among
those not profiting from the existing order. It high-
lights their grievances and strengthens their convic-
tion of being outsiders to the old ‘order of things. If
these expectations are not met adequately, and
within a reasonable period of time, frustrated expec-
tations add fuel to the fires of conflict and confron-
tation.

A situation wherein incidents of unrest and tur-
moil occur need not produce pessimism and fatalism.
Socio-political stability in South Africa does not
demand the total absence of incidents of turmoil.
What is of prime importance is the restriction of un-
rest and turmoil to manageable proportions over the
short to medium term.

OBSTACLES
In view of the thesis that South Africa is caught in
the vortex of structurally-generated unrest, the



The importance of such an enquiry was also stressed by Mr Louis Coetzee (PU),
who said that the ASB has thusfar always taken the initiative with respect to
contact with other organizations.

Mr. Frans Viljoen (UP) said that it would do the ASB no harm to accept the

motion. “Although the likelihood of the UDF entering into discussions with us
is extremely slight, we must keep our options open.”

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118


JPRS*SSA*85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

PAULUS AT ODDS WITH NP REPRESENTATIVE OVER MINE LABOR POLICY
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 31 Jul 85 p 2
[Article: "Paulus in Sharp Clash With NP-LP Over Wiehahn"]

(Text] He is willing to resign as chief secretary of the Mine Workers Union
{MWU] and run as a candidate in the Stilfontein constituency if the NP-MP
{National Party Member of Parliament] of that constituency, Mr James
Cunningham, also resigns. That is what the chief secretary of the MWU, Mr
Arrie Paulus, told DIE AFRIKANER after he was challenged by Mr Cunningham to
run as a candidate in a mining constituency in later general elections.

The challenges arise from a recent article in the MWU's mouthpiece, DIE
MYNWERKER [The Mine Worker]. Mr Paulus said in the article that MPs who
represent mining constituencies must take a stand against the abolition of
work reservation in the mining industry or resign. Mr Paulus said that the
sixth Wiehahn Report and the White Paper were held back until after the
general elections of 29 April 1981. MPs representing mining constituencies
thus do not have a mandate from their constituents for the abolition of work
reservation in the mines.

DIE AFRIKANER then approached four LP-MPs representing mining constituencies
for comment. They were Dr Boy Geldenhuys from Randfonetin, Mr Willie Landman
from Carletonville, Dr M.H. Veldman from Rustenburg and Mr James Cunningham
from Stilfontein. All four declared outright that they support the
Government's White Paper on the sixth Wiehahn Report. Mr Cunningham added
that Mr Paulus is "in a fog" if he thinks that he (Mr Cunningham) will resign
as MP for Stilfontein. He said, "Why doesn't Mr Paulus run instead as a
candidate in a mining constituency in later general elections?

Mr Paulus says he is "sick and tired" of Mr Cunningham's challenges. Mr
Cunningham already leveled a similar challenge in a debate of a standing
committee of the Volksraad [House of Assembly]. "I already challenged him
last year to resign as MP. I let him know by registered mail that I would
resign as chief secretary in order to run against him in Stilfontein. He was
too cowardly to respond to that. Mr Cunningham cannot allege that he did not
receive the letter. I was in touch with the post office and have proof that
he signed for the letter." Mr Paulus says the challenge still stands. "If Mr

121



According to that official, the devised program was gradually accompanied by
political action to mobilize the farmers.

The party's first secretary in Marracuene also explained that, in addition to
having recovered a considerable part of the crops struck by the rain, the
district's population received backing in the form of seed: from the Maputo
Provincial Directorate of Agriculture.

He noted: "Although there was a problem of a lack of ofl and lubricants, I
can claim that, in this district, no‘one will die of famine, because the popu-
lation is working to avoid this."

At the present time, Marracuene district, whose headquarters is nearly 30
kilometers from Maputo, has 10 private agricultural enterprises, one state
enterprise, five agricultural cooperatives and a considerable number of

farmers associations which are engaged in activities to provide assistance,

in search of solutions for the procurement of seed and other production factors.

"We Are Implementing the War Economy’

Marracuene district is not far removed from the reality being experienced at
present by the entire country, particularly with regard to the transformation
of its economy into a war economy, as a means of participating actively in the
elimination of banditry. In this connection, the administrator of that district
commented:

"From a military standpoint, this district is playing a major role. Without
any desire to give more details, I should only say that this district's popula-
tion is working for the war. As ‘an example of this, we decided to send nearly
90 percent of the green vegetables produced to the city of Maputo, despite the
difficulties being faced; because this is also a way of contributing to the
elimination of the armed bandits who are vainly attempting to block passage to
the country's capital city."

Combating the Armed Bandits

Just as has been occurring nearly all over the country, the population of
Marracuene has forcefully combated the armed bandits, through reports to the
district's defense and security forces, in addition to participating in politico-
military training courses.

In fact, at the present time, training courses for the farmers‘ self-defense
are under way in nearly all parts of that district.

On the other hand, according to the subject of our interview, three armed
bandit camps were recently destroyed. ‘The result of this action has not been
disclosed; it is only known that a considerable number of criminals were killed
and various ordnance seized.

28


JPRS*SSA*85°082
4 September 1985

ANGOLA

FORMER FNLA OFFICIAL ON ORGANIZATION, HOLDEN ROBERTO
Maputo DIARIO DE NOTICIAS in Portuguese 22 Jul 85 p 3

[Interview with Johny Eduardo Pinock: "Secret Tales of Conspiracy Against
People's Republic of Angola--Story Told by Former Prime Minister of Holden
Roberto"]

[Excerpt] Johny Eduardo Pinock has a long story to tell:
The story of his political career from number-2 man of the
FNLA and prime minister, via the FNLA the Angola transition
government, all the way to his return to Angolan society,
It is a story. with many episodes some of which were revealed
for the first time in the interview which Pinock gave to

O DIARIO: The real face of Holden Roberto and the true
identify of the FNLA chief in 1975-1976, the Spinola plan
to perpetuate rule over Angola and the recent undertaking
of the United States to regroup the FNLA and UNITA, The
interview subject spoke from personal knowledge which he
acquired because he was a party to some of these events.

As for Spinola's neocolonialist plan, for example, Pinock
accompanied Mobutu to Sal Island where the project was
presented, He also met with Mario Soares in Tunis | and,
as for those persons who today act and speak in Portugal in
the name of the FNLA, he has a very precise idea: "They
are wasting their time."

Johny Eduardo Pinock answered the questions put to him by 0 DIARIO im Luanda
where he has been living since he returned to Angolan society, without
holding back, "I am free, I say what I think, I go where T want to go,"
he said.

Question: Tell us about your career since you were number-2 man of FNLA
and until you returned to Angolan society,

Answer: This is a long story. I decided to return to this country after a
period of reflection, I had fought’ with conviction in the FNLA; the objec-
tion was the liberation and construction of a really independent and united
Angola, free of any exploitation. But over the years I came to realize that
Holden and his bosses were undermining the fighting spirit of the people who
trusted the movement.


To ensure this work, zonal chiefs were assigned, responsible for the activity
in every zone, who, together with the green zones office, must respond to
the needs of the family farmers in the city of Chokwe in terms of seed and
other farm production factors.

Also created in this area were two agricultural pre-cooperatives, namely, the
Fourth Congress and 21 May Cooperatives, which have received aid in the form
of machinery through the MECANAGO enterprise and the Agrarian Station, as well
as from some private entities in that region.

Land Distribution Still Under Way

Whenver possible these enterprises supported the work of the family farms,
despite having encountered some difficulties due to the lack of fuel. At
the present time, the hoe and plow are the only implements in evidence on the
family sector farms in the city of Chokwe.° Moreover, as the chief of the
green zones sector remarked, it is possible to work with the hoe because the
area for each family is not large, ranging from a quarter of a hectare to 2
hectares, at most.

Although the district has distributed a considerable number of yokes of oxen,
the number was not enought to fully meet the needs of the entire family sector.
Hence, the need for mutual assistance among the peasants in each zone, at the
plowing time, has been cited.

The chief of this sector on the Chokwe district level noted: "We in the green
zones sector are aiding the city's peasants in terms of production factors, such
as seed, pesticides and other equipment to guarantee the campaign, and they
must guarantee the farm work."

"Meanwhile the work to distribute land among the family sector's peasants is
still under way in that district of the province, with greater stress now on
the localities which have low-lying areas.

"In this connection the family sector is being reorganized in certain localities,
from the ‘standpoint of crops; in.other words, in a given locality we study which
area is suitable for growing cotton, beans, wheat, etc. Based on the data pro-
cured during the work, it is known the amounts of seed that are necessary per
crop in each locality, during'a particular agricultural ‘campaign.

"Hence, the attention of the green zones sector is now directed essentially

to the localities with low-lying areas, where control is. being carried out
to see to it that. each resident owns a plot of land."

2909
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43



In a desperate: attempt to force us to accept its’ neocolonialist policy,
the enemy will'do everything to: tarnish these important events. in order
to sabotage our achievements, to discredit our institutions, to destablize.
our economy, and to shake the confidence which our people has’ in the party.

This.is why we must permanent strengthen our organization, make cooperation
more effective not only between’ the agencies constituting our ministry, but
also with other defense and security organization, especially. ,

In the speech delivered the solemn opening of the First National Party
Conference, Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos emphasized "It is
therefore necessary for the competent agencies of the party and the state
to continue to make every effort to overcome the shortcomings that still
exist."

It is therefore indispensable for each worker of our ministry, in general,
to fight in order to strengthen our structures, to fight for the improvement
of our work methods, for strict compliance with procedures at all levels,
for active and conscious participation in political, educational, and party
activities, in order better to understand and keep up with the domestic

and foreign policy pursued by the party.

The activities we must develop are in effect many and complex and therefore
we must with firm confidence in the party.commit ourselves more and more
consciously to“this struggle in an active, courageous, and honest form,
with a high spirit of discipline, daily implementing alert vigilance, so

as to deserve the confidence placed in us by the party and the government
and especially by our commander-in-chief, Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos
Santos.

In celebrating the 6th anniversary of the establishment of the Interior
Ministry today, I bow with profound respect before the memory of the heros.
who fell for the noble cause of our revolution and, with every revolutionary
warmth, I wish all of our personnel, in the various trenches of this

struggle, much success in their tasks, so that the results of the contribution
of all of us to the consolidation of the revolutionary gains achieved so

far with so much sacrifice by our heroic people may be positive.

.

5058
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“We said: "At the present time, the monthly production of animal-hauled plows
is 1,000 units, a number considered to be higher than in previous years."

As for other types of farming equipment, the source from Agro-Alfa said that,
based on an agreement signed with the Swedish company Overum, there is a plan
to produce over 200,000 hoes to be distributed throughout the ‘country. The
plan, which has the assistance of the Swedish Agency for International Develop-
ment (SIDA), also includes the production of axes, hammers, knives and other
implements.

It is the enterprise's desire, in the near future, to produce pliers, scissors
of various types and screwdrivers. However, the manufacture of these tools
will depend on the development and technical capacity. “For training purposes,
nine Mozambicans will go to Sweden this year, where they will attend courses
in special fields, lasting from 6 months to a year."

The production of mills at the same enterprise fluctuates between 50 and 60
units per month. Niassa Province ranked first in the distribution of the mills,
with the exception of the city of Maputo, which was benefited, having already
received 57 units ordered by the local government.

In Maputo, the mills are primarily allocated to peasant associations and’ commun-
al villages, and one was turned over to Urban District No 7 last week.

2909
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37



JPRS*SSA=852082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ASB INVESTIGATES UDF
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 19 Jul 85 p 4
[Article "From Our Political Editorship": "ASB Looks at Connection with UDF" ]

[Text] Stellenbosch.—Instructions were given to the executive board at the
congress of the ASB [Afrikaans Student Association] here yesterday to enquire
into the "nature, purpose, foundation and ties" of the UDF [United Democratic
Front], as well as the results of an ASB link with that organization.

The motion, which aroused considerable discussion and brought sharp
differences of opinion to the fore, was finally adopted unanimously with
applause.

The proposer of the motion, Mr Ernst Basson of Potchefstroom University [PU],
said that it is common knowledge that the UDF is a genuine organization.

Nonetheless the ASB must establish for itself whether the UDF is in reality a
front organization for the ANC, which advocates violence as a means of change.

Mr Louis Aucamp, also from PU, and seconder of the motion, said that the
motion is not aimed at taking a stand for or against the UDF, but at giving
the ASB the opportunity of looking into the possible consequences of a link
with the organization.

Mr Gerdus Kruger of the University of Pretoria [UP] expressed his doubts as to
the desirability and usefulness of such an investigation, especially inasmuch
as the police has already conducted a similar inquiry. The ASB should much
rather look into links with other youth movements.

Mr Leonard van der Dusen, also from the UP, said that there is enough evidence
of the nature of the UDF. That body is simply a political organization, and
an investigation by the ASB, which is a cultural organization, will therefore
be a useless waste of time.

Mr Frank Kilbourn of the RAU [Rand Afrikanns University] said that in the

light of the UDF's important role in the country's politics, the ASB must
inform itself as to the UDF's aims and methods.

117



JPRS*SSA*852082
4 September 1985

ANGOLA

BRIEFS

UNTA MEETING IN CABINDA--The fifth meeting of the provincial council of the
National Union of Angolan Workers ended on Thursday in Cabinda after an
analysis of the resports from the secretariat and the provincial unions.

The proposals for the reshaping of the provincial unions deserves particular
attention on the part of the first secretaries of the provincial units, the
city representations of UNTA [National Union of Angolan Workers], and the
delegates from the various activity branches who participate in the meeting.
The Angolan labor union controls 14,507 workers in Cabind with 1,258 workers,
including 11 women, in the petroleum extraction branch, [Text] [Luanda
JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jun 85 p 12] 5058

TRANSPORT OF MERCHANDISE-~About 2,200 tons of miscellaneous goods, including
food and industrial articles, were shipped from the warehouses of EDIMBA
[expansion unknown] in the township of Lobito to the city of Sumbe for a
period of 10 days as part of an operation including more than 70 government
and private vehicles, This initiation was taken by provindial commissioner
Ramos da Cruz and was due to the shortage the province is experiencing in
daily necessities that were being held back in the commercial port of Lobito
since all food products and industrial articles consumed by the people of
Southern Kwanza are distributed from that port. Local authorities were
persuaded to use land transport because of the start of repair work (for

an unspecified period of time) on the pier-bridge of the port of Porto-Amboim
where the goods are unloaded for subsequent distribution to the townships in
the province [Text] [Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jun 85 p 12]
5058

PERMANENT BRIGADES FOR REGISTRATION, IDENTIFICATION-~The Special Party
Congress has ordered the registration and identification of the population
to be stepped up; this effort has been given much attention by the Ministry
of Justice, In spite of the efforts that have been made so far, it has not
yet been possible to achieve the increased desired for this activity due to
the lack of some materials, especially photographic equipment and transpor-
tation equipment. Some work is being done however since the program can
fall back on official support in particular regarding the shortages men-
tioned above, Right now, a mobile brigade is operating in the Province

of Bengo, registering and identifying the workers of ACUNOR-UEE [expansion
unknown] as a result of the combined efforts of the provincial police
commission's office and the enterprise management. On the other hand,

16


The reintegration process now going on in Uige is being watched with great
interest: and expectations throughout .the territory of Angola... More than
all of the’ considerations of a social nature which it arouses, the process
reveals the great leadership. capacity and the deep hold of the MPLA-Labor
Party. Integration is moving forward successfully because the returnees
find an organized, mobilized society led by a strong revolutionary party
that is united on its principles and that is firm in the execution of its
doctrine,

5058
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11



Police

Briefs

Say Not Interested in Private Lives
(BUSINESS DAY, 1 Aug 85) secccccecceceseeeceeseeesuceoes

Renault Not Frozen

Unrest Hits Homes Plans

HSRC Warned

Whites Must Lower Standards
UN Women's Conference Berated

125

126
126
126
126
127



IJPRS=SSA*85+082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

ASB OPPOSES POLITICAL VIOLENCE
Cape Town DIE BURGER in Afrikaans 19 Jul 85 p 4

[Article "From Our Political Editorship": "Political Violence Condemned by
ASB" ]

[Text] Stellenbosch.--A motion rejecting violence as a means of political
change was. adopted at the ASB [Afrikaans Student Association] congress here
yesterday by an overwhelming majority.

In the motion the ASB also calls on all groups in South Africa to take part
peacefully in the constitutional process and expresses the hope that violence
will be regarded only as a “last resort" in the maintenance of law and ordér.

‘The ASB also commits itself to links with “groups that do not subscribe to
violence as a means of solving political problems in the present context.”

The proposer of the motion, Mr Lucius Botes (UOVS) [University of the Orange
Free State], said in his introductory address that because of its Christian
National basis, the ASB cannot associate itself with persons or institutions
that advocate violence.

Miss Ronee Robinson (RAU) [Rand Afrikaans University] said that if the ASB
wants to make a contribution to peace, it must be ready to open discussions
with anyone whatsoever. A refusal to talk to advocates of violence will bring
about more and greater violence.

Mr Victor d'Assonville (PU) said that a willingness to deal with advocates of
violence will be a “slap in the face" for those who have commmittted
themselves to peaceful solutions.

Many of those organizations that advocate violence had obtained their support
simply by intimidation. The polarization would be increased by entering into
discussions with them. _

Mr Tienie Swanepoel (UP) said that people who advocate violence have a reason
for doing so. The ASB must determine what that reason is.

107



far as to support United Nations sanctions against South Africa. In other
words, the change will primarily come down to a more critical standpoint
toward South Africa in the United Nations.

The administration might possibly cooperate less with South Africa in less
important matters.

I don't want to create the impression that such actions by the United Nations
and in other areas are not important, for it could indeed encourage other
governments to take more severe actions against South Africa.

{Question] Do you think that the Reagan Administration might go as far as to
abandon constructive engagement?

[Answer] That is improbable because it would be difficult to formulate an
alternative policy with any hope of promoting American interests in Southern
Africa.

However, there might be adaptations in the policy and possibly even changes
with respect to the personnel applying the policy. There are speculations
that Dr Crocker and Ambassador Herman Nickel may pull out.

In my opinion such dismissals will create even greater problems for our
~ relations. A good rapport already exists between those officials, the South

African Government and other authorities in South Africa. New officials will
have to build up such good relations from scratch.

8700
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66


The subject of our interview also confirmed to us that there is in Poland an
interest in Africa, and Mozambique in particular. Hence, last year, Jolanta
Koziorgwska sponsored lectures and exhibits on our culture, conducted

radio programs and wrote articles about Mozambique in the newspapers. At
present, she and Eugeniusz Rzewuski are preparing a book on our country.

Jolanta explained: "It will be a book in two parts: one on the culture, art

and traditional music of Mozambique, to be provided by me; and the other on
education and the languages in this country, to be written by Rzewuski."

2909
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21



Answer: Mateus Santos was a rancher in the region of Uige. A.settler, I
knew him in Kinshasa and 1 figured out that he was a tremendously ‘ambitious
person, Now, what does’ he want?. Does he want to be president?:.A man who
even has trouble writing his own name? Those gentlemen must know that Angola
is already a free country. It does not have to be liberated twice.

The troubleis that Portugal, till the end of time, will always be the former
home country of Angola. From that point on, everything that is done from
Portugal in relation to Angola produces an important echo.

I know--since I am in the country--that the leaders of the MPLA-labor party
do not interfere in the situation in Portugal. But the same thing is not
happening in Portugal with relation to Angola, I. therefore repeat that it
is the duty of the Portuguese leaders.to make an effort to’safeguard the
bonds of cooperation which must exist. I am convinced: that Angola will
never accept cooperation forced upon it; instead, it will accept cooperation
based on a state of free conscience and on the basis of mutually correspond-
ing interests,

UNITA Is the Creation of Colonialism

Question: Was there some attempt to’ try once again to get the FNLA together
with UNITA?

Answer: ‘There was. There were several attempts along these lines starting
in 1980 by the Americans, by certain African countries, which I hope you will
forgive me for not mentioning here, as well as the Portuguese circles who
had settled-in South Africa and of course South Africa itself that wanted

to force the FNLA between the devil andthe deep blue sea, But that plan
was rejected by some of the FNLA leaders and by all.of the military members
of the COMIRA., We might say that this even helped get’ them closer to the
MPLA,

The fact that is that UNITA was never even a nationalist movement. It is a
creation of colonialism. Savimbi was in the FNLA and got out because he was
very ambitious and he wanted to be president of something. Se he created
UNITA, not to fight against Portuguese colonialism. On the contrary he’ was
with the colonists and today he is a simple.tool of South African policy.

Question: In the meantime, there was individuals who belonged to the FNLA
and who are fighting side by side with the South Africans.

Answer: There are members who came from the' FNLA in the so-called Buffalo
Battalion, I had contact with some of them and many expressed the desire
to return to.the country, But the situation of. the moment did not permit
these contacts to go forward, If it were up to them, I believe they would
already be back in Angola, But the South Africans do not want them to
leave, they try to continue to use them as a spearhead against Angola.

Question; What do you have to say to your former comrades who’ settled in
Portugal?



real capacity for response in connection with the present requirements of this
section of the country.

Feliciano Gundana cited as negative factors the lack of parts and spare compo-
nents, lubricating oil and fuel oil for industry and agriculture, chemical
products, caustic soda and other products to give an incentive for family
production. The governor of Nampula remarked: "Despite these problems, the
population has responded positively to thesummons for combating famine and
armed banditry."

The leader of Nampula Province emphasized that, in the 1983-84 marketing campaign,
the goals were met 100 percent in general, and in some instances indexes were
attained that had never before been recorded.

At the conclusion of his remarks, Governor Feliciano Gundana expressed optimism
regarding the results of the current agricultural marketing campaign, noting
that better results could be achieved if certain problems the solution to which
exceeds the local capacities were solved with the backing of the central
structures.

In the city of Nampula, the minister of the presidency, Armando Guebuza,visited
some industrial enterprises which are benefiting from the cooperation between
our country and the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, such asthe Agostinho dos Santos and Texmoque Enterprises,
among others.

2909
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26


Many of the black children now going hungry are cared for by godparents, of
whom many are pensioners who depend entirely on their bimontly allowances.
The Welfare food parcel has so to speak become a lifeline for them, without
which they are thrown on the mercies of the struggle for survival.

Mrs Smuts brands the store boycott "an unforgivable deed perpetrated on
innocent children who cannot protect themselves. A power struggle is going on

among the black leaders, which is being conducted at the expense of the
innocent.”

12906
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95



BOTHA URGED TO TALK TO TUTU

Johannesburg BUSINESS DAY in English 31 Jul 85 p 6

[Editorial]

[Text]

CSO:

3400/856

views are in general not ones with
which we can find much to agree.
Trumpeted abroad, we. believe they have
done the cause of freedom in this country
eat harm. Yet, be that as it may, President
tha should speak to him . . . and, of course,

to Chief Minister Buthelezi.

The reason is that there are few blacks
with even a remote claim to leadership,
apart from these two, who are not locked up.

fe have no doubt that were Nelson Mandela
to be released, Tutu would fade into another
Muzorewa. But Tutu is the creation of the
National Party and in the circumstances
they have to wear it.

tu’s tardiness in speaking out firmly
against civil disturbances, his constant his-
trionics, his dubious friends and his politici-
sation of the church do not endear him. But

T: Right Reverend Desmond Tutu’s

the fact is that first by restricting his travel .

and now giving him the presidential snub,
Botha has inadvertently dignified him and
piven him a standing in the eyes of many
lacks that he does not deserve.
If we are to return to the road of peaceful
reform in this country, it has to be discussed
with black leaders of some ilk and have their

nod.

The question for Botha to ask himself is: if
not Tutu nor Buthelezi who-else? Sebe?

If Tutu has ideas on how to reduce the
level of violence and promote durable re-
form, then they must be worth at least dis-
cussing. As Oscar Wilde said: “The value of
an idea has nothing whatsoever to do with
the sincerity of the man who expresses it.”

88

JPRS*SSA=85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA


Answer: That those who dream of a neocolonist regime are simply wasting
their time, That.has no future in Angola, The only way to.be honorable

is to return to help rebuild the country without any second thoughts. L
believe that in the history of Africa there is no other case where a party
in power tried to get former enemies to join its own armed forces, as

was done in Angola, As for those who do not want to return, let them leave
the Angolan people in peace. Let them no longer think of an imaginary FNLA
which no longer exists,

We had two duties: To liberate the country and to rebuild it. The country
is free. Now the important thing is to rebuild it and the war is the factor
that siphons most energy and resources. away from reconstruction. Do we
have problems in Angola? Yes,sir, But they are our problems and we are
the ones who have to tackle them,

The Angolan Family

"We create COMIRA, the Military Committee of the Angolan Resistance as the
military branch of the FNLA to distinguish ourselves from the FNLA-Holden
Roberto," said former Commander Tonta, adding that "The desire for recon-
ciliation existed among the military personnel but was opposed by certain
political leaders of the FNLA in keeping with the interests of foreign
powers."

Misunderstandings within the FNLA became worse in the wake of the military
defeat suffered in 1975-1976 when, in the final analysis, the military
leaders realized that somebody in the political leadership of the FNLA
was diverting for his use a large part of the equipment and all of the
funds. At the same time, the conflict between the military leaders and
the Portuguese, British, and American mercenaries only made the internal
crisis of the FNLA worse,

"In view of this situation we decided to remove the entire leadership of
the FNLA and to create COMIRA," said Afonso Tonta,

Of the triumvirate left by Holden Roberto in Zaire to run the FNLA, when he
withdrew to the United States--Hendrick Val Neto, Ngola Cabango, and Paulo
Tuba--only the latter supported the positions of the military leaders in
terms of "integrating the Angolan family," the former chief of staff of
COMIRA added, In the meantime, Tuba himself accepted asylum in the United
States. when Mobutu announced the expulsion of the FNLA from Zaire. Alfonso
Tonta then said that these military leaders "decided to stand firm in order
to work out a solution." When contacts materialized with the MPLA-Labor
Party and with representatives of the new Angolan government, the COMIRA
military leaders took the opportunity.

FNLA Exists only in Papers
Alfonso Tonta, the former chief of staff of COMIRA had

this to say during a ceremly recently held in Kuilo-
Kuango, where he took the oath before the state security


JPRS#SSA~854082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

BOYCOTT OF WHITE STORES STARVES BLACK CHILDREN
Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 19 Jul 85 p 12

{Article "From Our Correspondent": "Many Children May Die in Boycott:
Workers Afraid to Take Food for the Hungry"]

[Text] Port Elizabeth.--Many black children in Port Elizabeth are in danger
of starving to death because of the boycott of white stores. Welfare workers
with food parcels don't dare go into black residential areas out of fear for
their safety. It breaks the hearts of hungry black people that all food
parcels are taken away from them and contemptuously destroyed.

“We have never experienced such a terrible situation,” says Mrs Enid Smuts,

directress of the Children and Family Care Society in Port Elizabeth. "You

cringe when you hear children who sit waiting for help with their parents in
our waiting room crying from hunger.”

The society finds that fewer and fewer black people seek its help because they
have become afraid to come and fetch food. A black social workers with the
society says that these poeple, who are totally dependent on the society's
food parcels, cannot comprehend when they see how this food, which means vital
energy to them, is indiscriminately confiscated and destroyed.

Mrs Smuts says that her society held talks this week with various ‘community
leaders to point out the seriousness of the situation. Despite the stress
laid on the hundreds of black children who are going to starve to death, the
leaders were not prepared to take conciliatory action. They said that they
would look into the matter "at the committee level.”

The Children and Family Care Society's food parcel service continues to remain
available, but its workers are powerless to deliver the service because of the
ideologies to which some black leaders adhere. During the discussions the
society was unable to obtain an assurance from the black leaders that its
workers would be able to provide food to the needy in the neighborhoods in
safety.

“We cannot put our workers lives in danger and send them in under these
circumstances.”

94


geRSeSSAe85"082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

MUGABE CRITICIZED FOR BERATING ZIMBABWE WHITES' VOTING BEHAVIOR
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 24 Jul 85 p 7
[Article: "Mugabe Insults Whites"]

[Text] Mr Mugabe is greatly upset about the big victory which Mr Ian Smith
won among the whites in Zimbabwe. Rhodesians informed us that they were
initially willing to give their loyalty to Zimbabwe, but the dictatorial and
emotional behavior and especially the mass murders in Matabeleland made them
doubt the wisdom of staying on in Zimbabwe.

Mr Smith's overwhelming white support was the occasion for Mugabe to threaten
and also insult the whites during a speech in the former Salisbury. Amida
lot of cheering, he settled the matter with: "A Boer remains a Boer!" We
would like to see what the reaction would have been if one of our white
leaders had said: "A Kaffir remains a Kaffir!"--said with the same malice

as in the case of Mr Mugabe. We suspect that the English and foreign press
would have taken note of that with great dismay. We would also certainly have
had various sensational court cases. We are also certain that Mr Botha and
his party and government would have bent over backwards to reluctantly offer
an apology. We agree with THE CITIZEN, which summed up the matter as "a
prepared reaction to Mr Smith's victory." The newspaper also believes that Mr
Mugabe is neither a democrat nor a reasonable man. The newspaper also
believes that that outburst of rage by Mr Mugabe makes the future of ‘the
whites uncertain.

Of the 250,000 whites in Rhodesia there are about 25,000 left in Zimbabwe, and
these people form the backbone of the economy. The power of these white
entrepreneurs is also found in the simple fact that Zimbabwe borrows money
abroad at more favorable rates of exchange than South Africa, and the
Zimbabwean monetary unit is quite a bit higher than the rand in value. If the
white man is going to withdraw from Zimbabwe still further, Zimbabwe's economy
--like that of Mozambique--will without doubt collapse like a house of cards.

This episode again contains a good lesson for South Africa. A handful of
power is worth a lot more than a corn bag of promises. After all, this is
precisely on what the rightist viewpoint is hinged. For South Africa there is
no better method to bring about disinvestment than to continue following Mr
P.W. Botha and the NP [National Party].

13084
cso: 3401/192

99



As expected, voting was strongly along the lines of the present political
divisions among Afrikaners.

Professors Swart and Lombard, who openly identify themselves with far-right
politics and the Volkswag approach to culture, as well as Mr Viljoem, who was
nominated by the far-rightist as the conservative representative of
reconciliation, clearly did not expect, however, that the current would be so
strongly against them.

After the three vacancies has been filled, Dr D. F. Louw of the Pretoria
Culture Board proposed a motion in which DIE VOLKSBLAD, BEELD's sister paper,
is condemned for its reporting about the board election.

His objection was to a report in which inter alia it was correctly predicted
who the candidates in yesterday's elction would be.

Earlier Mr Louw has also got at the board over its decision not to grant
affiliation to the Volkswag.

Mr Pieter van der Merwe, a member of the President's Council, proposed,

however, that the matter be dropped. Fewer than 20 of the roughly 400
delegates voted against that.

12906
cso: 3401/275

115



JPRS"S8A=85-089
4 September 1985

NAMIBIA

HNP MEMBER CRITICIZED FOR ADVOCATING SEPARATE EDUCATION
Pretoria DIE AFRIKANER in Afrikaans 31 Jul 85 p 5
[Article: "Plea for Separate Education 'Racist' -- Commotion over Letter"]

[Text] An open letter pleading for the retention of separate education in
Southwest [i.e. Southwest Africa/Namibia] was termed "racist" by that region's
"prime minister." The letter, written by an HNP [Herstigte Nasionale Party]
head committee member, Mr Willem Krugel, enjoyed wide publicity in Southwest's
news media last week. Although in his letter Mr Krugel explains that
integrated education would be to the disadvantage of all groups, the chairman
of Southwest's cabinet, Mr Dawid Bezuidenhout, deplored it. He said the
letter is "racist."

Mr Krugel asks Mr Bezuidenhout in the letter to use his influence to assure
that schools are not opened up. Such a step would be discriminating against
white and non-white because the standard of education within the first year
would have to be lowered by at least 25 percent to accommodate non-white
children. White children's development would be obstructed by that. "We
prefer that the children develop in a natural way without their powers of
development being damaged."

Mr Krugel points out that as recently as 333 years ago blacks lived a
primitive existence in Africa and were wholly illiterate. The situation began
to change only with the coming of the whites, but it was not until this
century that the non-whites began to show their viability for development and
education for a higher standard of living. In contrast, the whites!
development already began a few thousand years ago. The development of the
various races thus differs, and to be fair to everyone each race must be
allowed to develop separately.

"If you cannot convince your cabinet, you will discriminate against and damage
the right of self-determination of the whites. That will inflame racial
hatred and destroy the unity which you are trying to build," Mr Krugel wrote
to Mr Bezuidenhout.

In his reaction to Mr Bezuidenhout's accusation that his letter was "racist,"

Mr Krugel said that he pointed out irrefutable historical facts. "Is one
racist if one puts the interests of one's own group first?" Mr Krugel asked.

62


This event split the Botha household, with Pieter
Willem senior supporting fusion and his wife siding
with Malan. P W, his deep respect for Herzog
notwithstanding, also joined Malan. The young
student made no secret of his political loyalties.
writing frequent letters to the Bloemfontein daily,
Die Volksblad.

In these years, Botha came into contact wich
leading Nationalists who were to have a profoun
fluence on his political outlook and career. Dr >
Diederichs, a German-trained professor of Phi
ophy at Grey University College, is said co have first
made P W aware of the dangers of communisin.
Botha in fact made his political debut at a National
Party congress in 1937 by introducing a hard-hitting
motion against communism. Dr D F Malherbe. a
noted Afrikaans poet, impressed PW with his
passionate Afrikaner nationalism. CR Swart, 4
prominent Free State figure in Malan’s party, tcok
the young Botha under his wing and gave him Ais
first lessons in party organisation. Botha shared
Swart’s ardent support for a republic. As a student.
Botha also had the opportunity of meeting Ma!zn
when he presented the Nationalist leader with in
address on behalf of Bloemfontein students. In later
years, Malan was to become Botha’s mentor.

Botha’s academic career ended prematurely
when (without completing his studies) he took up

an appointment as a National Party organiser in
the Cape Province in 1936. He was offered the
job by F C Erasmus, chief secretary of the party
in the Cape. The new recruit soon displayed a
remarkable talent for organisation, but his abras-
ive style, impetuosity and hot-headedness upset
many Nationalists accustomed to the more
relaxed atmosphere of Cape politics. Botha also
made a name for himself as a political wrecker,
breaking up more opposition meetings than
arranging his own. In the heady war years,
Botha had a brief flirtation with the radical
Ossewa-Brandwag, resigning in 1941 in protest
against the organisation's national-socialist
leanings.

The Overberg town of Swellendam was part of
Botha’s political beat. It is here that he met his
wife, Elize, daughter of the local Dutch Reformed
dominee. They married in 1943, just after she had
completed her BA degree at the University of
Stellenbosch. Two sons and three daughters were
bom of the marriage; the youngest child, a son, was
bom in 1968.

Botha first contested an election in 1943, when
he was soundly beaten for the provincial seat in

68

Vasco. Inspired by Malan, Botha threw himself with
renewed vigour into gearing the Cape National Party
for the next general election. The party's spectacular
progress between the elections of 1943 and 1948 was
in no small measure due to Botha’s labours. He had
his own reward too, winning che George parliamen-
tary seat with a handsome majority. The 32-year-old
Member of Parliament was subsequently appointed
chief secretary of the Cape National Party, succeed-
ing Erasmus who was.appointed to Malan’s cabinet.

As_ party supremo, Botha directed the Cape
National Party with “military precision”, further en-
hancing its reputation as the “most efficient and
most disciplined” of the four provincial National
party organisations. Other features of Botha's style
were the high premium he placed on loyalty and his
tuthlessness; he would reward loyalty with loyalty,
buc came down mercilessly on those who betrayed
this loyalty and damaged the party’s interests.

An insightful view of Botha as a back-bench MP
is provided by an Opposition contemporary, Harry
Oppenheimer. “He impressed me as a very powerful
organiser but a rather destructive back-bench
speaker.” Despite his strong party commitment,
Botha went to great lengths to represent the interests
of his constituents. He held regular report-back
meetings in George and was readily accessible to the
voters.

After 10 years in Parliament, P W Botha was ap-
pointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Prime
Minister H F Verwoerd. In 1961 Botha became
Minister of Coloured Affairs, of Community Devel-
opment and of Housing in Verwoerd’s cabinet. In his
brief tenure as. deputy minister, Botha probably im-
pressed Verwoerd with his organisational skills and
capacity for hard work ~ attributes sorely lacking in
Botha’s immediate superior, the Minister of Internal
Affairs.

As Minister, Botha carried a major responsibility
in formulating and implementing apartheid as it
affected the coloured community. Political apartheid
decreed that coloureds should have their own so-
called representative institutions, separate from but
subordinate to the white parliament. Social apartheid
was manifested above all in the Group Areas Act,
which caused grave hardship among coloureds.
Botha nonetheless distinguished himself as an able
administrator who kept a tight rein on his depart-
ments.

TO THE FRONT: DEFENCE MINISTER
In April 1966 Verwoerd appointed Botha as Minister
of Defence, a portfolio he was to hold for twelve
years.


The last question asked--which is a subject all by itself--had to do with
the theft of sugarcane at the plantation; this has inflicted severe damage
on the sugar harvest. By way of example, the general manager of this com-
plex said that last year the theft of sugarcane totalled about 83,000 tons
of stalks.

Contacts with agencies concerned with this matter have been maintained in an
effort to get the violators to pay for the crimes they committed, Likewise,
the workers at the production unit are doing a tremendous job watching the
area under the organization of the self-defense committee which patrols

the plantation and which has already nabbed some fellow citizens in this way.

Production Unit Organization

On the road leading from the city of Lobito the community of Catumbela, the
visitor's eyes can gét lost in a vast-ocean of stalks and green leaves which
grow like the papyrus on the Nile, All of this, covering an area of about
4,850 hectares of land, belongs to the "1 May" agribusiness complex, a
production unit under the Central Sugar Enterprise.

This production unit was nationalized in 1976 and put under the OSUKA
(Central Sugar Enterprise)--in.1979; but before that-daté it belonged to

the National Sugar Enterprise, It employs 3,523 workers (a number: that can
increase during the harvest to 3,600) of whom only 50 are women} this
difference is primarily due to the characteristics of the work done there.

The output capacity has been estimated at 70 tons per-hectare, ‘in other -
words, about 25,000 tons of product which is processed into sugar and
alcohol and which is. shipped to OSUKA, the controlling enterprise, which
distributes it, covering the entire central and southern areas, through the
industry enterprises of the Ministry of Defense and through dealers.

The production unit's production areas are subdivided into three branches:
Administrative, agricultural, and processing. The administration branch is
made up of the general management support sectors, such as human resources,
finances, and others; the agricultural branch has to do with the cane planting
and’:cutting work; the manfacturing branch covers the product processing
sectors and the repair workshops.

According to the production unit's general manager, ‘the persons who’ work
there are enough in number to keep up the production effort; this is helped
along by the mass and‘social organizations, In addition to that, the com—
plex has the support of foreign workers, specifically Portuguese Cape
Verdeans and Cuban internationalists.

Right now, the processing division of this complex is undergoing general

repairs; this always happens after the harvest and is intended’ for equipment
“maintenance; this takes about 5 months and it is scheduled to end in July,

13



JPRS*SSA=85>082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CONSERVATIVE PARTY PROPOSAL ON ‘WHITE HOMELAND' REJECTED
Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER in Afrikaans 19 Jul 85 p 6
[Articles "An Illusion Rejected"]

[Text] Illusions about the geographical rearrangement of the country's
population groups will largely remain just political fantasies, all the more
so if they are as drastic as the Conservative Party's recent policy gimmick
that a separate state can be created for whites. The Afrikaans Student
Federation [ASB] rejected that bit of fantasy in no uncertainterms at its
congress this week. It cannot now be stated as a fact that the majority
sentiment at the ASB is representative of all the young people in the
republic; nevertheless, the fact that the elected representatives of all the
Afrikaans universities do not accept the homeland idea is an indicator worth
mentioning.

A white country for Afrikaners would of course be the ideal; but then again
nothing more than just an ideal, for the concept of a white country is simply
not practically possible in the African context. Rather, the white person must
chart his future in Africa by continually taking notice of the practical
eircumstances around him. This will eventually require an arrangement which
makes provision for everyone getting his proverbial place in the sun. It is
remarkable that the young people within the ASB also see things this way at
this point of time, because not long ago the same student organization
indulged in and expounded the opposite way of thinking. As one of the
congress goers said after the resolution at Stellenbosch“"This represents a
new direction in the ASB."

Instead of sending all blacks and coloreds, as it were, off to homelands, the
process must now be reversed, according to what the Conservative Party asks.
The Afrikaner preferring to isolate himself from others in his own homeland is
anew plan. It is just as dangerous a dream as that of the fifties, because
it does not address the realities of the South African situation.

13084
cso: 3401/190

96


IPRS*SSA*85082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

NEW IMPETUS TO CLAIM SOVIET SCHOLARSHIPS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 11 Jul 85 p 1

[Text] A new impetus for the training of specialized cadres on the higher and
intermediate levels may.be noted starting this year, with the total utilization
of 163 study grants provided to our country annually by the Soviet Union. This
fact results from the effort undertaken by the Mozambican Government in the
field of education, which has been reflected in the rising number of graduates
and the improvement of organizational conditions, both on the Soviet side and
that of Mozambique. To formalize the enrollment of the grant holders in USSR
universities, a delegation from the USSR's Ministry of Higher and Intermediate
Specialized Education visited the RPM from 28 June to 5 July, for meetings with
the Ministry of Education.

This information was supplied to our newspaper by Vitaliy Karelin, full profes-
sor and director of the Preparatory School at Lomonossov University in Moscow,
and confirmed by a source from the foreign relations department of our
country's Ministry of Education.

Vitaliy Karelin visited Mozambique to formalize the enrollment of Mozambicans
in the Soviet institutions of higher and intermediate specialized education,
along with the authorities associated with education.

The courses for foreign students last 6 and 4 years, for higher and intermediate
education, respectively.

Thus far, 227 Mozambicans have completed higher and intermediate courses in vari-
ous fields in the Soviet Union, depending on the country's requirements; and
another 337 are continuing their studies.

The representative from the Soviet Ministry of Higher and Intermediate Education
said that, to date, of the 163 grants provided annually, Mozambique has only
used between 100.and 120.

Distribution of Grants

According to our source, of the 163 grants, 115 have been provided on the basis
of interstate agreements between the USSR and the People's Republic of Mozambique,

18


JPRS*SSA%852082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

FISH FROM CHICOA PRODUCTION COMPLEX TO FEED TETE
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 11 Jul 85 p 8

[Text] To meet the fish consumption requirements and to contribute to the
development of fishing in Tete Province, 69 workers are working hard

at the Chicoa Fishing Complex in the district of Cahora Bassa. It is from
Chicoa that much of the fish which feeds the city of Tete and the other
zones of the province comes. The complex's activity started 2 years ago,
recently gaining greater dynamics as a result of the endeavor and knowledge
of the young people heading it. When approached by NOTICIAS, one of the
managing youths remarked: "At present, it is difficult for us to achieve a
good output, because only two of our fleet of five boats are in operating
condition."

"Tf this problem did not exist, we could fully meet the province's consumption
requirements." This is how we were introduced to the activity of the complex
by Kelfati Mahachi, aged 24, who, with his colleague, Jose Sazanga, also 24,
live and work there.

Satisfied

We knew that these youths had left the city of Tete to engage in fishing in
the locality of Chicoa, in the Cahora Bassa district. Hence, we wanted to
find out how they felt in that location, over 200 kilometers from the city of
Tete. They told us: "Everything is going well. Here, we have food. Besides,
in the city the situation is somewhat difficult. It is always better to be
here."

Although the results accrued throughout the 2 years of activity are encourag-
ing, the other member of the management, Antonio Dazanga, remarked with great
conviction, "We could accomplish even more, because this lake is very rich
in fish." This statement was confirmed by our reporter, when’ he visited the
site where the drying of the fish is carried out; because they still lack the
necessary refrigeration system to preserve the fish.

“What type of fish is produced here, and which exists in the largest quantity"
we inquired.

47



JPRS*SSA~85=082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

CONTROVERSY OVER COLORED HOUSING PROJECT IN NEWLANDS
Johannesburg DIE VADERLAND in Afrikaans 11 Jul 85 p 2

[Report by Karin Brynard: "KP (Conservative Party) Protests Offensively to
Colored Neighbors")

{Text] Johannesburg--Bitter words fell last night at a stormy protest meeting
of the KP in Newlands about the "short distance" between a colored housing
project and the white area of Newlands.

The protest meeting was convened by the KP in order to register protest
against the construction of 500 flats for colored people in Newclare-Westbury,
the neighboring colored area.

The NP-LP [National Party Member of Parliament] for Maraisburg, Mr Pieter
Pretorius shared the platform on the problem with the KP-LP for Jeppe, Mr Koos
van der Merwe.

The meeting was rowdy from the beginning, and offensive references to
Coloreds, Indians and Blacks were frequently heard from the audience.

The chairman of the meeting, Mr Jack Myburgh, said at the beginning of the
meeting that he objects to the size of the buffer area. It would be possible
to throw a rock straight over the buffer strip into Newlands.

He sees no reason either why flats for Coloreds cannot be built in another
area and then those flats could be made available to Whites.

Mr Koos van der Merwe said that the flats could have been built in Ennerdale,
40 kilometers farther. The KP does not hate Coloreds. However, it wants the
Coloreds to have their own area where they can govern themselves in their own
parliament. He proposed the area between Atlantis and Mitchelsplein in the
Cape for such a self-governing state.

The "little handful" of Coloreds remaining in the Transvaal will exercise

their political right in that state. They will not enjoy permanent residence
rights and they will be treated the same way as urban Blacks.

92


JPRS*SSA*85%082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

NEW INDIAN EQUIPMENT FOR FIBER PROJECT
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 16

[Text] A portion of the cotton fiber processing equipment, made in and pur-
chased from India with an investment of $4,000 (about 170 national contos)
by officials from an organization called "One Percent for Development," of
the FAO, with headquarters in Rome, is being used in the clothing and fiber
manufacturing program of the CDR (Rural Development Center) in Sofala.

Two machines that make different types of cotton thread of up to 200 meters,
each (called Ambar-Charka) and another two machines for the production of
rolled-up ribbons (Belni machines) are currently being used in the work of
this industry.

Two machines for "combing cotton" and another 20 units, called Kisan-Charka,
also used in this effort, are expected to arrive shortly to complete the
contribution from the FAO members,

Gandhigram Trust is the factory where these machines were made. According to
the consultant from that Indian enterprise, who went to Beira, Mozambique,
to provide technical support, this type of machine is to be used especially
in the southern part of India where 230 villages are running a small-scale
textile industry operation.

Consultant S. K, Subbian said that the availability, in Mozambique, of cotton,
the primary raw material for these machines, makes it possible efficiently

to operate the equipment which has a simple structure and is basically made
of wood,

"I would say that the cotton here is average, In India we have different
types, but this cotton here is also very good to keep the machines running
and, although I have not been here for a long time, working with Mozambican
personnel, I think that there will not be any technical complications," said
S. K. Subbian,

As for the use of processed cotton, our source said: "The cotton thread pro-
duced here can be used to make simple fabrics, such as the shirt. and slacks
outfit I am wearing now, of course, after weaving, These aré machines that
can be run by means of pedals and handles or also by means of electric power."

30


Social Conditions

As for the social conditions of the workers, this production unit.has an
organized cooperative in which all workers are partners, It also has a
dining room with a capacity of 7,000 meals per day and'a medical facility
with two nurses,

In an effort to solve the housing problems of the workers, the complex has
various worker settlement and developments with the plantations in the back-
ground; most of the production unit's workers live there.

Working mothers get the benefit provided for by law; this includes leave for
1 month before and 2 months after birth, But there is no nursery; according
to Carlos Alberto da Silva such a facility would not be justified because of
the small number of women working at the enterprise; on the other hand,
mothers with children are entitled to 1 hour's rest per day to care for the
child,

The new wage scale is already fully in effect and the workers are insured
by ENSA (National Insurance Company).

The literacy training effort is also being carried out at the production unit
and, according to the general manager, it has reached excellent levels; this
caused the outfit to be considered an outstanding enterprise on the municipal
and provincial levels, This year, 343 workers are attending the literacy
training classes during four adult education-semesters.

According to the general manager, illiteracy has not yet been completely
eradicated because of the way the farm workers keep’ moving around; most of
them are cane cutters and when the harvest is over, they go back to their
own home villages and towns; many times they do not.even return; this means
that the management has to accept new workers without almost any skills,
thus starting the training cycle all over again,

Political and Social Organization of Workers

The workers at the "1 May" agribusiness complex are organized in a party
committee at the workplace, consisting of three cells. There are also two
nuclei of the JMPLA [Youth Movement of the Popular Movement for the Libera-
tion of Angola] of the Party and steps are being taken to organize the women
in the OMA [Angolan Women's Organization]. The production unit also has a.-
labor union commission made up of 11 full-time members and four alternates.

Worker participation in activities marking 1 May this year included about
1,500 officials and the general manager thought that this was excellent,

This Year's Harvest Prospects No Encouraging

"The prospects for this year are not any better than what they were:last year,"
our team of reporters was told by Carlos Alberto da Silva, the general manager

14


JPRS*SSA°85=082
4 September 1985

MOGOVOLAS CASHEW FIGURES--Nearly 2,500 tons of cashew nuts from the 1984-85
agricultural marketing campaign were removed from the district of Mogovolas

to the shelling factories in Angoche, according to an announcement made a

few days ago by AGRICOM's’. [Agricultural Products Marketing Company ]district
agent in that zone of Nampula Province. The same source added that nearly
1,500 tons of the same product which, owing to the lack of transportation, are
being held in the locality of Iuluti, in the district of Mogovales, still
remain to be removed. Moreover, it was learned that, during the 1984-85
agricultural marketing campaign, the AGRICOM district agency in Mogovolas
purchased slightly over 45 tons of peanuts, 12 of which were removed to the
Angoche warehouses, from which they will be shipped by sea to the nation's
capital. At the present time, the workers in that AGRICOM agency are organized
into brigades to publicize’ the new prices of the farm products and to assign
marketing targets to everyone participating in the process which began on 9
July. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 3] 2909

MECHANIC, ELECTRICIAN TRAINING SUCCESSFUL--The Pendray & Sousa occupational
training school in the nation's capital trained 162 mechanics and electricians
during the 3-year period 1982-84, according to a disclosure made a few days

ago to our reporter by the assistant director of the Maputo enterprise,
Venancio Masivele. With the capacity to train 60 technicians per year, the
school.:opened in 1982 with two courses, one in mechanics and another in
electricity.” The courses are given by Mozambican specialists trained in

the German Democratic’ Republic. As the assistant director of the Pendray &
Sousa school. temarked, in addition to the school located in the nation's capi-
tal, there are two others’with the same capacity in Nampula and Sofala Provinces.
After the proclamation of national independence, policies for cooperation. were
initiated with several socialist countries. It was in this context that nearly
150 Mozambican workers from enterprises such as Pendray & Sousa and others,
were given special instruction in the German Democratic Republic. The GDR's
IFA enterprise has been backing the school with donations, consisting of auto-
mobiles, equipment and other items. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese

16 Jul 85 p 2] 2909

MURRUPULA DISTRICT CASHEW FIGURES--Of the 500 tons scheduled, Murrupula district
in Mapulo succeeded in marketing only 260 tons of cashew nuts. Reports procured
by. our reporter indicate that the non-fulfillment of the goals was due to
several obstacles, ranging from weather factors to uncontrolled land burning
which left considerable numbers of cashew ‘trees unproductive during the last
campaign. With regard to. products supporting the campaign, specifically,
fabrics, ready-made clothing and others.rather scarce on the district market,
the source noted that the amounts received were relatively larger, and that

if it had not been for the aforementioned reasons, this problem would not have
been posed as a factor in the non-fulfillment of goals. Other reports provided
to our reporter cite the completion of the process of repairing access roads,

as a means of ensuring that the current farm product marketing campaign is
progressing in the best possible manner in Murrupula. [Text] [Maputo NOTICIAS

in Portuguese 17 Jul 85 p 3] 2909

58


UN WOMEN'S CONFERENCE BERATED -- It is fairly clear by this time that there is
a worldwide affliction boiling about South Africa's internal policy. But that
this policy would take up so much time of the UN Women's Conference held this
week in Nairobi comes as an unexpected refrain to the anti-South African
chorus. So much unanimity on a question has seldom been demonstrated by
women's organizations, which was represented, among others, by the daughter of
the American president, the wife of the Egyptian president, New Zealand's
minister of women's affairs and the wife of the Greek premier. DIE TRANSVALER
does not believe it is a fair deduction to accuse women in general of being at
their most talkative on subjects about which they know the least, but in these
particular cases an obviously blatant ignorance about conditions in South
Africa did not deter the so-called leadership women of the world from speaking
their minds. And they never said a word about the misfortunes and pain of the
women and mothers in Ethiopia and elsewhere. [Text] [Pretoria DIE TRANSVALER
in Afrikaans 18 Jul 85 p 10] 13084

cso: 3401/192

127



And if people who clearly possess enough good sense don't want to follow that
road, questions involuntarily arise as to their motives. It can be either
that they don't choose the golden mean of moderation, or that they shrink from
accepting the government's word because they are afraid to recognize that it
in fact means it in all seriousness. And if they have convinced themselves of
that, how will they then continue to be able to evade the demands of
responsible leadership, and begin to work together with the government at a
process of give and take? [sic]

It will not be much of a surprise if this turns out to be another prominent
reason why there is such a raucous clamor that the government does not mean it
seriously. Because that is apparently what these destructive so-called
leaders fear more than anything else: that their misled followers should come
to see that the government in fact has the interests of everyone in the
country earnstly at heart.

12906
csO: 3401/276

111



JPRS*SSA*85=082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

LACK OF CONTACT BETWEEN AFRIKAANS, ENGLISH-SPEAKING STUDENTS
Johannesburg BEELD in Afrikaans 16 Jul 85 p 6

{Article “From Our Political Editorship": “Constructive Link with NUSAS
Impossible" ]

[Text] Stellenbosch.--Constructive linkage with a white radical group such as
NUSAS [National Union of South African Students] is impossible at this time,
Mr Martinus van Schalkwyk, chairman of the Afrikaans Student Association
(ASB), said here yesterday.

He delivered his chairman's report before some 600 delegates from Afrikaans
universities and colleges--the largest number who have ever attended the
congress. The theme is Youth Power.

Mr van Schalkwyk said that NUSAS refused to conduct talks about student
concerns and seeks to restrict any contact to matters that belong exclusively
to the political sphere.

He said that in his term as chairman he has consulted over two successive
chairmen of NUSAS on a personal level.

"The time and energy devoted to such links could rather be used to establish
still more contact with non-whites.”

He said that the National Student Front, which functions on English campuses,
did not fill this gap.

"It is unfortunate that it has not yet been found possible to establish a
vital English-speaking youth organization with which links are possible.”

Mr van Schalkwyk said that links must not be restricted only to the national
level. Campuses should take the initiative to expand connections with other
groups on the local level, too, so that understanding and respect between
population groups improve and national ties can be perpetuated.

12906
cso: 3401/276

113



' JPRS#SSA*85=082

4 September 1985!

ANGOLA

MINISTER OF INTERIOR DELIVERS ANNIVERSARY MESSAGE
Luanda JORNAL DE ANGOLA in Portuguese 23 Jun 85 p 2

[Message from Lt Col Alexandre Rodrigues ("Kito") on the 6th Anniversary of
the Interior Ministry]

[Text] Strengthen Coordination between Defense and Security Agencies

On the occasion of the 6th anniversary of the establishment

of the Interior Ministry, Comrade Alexandre Rodrigues "Kito,"
member of the Political Bureau of the MPLA-Labor Party and
Angolan interior minister, addressed a message to the officers,
sergeants, agents, soldiers, and workers of this organization
which we publish in its entirety below.

Text of Message

It has been precisely 6 years since the Interior Ministry was--created through
Law No. 7-79, dated 22 June, of the Council of the Revolution.

This marked'the end of the Secretariat of State for Internal Order which had
been created a little more than a year ago and which included various
agencies charged with the maintenance of internal order; these agencies

had been scattered throughout various ministries and that helped prevent the
inefficient dispersion of human and material resources.

After a little more than a year and as a result of a decision by the Central
Committee of the Party, the various government agencies were reviewed and
some changes were introduced in an effort to improve the organization of

the central and local administration of the state and its adaptation to the
requirements of the country's economic-social development; State Security

was taken out of the Interior Ministry and was established as a new ministry-~
the Ministry of State Security.

The first few years of our ministry were years of tenacious struggle in the
search for solutions facilitating the adaptation of its organization structure,
its operations, and the working method of the divisions which had constituted |
it and which, as we all know, had been profoundly.marked by an administrative
and bureaucratic concept, not permitting a prompt, overall, and effective
response in the fight against the countless and multifaceted situations



Sabra states that the new constitution and government policy make no
difference whatsoever in its basic premise and objective. It does make a
difference, however, in its manner of working and work priorities.

As to its basic premise, the separate development of nations comes first for
it, and it is not planning to change the meaning of those words. According to
that basic premise the Afrikaner nation and other Whites who want to build a
state together with it are entitled to independence in their own fatherland;
the various Non-white nations are likewise entitled to develop toward
independence in their own respective fatherlands.

This basic premise is diametrically opposed to the Constitution of 1983.
Describing that constitution as "separate development," as is being done in
government circles, is called a misnomer by SABRA.

SABRA also thoroughly discussed its position under the new constitutional
dispensation during its council meeting. According to a decision made there,
there are good reasons why SABRA should continue its activities and not recoil
from controversy.

SABRA says that the constitution is an integration measure which is
diametrically opposed to separate development. The question has arisen
whether in the light of this perhaps it ought to be occupied with less
controversial matters, such as regional development.

The council decided unanimously that problems with respect to races and
nations constitute its main task within the context of separate development,
and that it cannot avoid those and still continue to exist. These are
controversial matters, of course, and all other matters, including regional
development, become controversial when they are linked with ethnic relations.

Regional development for that matter is also becoming a controversial matter
now since it is going to be the foundation for second- and third-tier
governments. It is already a primary cause of quarrels and friction between
ethnic groups and for that reason SABRA will have to give thought to it.

Numerous other matters which as a result of the constitution have become the
focus of attention will also require research and deliberation, and at the
same meeting the council established new functions to make sure that the money
for that will be found.

SABRA is the only association of its kind which pursues separate development
as its basic premise. The others all take integration as their basic premise.
SABRA's research and guidance thus is indispensable, otherwise ethnic

relations will fall entirely into the hands of those who have integration in
mind.

8700

CSO: 3401/270

90


and thé MONAP Program, in the form of equipment necessary-for apicultural
development in the country.

Also in connection with the dissemination of this program's activities, our
source claimed that the extengion of the duration of the forthcoming courses
is being studied, in addition, with backing from the FAP and MONAP.

Discussing the foreign financing, the head of the apiculture program.in the
country said that, in the middle of this year, the SIDA representative in
Mozambique visited the sector's facilities, expressing an interest in granting
aid for this activity.

Jose Alcobia added: "For this purpose, the Swedish organization asked:us for a
list of our requirements, particularly in the area of training cadres and
in publicizing our activities."

He announced that the aforementioned aid would consist essentially of equipment
for rehabilitating the Agrarian Training Center and that the provision thereof
has been set. for 1986.

Creation of the Association

Jose Alcobia also remarked that, similar to what has occurred in other sectors
which had been subjected to oblivion, since independence apiculture in’ Mozambique
has undergone a certain amount of growth, which prompted the need for creating

a structure to organize the workers associated with it.

Our interviewee explained: "Hence, the process of creating the Association of
Bee-keepers of Mozambique is well underway; its main function will consist of
providing certain facilities, both to solve its material problems and ‘for
cooperation with other foreign associations or agencies. It will also serve
to protect the interests of its members."

Jose Alcobia concluded the interview by remarking that, for the creation of the
association, an executive secretariat has already been elected and is currently
preparing the proposed by-laws of ‘the respective association,which is expected
to be made official in the near future.

2909
CSO: 3442/356

35



Cunningham resigns, I will resign as chief secretary of the MWU tomorrow and
go run against him in Stilfontein," he says.

Mr Paulus says he did not expect the MPs to resign. "They are sitting in
Parliament on borrowed time. The mine workers will cast their vote in later
elections." He says that NP-MPs were thoroughly aware of the recommendations
of the Wiehahn Committee and the White Paper before 29 April 1981. They were
thus in a position to inform their constituents.

The MP for Randfontein, Mr Boy Geldenhuys, says the sixth report of the
Wiehahn Committee did indeed recommend the abolition of work reservation in
the mining industry, but also made an important stipulation. That stipulation
is that a service security agreement must be made. "My viewpoint is that this
agreement must be made. I do not see the need to resign and then have the
voters express themselves on the matter. Many reports have become known only
after elections, and therefore Mr Paulus's argument is not valid," Dr
Geldenhuys says.

Mr Willie Landman, MP for Carletonville, says it is government policy that all
discriminatory legislation must be done away with. "I do not believe the mine
worker is afraid to compete with anyone, as long as it is on a fair basis." Of
course he supports the Government's policy on the abolition of work
reservation in the mining industry, Mr Landman says. He would, however, like
to consult with his constituents, and possibly a compromise can be reached. Mr
Landman says a White Paper had not yet been laid on the table at the time of
the general elections of 29 April 1981. The MWU now says the sixth Wiehahn
Report is unacceptable, but how can something be termed unacceptable if it has
not been reasoned out first?

The MP for Rustenburg, Dr M.H. Veldman, says he does not find it necessary to
respond to Mr Paulus's challenge in DIE MYNWERKER. Mr Paulus knows what the
present position is and that negotiations are under way. He associates with
the viewpoint of the minister, who has said that he is still giving the
Chamber of Mines and the MWU until 31 December for the opportunity to settle.
Dr Veldman says he is not really "bothered" by Mr Paulus's accusation that
MP's from mining constituencies do not represent their constituents and ought
to resign.

Mr Paulus is in a fog if he expects him to resign as MP, says Mr James
Cunningham, MP for Stilfontein. Only a minority of his electors are mine
workers and, moreover, even before the 1981 general elections he held out the
prospect that work reservation in the mining industry would disappear. Mr
Cunningham says the MWU alleges that the majority of mine workers reject the
government's policy. Then why didn't they win the constituency in 1981? Mr
Cunningham says he wants to challenge Mr Paulus to run as a candidate ina
mining constituency in later elections.

13084
cso: 3401/192

122



JPRS*SSA°85*082
4 September 1985

SOUTH AFRICA

SANCTIONS SEEN AGGRAVATING RACIAL STRIFE
Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE in German 23 Jul 85 p 1L
[Article by Klaus Natorp: "Where Is Botha's Path Leading?"]

[Text] What has been feared for months has now happened in the Republic of South
Africa: Political unrest is worsening the already difficult economic situation
of the country. But as long as the South African economic crisis lasts, high
price increases with simultaneous recession, one can scarcely count on the poli-
tical unrest abating, because this was in the beginning and continues even now
to be mainly economic in origin. Of course, the black Africans’ political
organizations found it easy to politically exploit their clientele's economic
dissatisfaction. They needed only to hammer into their followers again and
again that their economic and social position could be improved only through a
fundamental political change.

And so a vicious circle was begun:. Because of the economic decline that the
Republic of South Africa now finds itself in, disturbances are arising time and
time again in the main black residential districts; the disturbances block an
economic recovery or at least delay it; the persistent economic difficulties
continue.to: provide new notrishment for the flames of political turmoil. How
will the. South: African:government»get outtof it?

Previously, the South African economy was the driving force behind integration
of the non-white sectors of the population into society. The vigor of the South
African economy has presumably contributed much more to changing the basi¢c poli-
tical conditions in the Republic than the political parties, no matter how eager
they may be for reform--to say nothing of the foreign influences which are
important but are mostly overrated. If the South African economy were to lose
its strength, things would look bad for the country's future.

In this respect, it would also be-disastrous if the United States were to

impose economic sanctions on South Africa just now. Both houses of the American
Congress have already passed them. Now, the different versions of the bill have
to be reconciled in a mediation committee and, moreover, the President still has
to sign. One can only hope that he will not do this, because at the moment
sanctions would only make the situation in South Africa worse. In any event,
they would not have the effect of helping the black segment of the population,
whom Congress wants to support with its bill, make any progress on the road to

97

ee re



JPRS*SSA*85=2082
4 September 1985

MOZAMBIQUE

EMOPESCA URGED TO BE FAIR TO WORKERS
Maputo NOTICIAS in Portuguese 16 Jul 85 p 3

[Text] The secretary for organization of the Mozambican Workers Organization
[OTM] in the city of Beira, Augusto Militao, entrusted the newly created Union
Committee at the Mozambican Fish Enterprise (EMOPESCA) with the task of halting
the wave of arbitrary suspensions and dismissals made by certain department
heads affecting workers in that enterprise... He also reminded other workers
to abide by the service schedules and to have greater discipline on the job.

Augusto Militao made this recommendation a few days ago, when he officially
established the EMOPESCA Union Committee at a ceremony attended by scores of
workers and officials from the party and democratic mass organizations of
the enterprise itself.

The responsibility assigned to the EMOPESCA Union Committee is aimed at combat—
ing the irregularities committed at that state enterprise, following reports
made by the local party cell secretary regarding the leading problems confront-
ing that production unit.

The lack of parts for renovating vessels and constant delays and defaults in
service were cited as main problems, despite the efforts expended by the
EMPOESCA workers to surmount some of these shortcomings, as a source from
the enterprise told us.

However, the OTM secretary for the city of Beira, Augsto Militao, severely
criticized the enterprise's responsible authorities because (as he said),
"There have been occasions on which they have taken’on workers based on
regionalism."

There have been reports claiming that the process of signing several documents
in the enterprise's human resources department has been quite slow. An example
to illustrate this fact was given by secretary Augusto Militao when, in his
remarks, he stated that papers dealing with various matters remained in that
department nearly 2 weeks, unjustifiably, without having been signed.

That official described such attitudes as improper, and called for their elimi-

nation, because the consequences of such procedures have repercussions on the
enterprise's normal activities and hence on production.

38